Sunland Tribune

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Sunland Tribune

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SUNLAND TRIBUNE Journal of the Tampa Historical Society Volume XXVIII 2002

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THE SUNLAND TRIBUNE Journal of the Tampa Historical Society Volume XXVIII 2002 CONTENTS President's Report Paul R. Pizzo, Esq. 3 An Ignoble Experiment: Tampa's Restaurants During Prohibition Andrew T. Huse S Making Cigars Under Modern Methods: The Shift to Mechanical Production in Ybor City's Cigar Industry, 194S-1960 Patrick Cosby 19 The Tuskegee Airmen : African-American Heroes of World War II Asya Adkins 27 "Gone from our home but not from our hearts": Nineteenth Century Epitaphs in Se lected Florida Rura l Cemeteries Maureen J. Patrick 3S The Princes of Seventh Avenue: Jewish Merchants in Ybor City Yael Greenberg Pritzker SS An Extraordinary Floridian: A Profile of Spessard Lindsey Holland Spessard Stone 69 2002 Society Patrons and Tampa Historical Society Membership 1 I J ';=lor.d-.o.f..l< 77 D B McKay Award Recipients "6 I iJJ 81 ....... d.. P as t Presidents of Tampa Historical Society sex 82 Tribute to Kenneth W. Mulder 82 Front cover: Ca rt oonist A.K. Taylor depicts Abe Maas, the "Merc hant Prince" of Tampa owner of one of the most successful departm en t sto r es in Florida Maas Brothers (c irc a 1900s). Maas Brother s began as a simp l e dry goods sto re in the 1890s. (Courtesy Special Collections, Arthur K. Taylor Cartoon Collection, University of South Florida Librari es.) Colorized b y Sam Tay lor of Chenoweth & Faulkner Advertising. Back Cover: The original e lectric stree tc a rs ran throughout Tampa until the 1940s This car, #407, is shown on a track in Tampa's downtown business district shortly b efo re they were removed from service (Courtesy of the Tampa Bay History Center.)

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PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE ime does indeed fly. My two years as President of the Society seem more like months. The traditional programs of the Society continue to be the Oaklawn Cemetery Ramble, the publication of The Sunland Tribune, and the presentation of the prestigious D .B. McKay award. For Tampa Historical Society members new and interesting educational opportunities abound. For example, one of those opportunities was the Society's highly successful trip to Cuba. Collaborating with the University of South Florida's Department of Latin American and Caribbean Studies simplified preparations for the trip. Their contacts on the island from Santiago in the east, to Havana in the west provided us with access to locales that few tourists see. The trip was especially meaning ful as we are currently experiencing many changes in the relationship between our country and our neighbor to the south. Hopefully there will be similar trips in the future. An event, conceived and spearheaded by Board member Judge E.J. Salcines, was the commemoration of Cuba's lOOth Anniversary celebrating its independence from Spain. Fittingly, the function was held at the Cuban Club in Ybor City. Joining the Society in sponsoring this event were the Tampa Bay History Center, the Henry B. Plant Museum, the Ybor City State Museum, and both the University if South Florida's Florida Studies Center and the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies. The Sunland Tribune is published annuall y by the nonprofit Tampa Historical Society 245 South Hyde Park Avenue, Tampa FL 33606, and was printed b y Gunn Printing, 4415 West Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard, Tampa, Florida 33614. 2002 Tampa Historical Society, Tampa, FL. All rights reserved. No part of The Sunland Tribune may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including inform a tion storage and retrieval s ystems, without prior written permission of the Tampa Historical Society. The Tampa Historical Society welcomes articl es per taining to Tampa, historic Hillsborough County, and Florida history for publication in The Sunland Tribune. Please address all correspondence regarding submission of manuscripts and materials to the Editor, The Sunland Tribune 245 South Hyde Park Avenue Tampa, FL 33606. Not responsible for unsolicited manuscripts, materials, pho tographs or artwork. The editor and th e Tampa Historical Society accept no responsibility for statements, ideas or opinions whether of fact or opinion made by contributors. The Sunland Tribune is provided free as a benefit of While much has been done to preserve and protect Oaklawn Cemetery, primarily through the efforts of Julius "Jeff" Gordon, work remains to be done. Oaklawn reminds us that Tampa has grown from a small military outpost to one of the nation's leading cities. Other cities such as Paris Buenos Aires, New Orleans and Key West have developed historic cemeteries into popular tourist attractions. Hopefully, with the Society's support, Oaklawn will one day be a must see on the list of every visitor interested in our City's history. If you have ideas for events and projects that you think the Society should undertake, please submit them for consideration. Our membership is getting younger. This is important, as we are all aware of the deplorable decline of Americans' knowledge of our country's history. Hopefully, through the vitality of organizations like the Tampa Historical Society, that situation will change. As Americans we can assure our future by gaining a better understanding of our past. Finally, I want to recognize two people who work especially hard for the Tampa Historical Society. Frank North is single-handedly respon sible for the wonderful publication in which this message appears. I have a great appreciation for the time and effort that makes The Sunland Tribune possible. Thanks also to Liz Dunham, our Treasurer, for her tireless efforts on behalf of the Society. Her help has made my job much easier. Finally, I would like to recognize you, our members. Your support is greatly appreciated. Thank you, Paul R. Pizzo membership in the Tampa Historic a l Society. Membership is encourage d and welcome. Copies and certain back issues are available by writing to the Tampa Historical Society. The Tampa Historical Society h as granted the Un iversity of South F lorida Libraries permission to scan the entire contents of issues of Th e Sunland Tribune from 1974 through 2001 and to place the digitized keyword searchabl e version on the World Wide Web. The e lectroni c version of The Sunland Tribun e is a p art of "F loridiana on the Web ," a non-commercial, educational project funded by GTE. This dynamic website presents F lorid a's K-12 students with a wealth of im ages and text about the state's history and culture and is freely availab l e to anyone in the world with access to the World Wide Web. Marg aret Doherty, USF s Digital Resources Librarian will be happy to respond to questions about the digitization project. Contact her a t (813) 9 74-4591 or at mdohertv@lib.usf.edu. The "Floridiana" proposal is available online at: http ://www. lib. usf. edu/spccoll/dpg/gte. html Postage paid at Tampa, FL by the Tampa Historical Society, Tampa, FL.

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Tampa Historical Society 2002 Board of Directors PRESIDENT Paul R. Pizzo VICE PRESIDENT William Gerrell SECRETARY Claire Cardina TREASURER Elizabeth Laramie Dunham Henry "Hank" Brown, Jr. Robert Porter Steven H. Reynolds Doris Rosenblatt Honorable E J Salcines Ken Walters Frank R. North Immediate Past President Editor The Sunland Tribune

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An Ignoble Experiment: Tampa's Restaurants During Prohibition Andrew T. Huse L ike many citizens of Ybor City, Casimiro Hernandez was a newly arrived immigrant in 1904 in ---search of his fortune. The still growing cigar town was one of sharp con trasts : a vital manufacturing enclave on the edge of Florida's backwoods, a distinctive Latin quarter beside a cracker city. While Hernandez resided in a boarding house, a small saloon across the street caught his eye. He watched the customers come and go, and after several months, determined to buy the business for himself. He convinced a friend to back him financially, purchased the saloon, renamed it the "Saloon Columbia," and offered liquor, wine and cigars to the thirsty bachelor immigrants of Ybor City Hernandez later added sand wiches and snacks to the menu, but a neighboring restaurant called "La Fonda" furnished complete meals .1 Although Ybor City had been an indus trial town since the cigar factories arrived in the 1880s, it still retained the feel of the rough and tumble Florida frontier The saloons welcomed patrons with swinging wooden doors. Life could be tough in Ybor City and the hardscrabble Spanish, Cuban and Italian immigrants were equally tough The hard working Latins and crackers, many of them young, single men, could not subsist on coffee alone When not working in agriculture, the cigar industry, on the shipping docks or as merchants, most of the men needed a strong drink to soothe their ills and pass the time. The simp l e saloon filled the needs of the workers nicely. Hernandez opened his swinging doors to the sandy streets of Ybor City in 1905 and thirsty workers beat a steady path to the Saloon Columbia. Saloons served as part employment agency part social club, and part counseling center to Tampa's working men. Most of the Latin men had left their families behind in the old country, and felt free to pursue a little pleasure when not eking out a living. The Deep South states provided some of Tampa's hardest drinkers. Although segregated, many black and white residents separately engaged in the same pleasurable activities, namely drinking and gambling. Whether it was a cracker tavern in Port Tampa, an African -American jook joint on Central Avenue, or a Cuban bar like the Columbia, saloons had no trouble finding customers in Tampa Florida's hardest-drinking city. For many, the simple pleasures of the Co lumbi a proved insufficient Disreputable saloons offered gambling and prostitutes in addition to whiskey and conversation, and men of all ethnic groups sought out those forbidden fruits As in other American cities, drunkenness bred criminality, brawls, murders, lost fortunes and social disease in Tampa However small the actual number of revelers, a little mayhem went a l ong way in a frontier town Tampa's God fearing populace recoiled at the l awless sex and violence percolating in the city's saloons. Above all, such seedy places were an affront to Southern womanhood Footloose newcomers posed an especially fearfu l threat to the integrity of Tampa s women and families. Since most of Tampa's restaurants were little more than thinly-veiled sal oons, it was understood that respectable women did not patronize them. Tampa's restaurants served as preserves for unfettered male enjoyment and interaction. Some fancier restaurants served dinner to couples especially on specia l occasions, but only males joined the lunch-time crowd Latin women avoided the cafes during the day largely out of Old World tradition Even respectable establishments remained 5

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6 Early photograph of Saloon Columbia revealing its humble origins and clientele. (Photograph cour t esy of Pizzo Collection, Special Collections, Universi ty of South Florida Libraries.) off limits to females Tampa historian Tony Pizzo wrote, "The Columbia was a barroom or saloon catering to Latins and the cracker element [and] offer[ed] solace ... no women dared to enter. "2 Ferdie Pacheco illustrates this fact further when discussing breakfast at the Columbia: Most men had two breakfasts. One at home taken hurriedly, amid the domes tic turmoil of wife and children, and the other at their leisure, at the Columbia, in the company of friends and associ ates, and in the warmth of continuous camaraderie. 3 For women who worked in the cigar indus try, a cafetero (coffee vendor) delivered sandwiches, fruit and pastries to their work stations while the men dined in the restau rants. This culinary segregation of the sexes was not limited to Tampa's Latin popula tion Traditions of the American South were no different, where men often sought out strong drink instead of good food when din ing out.4 Even the sassy waitress had no place in old Ybor City, because men dominated both sides of the counter. No self-respecting man wanted his wife to work in a restaurant. Victor Licata, who owned the Seabreeze in its early years, gladly accepted the help of his wife and daughter to prepare his popular and labor-intensive deviled crabs but he would not hear of them setting foot in hi s restaurant, not even in the kitchen. Instead, they prepared the savory crab rolls at home.5 This kind of separation applied to all classes of society, although some mixing occurred, primarily at formal dinners and dances. Upper-class establishments catered especially to men as well. A good example is the Tampa Bay Hotel, among the finest resorts in Florida at the turn of the last century. While married couples actually dined together at dinner, many other activities were strictly segregated. The grand dining room held extravagant, formal and lengthy feasts for its guests. After dining, the men went to the bar to enjoy a drink and cigar, while the women conversed in their sitting

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room No man ever so fit to visit the ladies' sitting room A lady did not dare to venture into the men's bar, but could order drinks sent to her room. Only one woman ever ventured into the bar. Unfortunately, the woman's name, and the reaction of the men, was not recorded. 6 If many women opposed the saloon's activities, it was not a resentment stemming from their exclusion from them. Like the anti-slavery aboli-As Pinero and his son could see, El Pasaje's status as a fine dining establishment did not spare it from police surveillance. The secret liquor compartments were not enough protection, either. Tampa police, often corrupt but tired of being made fools of, found $100,000 worth of liquor hidden from sight. Toda1', the same cache would be worth millions. Before long, the police began tossing dozens of cases of tionists before them, prohibitionists found inspiration and motiva tion from Christianity. The majority of prohi bitionists were women disgusted by the hardship caused by male drinking at home. Domestic violence, unfaithful husbands, and wages lost to gam bling and booze alarmed temperate I feel now that this great wa'Ve of Prohibition that is liquor from the second-story window. Agents stood on the brick street below with clubs, smashing every bottle-or so they thought. Pinero looked for an opportunity to recoup some of his huge loss es. Just as the police sped away, he and his son searched through S'Weeping O'Ver the whole land propelled by a mighty power of public sentiment will go on and on, until national Prohibition will be the ultimate outcome ... Carrie Nation, 1909 men and women alike. The growing prohi bition movement raised women's political awareness, and they received the right to vote with the ratification of the 19th Amendment to the U .S. Constitution on August 26, 1920. That the 18th Amendment prohibiting alcohol went into effect on January 16th of the same year was no coincidence. Although women were unable to vote for prohibition, they spearheaded the movement that fostered it. TOWARD A DRY TAMPA Aurelio Pinero and his young son, Armando, saw the police cars pull up to the back door of El Pasaje in 1932 Father and son watched a flurry of activity from a high window in the Cuban Club Several officers dashed into the hotel and raided its elegant restaurant on the second floor. El Pasaje boasted some of the finest food in Tampa The service, silverware and crystal glasses were second to none. For decades, wealthy and influential Floridians ate at El Pasaje Despite its reputation as a haven for the elite, the restaurant's management told doormen, maitre d' and waiters to watch for the police. Management had tucked El Pasaje's stash of illegal liquor in secret compartments in the walls hidden by an elaborate system of panels and pulleys the shattered whiskey cases with sticks. To Pinero's delight, they found five unbroken bottles of Canadian Club. A few days later, he sold the bottles for a whopping $125 -an equivalent of ten weeks' wages for Pinero.8 Why would a fine restaurant be raided by police? What threat did wine -and foods prepared with it pose to society? What harm came from patrons quietly sipping cocktails out of demitasse cups? El Pasaje was not an obvious blight on the community, so what was all the fuss about? Even the most ardent prohibitionists did not smash El Pasaje's stores of liquor, so why would the police ? How could something like prohibition happen in free-wheeling Tampa, never mind the entire United States? On January 22 1908, Carry Nation the hatchet-wielding prohibitionist, visited Tampa. Of the prohibition's activists, Nation was among the most famous -and the most radical. It was not every day that an elderly woman with a hatchet burst into crowded saloons and busted up barrels of liquor while customers and barkeeps watched. She had been galvanized into action decades earlier by the death of her hard-drinking husband. During her threemonth stay in Tampa Nation railed against the immorality of saloons and drunkards in numerous impromptu speeches. By the 7

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8 Saloon Columbia shown in its early days with bartenders and customers posing together at the bar. (Photo graph courtesy of Pizzo Collection, Special Collections, University of South Florida Library.) time of her visit, she had rallied the support of activists all over the country. Teetotalers all over the U.S. pushed for legislation that made the sale of alcohol illegal. Florida had a long history of conflict over alcohol, and Tampa and its restaurants would soon expe rience the economic consequences of pro hibition If she had visited Tampa ten years later, Nation would have been satisfied to learn that prohibition began in Florida before most of the rest of the country. The fight to ban alcohol began in the late 1800s among Christian groups. In 1915, after years of struggle and debate, the Florida Senate passed Bill 222, or the Davis Regulation Act, which only allowed alcohol to be sold in secure containers and ordered all saloons closed from 7p m to 7a. m. Paradoxically, this forced determined drinkers to frequent saloons during the day, drink at home in front of family, or drink on the street.9 Nevertheless, the Davis Act had the desired effect. Out of Tampa's 75 saloons, more than 50 closed on October 1, 1915, the day Bill 222 became law .10 While the Tampa s drinking public may have been aghast to find only one-third of their saloons still in business, St. Petersburg retained only two .11 Despite the new law drinking in Hillsborough County and six other Florida counties was still legal. Hard working, hard-drinking Tampa would not easily loosen its grip on the bottle The day the restrictions went into effect, the Tampa Daily Times reported, Business in most of the Tampa saloons was better than usual all evening. In some[,] grotesque conviviality was indulged in and many discordant voices joined in singing 'Auld Lang Syne.' Today Tampans must drink at home, in their private offices or on the streets. They can no longer linger over the brass and mahogany and depend upon it for support.12 For those who wondered how flexible law enforcement would be over the issue,

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Sheriff W.C. Spencer announced, I am going to enforce the Davis Law to the letter. I do not intend to recognize newly formed clubs which are estab lished especially for the profit derived from the use of lockers or sale of alco holics, or are operating a buffet merely as an incidental feature of its social or fraternal purposes.13 and the Balbontin Saloon that attracted well-to-do businessmen and politicians; working-class places like the White Swan for the common man; or "blind tigers,'' unlicensed establishments teeming with bad liquor, gambling and prostitution.15 In November 1918, Florida's citizens voted to enact prohibition, and even Hillsborough County went dry on January 1, 1919 .16 Soldiers returning from World War I could not legally Yet Sheriff Spencer was just one in a procession of law enforcement officials unable -or unwilling to enforce prohibi tion laws. The Davis Act was a failure, and foreshadowed why prohibition would fail in Tampa. In 1919, a Tribune editorial mused, "Soon there was hardly a place where liquor was sold that did not sell it openly and above board by the drink or by the gallon. The terms Prohibition was the celebrate with a drink. The Tribune mulled over the consequences as prohibition went into effect. rearguard action of a still dominant, overwhelmingly rural, white Anglo-Saxon Protestant establishment, aware that its privileges and natural right to rule were being increasingly threatened by the massive arrival of largely despised (and feared) beer-swilling, wine-drinking new American immigrants. Edward Behr This morning the fight is over; the prohibition ists are going about seeking other worlds to conquer, and Florida is so dry that a man will have to get the colic and a prescription from a doctor to get a little 'medicine' from the drug store. If you want a drink today the nearest place .. .is Baltimore; of the act were despised and condemned, and officials in some cities winked openly at violations."14 New and it's a darned costly trip there with federal railroad fares and porter tips to be added.17 and established clubs served alcohol to their members throughout the era. Some social clubs planned on storing large reserves of liquor for members so it would be available at any time, with no money exchanged If there is any lesson we learned from prohibition it Tampa must have been a sullen town, indeed. All saloons shut down, package houses auc tioned off their stocks, and thirsty drinkers wandered about, won dering who might have a bottle of whiskey left. Unluckily for them, is this: there is no crime so evil and harmful as an unjust law. Raymond Schuessler and no law violated. Between 1915 and 1918, Florida's remaining wet counties voted to become dry and close their saloons. In 1918, Hillsborough County was one of the only wet counties in the state, though local government discouraged the operating of saloons through painfully high licensing fees The money required to overcome these obstacles divided Tampa's saloons into three categories: expensive establishments like the Tampa Bay Hotel, El Pasaje demand for whiskey was so high that Spanish cider would have to do. Tampa's newspapers captured the feeling of loss and dejection shared by drinkers. The regular customers could not pass by the old place [saloon] without stopping to take a look and pass the compliments of the season with such others of the clan [of drinkers] who still retained a controlling interest in a full sized thirst but who were compelled to satisfy their 9

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10 inward aridness by merely sniffing at the drafts which from time to time wafted through the portals of package houses minus the packages. Only the sign on the showcase "Fixtures for Sale" -added to the gloom of the establishment. All over town it was the same, these establishments looking much like a doomed man who was trying to do all he could to make the best of his last day.19 WET TAMPA: THE RISE OF THE UNDERWORLD It could be argued that prohibition put the roar in the "Roaring Twenties ." It would have been a rather quaint decade if it were not for the convergence of prohibition with a variety of other factors The U S was ready to celebrate its victory in the Great War Motion pictures amused the popula tion with slapstick humor and tantalized them with glamorous stars. General disre gard for prohibition laws glorified gangsters and made folk heroes A year after Florida went dry, the nation followed suit. On January 1, 1920, pro hibition became federal law. Once the prohibitionists had their way, the tough questions were left to the government. How would the ban be enforced? What kind of unforeseen consequences would result? Would the law That was probably the wildest period of time in this country's history. There was more damn booze consumed and the whole Florida boom of violent criminals. Jazz burst on to the national music scene, reflecting the heady excitement of the times. Economic prosperity and speculation made scores of investors rich over night. The Florida Land Boom made real developed at that time. Florida was just going crazy. It had to be one hell of a time to live here in Florida. estate agents, construction firms and developers giddy with real and projected -H .L. "Punky" Crowder solve social problems or create them? Is legislating morality democratic or even feasible? The answers would prove discouraging. The social costs of the "Noble Experiment" were enormous. "Dry" America became an international laughing-stock. The law crimi nalized large portions of the populace who were previously law-abiding, especially those immigrants who enjoyed wine with their meals The flood of minor cases strained courtrooms across the country to their limits Popular entertainment soon mocked law enforcement with images of bumbling, corrupt and overzealous policemen. All the while smugglers and moon shine producers filled the void that was once the providence of legitimate businesses Organized crime made millions, paid no taxes, and became a national force of cor ruption in our society and in our politics The parallels with today's vast "War on Drugs" are obvious, except the economic and social costs of today s "noble experiment" by far exceed those of the past. If Carrie Nation could have seen the chaos wrought by her Holy Crusade against saloons, she may well have put down her axe and gone home to her cabin in the Ozarks. profits Prohibitionists and suffragettes ushered in a new wave of women s liberation "Flappers," the young rebellious ladies of the 1920s, enjoyed their new freedoms by dancing the Charleston, smoking cigarettes, and drinking bathtub gin Their prohibitionist elders were not pleased. Prohibition criminalized the drinking public, straining the legal system with arrests and court cases. Regular drinkers were not only denied liquor, but would be severely punished if found drunk in public The day prohibition went into effect, a sailor named John Branch stood before a judge for public drunkenness. "You will be turned over to the state next time you get drunk," the judge told the sailor If caught drunk again, Branch would be charged with a misdemeanor, fined up to $500, and sentenced to six months in jail. The third offense would be treated as a felony, with a maximum fine of $3,000 or three years in prison. To get a rough idea of today's costs for getting tipsy, multiply the fines by ten or more!20 Immigrants whose families drank wine with their meals were suddenly treated like criminals for continuing a long cultural and

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culinary tradition. Some theorized that pro hibition was meant to shelter America's urban population from the evils of immigra tion -German beer gardens, Irish pubs and Italian bootleggers. Mr B.M. Balbontin, a Spanish immigrant, liquor wholesaler, and owner of numerous saloons in Tampa, recalled the implications of prohibition for immigrants like himself. 98% of the beer plants in the United States belonged to Germans. 95% of the refineries belonged to Jews. 90% of the importers were Spaniards, Italians, French and German. More than 90% of the retailers in liquor belonged to the nationalities expressed above, all for eigners. 2 1 By legislating their livelihoods out of existence, prohibition negated the political influence of immigrants. Balbontin also found it suspic i ous that the U.S voted on prohibition "during a time when there were more than three million soldiers out of the country." As in earlier wars, the poor had filled the ranks of the military Balbontin also denounced "The clergy of the different denominations .. [ who ] are ignorants who meddle in political and civil business ... However, Ba lbontin spared the clergy of his beloved Catholic church of such scorn, "who have never meddled in anything. "22 In his charming Nochebuena Cookbook, Ferdie Pacheco recalls the story of Giuseppe s Nochebuena Ark." Whether the story is true or apocryphal makes little dif ference -either way, it gives us a glimpse at how immigrants viewed law enforcement during the prohibition era. Giuseppe came from a long line of ship builders in Messina, Sicily and arrived in Ybor City just after the turn of the last cen tury. He worked a small farm there with his family earning a comfortable living by pro ducing wine and cheese. Giuseppe wou ld probably have passed quietly from the scene if Federal agents had not confiscated his wine-making equipment after prohibi tion took effect Limited production of beer and wine was legal, but Giuseppe s equipment would have allowed him to supply much of Ybor City with wine Pacheco wrote, '"Well,' said Giuseppe, working himself up into a full Sicilian lath er, 'How is a man to eat his pasta without Chianti? How is a man to digest his food?"' The Federal agent added insult to injury by suggesting Giuseppe drink Coca-Cola with his pasta. The episode sent Giuseppe into a whirl wind of secret activity Before long, it became apparent to everyone in Ybor City that Giuseppe was building a large boat-an ark, inspired by the biblical Noah. Every day for a year, his family and neighbors heard the sounds of his hidden labors inside. Tampa's policemen were eager to make headlines with a successful bust, and a tip from one of Guiseppe's neighbors aroused their interest. Nochebuena, or Christmas Eve, was a lively night in Ybor City. The police waited until then to raid the ark, as Giuseppe's operation would surely be busy When the police scaled the ark with ladders and clambered in they found about a hundred Sicilian peasants at long holiday tables waiting for dinner. At the captain's table sat Don Giuseppe with his proud family. Giuseppe stood and raised his glass for a toast. He pronounced, "To America, where even the police snitch on each other!" The Sicilians all laughed, and then the old man toasted Nochebuena, Jesus Christ, and America And lastly," he said to Coca Cola, which in the absence of our beloved Chianti, will have to do." Giuseppe's guests passed wine glasses out to the policemen, all filled with Coke. Thereafter, the police left Giuseppe and his ark alone, and the Italians had their Chianti. If things had gone differently, Giuseppe and his friends would have been hauled off to jail, their lives disrupted and their property confiscated At what price sobriety ? Little public good would have come from sending Giuseppe to prison. 23 As it turned out, few Tampans served jail time due to the enforcement of prohibition l aws. Defiance of federal and state prohibi tion laws made Tampa one of the wettest spots in the country. One of the reasons pro hibition failed so badly is illustrated by the brief career of Tampa Police Chief Frank M Williams A veteran of World War I and a performer in Buffalo Bill's Wild Wes t Show the flamboyant Williams was appointed police chief in February 1922 He sported a l arge handlebar mustache and top creden tials as a federal prohibition agent. Williams conducted multiple raids on speakeasies and gambling halls over the next year and a half, but in the election of 1923, voters and 11

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12 political opponents denounced Williams as being soft on bootleggers and gamblers. He lost his position as a result A Tribune edi torial stated at the time: It was brought out in the campaign that there had been more open violation of the law during the past year than at any other time in the history of Tampa. It was shown that liquor selling was being permitted in all parts of the city, as well as other offenses.24 Obtaining simple whiskey and rum was not a problem. Inland, backwoods moonshiners sold their "alky cooked liquor," while nocturnal smugglers in small boats ran rum into the city from various points in the Caribbean. Locals brewed beer and wine for themselves and resale.25 But a distribution network that could supply alcohol to a city as thirsty as Tampa needed muscle and organization, and that's where the underworld came in. Before prohibition, organized crime was limited to ethnic gangs in the inner cities. There were no dashing gangsters in fine clothes and expensive cars, and most Americans looked down upon criminals. Prohibition became the catalyst in the cre ation of a nationwide network of organized crime. It also elevated criminals to folk heroes, replacing cowboys as the noble American individualist Most Italian-Americans in Tampa and across America belonged to poor, working class families As relative latecomers to Ybor City's cigar industry, they were often stuck in low-paying jobs. Despite hard, honest work, many Italians seemed to make little progress in finding better opportunities. The illegal liquor trade during prohibition gave some of the more daring ones a way out. Prohibition became a profitable godsend to the mafia and other organized crime groups. Some went farther than Giuseppe and his ark, expanding into other illegal activi ties The same disregard of the law that made illegal liquor acceptable encouraged a widespread acceptance of Bolita, a seeming ly innocent yet illegal Cuban lottery. Few could have predicted how Bolita gambling would shape Tampa's history While gangs competed for "territory," or markets for liquor, Bolita revenue became the ultimate prize. Especially after prohibition was dead and gone, gang wars raged over control of the numbers racket. The Italians ultimately came out on top of the Bolita game, and the illegal revenues decided local and state elec tions for decades. Organized crime in Tampa gave the city a bad reputation nationwide. The most famous exposure of Tampa's corruption was brought by congressional hearings held in Tampa in 1950. The U .S. Senate Committee to Investigate Organized Crime in Interstate Commerce, known as the Kefauver Com mittee from the name of its chairman, Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver, brought state and national attention to Tampa's gambling and organized crime. While prohibition and then gambling criminalized many Tampans, it forced others underground literally Adela Gonzmart and Leo Stalnaker Jr. both recalled several tunnels running under Ybor City s streets and buildings. Stalnaker said, I think not only bootleggers, but the gamblers were using it, too. "26 One tunnel ran from the Las Novedades restaurant to the basement of the post office building across the street. According to some sources, a gambling par lor had been set up in the basement of the post office, the building later occupied by the Blue Ribbon grocery. The tunnel was discovered when the Blue Ribbon owner renovated the basement in 1994 .27 THE MAD DASH: TAMPA'S SPEAKEASIES Florida's increasingly restrictive liquor laws caused the migration of some previously

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legitimate businessmen into businesses often with shadier intentions. The Saloon Columbia was just one Tampa business that was feeling the effect of the laws. Casimiro Hernandez had expanded the Columbia's fare to include some food, but the business still relied heavily on alcohol. Clearly by 1920 and the enactment of prohibition laws it was time to leave the saloon busi ness behind. Hernandez finally turned to his restaurateur neighbor, Manuel Garcia of "La Fonda," and proposed a merger. Garcia was h av ing some financial difficulties of his own and readily agreed. Thus, the Columbia acquired the second of what would become many dining rooms. Most saloon owners did not have the means or luck that Casimiro had. Tampa's sa l oon owners had to find new businesses overnight. Prohibition set off a collective mad dash on the part of t avern owners to re-open their establishments as restaurants. Like many others, saloon owner John Nelson re -opened his business as a restaurant shortly after prohibition went into effect. Another business named "The Tavern" was registered as a restaurant in 1925, but one is left to guess whether it spe cialized in food or drink. 28 While prohibition ruined or disrupted some businesses, it made others rich. Entrepreneurs of all kinds -some l egitimate entrepreneurs, others from the criminal underworld -cashed in on the insatiable demand for booze As with today's illegal drug trade, the potential for profit was too great to resist 29 Bootleggers, who were often legitimate liquor distributors before being put out of business, needed new outlets to sell their product. Aside from restaurants, soft drink stands and soda bars often replaced saloons. Soft drinks were popularized at the same time prohibition was gaining momentum, and often acted as a sweet substitute for something harder. The name "soft drink" was meant to stand in sharp contrast to "hard liquor" by marketers. It is one of history's ironies that "soft drink" fountains and ice cream parlors often acted as fronts for bootlegging and retail liquor sales. In 1919, on the eve of nationwide prohi bition, Tampa supported only nine soda fountains. A year later, with the U.S. a dry nation, there were 49, a sufficient number to replace most of Tampa's salo ons. In 1924, 115 soft drink retailers populated the A formally-attired couple being served at the Columbia restaurant in the 1930s. The Columbia attained a new level of success by catering to couples in search of fine food and romance. (Photograph courtesy of Pizzo Collection, Special Collections, University of South Florida Libraries.) business community, peaking with 131 in 1930 It should come as littl e surpri se that the number of soda fountains fell sharply immediately after prohibition was repealed Within three years of repeal, half of the Year Restaurants Saloons Soda Bars 1914 89 74 1915 108 5 1917 109 45 18 1919 117 9 1920 137 49 1925 275 115 1930 259 131 1934 275 26 85 1937 305 107 64 1939 307 125 52 I Billiards 8 7 9 8 10 22 22 21 11 12

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14 fountains closed, and the numbers continued to fall steadily.30 Billiards halls followed a similar pattern. Billiards began as a gentlemen's game, but the prohibition years would give pool halls a seedy reputation as a haven for illegal liquor and gambling. On the first dry day in Florida, a saloon reMost speakeasies stood in sharp contrast to the opulent El Pasaje. The majority served the working class with much less pomp and more ordinary food. Illegal bars with names like Pete's, the Lincoln Club, and Larry Ford's did a roaring business in the Roaring Twenties. Prohibitionists claimed that national opened as a pool hall and others were expected to follow. Pre-prohibition numbers showed an aver age of between seven and nine establishments in Tampa in the years just before prohibition. That number bal looned to 22 in 1925 A In The Olden Da7._ alcohol consumption had dropped since laws took effect, a trend hardly in evidence in the smoky rooms of Tampa's restaurants and bars.34 and 27 in 1932, only You Ill find Ulla the aile tw.1 CC>rMr Wr att rol to be Jun u nat:Una i n t he qu.ellt1 of y our fa, orit.t Bttl' u JOU fouad hen In the o&d9' d.lr and '"""" you of oar thinr-1our CDAtidtnu aill 100n bt rai ned In our MrTic.t: toda y. Come and Enjo7 Real Spanlh Meals Good Old Time Beer The quaht)' of CX!r SpmnL'1 !Jor.n .. tta r thou,.11><1 i n Florida Wi t h t h .. t'"r 1, ,, f ,. 1>a '""' trf'al. COLUMBIA CAFE Come 7th A and 22nd St. Profitable speakeasies had no trouble staying in business if they could avoid the attention of to drop to 11 just three years after repeal.31 El Pasaje was not the only high profile speakeasy in Tampa The newlyexpanded Columbia police. Legitimate businesses did not have it so easy, especially those at the top. was notorious as well According to the Tampa Tribune, DA.NC' E THE FALL OF FINE DINING AMERICAN LEGION .CASINO. If prohibition fostered small and largescale crime, it also threatened to wipe out a whole section of the restaurant industry. In 1931, a jour-Tonight 9 :30 to 12 :30 Music By The -' ,.,'J Men would gather in the bar to drink liquor in coffee cups, smoke fat cigars, and decide elections. Men would bring their wives and children to eat in the cafe. And some would bring their mistresses to drink in the private rooms upstairs. While entertaining young ladies upstairs one night, Din_ e With the Our Restaurant lthor, for th&I mtter, you coold M t11 a.o tHtl4r &t=o = nalist wrote, "The art Phere nor Hrv6d m.on tmt1Uns tood than la th Tarra.ea R ... t&"r&.nt. .\.cothr thlns to b conat4end I lb Th Qualtty of ltl tOod held bfch. th Turaee R .. ta1:1ra.nt ha. malnta.lad lt.t rputaUon on It low 'Prfcu wbleh conto.n:a with pnHnt da7 LUNCHEON 80c Dlll 1'iER si.oo the Bambino [Babe Ruth] consumed two cases of beer by himself. On another visit Ruth reportedly downed 27 Cafe Diablos .32 The repeal of prohibition seemed so remote that the Columbia built walls around its beautiful marble bar. Rediscovered in 1980 when a restaurant employee knocked a panel of wood loose, the vintage bar is again being used for its original purpose .33 of noble dining was assassinated under legal process on January 16, 1920, the day on which the pro hibition laws became effective. "35 One of prohibition's unforeseen consequences was the virtual elimination of fine dining from the restaurant market. From the 1880s until the 1920s, "fine dining" usually meant French cooking, but in Tampa, Spanish food was king. Early in the century, hotels often featured the finest food in the city. The Tampa Bay Hotel, whose dining room epitomized the ideal of opulence, had menus written primarily in French and featured French sauces and cooking techniques to prepare their dishes. Other upscale restaurants like

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El Pasaje served up Spanish food in an elegant atmosphere. While Tampa's fine dining scene no doubt was very small and reserved for the elite, changes at the top of the would waste no time before scaling back operations or even closing their doors.36 Before 1920, Tampa's popular hotels served some of the most elaborate meals socioeconomic ladder affected the development of Tampa's BEER in Tampa. By the 1930s, their quality had irreversibly slipped "The major hotels," Ferdie Pacheco remembered, "the Tampa Terrace, Jefferson, Floridian, and such-featured hotel food, and in the thirties that was condemnation enough."37 Tampa's hotels clung to the restaurant market long after, but prohibition sent them spiraling downward in quality and popularity. Even today, hotels entire industry. restaurant Fine dining and Old World cuisine relied upon wine as an ingredient and accompaniment. Prohibition seriously undermined the food preparation and presentation at the few elite hotels and restaurants in Tampa. Prevailing expectations by guests in expensive restaurants were that they would Cooling Equipment 'rlirldelrt !qi..,. .,. (or YO!I cuipltte faetaand flStlHS on coollnc eqHt !if a,.allabk au;ly. FRIGIDAIRE A GENERAi. .. OTQ118 V ALUlt BYARS-FORGY Di.trlbulon IOZ Eul l.afeyll Phone 311lt be "wined and dined," and one was just not the same without the other. Prohibition drove up the price of legal cooking wine, a depend upon tourists and high prices to turn a profit, or let a chain run its restaurant. It is commonplace today for hungry hotel patrons to be fed fermented grape juice that proud and experienced chefs must have frowned upon. After prohibition took effect, lavish Old World feasts for Tampa's elite could only happen behind closed doors. Demitasse cups replaced wine glasses and champagne flutes Since most hotels and restaurants depended upon beer, wine, and liquor sales for profits, prohibition forced them to close or compromise their quality. Even today, Bern's Steakhouse (arguably one of the finest restaurants in Florida and in the nation) depends heavily upon alcohol for profits In 1981, Bern's lost $ 300,000 on food If prohibition were to go in effect today, Bern's and Tampa's other high-priced restaurants by a Waffle House, Denny's or Pizza Hut on the premises. WOMEN ON THE MOVE In 1929, Casimiro Hernandez died, and his savvy son, Casimiro II, took over the Columbia. By 1935, he could see that prohibition had changed the restaurant industry. More women flocked to restaurants, and cou ples were more interested than ever in dining and dancing. Hernandez designed a new, elegant addition Open All Nlcbt to the Columbia that would benefit from these recent trends. He took out a loan to pay for a palatial room that could accommodate an orchestra and dance floor. Adela Gonzmart remembered when her father returned home from the bank. "I heard him 15

PAGE 17

16 tell my mother that Mr. Simpson had given him thirty-five thousand dollars on a hand shake. He sounded very worried. Then I heard him say, 'Carmita, if this room is not a successful venture, I'll have to blow my brains out.' "38 Casimiro need not have worried. With the addition of the elegant ballroom, the Columbia became a destination for couples looking for romantic ambience and danc ing Old-timers would recognize the old Saloon Columbia of 1905, but the Columbia's ballroom could not have been more different. Advertisements for the Columbia and photographs of the time featured impeccably-dressed couples enjoying formal service, fine food, passionate flamenco music and the romantic ambience of their opulent dining room, a far cry from the pre-prohibition saloon atmosphere.39 During prohibition, women felt more comfortable eating out in Tampa 's alcohol free restaurants. But, younger, more flam-boyant woman of the 20s, the adventurous flappers, drank, danced and smoked in speakeasies. Both circumstances revealed changing traditions With the great increase in the number of women customers, the restaurant industry blossomed in Tampa. Tampa's 117 restaurants in 1919 jumped to 275 by 1925. Tampa's population overall had grown, but increasing numbers of women customers also meant almost twice as many potential patrons. Going out to eat at a restaurant rather than cooking a meal at home grew to be became a favorite activity. Along with other societal changes in dating and marriage eating out at restaurants was just one of the ways couples married and single spent more time together 40 REPEAL OF THE "NOBLE EXPERIMENT" By the time prohibition was repealed one could honestly wonder who had voted

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for enactment of the laws in the first place. Authorities were not interested in enforcing the measure. Prohibitionists were exhausted b y the debate and disgusted b y the crime lords who got rich from smuggled liquor. The government needed the tax revenue that a lcohol imports production and consumption would quickly generate. Drinkers liqu o r manufacturers, and saloon owners simply wanted to get back to the pursuit of happiness. In fact, the only ones who wanted the "noble experiment" to continue were the gangsters, and who could blame them? Beer became legal again in Florida on May 8, 1933, and the state scarcely took a look back. While Tampa's drinkers sang "Happy Days are Here Again," dozens of trains, trucks and ships converged on Tamp a Florida's hardest-drinking city -bringing in 3.2 % beer from New Orleans and Cuban beer prized for its higher alcohol content. The freighter Pawnee arrived just as the Beer Bill was signed, with enough be e r to fill three railroad cars.41 In the months that followed Hillsborough 's residents drank more beer than any other county in Florida: an average of 21h bottles per person per day.42 Drinkers and federal authorities alike could not wait for prohibition to be r e peal ed. Although Florida did not do so until the end of 1934, the Federal government sent in personnel a year earlier to regulate the production and sale of liquor still ill ega l under Florida state law, but now legal nationwide. The Tampa Daily Times explained further: Uncle Sam isn t fooled a bit b y Florida 's bone-dryness. He knows there is liquor in Florida; he knows that more will be made and more will be imported, but the mere presence of the liquor doesn't bother him at all. To him, Florida is the same as other states, and if Florida has a dry law, that's Florida's business. All that concerns him is seeing that the 'Feds' get their cuts on licenses and sales, and that terms of the new amendment [for r e peal] were obeyed.43 Sinc e all of Tampa's legitimate saloons had been out of business for over a decade, it took some time before they were ready to accommodate Tampa's drinkers again. In the meantime, the city's restaurants gladly filled the gap. Romano's Restaurant offered ... : F ( .,.__.. Ser.ved &em ,, r'. .. f. ) J f I -.i. : I Spaniah Din'1el'8 Frientle All OVer Florida You MfY I-lave Beer With Your Meals < Hll TtllAYa a glass of Italian Claret free with each meal. Frank's Delicatessen rushed to be the first downtown r estaurant to offer beer the day it was legalized. Home brewing was so popular at the time that many ads offered refrigeration equipment, pumps, and ice.44 After repeal restaurants reminded diners to order alcoholic beverages with their meals. A 1935 newspaper ad for Alhambra Restaurant went so far as to offer "3 special turkey dinners," the only difference between them being their price and the drinks that were served "free" with them. The Columbia's elegant addition of 1935 would not have been as successful without the one all-important ingredient alcohol. A Columbia menu of 1938 listed "drinks that are mixed by men of pre-prohibition experi ence," because many Columbia workers stayed throughout their entire career. 45 Post-prohibition changes were many. While public drinking increased, fine dining did not recover. Establishments selling alcohol would never go back to the controversial title of saloon. Tony Pizzo explained, "The idea of the saloon was so sordid that after [prohibition's] repeal new euphemisms had to be invented to describe the new watering places." Years of negative 17 I

PAGE 19

18 campaigning against saloons had taken their toll, and the industry would reinvent itself. What's more, it was now acceptable for a woman to enjoy a drink with her meal in a restaurant.46 Tampa's restaurant industry should have been soaring in profits with the reemergence of liquor sales, but economic downturn following the Florida Land Boom and then the Great Depression forced Tampa's economy into a tailspin. Following the 1929 crash of the stock market and the Great Depression of the 1930s, it would take events equally as dramatic and life altering to lift the country and the economy out of its doldrums -it would take a second World War. ENDNOTES Andrew T. Huse has his M .A. in History from the University of South Florida and is employed as a researcher at the USF Libraries Florida Studies Center. 1. "A Taste of Spain," Columbia's 90th Anniversary booklet Special Collections, University of South Florida Library. 2. Handwritten Tony Pizzo note, Special Collections, University of South Florida Library, Pizzo Collection. 3. Adela Gonzmart and Ferdie Pacheco, The Columbia Restaurant Spanish Cookbook, (Gainesville: University Press of Florid a, 1995) 5. 4. Willie Garcia interview with author at Centro Asturiano, March 2000. 5. Robert and Helen Richards and Andrew T. Huse, The Seabreeze by the Bay Cookbook, (Gibsonton, Florida: American Printing, USA, 2001) 34. 6. Harvey A. L evenstein, Revolution at the Table : The Transformation of the American Diet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 988), 185; James W. Covington, Plant's Palace: Henry B. Plant and the Tampa Bay Hotel (Louisville: H armony House 1990), 65. 7. Tampa Bay Life, June 1992, 23. 8. Pifierito's Canadian Club Caper," by Donna Parrino. Later published in La Gaceta 9. Frank William Alduino, The Noble Experiment in Tampa: A Study of Prohibition in Urban America, (Tallahassee: Florida State University, 1989), 97. 10. Tampa Daily Times 10/1/15. 11. Ibid., 10/2/15. 12. Alduino, Noble Experiment, 97. 13. Ibid., 97. 14. Tampa Morning Tribune 1/1/19. 15. Alduino, Noble Experiment, 81. 16. Tampa Daily Tim es, 11/1/18 17. Tampa Morning Tribune, 1/1/19. 18. Tampa Daily Times, 1/1/19. 19. Tampa Morning Tribune 1/1/19 20. Tampa Daily Times, 1/1/19. 21. Social-ethnic study of Ybor City, Tampa, Florida, (Tampa: Federal Writers' Project, 1935), 57. 22 Ibid. 23. Ferdie and Luisita Sevilla Pacheco, The Christmas Eve Cookbook: With Tales of Nochebuena and Chanukah, (Gainesville: University Press of Florida 1998), 143-150. 24. Tampa Morning Tribune, 11/25/90. 25 Alduino, Noble Experiment, 116. 26. Tampa Tribune, 4122194. 27. Ibid., 4/21/94. 28. Tampa Daily Times, 1/1/19. 29. Tampa Bay Life, June 1992, 23. 30. All statistics from Polk's C i ty Directories. 31. Tampa Daily Times, 1/1/19. 32. Tampa Tribune, 10/5/80. 33. St. Petersburg Times, 10/10/80. 34. Tampa Tribune 517178. 35. Julian Street, "What's the Matter with Food?" Saturday Evening Post 203 (March 21, 1931), 1011. 36. Tampa Bay Magazine, December 1982. 37. Pacheco, Chronicles, 225. 38. Gonzmart and Pacheco, Columbia, 56-57. 39. La Gaceta ad, July 2 1945 and April 4, 1940; Burgert Brothers Photographs, vl 765 and vl 771. 40. Levenstein Revolution, 164; Beth L. Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat: Courtship in TwentiethCentury America, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 1988) 13-17. 41. Tampa Morning Tribune, 517133. 42. Tampa Daily Times 12/4/33. 43. Ibid., 12/8/33. 44. Tampa Morning Tribune, 12/7/33. 45. Tampa Tribune, 10/31/35; Special Collections USF Library, Menu Collection. 46. Handwritte n Tony Pizzo note, Special Collections, USF Library, Pizzo Collection. Copies of newspaper advertisements used to illustrate this article are from editions of the Tampa Daily Times and Tampa Tribune courtesy Special Collections, University of South Florida Libraries.

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Making Cigars Under Modern Methods: The Shift to Mechanized Production in Ybor City's Cigar Industry, 1945-1960 Patrick Cosby o single institution symbolized Ybor City more than the cigar industry. Ybor City had been founded in the 1880s when Vicente Martinez Ybor and Ignacio Haya moved their factories to Tampa. Through the early part of the twentieth century, the cigar industry supported a thriving Latin culture in Ybor City and established Tampa as America's premier cigar manufacturing city. The Great Depression and the Second World War, however, proved to be crucial turning points for the fortunes of the cigar industry. Though many prospered during the war with lucrative government and military contracts, the post-war period saw cigar manufacturers seeking new strategies to combat shifts in lifestyle and consumption patterns. During the war, the cigar industry boomed as the government purchased large quantities of cigars for the U.S. military Stanford Newman of Cleveland's Standard Cigar Company, which opened a mechanized factory in Ybor City in 1953, recalled that the U.S. Army Quartermaster Corps requisi tioned nearly half of all the cigars produced by the Standard Cigar Company while regu lar retail outlets faced rationing The government demanded that cigar manufacturers "pack the cigars in huge wooden crates which were waterproofed by lining them with tarpaper [and) painted with color-coded stripes" to distinguish them as luxuries rather than essential foodstuffs or munitions. In 1945, Tampa's cigar industry produced 527 ,886,000 cigars, more than 10 percent of the total number of cigars produced in the entire United States. Though machines had first been introduced in Ybor City during the 1930s, during the war years factories produced primarily high quality, hand-rolled cigars. Only 8,322,575 cigars were of a cheaper, machine-made variety. Contrastingly, Ybor City produced 12,562,450 class D cigars retailing for $.08 each, 19,787,043 class E cigars for $.15 each, 6,228,050 class F cigars for $.20 apiece, and 9,455,280 cigars selling for more than $.20 each. As the war ended, skilled artisans still dominated Ybor City's labor force. Along with cigars, the federal government also purchased large quantities of inexpensive, machine-made cigarettes for American Gis. Cigarettes had become so popular with the American troops that many servicemen continued smoking after the war, creating a huge demand for ciga rettes, at the expense of other tobacco products such as cigars and chewing tobacco In September 1946, William Wightman, the Post Commander of the Clearwater, Florida, American Legion Post, even drew up a reso lution for state and national legislatures ask ing for tax-free cigarettes for veterans. American society at large associated tobacco use almost exclusively with cigarette consumption. Such associations even reached absurd proportions when one pet owner in California preferred that his dog smoke cigarettes rather than consume other forms of tobacco. Butch, the forty-five pound Dalmatian, habitually assaulted peo ple smoking and devoured their tobacco, 19

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20 Cigars being rolled by hand in a factory in Ybor City (Photograph courtesy of the Tampa Hillsborough County Public Library System. ) "fiery ash and all." Butch's owner, Bill Hill, eventually purchased an aluminum cigarette holder and taught the dog to smoke cigarettes. Butch smoked six cigarettes each day, and, Hill added, "the dog also likes beer." Unfortunately for the cigar workers of Ybor City, cigars failed to achieve the same levels of post-war popularity After the war, the U S Army Quartermaster Corps attempted to return millions of cigars, which the military had stockpiled since 1942, to the Standard Cigar Company. The company's president refused, however, replying that the cigars had become "so old and dried In Ybor City, the Perfecto Garcia and Brothers Cigar Company incinerated a total of 500,000 cigars that had been contracted for sale to the U.S. Navy. The company burned as many as 59,000 high quality long filler cigars in May of 194 7. Ostensibly, company executives claimed to be protecting the brand name's reputation by assuring a high level of quali ty, though burning the cigars secured one week's worth of work for 900 of the company's employees. The Perfecto Garcia and Brothers factory represented one of only four factories operating at full employment in the summer of 194 7. The cigar industry faced particularly diffi cult times in 194 7. A prolonged slump had struck the industry in January and was pre dicted to last at least through November. Through the first fiscal quarter of 194 7 the production of all classes of high quality cigars had decreased significantly from production levels in 1946. Production of class D cigars decreased from 48,500,000 in 1946 to 41,000,000 in 1947. Class E cigars fell from 62,000,000 to 33,400,000, class F from 14,000,000 to only 3,700,000 The highest class of cigars, class G cigars worth more then $.20 each, were reduced from a 1946 level of 30,000,000 to 19,250,000 in 1947 Only the production of inexpensive,

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machine-made class C cigars increased, from 23,000,000 in 1946 to 25,200,000 in 1947. The cigar industry slump in 194 7 forced many companies to lay off many of the older, skilled cigar workers. Between December 1, 1946, and April of 1947, 5,561 cigar workers claimed state unemployment benefits from the Florida Industrial Commission's claims division From the state agency, unemployed workers received $15 per week for sixteen weeks. By July, nearly 1,800 cigar workers had exhausted their eligibility for government assistance. Additionally, 2,000 to 3,000 cigar workers who had lost their jobs in 1946 still lacked permanent employment and few job prospects appeared for the fore seeable future. As unemployment figures mounted for the cigar industry, city and state government officials began searching for ways to alleviate the pressure on Ybor City's workers Few anticipated that the cigar industry would recover on its own. Projections indicated that the industry would have needed to pro duce and sell at least eighty percent of the sales totals from 1946, a heroic feat that would have required "a decided increase in demand. Additionally, cigar companies increasingly sought to increase the produc tion levels of only the more marketable, lower class cigars that were made by machines rather than the hand-rolled cigars made by skilled workers Such efforts sus tained the cigar companies but failed to assist thousands of unemployed cigar work ers. A Florida Industrial Commission report predicted that Ybor City would face a serious employment crisis "if the transition from hand-made to machine cigars results in any further substantial lay off of cigar workers." One observer concluded that the unemployment situation in 194 7 might have been more severe than in 1940, when 15,126 people were unemployed in Tampa, though 7,655 of those received government assistance through various New Deal government-funded projects. In an effort the confront the unemployment crisis, Tampa Mayor Curtis Hixon and city officials hoped to attract new industries to the area using the large, unemployed, skilled labor force as an enticement. However, most cigar workers had only worked in the cigar industry and would require expensive retraining to begin working in other industries. Additionally, 33 percent of the unemployed workers were older than 50 years of age and 40 percent had worked in the cigar industry for more than 25 years Only 11 percent were younger than 30 years old. Though the city of Tampa attracted some new industries, particularly shipping industries, manufacturing companies would have had to address the issue of an aging, narrowly skilled labor force when contemplating an expensive move to Tampa or Ybor City By 1951, the cigar industry employed only 5,000 workers. Before mechanized production systems came to Ybor City, the industry had supported 12,072 workers in 1929. Ybor City's cigar companies could maintain a near monopoly on the highest classes of cigars because the costs associated with producing them by hand prohibited new companies from pursuing that consumer segment of the cigar market. The market for such high quality cigars remained small and unpredictable, howev er, and many companies chose to stabilize their profits by producing larger quantities of inexpensive cigars using machinery rather than expensive, skilled cigar workers. In the same amount of time that it would have taken a worker to roll 100 cig ars by hand, a machine could produce as 1509 West Swann Avenue, Suite 270 Tampa, Florida 33606-2557 813-251-6909 Charles F C Jordan, Principal hpachas@AOL.com UC NO AA F000096

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22 Both men and women are shown rolling cigars by hand in a factory. (Photograph courtesy Tampa Hillsborough County Public Library System.) many as 1,589 lower class cigars. Increased mechanization helped Ybor City's cigar manufacturers maintain high output levels. According to one veteran reporter, however, the departure of two factories, the Regensburg and La Primadora Factories, in early 1951 was "proof to the Cigar City that all [was] not well." Combined, the two fac tory closures left 750 workers unemployed The La Primadora factory at 2408 17th St. had been operating in Ybor City for more than SO years and had been one of the city's four largest cigar factories, employing 480 cigar makers. The company planned to move its factory to Coplay, Pennsylvania, in order to be closer to markets in the northeast, though company official Henry M. Hafer claimed that the company also decided to move because they wanted "to make cigars under modem methods." By 1953, one cigar company actually decided to relocate their operations to Ybor City The Standard Cigar Company opened in June 1953. The factory, however, focused on producing machine-made cigars. More than 800 unemployed cigar makers, many former employees of the Regensburg facto ry that had closed in 1951, sought jobs in the new Standard factory. All of the job applicants were fifty years old or older, and many were in their eighties. Unfortunately, almost none could operate a machine. While workers suffered unemployment as machines replaced them in the factories, the cigar industry as a whole, along with other tobacco products, faced additional challenges during the early 1950s. Consumer demand for tobacco products declined as the public became aware of the health risks associated with tobacco use Even cigarettes suffered a 6.4 percent decline in consumption over the two-year period from 1953-1954 The cigarette indus try responded by reintroducing filter tip cigarettes that presumably trapped nicotine and tar from the cigarette smoke. In 1952, 1.5 percent of cigarettes contained filters. By 1956, 30 percent contained filters and by 1958 that percentage had jumped to 46 percent of all cigarettes. Cigarette adver tisements from the early 1950s promoted supposed scientific proof that filtered ciga rettes were safe and mild. The Lucky Strike brand claimed that "scientific tests prove Lucky Strike is the mildest of six major brands," while Camel surveyed 113,597 people and concluded that "More Doctors Smoke Camels Than Any Other Cigarette." The Herbert Tareyton brand offered cork tip filters for "discriminating people."

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1\vo women are shown at a cigarmaking machine. (Photograph courtesy Special Collections, Universi t y of South Florida Libraries.) By 1955, Winston cigarettes boasted a new, exclusive filter that "works so effective ly, yet lets the full rich tobacco flavor come right through." Unlike cigarettes, which could be profitable in milder forms, cigars depended upon a full, rich flavor. While cigarette manufacturers developed filters that offered some protection against health risks yet still provided full tobacco flavor, cigar makers found few answers to public health concerns. As advertisers competed to estab lish which cigarette brands were mildest or most innovative a 1951 newspaper adver tisement invited people "to smoke HA V-ATAMPA cigars -or any other Good Tampa made cigar [italics in original ]." The ability to use filters on cigarettes enabled cigarette manufacturers to weather the small storm caused by the growing pub lic awareness of tobacco's health risks and contributed to the further dominance of cigarettes over cigars in the American mar ketplace. Ybor City's cigar manufacturers responded to the decreasing market share by lowering production costs through further mechanization and by focusing their efforts on producing greater quantities of inexpensive, lower class cigars In 1955 cigar officials contemplated using a new type of binder that "made it possible to use damaged tobacco rather than just whole leaves." Though few thought the new inno vation would become dominant in Ybor City since it could not be used to make higher-class cigars, cigar companies demonstrated a willingness to explore new tech nologies to decrease costs and increase effi ciency at the expense of quality With the shift to mechanized produc tion, Ybor City's cigar factories produced approximately two million cigars daily by 1960. The skilled, Latin cigar maker, how ever, had become a dying breed. In 1955 the Tampa Jaycees held a contest to find the oldest employed cigar worker in Ybor City. The Latin cigar workers and the cul tural identity they contributed to the community in Ybor City would soon be gone, with no one to replace them. As the o lder generation of skilled cigar workers aged and the industry became increasingly mecha nized many young Latins returning to Ybor City after World War II sought opportunities outside of the declining cigar industry and outside of the boundaries of Ybor City. On the eve of the Cuban Revolution, and the United States embargo that would severely limit the supply of tobacco from the island, Ybor City's cigar industry had already changed drastically in the decade and a half 23

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24 Cigar manufacturing required fewer skilled workers as machines became more common in Tampa during the 1930s. Women are the only workers shown in this 1950s photograph of cigars being machine made. (Photograph courtesy of Florida State Archives.) that followed World War II. Cigar companies had shifted from hand-rolled cigars to mech anized production, forcing older, skilled cigar makers into unemployment lines and forcing a younger generation of Latins to explore new industries and jobs outside Ybor City with its rich history and traditions. While Ybor City had once supported a thriv ing Latin culture centered on cigar manufac turing, residents of the neighborhood fled to new careers, new homes and new lifestyles in suburbia, leaving Ybor City vulnerable to bulldozers and the ravages of urban renewal. Although a new Ybor City may rise, the era of skilled artisans hand-rolling cigars in Ybor's brick factories came to an end. ENDNOTES Patrick Cosby is a native of Tampa and recived his B.A. in History with High Honors from the University of Florida. He is currently a graduate assistant in the History Department at the University of South Florida while completing his Masters thesis on issues surrounding baseball and the construction of "Latin" identity among cigarmakers in Ybor City. 1. Stanford J. Newman, with James V. Miller, Cigar Family: A 100 Year Journey in the Cigar Industry (New York: Forbes Custom Publishing, 1999) 2. "Cigar Production 1929-1945," Tampa Daily Times 31October1955. 3. "Tampa Cigar Production Shows Gain," Tampa Morning Tribune, 2 November 1945. 4. "Ask Tax-Free Cigarettes For Veterans," Tampa Morning Tribune, 8 September 1946. 5. "Dalmatian Smokes to Break Habit of Chewing Tobacco ," Tampa Daily Times, 16 September 1950. 6. Newman, Cigar Family, 77. 7. George Beebe, "Tampa Cigars Burned to Create Employment," Miami Herald 1June1947. 7. Holmes Alexander, "3000 Jobless Workers Create Problem for Tampa ," Tampa Morning Tribune, 30 April 1947. 8. Holmes Alexander, "3000 Jobless Cigar Workers Create Problem for Tampa," Tampa Morning Tribune, 30 April 1947. 9. "1772 Cigar Workers Without Jobless Pay From State, Tampa Morning Tribune, 1 July 194 7. 10. Holmes Alexander "3000 Jobless Cigar Workers

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Create Problems for Tampa," Tampa Morning Tribune, 30 April 1947. 11. Florida Industrial Commissions Report quoted by Holmes A lexander, "Tampa Grows as Business Center; Has 9000 More Jobs," Tampa Morning Tribune, 20 July 1947. 12. Holmes Alexander, "Tampa Grows as Business Center; Has 9000 More Jobs," Tampa Morning Tribune 20 July 1947. 13. Holmes Alexander "3000 Jobless Cigar Workers Create Problem for Tampa," Tampa Morning Tribune 30 April 1947. 14. Holmes Alexander "Tampa Grows as Business Center; Has 9000 More Jobs," Tampa Morning Tribune 20 July 1947. 15. J.A. Murray, "Tampa Cigar Industry Faces Fight," Tampa Morning Tribune 23 September 1951. 16. Ibid. 17. Cigar Factory Here C losed for Removal to Pennsylvania," Tampa Morning Tribune 26 May 1951. 18. Newman Cigar Family 96. 19. Susan Wagner, Cigarette Country: Tobacco in American History and Politics (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971) 79. 19. Ibid., 82-91. 20. Life vol. 29, no. 4, 24 July 1950, 41; Tampa Daily Times, 18 September 1950; Life, vol. 31 no. 3 16 July 1951, 106. 21. Tampa Daily Times, 18 February 1955. 22. Ibid., 5 June 1951. 25. Elizabeth Milton, "Tampans Coo l Toward New Type Cigar Binder, Tampa Daily Times, 9 April 1955. 26. Polk's Tampa City Directory (Richmond, Virginia: R.L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1960). 27. Tampa Daily Times, 31October1955. "South Florida's Pioneer Paper House" PAPER, PAPER BAGS AND TWINE, WOODENWARE, GALVANIZED WARE AND PAPER SPECIALTIES Founded 1911 5101 East Hanna, Tampa (813) 621-3091 FAX (813) 623-1380

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Fred Ferman (pictured in vest) opened his bicycle shop in 1895. It was the modest beginning of a family enterprise that would span generations and endure for more than a century to become a long-standing member of Tampa's business community. Old Friends. New Horizons. Ferman Motor Car Company is proud to be a part of Tampa's history for over 107 years and salutes the Tampa Historical Society for its contribution to our community and its rich and colorful past. Visit us anytime @www.fermanauto.com Service, Selection And Value Since 1895 Acura BMW Chevrolet Chrysler Dodge Ford Jeep Harley-Davidson Mazda MINI Nissan Oldsmobile Suzuki Volvo

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The Tuskegee Airmen: African-American Heroes of World War II The Florida History Fair competition is an annual, statewide activity that enhances the teaching and learning of history for students from grade 6 through 12. County winners participate at the state level in May of each year and gather in College Park, Maryland in June for the National History Day competition. National History Day, establishe d in 1974, is not just one day, but a year long program that makes history come alive every day. Asya Adkins of Sejfner, an eighth grader at Burnett Middl e School, was one of two first place winners in the Junior Division, Florida History Essay Competition spon sored by the Hillsborough County School System and the Tampa Bay History Center. FIRST PLACE WINNING ESSAY JUNIOR DIVISION Asya Adkins he story of the Tuskegee Airmen sheds light on the role of AfricanAmericans in the military, an aspect of American history that has been forgotten or marginalized in many textbooks Today it is unthinkable that until the end of World War II African-Americans were not allowed to serve in the United States Air Force, but in fact they were not.1 The Tuskegee Airmen showed commitment and proved that they could serve in the military despite prejudice and other struggles they faced on their way to honor. The suc cess of the Tuskegee Airmen caused a major reaction in the United States of America Many Negro-Americans from all over the country began their journey to Tuskegee Institute where they wou ld be trained to fly planes and perhaps go to war to fight in combat missions. As the cadets made their way to A l abama, they realized this was no easy task. Like the first person to greet them, their first commanding offi cer, Captain Noel F. Parrish stated, "Your future good or bad will depend l argely on how determined yo u are not to give satis faction to those who wou ld lik e to see you fail. "2 As for other people not in the military, just getting the news that the Armed Forces was conducting an experiment by training Negro-Americans to fly planes, they became outraged As a resu lt the government kept carefu l tabs on them and how they were being trained. First Lady E leanor Roosevelt was a strong supporter of Negro-American avia tors She took a plane ride with Chief Anderson at Tuskegee against her Secret Service bodyguards' wishes. Her body guards didn t want her to fly with him because he was Negro-American, which they thought wou ld increase the chances for an accident. First Lady Roosevelt a l so loaned the college $175,000 to construct Moton Field, Tuskegee Institute's CPTP [Civilian Pilot Training Program ] training field. This field was used to train the Tuskegee Airmen .3 President Roosevelt was a l so a big help when he found out that the National Association for the Advancement of Co lored Peop l e (NAACP) planned a "March on Washington," to protest against discrimination in government hiring. Around the same time, in June 1941, labor leader A. Philip Randolph called for [a new civil rights strategy, a massive ] 100,000 NegroAmericans to march on Washington to protest against discrimination in the Armed Forces and the defense industry. To avoid a confrontation at a time when the nation was preparing for war, President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, forbidding racial discrimination in government hiring 27

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28 Several Tuskegee aviation cadets, maintenance personnel, and instructors stand beside a PT-17 biplane trainer at Tuskegee Army Air Field. (Courtesy th e Col. Roos eve lt J. Lewis Collection at Moton Field, Tuskegee National Historic Site, Ala., www.cr.nps.gov/museumlexhibits/tuskegee) and training programs. In an address, the President said, "I do hereby reaffirm the policy of the United States that there shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in the defense industries or in the government because of race, creed, color, or national origin, and I do hereby declare that it is the duty of the employees and of the labor organization in furtherance of said policy and of this order, to provide for full and equitable participation of all workers in defense industries, without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin."4 In August 1941, the cadets that passed basic training at Tuskegee became the 99th [Pursuit] Squadron. They spent three months just training and perfecting their skills in case they did get called to war, but the McCloy Committee was trying every thing to stop them from going. [ The Army's plans for employing and training black troops during World War II were largely based on the testimonies of World War I commanders of black troops gathered for testimony at the Army War College. General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff of the Army, directed a study be made of Negroes and flying, assigning review of the issue to the War Department's permanent Committee on Negro Troop Policies. The committee was headed by John J McCloy, Assistant Secretary of War. ed.] The McCloy Committee claimed that Negroes had smaller blood vessels which stopped blood from getting to the brain. This would cause blackouts, which they said could make the Negro lose control of the airplane. The McCloy Committee came to this con clusion about their blood vessels from other Negroes dying in basic training, but some saw it differently Now the Army was looking for a place to send the squadron. Originally the Air Corps had planned to send them to Liberia to fight the Germans on the African front, but by the fall of 1942 the Allies were winning in Africa. Then the Air Corps decided to send the squadron to India and Burma. For some reason this idea was abandoned. Then the Allies began making plans to move from North Africa to Sicily. The Allies decided to deploy large numbers of troops to the Sicily campaign The 99th was to be one of those

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units. But exactly when and where had yet to be decided By early 1943, officials in Washington were starting to ask why the 99th had still not gone into combat nearly seven months after finishing basic training.5 Finally, in April 1943, over a year after graduation, word of moving was announced. Captain Parrish said, "You are fighting men now. You have made the team. Then he restated, "Your future good or bad will depend largely on how determined you are not to give satisfaction to those who would like to see you fail." 6 On April 2nd, the 99th climbed aboard a train that would take them to New York where they would board a troop ship. Hundreds of well-wishers came to the tiny Tuskegee train station to say good-bye. 7 As they chanted: Fight! Fight! Fight! Fight! The fighting Ninety-ninth We are the heroes of the night To hell the Axis might Rat-tat! Rat-tat-tat! Round and planes we go When we fly, the Ninety-ninth This is how it go.8 As the new pilots made their way to Morocco, Africa, they thought they were leaving racial discrimination behind. Little did they know that the worst was yet to come. When they got there they discovered they were to be on an all-Negro base and that wasn't all. For a month they trained for combat, but never actually went. They only practiced dogfights with the fighters of the 27th.9 It took two months to get assigned to a mission In early June 1943 the 99th pilots went into combat. Their first mission was to strafe the Italian peninsula of Pantelleria. Each day for a week planes went out, straf ing and sometimes dive-bombing gun posi tions identified by their intelligence officer. Not a single enemy fighter opposed them. They said it seemed more like training practice than warfare. IO They participated in a few more petty missions, but finally got a taste of real combat on June 9th. The squadron went on an escort mission to Pantelleria.11 All the planes of the 99th returned safely. The pilots had passed the test for that day. They learned that a person could be trained to fly a plane and shoot guns, but only combat could teach true attack skills During another mission two of the 99th Tuskegee Airmen demolished a German destroyer, earning them a Soldier's Medal. In America, the McCloy Committee was still keeping tabs on them, writing a report that stressed that three of the Squadron's two-hundred men had died, capitalizing on the dead and ignoring the positive. Back in Sicily the role of the 99th was now to escort bombers on a mission over Sicily. On July 2nd, during a bomber escort mission over southwest Sicily, 99th pilot Lieutenant Charles Hall spotted a group of enemy fighters following the bombers just after their bomb drop I2 He moved into the space between the bombers and the enemy fighters, turned on the German formation and began firing He saw his bullets enter one of the planes, which rolled sideways. He saw it crash in a cloud of dust confirming that he had indeed shot it down. Hall put his plane into a victory roll as he flew over his base Everyone on the ground knew that the 99th had shot down an enemy plane, the first for the squadron. The men cheered and flashed "V" for victory as Hall landed I3 They went on to do the same thing from July until the end of August Even with the success, the commander of the 99th wrote negative reports, and at each level of command more negative comments seemed to be added. By the time reports made it to the McCloy Committee, they were presented with reports from the highest levels of the Air Force, stating criti cisms like, "The 99th was not aggressive, did not have the needed stamina and could not fight as a team."I4 It was recommended that all Negro squadrons be assigned to noncom bat roles.IS Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin 0. Davis, Jr. went back to the United States to help train the 302nd, lOOth, and the 301st fighter groups, also in Tuskegee. The report eventually came to him. On October 16, Davis was ordered to testify before the McCloy Committee. In his testimony, Davis pointed out that the 99th Fighter Squadron lacked combat experience. In the first days of combat, there certainly had been mistakes made due to inexperience, but these mistakes were quickly corrected and the reports said nothing about the improvements that had been made. Addressing the question of sta mina, Davis pointed out that the 99th had 29

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30 operated continuously for two months without receiving replacement pilots. During that time, the pilots often flew three to six missions a day, every day. The government [disagreed with the negative reports] and decided [to reject the recommendation] that all Negro squadrons be assigned to non-combat roles.16 The following day, the Tuskegee Airmen were assigned to Italy to fight with the 79th and patrol the assault beaches at Anzio, pre venting the enemy from bringing in more troops More squadrons went to war. The 100th, 301st and the 302nd Squadrons all joined and became the 332nd fighting group which even included the 99th. They arrived in Italy in early February 1944. Their first mission was to patrol Italy's western coast, protecting convoys and the Anzio harbor .17 For three months the squadron saw little or no action and enemy planes were sighted only three times. The pilots soon found out there that their P-39s were too slow to catch the Germans. But a new assignment and faster planes were in the future for the 332nd because General Ira Eaker, commander of the 15th Air Force, had a problem .18 The General had been sending bombers to destroy German supply lines and factory centers in Northern France and Germany. Because the bombers had no escort fight ers, many were being lost to the enemy fighters Eaker was unable to get enough fighter commanders to agree to fly escort for the bombers.19 Some commanders argued that because the fighter planes could not carry enough fuel to escort the bombers all the way to the targets, they would be unable to protect them in the most danger ous areas, those near the target. When Eaker ordered the fighter planes equipped with extra fuel tanks, pilots refused to fly with them, claiming the heavy tanks affect ed the plane's maneuverability. In a meeting, Eaker described his prob lem to Lieutenant Colonel Davis, noting that he had lost 114 men during one mis sion in February. 20 Eaker needed fighter pilots willing to provide close protection to the bombers even if it meant not scoring personal victories. Davis knew a great opportunity when he saw one. His pilots would be flying in the offensive part of the war, supporting the attack on the enemy. They would be over enemy territory, taking the war to them and thereby making history. Davis and Eaker agreed that the 332nd would be equipped with P-4 7 Thunderbolts, which could fly as high and as fast as the German fighters. When Davis told his squadron, they were upset. They would have to protect someone who didn't believe in them and they hated the idea that they couldn't chase after the enemy planes without orders. Davis made it clear that if they left the bombers unprotecte d while trying to be heroes there would be consequences. The squadrons would be flying missions over Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, Yugoslavia, south and east of Germany, France, Spain and northern Italy. The 332nd flew its first important mission as part of the 15th Air Force on June 9th, 1943, three days after D Day This mission was to escort B-17 and the B-24 bombers sent to destroy factories in Munich, Germany. The 332nd led by Colonel Davis rendezvoused with the bombers taking care to maintain altitudes and formation that would enable them to protect both the B -17 s and B 24s, which were flying at two different altitudes. As they neared Munich, Colonel Davis was alerted to two enemy planes approach ing the bombers from the rear and ordered the 302nd squadron to "Go get them! At that point two enemy planes flew through Davis formation. Some of the 332nd turned on the invaders In the battle that followed five enemy planes were shot down The bombers accomplished their mission and not a single bomber was lost 21 On their return to the base a message from the commander of one of the bombers said, "Your formation flying and escort is the best we've ever seen." Colonel Davis received the Distinguished Flying Cross for his leader ship of the mission He said, "They must be angels, not losing one bomber. It s skills or a miracle. You must be the Red Tail Angels" (considering their planes' tails were red). The name stuck. During July, the Red Tails flew many bomber escort missions to oil refineries, weapons and tank factories, and airfields.22 They shot down 39 enemy fighter planes and scored 39 aerial victories They also helped the Allies by bombing the major Nazi Ploesti Oil Complex in Romania. In August the 332nd continued its bomber escort missions to enemy oil fields. The war was now moving north and the

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Twenty Tuskegee Airmen posing in front of a plane. The signatures of 11 airmen are inscribed on the original photograph. (Official U.S. Army Air Corp Training Command photograph Courtesy of Tuskege e National Historic Site, www.cr.nps.gov/museumlexhibitsltuskegee) Allied needed southern French ports as entry points for troops and supplies. They did succeed in their plan. By the end of August 332nd planes attacked three air fields destroying 22 planes and damaging 83 planes in Romania. They destroyed 83 enemy planes out of 150 in Yugoslavia, and 36 more in Czechoslovakia. Also in September the pilots of the 332nd became known as skilled bomber escorts, and it was discovered that the Germans were manufacturing a new kind of plane, powered by a jet engine.23 They could fly much faster than a propeller driven plane and could fly practically straight up. The Allied considered the jet planes a great threat to the fighters and so began new bombing missions. Air Force commanders called for renewed efforts to bomb enemy aircraft factories. Despite their efforts, the Allies couldn't stop the German's production of jets. The Germans continued to manufacture the planes in camouflaged locations in caves and forests. The Allies began to spot them on December 9th during a bomber escort mission and the new planes performed just as they feared they would. During most of January 1945 the 332nd was weathered-in by rain and snow.24 The squadron only flew eleven missions. In early March, Colonel Davis got a surprising and disappointing communication from Headquarters The 302nd squadron was to be considered inactive and disbanded, though he was not told why.25 Later that same month, on the 24th, a flight of fifty Red Tails escorted bombers on a mission to bomb a tank factory in Berlin. This mission was the longest ever made by the fighters of the 15th Air Force, a 1,600 mile round trip. The long flight meant that the fighters had to be equipped with tanks that would hold an extra 100 gallons of fuel. These were not available on their base, so they had to order them from another base. As 31

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32 the Red Tails arrived over Berlin, they were stunned by the destruction below. A few battered anti-aircraft towers struggled to defend what was left of the once beautiful city .25 Though covered with wreckage and rubble, the tank factory continued to turn out Panzer tanks, so the bombers destroyed the factory As they left the target area, the Red Tails tanks on flat cars. This is an incredible record. The Airmen won a great deal of medals for their bravery while fighting in World War 11.30 They earned one Legion of Merit, one Silver Star, two Soldiers Medals, eight Purple Hearts 150 Distinguished Flying Crosses, fourteen Bronze Stars and 7 44 Air Medals and Clusters For all of these accom-plishments, three years later, in 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 9981, which ended segregation in vari ous military branches of the United States of America. Today there are many museums and statues honoring the Tuskegee Airmen and displaying engaged twenty-five of the feared German jet planes When the jets attacked the bombers, a group of Red Tails went after them. The P-51s turned swiftly from side to side as the jets pursued them caus ing the jets to speed ahead of the Allies' guns. Then the Red Tails had the jets right in front of them and fired The P-51s shot three jets down and damaged several more. 26 Lt. Lee "Buddy" Archer, a member of the 302nd Squadron, is remembered as "one of the Tuskegee aviation cadets attend a briefing at Tuskegee Army Air Field March 1945. (Courtesy Toni Frissell, photographer, Library of Congress, LC-F9-4503-319-4 www. er. nps.govlmuseum/exhibits/tuskegee) exhibits of their bravery and courage These exhibits show that African Americans can serve in the military combat roles despite prej udice and the other best."27 He shot down the first jet planes of the war.28 In April there were only a few targets left. The Germans surrendered on May 6, 1945. By July the 332nd was on its way home. From June 1943, when the 99th went into combat, until May 1945 when the war in Europe ended, African-Americans had built an incredible record for them selves.29 They never lost a single bomber [under escort], and no other fighter group has even accomplished that. Out of 1 ,5 78 missions, they destroyed 111 aerial aircraft, 150 ground aircraft, sixteen barges and boats, 58 box cars, three gun emplace ments, one destroyer, fifteen horse-drawn vehicles, 57 locomotives, six motor transports, two oil and ammunition dumps, three power transformers and one radar installation. They damaged 25 aerial air craft 123 ground aircraft, 23 buildings and factories, 24 barges and boats, 100 horse drawn vehicles, 69 locomotives 81 motor transports, 561 box cars, two power trans formers, eight radar installations and seven struggles they faced They showed their abilities to the people who believed in them, but most of all, they showed those that thought they were incapable that this was no impossible task. They showed the War [Department] of the United States that African-Americans could contribute to the efforts of fighting for freedom. ENDNOTES 1. Frederick and Patricia McKissack, Red Tail Angels, the Story of the Tuskegee Airmen (New York: Walker 1995), 3. 2. Jacqueline Harris, The Tuskegee Airmen Black Heroes of World War II (Parsippany: Dillon Press 1996.) 45. This is a diary from one of the Tuskegee Airmen. 3 McKissack Red Tail Angels, 4 7, 48. 4. Ibid ., 49-50. 5. Harris, The Tuskegee Airme n 34. 6 History Channel, television program, Black History Month Feb 2002. Interview with three Tuskegee Airmen about their thoughts

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and opinions: Lt. Col. Howard L. Bough (ret.), Dr Roscoe C. Brown, and Lee A. "Buddy" Archer, Jr. 7 Harris, The Tuskegee Airmen, 46 8. Harris, The Tuskegee Airmen, 42. 9. Ibid. 50. 10. Ibid., 51. 11. Ibid., 52 12 Ibid., 55. 13. Ibid. 55. 14. Ibid. 56. 15. Ibid. 57. 16. Ibid. 59. 17. Ibid., 66. 18 Ibid 67. 19 Ibid., 69. 20. Ibid. 68. 21. Ibid. 70 22. Harris The Tuskegee Airmen, 73. 23 Ibid. 77. 24. Ibid. 78 25. Ibid. 78. 26. Ibid., 80. 27. Ibid., 80. 28. History Channel Tuskegee Airmen inter view, Lee A "Buddy Archer, Jr. 29 McKissack Red Tail Angels, 127 30. Ibid. Other research material s used by the author: Jerry Stringer ed., Airman, Feb. 2002 issue (San Antonio TX: Air Force News Agency (AFNEWS), Secretary of the Air Force Office of Public Affairs) This official Air Force maga zine features the thoughts and stories directly from two Tuskegee Airmen. http://www. w aptb.af .mil/museum/histo ryprewil/ta.htm USAF Museum History, Pre W\VII History 1995. This web site has information on museums and how to get more inform a tion. Dr. Robert Markowitz, Tuskegee Airmen A Price Entertainment HBO Production, H ollywoo d 1999. A film including some fic tional inform a tion; there are still many useful facts. Deborah Gillian Straub, ed., Afr icanAmerican Reference Library: African-American Voic es, 2 vols. (Detroit: Gal e Group, 1996) This source gives information about who they were a nd where they were from Margery Berube, ed., Webst e r s II College Dictionary (New York: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1995.) This source defines general military terms and criteria to earn a military medal.

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Salutes the Tampa Historical Society and its outstanding contributions to the Tampa Bay Community

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Gone from our home, but notfrom our hearts: Nineteenth Century Epitaphs In Selected Florida Rural Cemeteries Maureen J Patrick ravestone studies in F lorida are accompanied by a sense of urgency. Much of the state's pioantiquarian foci of some researchers, littl e serious scholarly attention has been given the subject. Of the work that has been done in these graveyards, even less attention has been directed to what Dianna Hume George and Malcolm Nelson have called "literary approaches to gravestones,"1 that is, the critical study of epitaphs and memorial neer history and heritage rests in its nineteenth century rural cemeteries, and these, overgrown and under-tended, are sinking beneath relentless vegetation and unstable sand. Climate allies with neglect in the assault. Torrential rains, period ic hurricanes, lightning strikes (with their concomitant fires and felled trees), blistering heat, and a year-round growth season seem united against these embattled sites and their va lu able contents. Vanda l s and robbers swell the offen sive ranks; gravestone researchers must often pick their way through shattered monuments Here lies the remains of Chris topher R. Perry Butler 1st Regiment [ C .]S. Army. With the tender affection of a son and brother he united the spirit of a Gallant So ldier temp ered with the gentle influence of Christian piety. Born in Greenville District of South Carolina Au.gust 26th, 1829. Died at Tampa Bay November 1st, 1853. In the courageous discharge of his duty. This stone is erected by his mother. inscriptions, along with their material culture implications. The work is necessary and press ing for, as George and Nelson posit: "Epitaphs must be studied seri ous l y as the last and in most cases the onl y l asting verbal representation of the people who s leep under the stones: 'I have been and that is all."'2 Of the people who s leep under Florida stones, few sleep in a cemetery more inter-esting or more Oaklawn Ce m e t ery, Tampa Florida and plundered statuary. neglected than Oaklawn Cemetery in (Figure 1) Considering the rapid deterioration of all of Florida's rural cemeteries and taking note of their immense historical va lu e, it is vitally important that documentation and interpretation of every aspect of these sites proceed apace. Despite the pressing and important nature of such work, however and apart from the purely genealo gica l or downtown Tampa, Florida. It is hard today t o visualize Oaklawn as a rural cemetery. Situated just a few blocks from the bustling center of Florida's second largest city, the burying place with its drooping oaks and twisted cedars, its chipped masonry wall and iron gates, seems incongruent but hardly rural. Cars rattle past on the narrow brick streets 35

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36 Figure 1. Damage by vandals to the Butzloff memorial, Oaklawn Cemetery. (All photographs cour tesy of the author.) surrounding the site, skyscrapers seem to leer over the cemetery wall, and the county jail, directly adjacent, is a hostile neighbor, with searchlights and coiled barbed wire bristling atop its high stockade. To view the cemetery in the context of its day, one must remember that when the cemetery was founded in 1850 the city cen-

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ter, if it could be generously described that way, was not where it is now but some blocks southwest, and was comprised of the military installation Fort Brooke and its various outbuildings, all built more or less on the banks of the Hillsborough River. That meant that the cemetery, located in the northeast corner of the original plat of the county seat, was nearly a mile from the heart of the settlement, in an area devoted to farming and groves. Blocked from expansion west and southward by the broad and meandering Hillsborough River, the city grew in a north by northeast pattern. By the turn of the nineteenth century, Oaklawn Cemetery was surrounded by residential and com mercial construction, a sylvan refuge of the dead encircled by city sprawl. Its initial tracts, gifted in 1850 by Hillsborough County, in 1874 by B.C Leonardi, and in 1880 by James T Magbee, were by 1900 fairly well filled with graves; no adjacent unoccupied land remained.3 Other nineteenth century burying grounds, like Woodlawn Cemetery (Figs. 2,3,4) in a gen uinely rural area north of the city center, and Myrtle Hill to the east, were commodi ous enough to serve for many years (and continue today to accept both below -ground and mausoleum interments.) But Oaklawn Cemetery, Tampa's first public burying ground, was awkwardly situated and too small to be of much long-range use to the ballooning Tampa community. In consequence of these demographic shifts, the little cemetery at Morgan and Harrison Streets was all but forgotten The oversight was disastrous, for Central Florida's climate combined with the work of vandals to wreak havoc on the old grave yard. Since stone markers were costly and difficult to obtain, most of the original markers at Oaklawn were carved cypress slabs or posts; those that survived a fierce fire in the cemetery's early years were lost to wind, rain, rot and flooding. (Some gravesites have vanished utterly, due to these losses and the disappearance of the cemetery's original plat sometime just after the War Between the States. ) Above-ground stone tombs and monuments were cracked or shattered by falling tree limbs, tombstones toppled or were defaced, and memo rial statuary was robbed on a regular basis. Most of the original gravesites were family groupings and, conforming to the custom of Figure 2. Clark memorial, Woodlawn cemetery. the age, had iron railings and fences. Over the years, these disappeared or fell to pieces. While civic groups attempted, at intervals, to care for and maintain Oaklawn, neither funds nor public atten tion was sufficient to insure the graveyard's well-being. In 1974, a reporter from The Tampa Tribune recorded, with a mixture of amusement and indignation, an interview with a homeless man living in one of the few above-ground tombs in Oaklawn. 4 Every Halloween the cemetery became the locus for ghoulish pranks, of which spray-paint ing tombs and statuary was the mildest expression. In 1993, forty grave markers were destroyed in one such Halloween spree of vandalism. 5 As recently as January, 2001, vandals toppled headstones, breaking several, and wrenched iron plot gates from their hinges.6 More than common repugnance at the 37

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38 Figure 3. Memorial statuary for Mrs. Hampton, wife of Dr Hiram Hampton, Woodlawn Cemetery. desecration of graves has motivated latter day attempts to salvage what is left of Oaklawn and restore, where possible, its uniquely nineteenth century character. In the cemetery rest framers of all five Florida constitutions, two Florida Supreme Court judges, thirteen mayors of the city, mem bers of many of Tampa's founding families, Florida's fifteenth governor, eighty-eight graves from the city's five yellow fever epi demics, mass burials of Ft. Brooke person nel, and soldiers of seven wars (the Second Seminole War, Mexican War, Billy Bowlegs Indian War, War Between the States, the Spanish-American War, and World Wars I and II.) Of additional importance is the ceme tery's role as an early example of the for mally designed memorial landscape that was to become known as the rural ceme tery. Replacing the crowded, haphazard and unhygienic city center graveyards of the past, the rural cemetery of the midto late nineteenth century was lauded by an 1877 writer: Can 'couch more magnificent' be sought for than the beautiful open cemetery, festooned with richest foliage, and glori fied with the sunshine, the incense of flowers and the chants of winds? ... we do avouch, for many weighty causes, that there are no places more fit to buy our dead in than our gardens and groves or airy fields, sub dis, where our beds may be decked and carpeted with verdant and fragrant flowers, trees and perennial plants the most natural and instructive hieroglyphics of our expected resurrection and immortality. 7 When compared to the aerial prose of this text, the worn-out little Tampa buryingground provokes a mild sense of disappointment, for at its best it was never a Greenwood or a Mount Auburn. However, viewed through a kind and reconstructing eye, the cemetery is undoubtedly a pocket edition of those grand and celebrated prop erties. Brick pathways while they do not wind or meander, are nevertheless laid out in a pleasing rectilinear pattern throughout the grounds. A neat white Victorian cottage in the northeast section provides storage for the mundane tools of the gravedigger and caretaker, as well as a pleasant porch where, it is said, Confederate veterans used to sit and chat, and where the eulogy was sometimes delivered in poor weather. Memorial plantings are scattered throughout the cemetery: the evergreen Florida red cedar (for life everlasting) the renewing oak (emblem of faith's strength) and the palm (suggestive of Jesus' entry into Jerusalem.) In some respects, in fact, now that the oaks have grown and spread their mossy limbs over the brick paths while the aged cedars' trunks have twisted, sculpturelike, among the graves, Oaklawn is more the rural cemetery than it was at its found ing, for its peaceful grounds, graceful foliage and broken but eloquent statuary exemplify the aesthetic that brought the rural cemetery into being. (Figure 5) Recognizing if not the aesthetic then at least the unique historical nature of the

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graveyard, the Tampa Historical Society has in recent years paid close attention to the site, hosting an annual "Oaklawn Ramble" that attracts the interest of local history organizations and antiquarians. Less salutary are the well-intentioned efforts of some "history buffs" to repair, clean, or replace broken or soiled grave markers, efforts which have resulted in, arguably, more harm than good. Tombstones and memorial sculp tures have been scrubbed with bleach and other corrosive substances (increasing the deterioration of inscriptions and monument art), broken stones have been badly patched with cement, and some missing or shattered markers have been replaced with anachro nistic modern stones. There is likewise no prohibition against gravestone rubbings by tourists and amateurs, and nearly every visit to Oaklawn uncovers evidence of destructive rubbing techniques in the form of wax crayon smears and newly cracked headstones. In these respects, both the City of Tampa and local preservation and historical bodies lag behind the national movement to restore and maintain historic cemeteries in a careful and technologically up-to-date fashion What site and artifact restoration/ preservation work has been done at Oaklawn has been augmented by the col lection of data (larg e ly genealogical and his torical) by amateur and a few scholarly individuals. Julius 'Jeff Gordon, a retired Florida native and independent scholar, has, to date, done the most exhaustive sur vey and documentation of Oaklawn's 1,208 graves.8 But Gordon's work does not address the literary or iconographic aspects of Oaklawn grave memorials, nor make any attempt to locate the cemetery and its contents in the larger body of cultural archeol ogy. Bearing in mind the validity of a future holistic study of these gravestones that would unify disparate sources of data iconographic (carving and memorial art), literary (epitaphs and inscriptions) and his torical this study limits itself to the lit erary aspect of Oaklawn and provides some supportive data from similarly dated Florida cemeteries with the goal of encouraging these graveyards' placement in their right and proper material culture context. Study Sample While Oaklawn is not, comparatively speaking, a vast graveyard, it is nevertheless Figure 4. Memorial statuary for Dr. Hiram Hampton, Woodlawn Cemetery. a fairly populous" one. In order to produce a sample of a size productive of close and thorough examination, and to effectively interpret the sample in the context of exist ing time-limited studies, this study restricts itself to the southwest section of the cemetery and to grave markers with dates from 1850 to the end of the second decade of the twentieth century. In this section and time span are located the oldest Protestant buri als in Oaklawn and those of many members of Tampa's "founding families." In addition to Oaklawn Cemetery, sam plings were taken from several other ceme teries in Florida. The criteria determining the appropriateness of these sources were: 1) the rural nature of the cemetery; 2) the prevalence of dated gravesites in the 1850 -1920 target time span; 3) the public, rather than family or private, use of the site. The 39

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40 Figure 5. Oak.lawn Cemetery looking toward the southwest. sites are scattered throughout Florida with the aim of eliminating the "carver specifici ty" of the sites, that is, to ensure that the literary data gleaned from the samples does not reflect the work of only one carver or stone supplier. While no attempt was made in this study to tie the stones to any particular maker or carver, several distinctly

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different styles of carving were noted. This observation, combined with the geographic separation of the sites, suggests that a number of memorial makers supplied the stones or at least carved the inscriptions. Some of the inscriptions are undoubtedly from stock sources, but, as many reliable material culture studies have pointed out, that fact alone need not diminish their utility since the popularity and prevalence of certain memorial sayings, like certain grave art motifs, suggest widespread social concordance in their meaningfulness. The supplemental graveyards surveyed in this study are: Woodlawn Cemetery9 (at Indiana and North Boulevard Streets in Tampa), Homeland Cemetery10 (near Bartow, Florida) Micanopy Cemetery (in Micanopy, Florida, the state's oldest inland town) and Columbus Cemetery11 (in the now-defunct north Florida town of Columbus. ) The Homeland and Columbus Cemetery samples include every readable marker in these small burying grounds; the Woodlawn and Micanopy samples are from the oldest sections of each cemetery. Restrictive Terminology Many definitions of "epitaph" exist. Likewise the phrase "memorial inscrip tion"' may be open to disparate meanings. For the purposes of this study, the word "epitaph" will be considered to be equiva lent but not identical to "memorial inscrip tion,"' that is, an "epitaph" will denote any inscription of a clearly memorial sort which is placed on a gravestone or grave marker, while "memorial inscription" will refer to literary data either from gravestones and grave markers or from memorial statuary, such as cenotaphs. (Ergo, all epitaphs are memorial inscriptions but not all memorial inscriptions are epitaphs.) Epitaphs and memorial inscriptions are denoted by quotation marks. Literary data excluded from the definitions of either epitaph or memor ial inscription includes names, birth and death dates, conventional indications of relationship ("son of," "wife of," etc.) and conventional 'dedicatory' phrases such as "Sacred to the memory of." As much as pos sible, this sort of non-memorial literary data from the surveyed graves has been included after the memorial inscription, in parentheses. Figure 6. Lesley memorial Oak.lawn Cemetery. Data Collection Field observation and transcription were used to obtain literary data from the graves in these cemeteries. Due to the age and advanced deterioration of grave markers and memorial statuary, some data has been irretrievably lost. Marginally readable epi taphs and inscriptions were reconstructed, when possible by comparison with similar ly worded inscriptions from studies of simi larly dated stones and with the assistance of a Biblical Concordance and a historical dic tionary. When an inscription has been reconstructed to any degree, the reconstructed words or phrases are shown in brackets, for example: "[Rest] in the Lord Missing and unreconstructed letters, words or phrases are shown by empty brackets, 41

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IN MEMORY Of THE VICTIMS OF THE YELLOW. FEVER EPIDEMICS OF 1853. 1858. 1867. 1871 AND 1887-88 WHO ARE BURI E D JN O AKLAWN Top figure 7. Modern memorial stone for mass grave of yellow fever victims Oaklawn Cemetery. Bottom figure 8. Draped cenotaph on Dagenhardt grave Decorative motifs for nineteenth century grave markers often mimic ked those used for domestic interiors for example: "Our [ ] sleeps in heaven." Whenever possible, partially obliterated inscriptions have been restored to readability by consultation with local scholarly or amateur graveyard studies or individuals. Prior studies, however, recorded a wealth of genealogical or historical data while consistently omitting purely memorial inscriptions, and so very little re-constructive assistance was avail able from those quarters. Spelling, punctuation and grammar errors were recorded as they are on the grave marker, without revision No data was recorded from grave markers lacking memorial inscriptions (such as the many military graves in Oaklawn), nor from markers where all but the barest information was obliterated beyond any hope of reconstruction. Sample Organization Readable or reconstructed inscriptions from Oaklawn and the other cemeteries surveyed are grouped by type Five cate gories have been assigned to the literary data and are based on similarity of conte nt. The categories are: Spiritual or "other-worldly:" This cate gory embraces inscriptions which focus largely or exclusively on the after -death condition as visualized and expressed in spiritual, though not necessarily or exclu sively religious, terms. Examples are inscriptions like He sleeps in Jesus, "Gone to glory, or "She waits in heave n. Tributes: Tributary inscriptions are frequently unique to the individual memorial ized and their primary focus is on the indi vidual in life, his or her inherent virtue( s) professional, familial, or vocational achievements and excellence. "A loving husband and father," is one such inscription. Those l eft behind: In this category are inscriptions that focus on the grief of sur vivors their sense of loss or separation, or establish an implied dialogue with the dead The not uncommon "Gone from our home, but not from our hearts" is one example, as is the imperative "Remember me." Combination epitaphs: While some epitaphs are purely of one type, many more combine the foci and symbolic language from two or more groups One frequently encountered combination epi taph which originates in Biblical verse is

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"Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God." In this inscription, the deceased is given tribute as "pure in heart," while the expectation of spiritual union with God is recorded as the consequence of such purity. Unique epitaphs: This label is used by Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nelson to describe "the intricately detailed poetic epitaph which obviously applies to the unique situation of the particular person memorialized."12 J. Joseph Edgette calls the form "o riginal" and says of its examples: "Highly personalized and pecu liar to one specific person, they are, so to speak, customized to fit one individual and one individual only."13 I have modified the descriptions of Edgette, George and Nelson to include inscriptions, "poetic" or otherwise, which, whether or not they can be identified as falling into any of the preced ing four categories, are demonstratively atypical among the sampled grave markers. The most striking example from this study is undoubtedly the Ashley gravestone in Oaklawn Cemetery. (Figure 3) Interpreting the data Any critical interpretation of these Florida epitaphs must at the outset take into account the paucity and expense of stone for durable markers during the period of the study. Florida has little native stone of the sort that would suit for grave mark ers, and stone for this and other purposes had, at the time, to be shipped from stone bearing states to Florida ports, then transported by an awkward and expensive combination of sailing or steam vessels, river barge, rail, and wagon to points within Florida. (Until the very late 1800s, Florida's railroads were a patchwork of non-standard lines, many of which started and ended "nowhere.") Wood (usually cypress) mark ers, not stone, were the norm for many graves; these could not and did not survive the long years, corrosive natural elements, and prevalence of fire in these cemeteries. The expense of stone markers and their concomitant rarity leads to a conclusion that any grave marker study will, by neces sity, omit data from the hundreds of poor people, slaves, and marginal persons (such as seasonal fishermen, cattlemen and farm laborers, Native-Americans, domestics and others) whose loved ones or estate could not support the cost of a stone marker and Figure 9. White bronze memorial for Brown graves, Oaklawn Cemetery. the services of a stone carver. Such a deduc tion is borne out by the markers from the earlier half of the period of this study, that is, from the years 1850 1885 In Oaklawn Cemetery, for example, the majority of graves in the southwest section are those of Tampa's prominent families whose relative wealth entitled them to enduring markers of stone or white bronze, as well as protec tive plot fences of iron, masonry or stone. (Figure 6) Thus, the democratic 1850 ded ication of the cemetery as a burying place for "white and slave, rich and poor" is belied by the physical evidence of the graves. However, one should not be too hasty in supposing that the cemetery is or was entirely non-representative, overall, of the population of nineteenth century Tampa. For instance, a mass grave of Fort Brooke 43

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44 Figure 10. Detail of bronze memorial for Brown graves, displaying pastoral motifs. soldiers and settlers (originally interred at the military site but removed to Oaklawn in 1982) bears no individual markers. Likewise, a mass grave of nineteenth century yellow fever victims is denoted by a sin gle (recent) commemorative stone. (Figure 7) Slaves and domestics may well be interred with the families of their masters, and their graves while rarely unmarked were more likely to have merited perishable wood rather than enduring stone markers. (The earliest burials at Oaklawn were those of a Cuban pirate and a slave belonging to the family of Rev. L G. Lesley; both graves now bear modern replacement marker stones.) Native-Americans were also buried at Oaklawn; a sizeable number of Seminole Indians were recently disinterred from Oaklawn and moved to a tribal burying place Additionally, Florida has always been an attractive locale for speculators, adventurers, and transients; lacking family or friends in the area, these disconnected souls may have been buried with a mm1-mum of outlay by whatever segment of the community took on the job. There are then the problems of defacement, breakage, theft, and the deterioration or replacement of stones, which have resulted in the loss of data from countless graves, a problem compounded by the disappearance of the cemetery's original plat. The uncomfortable truth of cemeteries like Oaklawn, along with its cousins Woodlawn, Homeland, Columbus and Micanopy, is that a significantly greater number of persons are doubtless interred in these grounds than those whose graves are marked.13 Hence, while the visible data seems to suggest that only well-to-do white families make up the population of dead in these Florida rural cemeteries, enough data is irretrievable that any such postulation is, at best, risky In assessing the collective epitaphs from these four rural burying grounds, one can readily see that of the five types of inscrip tions into which they have been divided combination epitaphs are the most numerous (totaling 37 of 126; the next largest cat egory is spiritual, numbering 35 of 126.) Recalling again the scarcity and cost of stone memorials and stone carving, it is notable that so many survivors would spend so much to memorialize their departed in complex sentiments. This fact speaks eloquently of the compelling needs of mourners in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to present relatively lengthy and often poetic characterizations of the dead, their presumed after-death condition, and/or the feelings of those left behind. Of course, in "combination,'' as in other types of epitaphs, some carvers and mourners were more "economical" than others. An example of elegiac economy is the Wiggins epitaph from Columbus Cemetery: "She sleeps in Jesus for she was ready. In just eight words the deceased is given tribute for her Christian piety and consigned to a rest ful sleep in heaven. Such verbal thrift is the exception rather than the norm, however, in "combination" epitaphs. More often they hold forth on their several topics at such length that they barely fit on the gravestone, as is the case with the Mollie and Jackson Cannon stone, also in Columbus Cemetery, which reads: "These died in faith not having received the promise but having seen them afar off and were persuaded of them and embraced and confessed that

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they were strangers and pilgrims on earth." This slightly confusing epitaph is touching in the necessity which it reveals in the mourners (obviously children of the deceased, since "Mother and Father" is also inscribed on the stone) to incorporate into the stone faith, doubt, reassurance, spiritu al reunion, and a sense of the alienation and hardship of Florida pioneer life. One gains an even deeper sense of the compelling emotions behind this carving when reading the epitaphs of Baby Cannon, died December 16, 1906, and Jearl Cannon, died June 4, 1907. Both were children of Jack Cannon, Jr. and Rosa Cannon, the son and daughter-in-law of the parents memorial ized in the "strangers and pilgrims" epitaph. In one and a-half years (and quite pos sibly less, since the 1906 parental marker is not dated as to month and day) Jack and Rosa Cannon underwent mourning for the second of deceased parents and two small children of their own All three epitaphs are of the "combination" sort, and all three reflect the impulse of these hard-stressed mourners to memorialize the dead in complex sentiments and at considerable expense. The Jearl and Baby Cannon epitaphs turn our attention to children's epitaphs, of which there are in this study what seems, to modern eyes, like a disproportionate number. Thirty-five of the one hundred and twenty-six interments in this sample are those of children under eighteen years of age; thirty-one of those graves bear the bod ies of children under ten years old. Keeping in mind the high infant mortality and limited medical technology of the era, as well as the risks associated with a primitive Florida environment (beset with tropical diseases, poor sanitation, Indian attack and the hard ships of a blockaded coastal region during the War Between the States), the fact that so many graves of young children are found in these rural cemeteries is not surprising What is notable is that, overall, the children's grave markers bear inscriptions no less fulsome or complex than those of adults. Clearly, if the epitaph evidence is taken as an indicator of the relative social worth of the departed, then children were valued as highly as adults, and mourning sentiments for them were as fervent, lengthy and complex To be sure, the childrelated gravestone and mourning art from this period has been much studied for its forms, aesthetics and iconographic content, all of which yield a portrait of childhood as the era saw it: pure, fragile and close to God Epitaphs and memorial inscriptions verbalized this view of idyllic and vulnera ble youth. Martha Pike and Janice K. Armstrong have written: "Children were understood to be innocent and beloved by God. There existed a pervasive fear (often realized) that an adored child would be taken to Heaven too soon by a God who chose him as His own. The good died young, and many families knew the anguish of bereavement. "15 Pike and Armstrong illustrate their argument with the 1842 epitaph of Elizabeth F Mills, but the authors might just as well have chosen these lines carved on the 1865 Columbus Cemetery marker for William Tison: "Farewell our little angel We miss thy smiling face We miss thy little prattling voice But with Jesus thou art safe." The many similar epitaphs for children buried in these Florida rural cemeteries are proof in stone that the conventional aes thetics of childhood, mourning, and spiritu ality were as compelling and widespread in nineteenth and early twentieth century Florida as in more developed and populated parts of the country. The difficulties of life in what was at the time a frontier state cannot be overestimated, but far from relin quishing the mourning conventions which, collectively, one scholar has described as "a predominantly bourgeois phenomenon,"1 6 the epitaphs of the dead in these cemeteries support the deduction that, whatever sacri fices these pioneer Floridians made and whatever socio-cultural appurtenances they were forced to discard in their frontier environment, their idealization of childhood, their attitudes toward juvenile death, and their modes of memorializing their dead children were no different than those of their contemporaries in more settled parts of the Eastern Seaboard The linking of childhood with the heav enly condition, so often found in children's epitaphs, leads one to an examination of religion generally as it appears -or does not in these rural burying grounds Here the data from this study produces an interest ing observation : of the surveyed epitaphs from these four cemeteries, nearly two-45

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46 thirds contain overt references to Christian religious doctrine (in the form of words such as "Jesus," "Christian," "'angels,'' and the like, or by including exact or paraphrased Biblical quotations, such as "He giveth His beloved sleep.") A small addi tional number of epitaphs contain oblique or ambiguous Christian references, such as "thy heavenly face,'' or "We will meet again (While a strictly denotative reading of the obliquely worded epitaphs might leave them open to non-religious, or at least non-Christian interpretation, they would have contained no such ambiguity for nineteenth and early twentieth century readers. As Barbara Rotundo points out in "She Hath Done What She Could,'' "Men and women in the nineteenth century knew scripture and recognized which gravestone epitaphs were biblical quotations .")17 That very close to two-thirds of these surveyed epitaphs bear religious content may seem to modern assessors an indica tion of high religiosity in the culture which produced them, but it is the non-religious one-third that should truly capture our attention, for compared to the gravestone inscriptions of, say, eighteenth century New England, the sizeable number of epitaphs in this survey which contain no markers at all of Christian doctrine, symbolism and/or literature suggests a growing secularization of death and bereavement. This secularizing process was by no means peculiar to the cemeteries in this survey, but was part of the generalized movement over time from the doctrinal narrowness of America's Colonial and post-Colonial periods to the Romantic era broadening and reorientation of both the religious and the aesthetic spheres. Even overtly religious memorials reflected, over time, a lightening and "soft ening" of literary content. James Deetz has described how epitaphs evolved from eigh teenth century examples which "stress decay and life's brevity" to early nineteenth century stones, focused on "resurrection, and later, heavenly reward."18 Along with the progression of death and bereavement away from purely religious dogma and symbolism, the domestication of death and mourning in the nineteenth century play a part in understanding the increase in non-religious imagery in memo rial inscriptions. Critics Pike and Armstrong have suggested that the American cult of domesticity that "idealized and sanctified the home, the family and the women who formed them"1 9 stimulated a vision of the after-life as a well ordered domestic environment and death as a temporary separation until a final happy reunion in the better world of the hereafter. (Figure 8) The rural cemetery, with its pleasant vistas, artistic statuary and graceful landscape, was the vehicle for a rich subtextual discourse of ideas on the family and household, death, mourning, and the after -life, while the epitaphs and memorial inscriptions were shorthand ver sions of that subtext. All five cemeteries surveyed in this study contain examples of the genre. The Brown family's white bronze cenotaph in Oaklawn bears this fine speci men: "He was a mother's idol but death, like the dew from heaven, fell quickly, yet gen tly on this drooping flower (Figures 9, 10) Such domestic imagery, springing from a memorial vocabulary verdant with drooping flowers, sunbeams, buds, and blooms chal lenges, in these Florida graveyards, the reli giosity that formerly monopolized the death and mourning experiences. In all five sam ples, as a matter of fact, only two stones bear the dour and once commonplace epitaph which, by the mid-nineteenth century, is conspicuous by its rarity: Remember man as you pass by As you are now so once was I As I am now so you must be Prepare for Death and follow me. Sixty Uust under half) of the interments in these Florida rural cemetery samples are those of women or girls. (One infant's grave marker is gender-unspecified.) When the grave markers are examined for gender dis tribution by category, there is near parity in most categories however two -"tributes" and "combination epitaphs" show a lop sided distribution There are half again as many female as male graves marked by "tributes" (12 to 8), and a reverse preponderance of male to female "combination epitaphs" (23 to 15.) Since, of all five epi taph categories, "tributes" and "combina tion epitaphs" deal most directly with life achievements and activities as interpreted by survivors, the gendered qualities of those achievements and activities might be expected to reveal themselves with somewhat more frequency than in epitaphs focusing on other aspects of the death and

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after-life conditions. While the sampl e s i ze in this study is not large enou gh to l egiti mately postulate on this point, the dispari ty by gender in these two categories should stimulate more study on gender as it affects epitaph type in Florida graves from the era. Some interesting points arise when examinin g the epitaph categories and their distribution temporally. If the study sample is divided in half, with the earlier half including grave markers from 1850 1885, and the later half those from 1886 1920, then 42 interments are dated in the first half while 77 occur in the second. (Seven stones are not dated or bear unreliable dates.) Only one category -that of "trib utes" -seems to occur with near-parity in both halves of the study; "tribute" epitaphs constitute 19% of the earlier grave markers and 14% of the later ones. There is a marked decrease in the prevalence of "com bination" epitaphs, which decline from 43% in the earlier half of the sample to 24. 7% in the later half. "Unique" epitaphs also decrease in the newer graves, from 14 .3% before 1886 to 5 .2% between that date and 1920 Two epitaph categories show an increase in frequency from earlier to later halves of the study: "spiritual" (increasing from 19% to 3 7 7%) and those left behind" (increasing from 9 .5% to 18.2%. ) Interpreting the seeming increase, over time, in these two categories however, ben efits from extending the terminus ante quern of the first half of the study to 1900. For "spiritual" epitaphs this adjustment produces a frequency of 52.4% in the earlier period versus 3 7 7% in the 1900 1920 period These percentages reflect Deetz' observations on the decline, overall, in overtly "spiritual or religious memorial sentiment as grave markers move into the modern era. Moreover, advancing the cut off date of the "older" half of the survey to 1900 adds only two graves to the "those left behind" group of older memorials, yielding adjusted frequencies of 14.3% in the earlier time span and 18 .2% in the later one. This, too, conforms to material culture studies demonstrating the increased secul arization of death in modern memorials with its resultant shift of focus from mortality and the Hereafter to the needs and feelings of survivors. Keeping in mind that the limited size of this survey cannot offer conclusive findings in any category, the data from these five burying grounds suggest that the stones in Florida rural cemeteries may mirror results from studies in other l ocales, as well as prefigure results from more ambi tious Florida epitaph studies, studies which might themselves incorporate the data gleaned from this preliminary work. t is surprising, considering the interpretive fruitfulness of the literary data from these Florida rural cemeteries, that there are so few intensive studies devoted to similar sources The paucity of critical studies -both local and national of the literary data from gravestones is doubly surprising when one considers that such studies are by no means new or novel. As early as the Renaissance, when tomb carv ings and memorial inscriptions were looked upon as historical documents and/or curi ous antiquities, burial sites were examined and epitaphs recorded by the hundreds. The historiographic and archeological pre occupations of the eighteenth century led to renewed interest in tomb art, epitaphs and memorial inscriptions, while the nascent sciences of psychology and sociolo gy sought to assign motivations and "national characteristics" to the literary data from these sources. By the nineteenth century, John Kippax was moved to publish in Chicago the book called Churchyard Literature: A Choic e Collection of American Epitaphs. In addition to the customary taxonomy of epitaphs as "Admonitory," "Professional," "Devotional," "Ludicrous," and so on, Kippax formulates a quite objective definition of "epitaph" and suggests that deductions of a socio-cultural nature may be gleaned from a careful study of the genre For the purposes of this study, however Kippax's real contribution arises not from his analysis of historical epitaphs but from his comments on contemporary ones, the virtues and standards of which he defines with a clarity that enlightens critical readers more than a hundred years later: They may recount the virtues and glori ous actions of the deceased, and hold them up for our imitation ; and they may also narrate the descent of the individ ual and may mourn his loss. A moral or admonitory precept, too may be added, and in this manner important instruction may be conveyed. An epitaph should unquestionably be brief, and 47

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48 should combine beauty of expression with tenderness of feeling. All that is expressive of love, sorrow, faith, hope, resignation and piety, should characterize an epitaph. It ought to be made almost exclusively applicable to the individual interred, and certainly not too long for remembrance. Its object is to record what is worthy of remem brance, and to excite sympathy in the beholder. True and genuine sorrow is never loquacious. In conveying consola tion and admonition it should have reference to the common lot of all, and teach us to look up from the grave to a higher sphere of existence. 20 It is doubtful that any one epitaph could embody all the virtues recommended by Kippax's formula, but the practical applica tions of his words are transcended in importance by what those words tell us about the needs, beliefs, tastes and lifestyles of the nineteenth century readers for whom they were intended. When read along with the literary data from rural Florida cemeteries, a well-articulated image begins to form, an image of a time and place and of people who lived and died then and there. The mouths of those people have been stopped by the passage of years, but they are by no means mute, for their epitaphs and memorial inscriptions encourage dialogue with moderns who know that to read a sufficiently large sample of gravestone epitaphs from a particular era and location is to have an eloquent, if one-sided, conversation with the past. ENDNOTES Maureen J. Patrick is an M.A. candidate in Humanities at the University of South Florida. A native Tampan, she is the Curator of Education for the Ybor City Museum Society. Her study of epitaphs in Florida rural cemeteries, Gone from our home, but not.from our hearts, was presented at the 2002 American Culture Association's Annual Conference in Toronto, Canada, and also at USF's 2002 Annual Graduate Student Research Symposium. Ms. Patrick continues her work on cemeteries and grave markers in her current project: epitaphs and memorial art at IlCimitero dell'unione Italiana, Ybor City s circa 1896 Italian cemetery. 1. Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nelson, "Resurrecting the Epitaph," Markers I (Greenfield, MA: Association for Gravestone Studies, 1980) 85. 2. Ibid., 88,89. 3. A northerly extension of Morgan Street in the early 20th Century 'trimmed' a portion of the old graveyard and forced the relocation of a number of graves to other parts of Oaklawn or to other cemeteries. 4. The Tampa Tribune, April 25, 1974. 5. Ibid., November 5, 1993. 6. Ibid., January 25, 2001. 7. John Kippax, Churchyard Literature: A Choice Collection of American Epitaphs, With Remarks On Monumental Inscriptions and the Obsequies of Various Nations (Chicago: S.C. Griggs & Co., 1877) 21. 8. Julius J. Gordon John Hood Baxley and Diane Morre Rodriguez, Oaklawn Cemetery and St. Louis Catholic Cemetery: Biographical and Historical Gleanings. Author published 1991. 9. Woodlawn Cemetery, located in an early suburban neighborhood north of downtown Tampa contains gravesites dating from the late 1800s to the present. The cemetery is laid out in true rural style, with meandering paths and memorial plantings and statuary. It is adjacent to several highly interesting cemeteries, one Jewish, one Latin, and the Showmen's Rest, where are buried circus and show people. 10. Homeland, a community in eastern Hillsborough County near the present town of Bartow was estab lished in the 1850s. It flourished briefly and then fell into decline at the turn of the century, leaving behind scattered homesteads and the Homeland Cemetery. 11. Columbus Cemetery is now enclosed within the grounds of the Suwanee River State Park, near Live Oak in northern Florida. In the mid-1800s, Columbus was a thriving settlement of 500 souls; its location on the Suwanee River made it an ideal ship ping and passenger depot for steam-powered paddle wheelers, and the River also powered mills and grinding operations at the site. During the War Between the States, Confederate troops mustered at Columbus to protect its vital bridge across the Suwanee and protect the river from blockades by Union troops. Columbus importance waned toward the end of the nineteenth century as rail transportation supplanted river transport, and the community was defunct by the second decade of the twentieth century. Family connections, however produced burials in Columbus Cemetery until 1973. 12. George and Malcolm A Nelson, op cit, 6. 13. J. Joseph Edgette, "The Epitaph and Personality Revelation ," in Richard Meyer, ed., Cemeteri e s & Gravemarkers: Voic e s of American Culture (Ann Arbor Ml: UM! Research Press 1989), 89. 14. At the Homeland Cemetery can be seen a number of depressions in the terrain. They are suggestively sized and shaped and it is quite conceivable that these are graves whose surface markers are com pletely gone. Also at the site are stones and parts of stones embedded nearly flush with the ground cover and nearly concealed with vegetation ; these may b e toppled gravestones or those which have sunken so deeply into the grave beneath that only their tops are visible Considering the exposed location of the cemetery, the absence of a supporting community, the soft soil of the site and the advanced deteriora tion of the markers, this charming little cemete ry may someday soon be entirely lost to view 15. Martha V. Pike and Janice Gray Armstrong, "Custom and Change," A Time to Mourn: Expressions of Grief in Nineteenth Century

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America (New York: The Museum s at Stony Brook, 1980), 17 16. Buckley, o p cit, 123. 17 Barbara R otundo, "She Hath Done Wh a t She Co uld ," ACS Quarterly, Spring 19 99, 11. The title of Rotundo's essay is a case in point, and one which appears among the epitaphs surveyed for this s tudy. "She h ath done what she could' is derived from Mark 14:iii-ix ; it is the inscription on the 1893 Mary Weissbrod gravestone a t Oaklawn Cemetery. 18. James Deetz, In Small Things Forgott en: An A r c h eo logy of Early American Life (New York: Doubleday 1996), 98. 1 9 P ike and J a nice Gray Armstrong op cit, 1 6. 20. Kippax op cit, 32. APPENDIX __________ Oaklawn Cemetery, SW portion Spiritual or 'other worldly' Homeward to the realms of the pure." (Fletcher Spencer, son of Wm. B & C.E. Henderson. Born Oct. 27, 1874. Died Jan. 2, 1888.) "Jesus called a little child unto Him. (Leslie William, so n of Dr. & Mrs L .W. Weedon Born Aug. 29 1891. Died Dec 6, 1892.) He has gone to the mansions of rest. (Wm Milton Cathcart, son of Wm. M. & N.J. Cathcart. Born Apr. 29, 1858. Died Nov. 10, 1893.) "He giveth His beloved sleep." (May Wall Smith. Born July 30, 1876. Died April 15 1909.) "At rest with Jesus." (Mary Ann Collins. Apr. 23, 1827. Aug. 16, 1913.) "Hush! Angels hover near." (E. Maud Mobley, Aged 5 Years. Richard N. Mobley Aged eighteen months.) "S uffer little children to come unto me and [forbid] them not for theirs is the kingdom of Heaven ." (Sacred to the memory of Malcolm Donald McNabb, son of Malcolm & Catherine C. McNabb. Born [ )1836. Died I I 4 .) "Our bud has ) [it)s early bower And burst to bloom in Paradise (In memory of Mary E Daughter of R. B. & Ma[ry] E. Thomas. Died Mar [ )0th, 1857. Aged 2 mon[ths], 15 d ays.) "Our darling has gone home to God. For of such is His Kingdom. (In m emory of Delia. Daughter of Wm. C & Eliza Ferris. Born Feb. 18th 1852 Died March 10th 1857.) He gathers the lambs to His bosom. (Ruby Nunez Lamb. Aged 5 yrs.) "Christ took her to be with Him. Saved through the blood of Christ." (Annie, Wife of Robert F. Nunez Oct. 9, 1870. Jan. 4, 1900.) "Asleep in Jesus. Thy will not ours be done." (Sacred to the memory of Sophie P. Wilson Wife of Solon B Turman. Born Oct. 1, 186 7 in Geneva, New York. Died Sep. 18, 1891. Tampa, Fla ) "Peaceful be thy silent slumber." (J. Henry C Dagenhardt. 1801 1862 .) "At rest." (H Weissbrod Born Dec. 15, 1818. Died June 8, 1900.) "The [ ) God him shelters Our darling safe from harm. And the tender shepherd circles Our bo y with His loving arm." (Claude Lipscomb Son of Horace H and Ida M. hale. Born Oct 8, 1884. Died Jan. 19, 1886.) Tributes "An upright man, and exemplary Christian. (In Memory of Wm. W. Wall Born Nov 29th 1834. Died April 22nd 1878. ) "Her children arise up and c a ll her blessed ." (Minnie E. Wife of W W Wall Born Aug. 14, 1838. Died Feb 16, 1891.) Beloved thou wert admired wherever known." Viva Mitchell Wife of A J. Angle Nov. 26, 1882. Feb. 9 1913 .) His [ )ible integrity and ardent patrio tism, his social qualities and his works of charity won for him the admiration of every honest heart." (Darwin Austin Branch, M .D. Son of Dr F. & M. V. Branch. M.W. Grandmaster of the Grand Lodge of the [Masonic Order) For the State of Florida Died at Tampa August 16, A. D 1878. Aged 26 years. ) "She lived and died a Christian." (Matilda V. Branch. Wife of Dr Franklin Branch. Died August 23rd A. D 1857. Aged 18 Years.) "She hath done what she could." (Mary M. Weissbrod. Feb. 10, 1828. J a n 17, 1893.) Pione e r Teacher ." (Daniel Plumby 1804-1860. [Replacement granite marker, ]) "Here lies the remains of Christopher R 49

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50 Perry Butler 1st Regiment [C.]S. Army. With the tender affection of a son and brother he united the spirit of a Gallant Soldier tempered with the gentle influence of Christian piety. Born in Greenville District of South Carolina August 26th, 1829. Died at Tampa Bay November 1st, 1853 In the courageous discharge of his duty. This stone is erected by his mother. Those left behind "We part to meet again." (In memory of Mary T. Henderson. Wife of John A. Henderson and daughter of Simon & Abijah Turman. Died Nov. 13, 1864. Aged 21 Years 11 Months & 13 Days.) "To live in hearts we leave behind Is not to die. (Caroline Elizabeth. Wife of W. B. Henderson. Born July 3, 1843 Died Dec. 14, 1906.) "Thou didst give and Thou has taken. Blessed Lord Thy will be done." (Gay. Infant. Son of Chas. F & Ida Gay. Oct. 6, 1903.) "Remember Me. (Sacred to the memory of James M. Harris. A native of N. York. Born September, 1819. Died October 19th, 1855. Aged 56 years.) "We shall go to him but he shall not return to us." (Darwin Orson. Son of Rev. J. 0. & G. H. Branch Born Dec 24th 1858. Died Aug. 8th 1859.) Combination epitaphs "Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God. Mat 5:11' ; (Gay. Ida Kennedy. Wife of Charles Francis Gay Born May 8, 1880. Died Apr. 7 1919 "Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth [ ] saith the spirit that they may rest from their labors and their souls do follow them. Them that sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him." ] (Our Father and Mother Rev J. J. Wells. Born Aug. 18 1796. Died Jun. 6, 1866. R. A. Wells. born Apr. 10, 1803. Died July 6, 1872.) "Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God. [ ] Confederate veteran wounded at [ ] [Member of] Light Guards Columbus Ga." (Clement C. Shepperson. Born June 3, 1840. Died Mar. 20, 1904.) "He was [ ] amiable disposition [ ] and religious life [ ] loved him for his [ ] he died in the [ ] faith in the [Lord.]" (In memory of Martin Cunningham. Born December 9th A.D. 18 [ ]9. Died Apr. 5th A D. 18 [S]S .) "He was a mother's idol but death, like the dew from heaven, fell quickly, yet gently on this dropping flower." (In Memory of John F. Brown. born Feb 7, 1846. Die d August 2, 1867 ) Brother thou art gone to rest We will not weep for thee For thou art now where oft on earth Thy spirit long e d to be." "To know him was to love him. Though taken from us, let us not forget that he has crossed over the rolling, restless tide of death, and awaits us on the other side ." (In Memory of William H Brown. Born Sep. 1 7 1842. Died May 31, 1870.) "An honest man, at rest. His soul has returned to its original home, to go no more out forever (In Memory of William T. Brown Born in 1810. Died August 11, 1868.) [The above three memorial inscriptions are taken from a white bronze cenotaph inscribed "Brown." The Brown gravestones are adjacent and contain only names and birth-death dates ] I know that my Redeemer liveth His life work of pure unselfish and noble deeds is done and he has joined the throng of loved ones in the Fathers house where are m any mansions." (Clairborne R. Mobley Aged 46 years.) "Too pure and angelic for [earth] She has gone to her home above Relieved from the trials of life To live with the God of Love." [In Cunningham family plot Stone effaced except for four lines above.] "T his stone was placed here by his disconsolate widow who with their children mourn the loss of a good husband, a good father and a good Christian citizen. Remember man as you pass by As you are now so once was I As I am now so you must be Prepare for Death and follow me." (Sacred to the memory of Malcolm McNabb. Born June 22, 1818. Died Dec. 1, 1858.) "Res t sweetly our little [ ] We will meet thee in Heaven (Clara Vashti Daughter of

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E .A. and H.M. Clarke Died October 21st 1857 aged 6 months and 26 days.) Unique epitaphs "Here lies Wm. Ashley and Nancy Ashley. Master and Servant. Faithful to each other in that relation in life, in death they are not seperated. Stranger consider and be wiser. In the Grave all human distinction of race or caste mingle tog ether in one common dust. (To commemorate their fidelity in each other this stone was erected by their executor John Jackson 1873.) "Thy meek spirit retired unpolluted and bright ere by woe or remorse was riven May the scene of thy death be a pharos of light to guide thy survivor to Heaven." (In memory of Mary E. Wife of R. B Thomas. Born 28 July 1839. Died March 25 1857 [Above ground tomb with replacement marble slab; graphic style of inscription suggests replacement in 1930s.]) "They together in this life walked for 31 years. May they ever walk together in Eternity. Blessed are the dead who die in the LORD ." (Sacred to the memory of Mrs. Abija Turman. Relict of Simon Turman. born Apl. 22d 1799. Died Jan. 3d 1864. ) Killed Steamer Alabama (Willie Ferris. 1 8 63-1882. [Replacement granite marke r.]) "Died At Sea. (Elpenice Moore 18021856. [Replacement granite marker.]) Homeland Cemetery Spiritual or 'other worldly' "Sweetly Sleeping. (Clyde E Langford Born Feb 9 1888. Died Dec. 4, 1890.) At Rest (Marion J Son of J. & M.B. Watson Born March 11 1876. Died Nov. 7 1900.) Those left behind "As I am [so you must be) Prepare to [die) and follow me. ([ ) Born Apr 9, 1872 Died Mar. 3 1893. Age d 20 Y. 10 M. 24 D. ) "Our father." (Wm H. Durrance. born Aug. 30, 1815. Died Feb. 27 1879.) Tributes "As a wif e devoted, as a mother affectionate [ )"(Winifred M. Wife of J.L. Durance. Born Mar 2 1830. Died Oct. 16 1862 Farewell.) "The friend of youth, the friend of age, the [ ) of [ ]" (Sebron A Smith Born Apr 24, 1848. Died Dec. 10, 1882 ) Combination epitaphs [ ) in soft repose dearest pride. (Desser C. Daughter of John W. & Annie V. Durrance. Died Sept. 10, 1885 aged 6 months.) [ ) and is blessed [ ) slumbers are [ ) and [h]om[e)" (Sacred to the memory of [ )me Tison. [ )th 1852 [ ) 1881.) Woodlawn Cemetery, sample Spiritual or 'other worldly' "The streets of the city shall be full of boys and girls pl a ying in the stree ts thereof. Zech. 8:5" (McElvaine, Maud Victor Dau. of W.B. & G M McElvaine. Born Dec. 8, 1896. died Oct. 26, 1907 ) Sheaves after sowing Sun after rain Sight after mystery Peace after pain." (G. A. Hannon. 1834 1909.) "Asleep in the arms of Jesus (Mildred Thornton. April 4, 1916. June 9, 1916.) Sweet babe thy spirit now hath rest. Thy sufferings now are o'er." (Maxine, daughter of L. H. & M B White. Born June 1, 1910. Died Mar. 18, 1912 ) "Gone to a bright home, Where grief can not come." (Elizabeth. wife of U C Graham. July 25, 1882. Mar 15, 1907.) "God in His wisdom has recalled The boon His love had given And though the bodies slumbers here The souls are safe in Heaven." (Hugh H Terry Born Sept. 20, 1882. Died July 20, 1912 Stephen Terry. Born Mar. 10 1859 died Mar 13 1889.) It was not an enemy that took our loved one from us but our Father in Heaven called him home. (E A. Clark Born in Cornwall on the Hudson, New York, Dec 16, A.D. 1831. Died in Tampa Fla Nov. 7, 1886.) "Not lost, blest thought But gone before Where we shall meet 51

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52 To part no more." (Allen Waters. Born April 1, 1882. Died March 1, 1909 ) "Sleep oh sweet babies & take thy rest." ([Tandem stone.) Inf Dau. of L E & Leona Robinson. Sep 27, 1905. Marie Lee Robinson Dec. 9 1902 Mar 30, 1903 ) Those left behind "Precious ones from us have gone The voices we loved are stilled Places are vacant in our home. Which never can be filled." (Mollie B. Terry. Born Jan. 15, 1858 Died Sept. 11, 1908.) "To [live) in hearts we leave behind is not to die (J T Barlow Oct. 22, 1830 Dec. 31, 1915.) "Our darling. Gone but not forgotten." (Hillard J. Pierce Oct. 5, 1906. Dec 9, 1911.) "She was the sunshine of our home. (Annie Lou Daughter of L J. and Annie T. Driver Aug 28, 1914 Sep 12, 1919. ) "Dearest loved one, We have layed thee in the silent grave's embrace. But thy memory will be cherished Till we see thy heaven ly face (M.J. Haley. 1876 1916.) "A sunbeam from the world has gone (Theo Dau of W.C. & Sue Green. Born Apr 25, 1894 Died Dec 8, 1904.) "We had a little treasure once He was our joy and pride We loved him oh perhaps too well For soon he slept and died (Our darling baby. Lewie Barber. July 5, 1905. Apr 19, 1912 ) "A precious one from us is gone A voice we loved in stilled A place is vacant in our home Which never can be filled (Emma M Wife of Dr. Hiram J Hampton. Born May 17, 1854. Died July 3, 1908 ) Gone but not forgotten ." (Rev Wm H. Jacokes. Born at Geneva, NY. Died July 19, 1892 ) "Weep not father and mother for me. For I am waiting in glory for thee." (Ruth E. Daughter of Mr. & Mrs. E.H Brannen. Apr. 16, 1907 June 18, 1907.) Tributes "To know her was to love her." (Lola G Schooley Born Aug 16, 1876. Died July 31, 1895.) A true husband, a loving father. (G.H. Symmes, Jr. Born in S.C. Jan. 15, 1867. Died at Tampa. Nov. 2, 1902.) A loving wife and mother. (Patience D. Myers. Born Feb. 2, 1838 Died F e b. 5 1912.) Jesus loves the pure and holy. (Annie S. Schooley. Born Apr. 15, 1850 at Marebak Falsteb ID. Died Apr 18, 1898 at Tampa Fl.) Combination epitaphs "In love she lived In peace she died Her life was craved But God denied." (Carrie Bell Malphus. Apr 2, 1906. Oct. 28 1909.) "Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God Mat. V.VII" (Rev J.T Duncan. 1850 1914. His Wife Agnes A. 1854 1932.) "Weep not father and mother for me. For I am waiting in glory for thee. (Ruth E. Daughter of [ ) and Mrs. E. [ ) Brannen. Apr. 16, 1907. June 18 1907 ) "Blessed a re the pure of heart for they shall see God. (In memory of Henry W. Elliott. Born Aug. 1, 1867. Died Dec. 9, 1889 ) He that believeth though he wer e dead yet shall he live." (Jane 0 Blessing Dawdy. Wife of Charles B. Nolan born near Memphis, Tenn. Oct. 24, 1844. Died Tampa Fla. Apr 29, 1899. ) "Saved Dep arted to be with the Lord. (Mary Ellen Agney. May 1 1905 ) Unique epitaphs I love my companions and appreciate my friends on earth, and crave that we may have a reunion after death." (Dr. Hiram J. Hampton. Born Jan. 5 1852. Died June 7 1920.) He gave his life for his country and for the sacred cause of liberty and for all mankind. His body lies in Suresnes Cemetery, Paris, France. His soul has returned to its giver. (In memory of First Lieut Louis A. Torres A.E.S. Born in Tampa Feb 13 1893 Died in France Sept. 1, 1918.)

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Columbus Cemetery Spiritual or 'other worldly' "We shall sleep but not forever. There will be a glorious dawn. We shall meet to part no never On the resurrection morn." (George Clark. Son of George A. & Eugene Mcivor. Born Dec. 18, 1881. Died Mar. 3, 1883.) Those left behind "Gone from our Home But not from our hearts. ([iron m a rker] Eugene. Wife of G.A. Mcivor. [d a tes oblit.)) Combination epitaphs "We will meet again." (My husband. Geo. A. Mcivor. Died Mar. 14, 1896. Aged 39 Years.) "Ma ry, thou art r emembered yet with dot ing love and keen regret. And faith can y i e ld no joy for m e, Brighter than that of meeting thee." (Mary R Wife of J.M. Barclay. Born Nov. 10, 1849. Died Oct 20, 1885) "Murray Darling only son. I'll meet thee when life is done. Meet where parting is no more, On the happy peaceful shore." (George Murray. Son of J.M. & Mary R. Barclay. Born Aug. 16, 1883.Died Nov. 2, 1885.) "Farewell our little a ngel. We miss thy smil ing face. We miss thy little prattling voice. But with Jesus thou art safe." (Sacred to the memory of Wm. Tison 3rd Son of J.B. & Sarah C. Spencer. Who died at Sunny side, Fla. Aug. 11th 1865.) "We give you up our little darling for He took you Who Knoweth best." (Baby Cannon of Rosa & Jack Cannon, Jr. Born July 11 1906. Died Dec 16 1906.) "O h, how hard but we give thee up, our precious little one. For such is the Kingdom of God." (Jearl Cannon. Daughter of Rosa & Jack Cannon, Jr. Born Feb. 12, 1902. Died June 4, 1907.) "\Vords cannot paint neither can stone perpetuate the graces of our mother's life Her virtues are enshrined in the hearts of her children b y whom this simple monument is erected. 'Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."' (Sacred to the Memory of Mary A. Hardee. Wife of the late Thomas E. Hardee. Who departed this life May 26th, 1862 near Columbus, Fla. Aged 60 Years.) "She sleeps in Jesus for she was ready." (In memory of Mrs. M. H. Wiggins Who died May 24 A.O. 1870.) "S leep husband sleep thy toils are o'er. Sweet be thy rest so oft needed before. Well have we loved you but God loved you more. He has called thee away to that bright happy shore." (Thomas E. Swift. Beloved husband of Amanda Swift. Born May 9, 1851. Died July 11 1893 .) These all died in faith not having received the promise But having seen them afar off and were persuaded of them and embraced and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on earth." (Mother and Father. Mollie Cannon. Born 1843. Died 1890. Jackson Cannon. Born 1823. Died 1906.) Unique epitaphs Leaving an infant son 7 weeks old She told her relations and friends a few hours before her death that she was happy and for them all to meet her in Heaven. What a glorious Death. Blessed are the dead, who die in the Lord. "' (Sacred to the memory of Sarah C. 2nd wife of J.B. Spencer. Who died at Sunny Side, Fla. May 31st 1867. Aged 33 years & 11 days.) Micanopy Cemetery, sample Spiritual or 'other-worldly' "As leep in Jesus." (Kate Urvine Goff. Wife of Wm. Avant. born Jun. 22, 1852. Died Feb. 8, 1891.) Budded on earth to bloom in Heaven." (Martha E. Daughter of L.& S. E. Ley. Born Dec. 13 1893. Died Jan. 28, 1894.) "Our darling one hath gone before, to greet us on the celestial shore." (S. Marvin. Son of E.L. & S. E. Ley Born Aug. 14 1886 Died Feb. 8, 1893.) "Her end was peace. Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord." (Mary Eleanor nJe Bellah. Consort of Dr. John Wesley Price. Born Dec 10, 1828 Died Mar. 20, 1904 ) "Gone in her young years afar from Life's tears." (Gertrude Chitty. Wife of Chas. R. Carter. Mch. 28 1882 April 4, 1909 .) "Be thou faithful unto death and [ ] thee across [ ] Rev. 11 :10." (Martha A. Thrasher. Sept. 26, 1828 Apr. 24, 1894.) "Sleep in the arms of Jesus, safe on his 53

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54 gentle Breast." (In Memory of Louie S. Means. Sept. 11, 1868. Feb. 21, 1897.) Tributes Her words were kindness, Her deeds of love." (Cora Hill, wife of J.T. Blount. July 27, 1851.Jan. 28, 1922.) "Thy trials ended, thy rest is won. (In loving memory of Our Father W i 1 Ii am Marion Avant. Born Au. 12 1850. Died May 20, 1895.) "She hath done what she c o u 1 d (Mother. Martha S Ley 1928 1914.) "No one knew thee but to l ove thee. (Roy Infant Son of E L. & S. E Ley Born Apr 29 1892 Died Nov 16, 1892.) "As a wife devoted, as a mother affectionate, As a friend ever kind and true." (Lina F wife of J. L. Crisman. Died Apr. 22, 1885. Aged 27 yrs 5 mos. 6 ds.) "She organized the first [ ] missionary [ ] in Fla." (Ann [R.] Wife of Rev. N A. Bailey Jan. 31, 1848. Sept. 21, 1883 Erected by W. B M A.) Those left behind "Mother thou hast from us flown To the regions far above. We to thee erect this stone Consecrated by our love." (Mary A. Keaton. Born Nov. 21, 1820 Died Mar. 17 1889.) Combination epitaphs "He believed in the Lord Jesus For whoso ever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved Romans [ ] (Wm. H. McGuire Born in Montreal Canada. Died Freb. 9, 1889. AG. 29 yrs 6 mos ) "Gone to be with my precious darling and Jesus my sav iour ." (J. T Blount Apr. 6, 1838. Nov 24 1922.) "Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints.") John 1-1. Simonton. born Nov 9th 1832. Died Dec. 17th 1873. Also his son. Willie du Bos e Died Sept. 18 1874. Aged 3 yrs. & 17 d a ys.) "Farewell my wife and childre n all Tis true a father, Christ doth call; Weep not, weep not my childr en, It is sweet to die a Christian. (Dr. E. D. Barn e tt. born Jan. 15 1851. Died Apr 16, 1 885.) "Cheerful he g a ve his being up and went, to share the holy rest that waits a life well spent." (John W. Price. Born Oct. 30, 1823 Died Apr. 24 1891.) Unique epitaphs A Methodist minister for 62 yrs. Servant of God well done." (Father. Rev. John C Ley. 1821 1907.) "Died of billious fever." (Abner H. Emerson. Nov. 5, 1861 Jul. 30, 1908.) "Away from home and kindred dear Among some strangers he lies here.' (Columbus M. Putnam. Bor [n] Jan. 1, 1 858. Died Dec. 19, 1880. )

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The Princes of Seventh Avenue: Ybor City's Jewish Merchants Yael V. Greenberg-Pritzker A s a people, Jews have left an indelible mark on the state of Florida, making contributions to its economic, political, religious and soc ial life From the establishment of early known settlements of Pensacola to the creation of modern public institutions, Jews have played a significant role. While most Florida residents are more familiar with arrival of Jews after World War II, documented Jewish history can be traced as far back as 1763 (see Figure 1). In that year, Alexander Solomons, Joseph de Palacious, and Samuel Israel arrived in Pensacola. The majority of Jewish families began immigrating to the U.S. in the 19th century and to F lorida in the 1920s and 1930s Today, Florida boasts the third largest Jewish population in the United States (about 750,000) next to California (967,000) and New York (1,651,000), and South Florida has the largest concentration of Jews living outside of Israel (650,000).1 The Jewish experience in Florida has not been without its share of achievements. Undergoing successive periods of acceptance and discrimination, Jews managed to leav e a lasting impression, despite their limite d choices of settlement and employment in the early beginnings of statehood. With the transfer of Florida from Spain to England in 1763, Jews were legally permit ted to establish permanent residency. Prior to this pivotal year, during early Spanish rul e of Florida, Jews and other religious gro ups who did not practice Catholicism could onl y reside temporarily and were not allowed to practice their beliefs. During the administration of President James Monroe, a treaty with Spain was signed February 22, 1819 which conveyed to the United States all the lands situated east of the Mississippi River Yet, even as more Jews immigrated to Florida, persecution and prejudice remained a feature of life It wasn't until an act of Congress on March 3 1821, when the region became an American territory, that Florida pledged a new attitude of tolerance of religious diversity. This act made it more attractive for persecute d immigrants to set tle in the territory. During this period, Florida's Jewish population only numbered between 30-40 individuals with the majority of the population living in the northern part of the territory. On March 3, 1845, the day the state of F lorid a was admitted to the Union, Jews numbered fewer than a hundred people, out of a total state population of 66,500.2 Jewish population figures continued to rise steadily; six synagogues were established throughout the state by 1900. F l orida's first congregation was founded in Pensacola in 1876 and was named Temple Beth El. Avath Chesed followed in Jacksonville, 1882; Rodeph Sholom, Key West, 1887; United Hebrew of Ocala, 1888; Schaarai Zedek, Tampa, 1894 ; and B'nai Israel, 1899 in Pensacola. Remarkably, all of the congregations established more than a century ago remain in existence today, with the synagogue in Key West changing its name to B'nai Zion and United Hebrews of Ocala splitting into two separate institu tions. 3 Prior to 1900, all of the congregations formed in Florida were based on Ashkenazic Judaism the religious tradi tions and practices that came out of eastern and Central Europe While it is true that Ashkenazic Judaism dominated the reli gious landscape of Florida synagogues, a few congregations followed Sephardic doctrine, which originated in the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) With only six congre gations in 1900, Florida's synagogues have 55

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1 Pensacola 1 763 2 Micanopy 1819 3 Tallahassee 1137 4 Key West 1848a e 5 Jacksonville 1841 6 Ocala Ul50s 7 Orlando 1865 8 Tampa 1865 9 Palm Beach 1892 10 Miami 1892 11 Sarasota 1913 12 Fort Lauderdale I 1880 LOBIDA. __...,._ --C,..... .._ ----------.._ ________ Figure 1. Jewish Immigration into Florida from 1763. (Used with p ermissionfrom the collection of 56 the Jewish Museum of F lorida, Miami Beach.)

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grown to nearly 300 today and new facilities spring up each year.4 JEWISH MERCHANTS For centuries, Jews have been linked to the mercantile, dry goods (needles, buttons, ribbons, and non-perishable food items), and apparel businesses Part of the reason for this association stems from historic anti-Semitic sentiments in Eastern Europe, where Jews were often prevented from pur suing other occupations. Additionally, the majority of Jews were forced into a cultural dependency given the discrimination they faced and had to rely on their own abilities and skills, including trading, se llin g and provisioning in order to support themselves. Generation after generation of Jews followed their ancestral footsteps, moving into the same trades and businesses of fel low family members. Immigrating to the New World did not alter this earliest of Jewish economic patterns.5 Unlike other immigrants to the United States who had thoughts of returning to their native homelands, Jews were know ingly aware that once they left Eastern Europe, they would never be able to reset tle or visit their birthplaces again Instead, they carved out new niches, moving from portable occupations such as peddling to establishing permanent businesses includ ing pawnshops dry goods, and haberdasheries. 6 MIGRATION OF JEWS TO FLORIDA, TAMPA, AND YBOR CITY The first recorded evidence of Jews in Tampa occurred in the year 1865 Seeking to find a refuge from political unrest and anti-Semitic sentiments in their native countries, thousands of immigrants were enticed by advertisements in newspapers to seek work in cigar factories around the state of Florida. One such ad, entitled "The Rush for Key West,'' appeared in the Tobacco Leaf Journal on May 2, 1885 and made the case that in order for Key West to become a significant location for the manufacturing of cigars "an increased demand of labor was needed. Remarkably, a high proportion of Romanian Jews settled in Florida and came to Key West after 1880 before making their way to Tampa. 7 The majority of Jews who came to the United States were from the Iasi and Husi regions of Romania and ended up ing and living in Key West simply because of one man's mistake As the story goes, in 1884, a man by the name of Joseph Wolfson was on his way to Tampa when his ship encountered bad weather and he was forced to land off the coast of Key West Having a limited command of English, and finding a small community of Jews already living there, Joseph mistakenly thought he had landed in Tampa and immediately sent for his Romanian family to join him. This pattern of chain migration was a common fea ture of eastern European immigration, and became a reason why so many families joined their relatives in Key West and Tampa to work as cigar workers and merchants. 8 Jewish peddler merchants had traveled throughout small Florida cities and towns during the 19th and early 20th centuries selling their goods until they could afford to settle down and open small stores While only a small number of Jewish merchants remained mobile, catering to the economic and health related needs of many communities, the majority worked in order to be able to settle permanently in one place. The small stores they opened would sell a wide variety of merchandise including clothing, groceries, cigars dry goods and furniture to several generations of families Some of these established merchants even managed to help their fellow immigrants and rela tives in extraordinary ways by providing them with jobs or financial assistance to purchase their own stores .9 In an effort to destroy peddler culture in 1891, the Key West City Council imposed a $1,000 tax on peddlers. This situation caused most peddler merchants to relocate their businesses further north. Unable to pay the tax the Jewish merchants who had migrated to Key West from Romania packed up their carts and headed towards Ybor City in Tampa. German, Russian, and Polish Jewish immigrants were also part of the migration to Ybor, but came to Tampa independently of Romanians Hearing sto ries of an expanding cigar industry in Tampa, many Jews also left Key West fol lowing cigar manufacturer Vicente Martinez Ybor s decision in 1886 to relocate his production plant to the city While most Jewish merchants who followed Ybor concentrated their efforts on opening stores and 57

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(above) The first Maas Brothers Dry Goods Store The Palace -was located at 619-621 Franklin Street. (Photograph courtesy of Special Collections, University of South Florida Library.) (below) Abe Maas, at right with hat, is shown in 1896 with employees outside his store -The Palace -on Franklin Street. (Photo courtesy of the Tampa Bay History Center.) businesses that would supply the needs of cigarworkers, a few did manage to operate their own factories and manufacture their own brand of cigars.10 As Martinez moved his operations from Key West to Tampa in 1885, he sent for additional cigarmakers from Cuba and transferred many of his former employees to the new factories Although the majority of laborers that Martinez brought to Ybor were Cuban, Jews were among the laborers albeit a very small percentage. Providing a bridge between ethnic groups, the cigar fac tories helped to foster the economy of an urban city lik e Tampa, while establishing organizations that assisted immigrant popu lations with settlement and health care issues. According to the 1911 Immigrants in Industries issued by the 61st Congress, "the order of numerical strength among the races employed in the cigar factories" was: First, Spanish; second, Italian; third, Cuban; fourth, all other races, including Creoles from New Orleans, Whites and Negroes from Nassau, Porto Ricans, German Hebrews, French, Chinese, Russian Hebrews, Greeks, and Americans. By 1890, Florida's Jewish population would grow to nearly 2,500 persons.11

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As Tampa became the leading manufacturing center in Florida during the early 20th century, the economy continued to become more financially dependent on the booming cigar industry in Ybor City. Driven by the wages of the cigar laborers, the local economy relied heavily on their weekly salaries to support and maintain business and industry. For the merchants doing business on Seventh Avenue, the brunt of their clientele consisted of cigarworkers, local residents in neighboring areas, and to a lesser extent, farmers from Plant City. Union Station. And by mistake my brother waited for me in Ybor City. So I landed in Union Station and I was trying to get a ride to Ybor City and they used to have those horse and buggies. And they wanted fifty cents (charge for ride), but I only had thirty-five cents in my pocket, so I showed them here ... here's thirty-five cents. And they said they 'no we can't do it.' I gave them the address and one man did pick me up for the thirty five cents but he let me off at the corner of Nebraska and Seventh Avenue. I had to walk eighteen blocks to get to my brother.13 While the larger population in the small-town South frequent ly regarded Jews as being part of the merchant class, Jews in Yb or City received similar attention. In fact, so preva l ent was this connection that when dry goods merchant Adam Katz announced the birth of his son, the Tampa Tribune heralded the event as "A new Hebrew merchant was born today Not even a day old, Adam's son was already designated by the Abe Maas the "Merchant Prince" of Tampa, and owner of Mass Brothers is shown with hi s wife and daughter in a 1903 photograph taken in Wiesbaden, Germany. The photograph is on a postcard he mailed home to Tampa and includes a signed note of greetings to a friend (Photograph courtesy of the Tampa Bay History Center.) In so many ways Ybor City was a distinct commu. nity for immigrants in that it offered dif ferent populations, includ ing Jews, the chance to interact in a multi-ethnic environment. Language also served in Ybor as a unifying agent among the diverse groups. Spanish was the principal language of Ybor; Spanish, Tampa community part of the next genera tion of merchants.12 In the following excerpt, Manuel Aronovitz, a Jewish merchant, recounts his experiences of his arrival to Ybor City: In the month of June 1914, I arrived in this country and at that time there were two stations, one in Ybor City and one in like Romanian, was a part of the Romance language family. It is conceivable that because Romanian shared "qualities of tone, inflection, and emotional context" that are similar to Spanish, Romanian Jews had an easier time learning Spanish than those who spoke the other languages of Jewish Ybor, e.g. Yiddish, and Russian.14 In Susan Greenbaum's book, More Than 59

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60 Table 1: Jewish Dry Goods (Wholesale) Stores in Tampa: 1910 Last Name/Store First Name Address Abramovitz Bar 1807 14th Bergman EM 1813 7th av Britwitz Manuel 1612 7th av Buchman JM 1906 7th av Crackowaner Daniel 1012-1014 Franklin Crackowaner Morris 1514 7th av Essrig Meyer 1304 and 1605 7th av Falk 0 & Bro Of fin 714 Franklin Fishman Solomon 1926 9th av Goldberg Solomon 2105 7th av Goldstein AN 1224 Franklin Guterman Daniel 1713 7th av Katz Adam & Co Adam 1430 7th av Katz Manuel 307 Main WT Kirstein Philip 26 City Sav Bank bldg Maas Bros Abe 619-621 Franklin Repp a Isidor 169 Howard av Rothman Jacob 1515 7th av W T Schwartz Solomon 1328 7th av and 311 Main WT Segall Philip 1727 7th av Simovitz Abraham 1806 7th av Simovitz Samuel 301 Main WT Steinberg EH 1611 7th av Weisberg Charles N .E. corner Main and Howard av W T W T= West Tampa Source: 1910 City Directory, Vim. X. Black: Afro-Cubans in Tampa, Florida 1886-2000, a story about the organization of the Marti-Maceo Society (black Cubans) in Ybor City, she notes the willingness of Jewish merchants to learn Spanish as a means of attaining economic and social positions in a Latin immigrant society : the century. Like Katz, many were merchants in Ybor City who spoke Spanish and found a comfortable niche in the immigrant enclave. Adam Katz owned a dry goods store at 1430 7th Avenue in Ybor City. He was part of a small group of Jews in Tampa who had fled pogroms and discriminato ry laws in Romania around the turn of Motivated initially by Marti-Maceo's struggle to pay off a substantial bank loan of $2,600, Adam Katz, a Romanian merchant, became a friend to this group and assisted them financially until his death on November 19 1924. By learning Spanish, Jewish immigrants were not only able to gain respect with the dominant population in Ybor, but

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also conduct business with few restraints. IS While few in number, the Sephardic population (Jews who came from Spain, North Africa, and the Middle East) in Ybor also had an easier time of communicating with the Spanish community than other merchants, because of their knowledge of Ladino. Originating in Spain, Ladino is a dialect still spoken by Sephardic Jews today and is largely a combination of Hebrew letters and Spanish pronunciation. Immigrants began flooding into Ybor City seeking work. Cigar manufacturers, expanding their operations, adding branches and relocating their factories, provided jobs and created opportunities for merchants of every kind. The unincorporated city of Ybor was developing rapidly and res idents and city officials alike had to contend with growing problems of sanitation, utili ties and transportation. Reluctantly, with the prodding of the Tampa Board of Trade Ybor City became incorporated on June 2 1887.I6 By the time the bulk of Jewish immigrants had come to the city around 1890, Tampa and its newly incorporated Ybor City were moving at a rapid pace, growing nearly to 6,000 people within a decade. From its beginning as a "s leepy coastal vil lage ," to a bustling urban center, the expan sion of Ybor City necessitated a vibrant retail industry to meet the many needs of cigar workers who lived there and worked in the nearby factories. Seventh Avenue and its surrounding streets became a cen tral area in which immigrants worked, socialized, and conducted the majority of their shopping. In a sense, one could say that Seventh Avenue helped to foster numerous exchanges between immigrants from different countries and provided a dis tinctive environment in which business could be conducted. Sharing the immigrant experience, Cubans, Spaniards, and Italians understood the determination of Jews to succeed, leading to the formation of life long friendships with merchants.17 Even as the majority of Jews participated in the economic growth of Ybor through the retail trade, a small percentage was involved in the production of cigars Although their contributions were minimal in comparison with that of their Cuban, Spanish, and Italian neighbors, the majori ty of available literature on cigar production does refer to a handful of instances when Isadore K aunitz (Photograph courtesy of Special Collections, University of South Florida Libraries.) Jews did participate For example, in the mid-1900s, the Rippa family moved their cigar-manufacturing factory from Key West to the Tampa area to produce their own brand of cigars German Jews also came to Tampa around 1910. The Hamburger, Regensburg, and Bucksbaum families are a few of the German Jews who came to Florida seeking the prospect of lucrative investment opportunities. IS JEWISH MERCHANTS' ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR CUBAN INDEPENDENCE In many larger communities in the South, Jews were viewed as being outside the mainstream population. By contrast, Tampa Jews were not prevented from par ticipating in the affairs of their community. When Jose Marti began speaking around the United States about his personal struggle for Cuban Independence, Jews who were working in the tobacco industry in Tampa 6I

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62 (1)-Rodeph Sholom Synagogue (29)-Russ e ll s Lad ies Wear (Russell & jean (57)-Phi lip W e issman C lothing (2)-Knesses Yisroale Synagogue Bernheim) (58)-Louie's Department Store (Soloman (3)(Meyer) Kis ler Pharmacy (30)David Kasriel Dept. Sto re/The jewel S imovitz & Sons) (4)-YMHA Box (Buddy Levine; then Dave Kartt) (59)-Buchman's Department Store & Royal (5) -American Pipe & P l umbing (Irv & Roy (31)Louis Wohl Household Supplies/The Pa l m Window Shades (Jacob Buchman Salsb u ry) Pa l ace (Louis & Mark Shine) Family) (6)-House of a Million Auto Parts (Phil (32) -Max (&Sam) A r gintar Mens W ear (60) -Martin's Uniforms (Spicola) Grubstein & George !chi!) (33)-Rophies Lin e ns (61) R e d Globe Store Ooseph Weissman) (7)-Milchman Kosher Deli (34)Joseph Kasrie ls Ladies Dept. Store Martin Uniforms (Howard & [rving W e issman) (8)-William Bass Scrap M e tals (35)Loui s Woh l & Sons Restaurant Supply (62)Royal Palm Window Shades/Martin's (9)Grocery (front) Printing ( r ear) (Julius (36)-W e b er Ladies Uniform Dress Mfg. Uniforms Silverman) (37) United Shoe Store (Leon Woolf e ) (63)-Leader Dry Goods & Notions (Toba (10)-Finman Kosher Market (38)-Ida's Ladie s Ready to Wear (Max & Ida Margolis & Daughter Cecelia) (11)-EJozory Furniture Store Goodrich) The Palace Milchman Watch & Jew e lry Repair (12)Blue Ribbon Supermarket (Bobo (39)-Economy Ladies Wear (Oscar Po1ler) (64) -Red Globe Store/ A & Z Restaurant Families) (40)Rippa Ladie s Wear (Bob Rippa's Supply (Anton & Zack) (13)-Tick/Reznick Bags & Drums Grandfather) (65)-Julius & Fannie Buckman Store (14) (2nd Ybor Post Office) Hallmark (41) -Haber's Ladies Wea r (Bob Rippa's (66)-Sam Har tzman (2nd Hand Suits) Emblems (Klein, Weissmans, etc.) Grandfather) (67)-W eissman Clothing Store; then to (15)West Coast Army Store (became (42)-David Stein Furniture Co. Ma r tins Uniforms Fremacs Mens Wear) (Fred & Mack (43)-Abe Wolfson Mens Wear (68)-Charles Haimovitz Mens Store (Barney Perlman and Sam, Alex, & Milton (44) -Pollers Ladies Wear (Nathan Poller) Ha imes' Father) Bokor) (45)-Wolfson's Trimming Store (Adam (69) -The Leader Clothing Store (Hyman (16)(Max) Star Grocery Wolfson & Son, William) Golden) (17) Max Argintar Pawn & Clothing/ (46)-Modern Home Furnishings (Louis (70) -Corona Brush Co. (Gregory & David Martin's Uniforms Buchman & Son "Booky") Waksman) (18) -Adam Katz Family Clothing (Harry (47)-Manuel Aronovitz Store (71)-Louis Markovit z Clothing Wilderman) (48) -Herman Aronovitz Clothing Store I (72)-Ozias Meerovitz Mens Store (19)Liberty M e ns Store (Abe Herscovitz) (Buddy) Arnold's Shoes & Art Suppl y (73)-Tampa Typewriter Service (Martin (20) Curtis Gimpel Office Machines (49)-Dayan Linens (Victor Dayan) Haas) (21)D r.!. Einbinder. Dentist (upstairs) (50)-Dayan Linens (Nissam Day) (74)-Southern Iron & Bag (Louis Gordon) (22) Blue Ribbon Supermarket (51)-Litt l e Kat z Fabrics (Fannie Katz & (75) -Peretzman Scrap Iron & Metal (23)-Isadore Davis Department Store nephe w Irving) Edwards Childrens (76)-Zack Restaurant Supply (24) Rophies Mens Wear Store (Morris Weisman & Son, Edward) (77)-Hillsborough Plumbing Suppl y (25) Adorabl e Hat Store (Till ye Simovitz/ (52) -Steinberg's (William & Boot s i c Oster) Waltzer I Freedman) (53)-Ike Weiss Department Store/Sunshine (78) -Anton Restaurant Supply (26)-Rainbow Mens Wear (Abe & Sam Department Store/Manue l Leibovit z & (79) (Leo) Chardkoff Bag Co. Verkauf) Sons (80)-A & Z Restaurant Supply (27)-Isadore Segall Ladies Wear (54)-Milton Schwartz Tire Co. (81) -West Coast Sa lvage & Iron (Sidney (28)-Isadore Segall Ladies Wear (55)-Sunshine Department Store Bernstein) (56)-Philip Weissman Clothing (82)-West Coast Salvage & Iron (Sidney B e rnstein) Figure 1: Jewish geography of Ybor City, 1920s-1970s. (Used with permissionfrom the collection of the Jewish Museum of Florida, Miami Beach.) joined w i t h Spanish activist gro ups to lend their s upport. Laboring in the cigar facto ries, Hispan i cs and Jews conversed abou t Cuba and its prospect for tremendous growth and change in the comin g years. If anything, eastern European Jews could empat hize with Marti's struggle for independence from Spain, for most had been estranged from their homel ands, too, and knew what it felt li ke to be witho u t a permanent p l ace to live.19 Steinberg, owner of H.R Steinberg's on Seventh Aven u e in Ybor, was an important supporter of Marti's cause and in November 1892, introduced Martf to organizations within the Jewish community as a way to obtain funding for his movement. S teinberg was later honored with a recep t ion attended by the Cuban l eader. Due in part to t heir experiences with repressive governments in their native countries, Jews, especiall y those from Romania, sympathized with Cuban cigarworkers and believed that they should receive fair

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Isidore Kaunitz owned the El Sombrero Blanco -The White Hat -that occupied 1407-1413 7th Avenue, Ybor City. (Photograph courtesy of Special Collections, University of South Florida Library.) benefits and wages. Some individuals took action in other ways by volunteering to fight in the war with Spain. Men like Max and Joseph Steinberg even settled permanently in Cuba after their War of Independence. 20 The experiences of Jews in Eastern Europe caused both Russian and Romanian immigrants to offer their support to the Cuban struggle in rather distinct ways. Historically, Jews from Romania "s uffered more through being considered an alien in the country of his birth than any other persecuted Jew of the present day. When Romanian Jews began immigrating to the United States, many became so "complete ly" devoted to their new country and took such strong interest in political affairs that they established their own organizations including the Romanian American Republican Club and the Romanian American Independent Citizens Associations. These organizations not only served as a forum for the expression of their opinions, but also as a place where Romanian immigrants could gather and interact with one another. Albert Staar, son of former merchants in Ybor City, expressed his thoughts on the reasons for Romanian support of Cuban independence: "Be ing from Europe and running away from army conscription by tyrants, kings and communists made us sympathetic to a country where we were free You should support anything you wanted especially freedom seekers Cubans. "21 Russian Jews responded in an altogether completely different manner to Marti's cause, and were not as involved as the Romanians. In fact, by the time Marti visited Tampa in October of 1892, the majority of Russian businessman began making plans to move their shops out of Ybor City making way for larger businesses. Unlike the Romanians, Russian immigrants were always looking for ways to expand their businesses, pushing to move downtown in the hopes of capitalizing on the growing 63

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64 Edward H. Steinberg, at right, was the owner of Steinberg s Dry Goods, 1310 7th Avenue, Ybor City. During the Cuban Revolution, Steinberg gave money to Jose Marti and was later honored with a reception by the Cuban leader himself. (Photograph used by permission of Special Collections, University of South Florida Libraries.) customer base rather than remaining in the unpredictable economic structure of Ybor City. 22 At this point it is important to note the significance of Jewish participation in the public affairs of Tampa during this period. Along with other immigrant populations, Jews living in Tampa were allowed to express their freedom by attending public assemblies and vocalizing their opinions without having to be concerned about retaliation by supporters of anti-Semitic movements. In stark contrast to the experiences of Tampa, Jews living in the Deep South witnessed many examples of hatred displayed against them, and for fear of their lives often did not become involved in the public affairs of their communities. This approach was not always possible, particularly when Jews responded to national incidents such as the 1913 trial of Georgia citizen and Jewish businessman Leo Frank. 23 Cited as the "most publicized event involving a Jew that ever occurred in the South," Leo Frank's case ignited concerns among the Jewish community in Atlanta and throughout the United States. Ultimately, the false conviction of Frank for killing a 13-year-old worker in his pencil factory taught Jews that no matter how much they assimilated into southern soci ety, the larger population would never consider them "true southerners." In the minds of many Jews, what happened to Leo Frank could certainly have happened to them. Frank was given life imprisonment by the governor, but unfortunately was later

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hanged by a lynch mob. Having experienced first-hand blatant anti-Semitism, Southern Jews remained on alert, out wardly displaying feelings of calm, but among themselves continuing to be fearful of the future .24 ISADORE KAUNITZ In 1903, Isadore Kaunitz, a native of Buzei, Romania, constructed the first brick building on Seventh Avenue in Ybor City. Hearing stories of a "golden medina," a golden land, where a person was free to live, work, and pray without being persecuted, immigrants like Kaunitz believed that they could make a better life for themselves in the United States. Carrying few material possessions, many Jewish immigrants who came to Ybor did not have any relatives to rely on, and often were pointed toward Kaunitz to seek counsel and financial assistance. By 1910, only seven years after Kaunitz had opened his store, El Sombrero Blanco -The White Hat, the city directory listed 15 stores owned by Jews in Ybor City; all were recorded as dry goods businesses (see Table 1) Through the efforts of merchants like Kaunitz, Jewish immigrants were able to establish their credibility with in Ybor and be part of the tremendous expansion that was taking place at the time. In just a few years, Jews had managed to become part of the economic force on Seventh Avenue providing the city with a wide range of goods, from everyday articles such as fabric and clothing, to items like auto parts that were not so ordinary in those days In 1910, the Whol, Buchman, and Rippa families opened their stores in Ybor City. No one, not even the families themselves could have imagined that their businesses would have such far-reaching impact on the future development of Tampa.25 By 1925, names like Aronovitz, Shine, Weissman, Verkauf, Weber, Weiss, Simovitz, Segall, Katz, and Wolfson, were prominent on storefronts and industries throughout Ybor City and West Tampa (see Figure 1). In the first quarter of the 20th century, Tampa's geographical and economic development increased dramatically, in part to the intensification of commerce and industry throughout Ybor City. By 1920, some 34 years after Jewish immigrants first arrived in Ybor City, a total of 30 businesses were owned and operated by Jewish merchants. This economic expansion was shortlived however, and came to an end with the stock market crash of 1929 and the subsequent depression that began that year. The Great Depression of the 1930s clearly affected Tampa's cigar industry, as America's fondness for tobacco was quickly supplanted by more pressing concerns caused by high unemployment and rationing of food staples and supplies by the federal government.26 Forced to deal with the prospect of shutting down their businesses entirely, many merchants on Seventh Avenue attempted to combat financial deterioration by diversify ing their existing shops or opening com pletely different kinds of businesses. For many, the idea of closing up their shops for an extensive period was an agonizing deci sion, one that was necessary if their fami lies were to have any chance of making it through the difficult times ahead. Others managed for as long as they could, relocat ing their businesses to the downtown and West Tampa areas. From 1930-1940, busi ness on Ybor's main shopping area, Seventh Avenue (La Gran Septima Avenida), continued to undergo tremendous changes, often leading to old stores being taken over entirely by new ones. During the decade of the 30s, Florida's Jewish population would increase to approximately 25,000.27 From 1930 to 1940, business on Seventh Avenue continued to change as old shops were replaced with new ones, including Fin man's Kosher Market, Alma Fleischman's Style Hat Shop, Dayan's Linens, and Sam Haimovitz's Active Lumber Company. As the United States neared entrance into World War II, those merchants who were able to "hang on" into the 1940s would experience a revitalization of commerce that would have a tremendous impact on Tampa and Ybor City. The war brought thousands of skilled workers and military personnel to Tampa. The city was fast becoming a major center for the shipbuilding industry. While build ing and repairing ships required a steady flow of trained workers, the opening of military bases such as Drew, Henderson and MacDill Army Air Fields also meant that thousands of servicemen and women would spend months and even years living in the Tampa area. Ybor City's close proximity to the bases and Port of Tampa meant that 65

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66 One of the last remaining Jewish-owned stores on Ybor City's Seventh Avenue is Max Argintar Men's Wear, 1522 East 7th Avenue. (Photograph courtesy of the author.) shipyard workers and Gis would venture into Ybor, spending large parts of their weekly salaries in restaurants, bars and stores on Seventh Avenue .28 In 1946, the Bobo family, one of the more prominent Sephardic Jewish families living in the area, opened the Blue Ribbon Super market; it remained a fixture on the Avenue until June of 2000 when the family retired the business and sold it to a development group. The building however, never made it through further development, and was destroyed by fire shortly after being sold.29 The 1950s and 1960s brought further change to Ybor City with a large percentage of established businesses moving out of the area. With their permanent departure or closing, and a decline in the number of new stores opening, the once vibrant city was beginning to show signs of physical deter ioration. Clothing stores owned by the Poller's and Haber's left Ybor to relocate downtown while the Weissman's Hallmark Emblems and Martin's Uniforms remained until the 1970s. Though Ybor City went through many periods of highs and lows the close-knit atmosphere that had been such a part of its charm during the first half of the century would never be the same after the U.S. embargo on Cuba in 1960 ended the importation of Cuban tobacco and permanently stifled the cigar manufac turing industry. According to Jose Yglesias's article, "The Radical Latino Island in the Deep South," cigar makers could not make fine cigars without tobacco from the Vuelta Abajo area of Pinar del Rio in Cuba. The Vuelta Abajo was considered by cigar manufacturers as the finest area to grow tobac co, and once the land became unavailable the industry began to decline steadily. Adding to the decline manufacturers also moved from the production of hand-rolled cigars to machine-made, which cost half the price (about five cents each) and could be made more quickly Unlike the fine cigars that had built Ybor's reputation world-wide, these cigars could be made with less labor and in far larger quantities.30 As early as the 1950s, many of Ybor City's historic buildings and entire neighborhoods began to be demolished to make way for new roads, subsidized housing, and proposed large-scale development. Urban renewal in the 1960s further complicated Ybor's situa tion and shifted the composition of long-time residents living in the area. In 1910, Ybor City was largely inhabited by immigrants all under the age of 40, and by 1960, the major ity of these men and women were growing older.31 Race was also a factor, as large per centages of African-Americans began moving into Ybor City after 1950 The demolition of many Ybor homes and businesses to make way for construction of U.S. Interstate 4 just north of the city's core business district further added to Ybor's economic decline Florida first approved urban renewal leg islation in 1959, and in 1962 Tampa was the first city to reveal its plans for the creation of an urban renewal agency While bulldozers began to tear down Ybor City in 1 965, officials in the urban renewal office pro claimed that the city would become "a tourist attraction second to none in the

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U.S." In the end, 660 buildings housing 1 ,100 famili es were demolished at a cost of over 9.6 million dollars.32 Even through this difficult period Jewish m erchants n eve r completely abandoned Ybor City, as e videnced by the arriva l of families like the W a ksman family who fled Cuba in 1961 and opened the Corona Brush facto ry in Ybor and the Dress Mart in downtown Tampa. The s i g nificanc e of J e wish merchants in T ampa was made clear by newspaper arti cl es written shortly before the closing of Louis Wohl's d epartment store in 1977. After serv ing the community for nearly 80 years (open since 1897), Wohl's supplied Tampa r esidents with a myriad of goods, from r estaurant supplies and equipment to home furnishings. Lawrence Levy an employee of Wohl's since 1 933, fondly recalled the days when "country boys from as far away as Ocala would come to the store to buy sup pli es to make their moonshin e. Levy recall e d Th ey' d come to our warehouse in a pickup tmck with 15 or 20 100-pound sacks of sugar already pil e d on Then they' d fill up the rest of the space with 5-gallon bottles." Eventually, th e government stepped in and ordered Wohl's empl oyees to record the licen se ta g numbers of anyone purchas ing five or more bottl es at one time Levy added, "that pretty well ended the bus iness for us."33 Through the revitalization of Ybor City in th e 1980s and 1 99 0s a few Jewish business es returne d and tried the ir hand at r e tail again; unfortunately their efforts were short liv e d as Ybor continued to undergo urban ization. Small shops could no longer compete with the "e conomic boom" that was occurring throughout downtown Tampa A lth ough crowds of people filled Ybor's cafes daily giving Tampa r esidents the false impression of the city's return, nearly a third of Ybor's 2,229 resid ents in 1980 lived b e low the pov erty level. Nonethe l ess, one single Jewish family the Argintars, has managed to remain on the Avenue since 1902 Argintar's Men's Wear has been a sta ple on Seventh Avenue (1414 7th Avenue) and continues to be the only store operated b y a descendant of immigrants who fled R omania in the late 1890s When asked about his family's service to the community, Sammy Argintar, son of the late Max Argintar who originally found e d the store in 1902 proudly replied "We know about 70 percent of the people .. we h ave been h e re, our business had been here since 1902 We're the oldest business big or small." As Ybor City unde rgoes a rebirth and revitalization as renovations and new construction transform s entire block s, as new stores and restaurants open, and the clang of the streetcar returns after an absence of over SO years, the only lasting remnants of the Jewish merchants a re their names, which adorn many of the building facades on the Avenue. Who could have foreseen the impact and enduring presence that a small group of people from Russia, Romania and Germany would have on the history of commerce and trade in Ybor City?34 ENDNOTES Yael Greenberg-Pritzker received a Bachelor of Arts and a Masters of Arts in Applied Anthropology from the University of South Florida. She plans to pursue her Ph.D. in Anthropology, and teaches anthro polog y part-time at Hillsborough Community College. Her areas of interest include ethnography, immigrant history, ethnicity and identity. Most recently she was awarded the Presidential Award from the Florida Historical Society for her paper "Southern Cultural Enclaves: Jewish Settlement In Ybor City, 1880-1924 Currently, she is writing and publishing articles which pertain to her work on the Jewish community of Ybor City. The author wishes to th ank Mr. Richard Bernardy for his assistance in preparation of illustrations and graphics for this a rticl e. 1. Florida Jewish Herit age Trail (hereafter cited FI-IT), http J/www .flhe ritag e.com/ m agazi ne/jht/ 2. Jewish Population of the United States, http://www us-israel o r2fj source/US-Israel/us jew pop html. 3 R ac h e l B. Heimovics and Marcia Zerivitz Florida Jewish Heritage Trail (Florida: Division of Historical Resources, 2000), 3 4. Ibid., 3. 5 Crai g Hamilton Levi Strauss: The Man Behind th e Britches, http://plnt1213. oksta te.edu I bi ogra phies I Strauss I LeviStrauss-CROP2.htm. 6. Hurbert M. Blalock, Toward a Th eory of MinorityGroup Relations (North Caro lin a : John Wiley and Sons Inc., 1 96 7) 584-585. 7. Henry A. G reen a nd Marcia Zerivitz Mosaic Jewi s h Life in Florida: A Documentary Exhibit From 1763 to t he Present (Florida: H a llm ark Press, 1991), 30; "T h e Rus h for Key West ," Tobacco Leaf Journal 1885, Volum e 22 (14): 2 8. Ibid., G reen a nd Zerivitz, 15 9. Ybor City and the Jews n o tes availab l e at the Mosaic Archives, Miami. 67

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10. Bellido, Susana, "Ex hibit Foc u ses on Key West, Cuba," The Miami H era ld, 14 November 1993. 11. Omar Amador, "Ybor City: Making the Past It s Future," Americas (March-April 1988), 2-7; Ybor City and the Jews ; 1911 US Senate Immigration Report Immigrants in Industries XIV: "C igar and Tobacco Manufacturing," Senate Documents, Volum e 77; Heimovics and Zerivitz, 3. 12. "A Fine Bouncing Boy," The Tampa 1hbune, 16 February 1904 13. Manuel Aronovitz, interview by Marvin Aronovitz, 7 February 1975. 14. Ybor City and the Jews 15. Susan D. Greenba u m, More Than Black: AfroCubans in Tampa, Florida, 1886-2000 (Gainesv ill e : University Press of F l orida, 2002), 188. 16. I bid., 190. 17. Glenn L. Westfall, Key West: Cigar City U.S.A. (Key West: Historic Key West Preservation Board, 1985) 5, 17. 18. Ibid., 18; Gary R. Mormino and Geo r ge E. Pozzetta, The Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and Their Latin Neighbors in Tampa, 1885-1985 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 245246. 19. Ibid., Ybor Ci t y and the Jews. 20. Green and Zerivitz, 15-16. 21. Ybor City and the Jews ; Centro Maccabeo Names, availab l e at Mosaic Archives, Miami; Ibid., Green and Zerivitz 16. 22. D.M. H e rmalin, The Romanian Jews in America. In Th e American Jewish Yearbook, 5662 ,Cy rus Adl er, ed. (Philade lphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1901), 90, 95-96; Albert Staar, interview by Yael V. GreenbergPritzker, 29 March 2001. 23. Jorge Manach, Marti: Apostle of Fr eedom, Co l ey Tay l o r trans. (New York: Devin-Adai r Company, 1950), 285 24. Leo n ard Dinn e rstein Anti-Semitism and Jewish Anxiet ies in the South, 1865-1980s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994) 175-179, 181, 183185, 187. 25. Ybor City and the Jews ; Mormino and Pozzetta, 276; Tampa City Directory: 1910, Volume X (Tampa: R.L. Po l k and Company Publis h ers, 1910). 26. Heimovics and Zerivitz, 29; Westfall, 18; Ybor City and the Jews. 27. Ybor City and the Jews. 28. Ybor City and the Jews. 29 Ybor City and the Jews; Sherri Ackerman "Ybo r's Bel oved Blue Ribbon Cut, The Tampa 1hbune, 21 June 2000; Sean Lengell and Sherri Ackerman, "Fire Who l e Building Going Up," The Tampa 1hbune, 15 August 2000. 30. Ybor City a nd the Jews; Jose Ygles i as, "The Radical Latino Island in the Deep South." In a Centennial Histor y of Ybor C ity Theme Issue Tampa Bay Hi story (1985), 129, 168-169. 31. A.M. de Quesada, Images of America: Ybor City (Great B rit ain: Arcadia Publishing, 1999), 109; Ybo r City and the Jews ; Morm in o and Pozzetta, 305. 32. Mormino a nd Pozzetta, 305-306 33. Ybor City a nd the Jews; Le l and Haw es, "A Compa n y Man for 60 Years, The Tampa 1hbune, 6 June 1993. 34. Ybor City and the Jews ; Mormino a nd Pozz etta, 312-313; Sammy Argintar, interview by Yael V. Greenberg-Pritzker, 29 March 2000. The Tampa Bay History Center welcomes you to learn about our area's rich past. Discover our unique history and see how the past continues to shape the events in the Tampa Bay area today. We make history come alive through: lectures, workshops and gallery exhibits research library, artifacts and special events For more information call 813-228-0097. Located at the Tampa Convention Center Annex, 225 S. Franklin Street, Tampa -----------You mahe ,/happen www.tampabayhistorycenter.org

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An Extraordinary Floridian: A Profile of Spessard Lindsey Holland Spessard Stone Spessard Lindsey Holland, father of th e 24th amendment to the U. S. Constitution, was a man for all seasons scholar, ath l e te, war hero, attorney, and statesman. Benjamin Franklin Holland, father of Spessard, was born December 15 1846, Ca rroll County, Georgia. Benjamin was the son of Lindsey and Elizabeth (Lassetter) Holland. During the Civil War, he served as a recruit from January 1864 to May 1864 in Company I 2nd Regt. Georgia State Line His father was orderly sergeant in the same company. Benjamin was then brigaded with regular troops in Cummings Brigade, Stephenson Division, Hood's Corps, and, along with his father, was wounded on June 22, 1864 while making a charge on the federal line at Kulp's Farm. His company was disbanded in March 1865. A graduate of Bowdoin College, Benjamin moved to Florida in 1882 and settled at Bartow where he founded Polk County's first abstract company. He married Fannie Virginia Spessard, a native of Craig County, Virginia at Monroe County, West Virginia on September 7, 1890 Fannie, who prior to her marriage was a schoolteacher, had first come to Bartow in 1889 to teach at the Summerlin Institute, the first school in Bartow. Spessard's father died January 5, 1925 and his mother died in 1930. The Hollands helped organize the First Methodist Church of Bartow. They had three children: Spessard Lindsey, Frank L. (1895-1966), and Virginia Holland (1898-1986, Mrs Roy Trent Gallemore). Spessard Lindsey Holland was born in Bartow, Florida on July 10, 1892. He attended the Bartow public schools and graduated from Summerlin Institute in 1909 (a complete primary and secondary school which became Bartow High School), where his mother had taught. He received his Bachelor of Philosophy degree magna cum laude at Emory College in Atlanta (now Emory University) in 1912 From 1912-14, he taught high school in Warrenton, Georgia. He then entered the University of F l orida in 1914 where, while attending law school, he taught high school in the sub-freshman department (high school) of the university. The first e lected president of the student body and a member of the law school debating society, he received his L.L .B. from Florida in 1916 and was admitted to the bar. He qualified for a Rhodes Scholarship in 1913 but the outbreak of war in Europe kept him from attending England's presti gious Oxford University. Along with his academic achievements, Holland made time for a variety of college sports and lettered in track, football, bas ketball and baseball at Emory and Florida. He made such an impressive showing as a pitcher in an exhibition game against the Philadelphia Ath l etics in 1916 that Connie Mack offered him a contract, but he declined Soon after the United States entered World War I, Holland volunteered in 1917 and was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Coast Artillery Corps. Lt. Holland was sent to France with the 31st Artillery Brigade, Headquarters Battery, where he served as a brigade judge advocate and assistant adjutant. Transferred at his own 69

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70 Lt. Spessard L Holland in the uniform of an aerial observer in the U .S. Army Air Service, Signal Corps, 24th Aero Squadron. (Photograph courtesy of Holland & Knight LLP.) request to the Air Service, Signal Corps, he was assigned to the 24th Aero Squadron where he saw action as an aerial observer and gunner gathering information and tak ing photographs behind the enemy lines His participated in aerial offensives over the Meuse-Argonne, Champaign, St. Mihiel, and Luneville sectors, and was credited with downing two enemy planes. On a mission with Lt. George E. Goldwaithe of New York City, his plane was hit and crash-landed in a crater behind American lines. On December 11, 1918, h e was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for valor in action. The citation, signed by Gen. John J. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief, read: First Lieutenant Spessard L Holland, C A C. Observer 24th, Aero Squadron, distinguished himself by extra-ordinary heroism in connection with military operations against an armed enemy of the United States at Bois de Banthville, France, on 15 October 1918 and in recognition of his gallant conduct I have awarded him in the name of the President the Distinguished Service Cross. Transferred back to the United States, h e was promoted to captain and toured for the Victory Loan Drive Capt. Holland resigned his commission in July 1919.3 While still serving in the army, he married Mary Agnes Groover on February 8, 1919 at Lakeland Florida. Mary, the daughter of Dr. William Rowan Groover, a Lakeland physician and businessman, and Mary Matilda "Mollie" (Knowles) Groover, was born July 31, 1896, in Fort White, Florida. Holland had a long and distinguished l aw career. Admitted to the Florida Bar in 1916, he became a junior partner with R. B. Huffaker in the law firm of Huffaker and Holland in Bartow, but his practice was suspended while he served in World War I. Soon after his discharge from the service and resuming his practice, he was appointed Prosecuting Attorney of Polk County. In 1920 he made his first bid for elective office and won the post of County Judge for a four-year term; he was re-elected in 1924 In 1929 he again returned to priv a te practice and partnered with William F. Bevis as Holland and Bevis. The firm became Holland, Bevis & Hughes with the addition of Robert L. Hughes Jr. in 1933; Holland, Bevis & McRae, 1946 ; Holland, Bevis, McRae & Smith, 1953 ; Holland, Bevis, & Smith, 1961; Holland, Bevis, Smith & Kibler, 1964; and Holland, Bevis, Smith, Kibler & Hall, 1965. Merging in July 1968 with the Tampa law firm founded by Peter 0. Knight the new firm, Holland & Knight LLP, is today one of the largest and most prestigious law firms in Florida, with over 1,000 lawyers in offices throughout the United States and in

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several foreign countries. One of Holland and Knight's most important cases, of which Holland made the clos ing argument in October 1959, was the Tidelands Case, in which the U. S. Supreme Court confirmed the claim by the State of Texas to 2,440,650 acres of submerged land between low tide and the state's Gulfward boundary -the underwater land extending 3 leagues (10.35 miles) from it coastline into the Gulf of Mexico.4 Holland was elected to the Florida State Senate to represent Polk County in June 1932, and was re -elected in 1936. During every session, he was a member of the school committee, helped draft and cointroduced the Florida School Code, supported measures to improve the schools, raise the pay of teachers and provide for their retirement. He supported workmen's compensation, unemployment insurance, citrus law reforms, and repeal of the state poll tax in 193 7. He sponsored measures for the reduction of taxes and consistently opposed a state sales tax. 5 In 1940, Holland was elected Governor of Florida on the Democratic ticket and served from January 7, 1941 to January 2, 1945. As Florida's World War II-era gover nor, he promoted the establishment of military bases in the state and mobilized the home front. His administration accomplished many notable acts: in January 1941, the teachers' retirement system was put into effect ; the state's public schools were placed on a sounder financial basis; and the state's finances were strengthened by reform of the tax system and refinancing of the state's debt. In this regard the property tax legislation mandated uniform assessments at actual value and tax deeds were validated, thus resulting in increased and prompter tax collections. Recommended by Governor Holland while in office and adopted were four constitu tional amendments: pledging gasoline taxes for highway betterment; lowering of the intangible tax; a provision for amending the constitution in a shorter period; and creation of the Florida State Game and Fresh Water Commission. In 1943, at a conference of governors at Denver, he helped secure revision of rail road freight rates, which aided the South. In 1944 he negotiated deeding of thousands of acres of Florida marsh or submerged land to the United States. From this land, he was Spessard L. Holland standing with his wife and one of his four children after his inauguration as Florida s governor. (Photograph courtesy of Holland & Knight LLP.) instrumental in establishing the Everglades National Park in 1947. During Holland's term, he prevented a lynching of three Negroes at Quincy by ordering them trans ferred to the Tallahassee jail, to which the 71

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Spessard L Holland (left and top l e ft) is picture d a bove with two of Florida's mos t power ful politicians: Governor Fuller Warren (1949-1953) in the center and Senator C l aude Pepper. (Photograph courtesy of Holland & Knight LLP.) mob follow e d The would-be l ynche rs who had followed them to the jail backed down after they were confronted by Governor Holland .6 Following the death of U.S Senator Charles 0. Andrews on September 18, 1946, Holland was appointed September 25 1946 as a Democrat by Governor Millard F Caldwell to fill the vacancy. (Andrews' term would have expired January 3, 1947.) He was elected to a full six -year term in 1946 only the second ex governor of Florida to be elected to the U.S Senate and the first Florida native to serve as both Governor and S e nator. Holland took office on January 3, 1947, and, subsequently, was reelected in 1952 1958, and 1964. A conservative Democrat aligned with the Southern bloc he was a key figure in preserving the filibuster and maintained that civil rights were matters of states' rights. In opposition to passage of the C ivil Rights bill in 1964, he vowed, "We'll stand up and fight as long as we c a n." Major

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legislation he supported in Congress included the Marshall Plan, Taft-Hartley labor law, Tidelands Act of 1946, and its successor, the Submerged Lands Act of 1953, the Pan American Highway, and for eign aid. He was one of the original sponsors of statehood for Alaska and the first Southerner to support statehood for Hawaii. Although he never chaired a major commit tee, he was, nevertheless, considered one of the most powerful senators as he skillfully combined seniority, connections, and friendship to achieve his goals. At retirement, he was serving on three committees: Agriculture and Forestry, Appropriations and Aeronautical and Space Science. The greatest achievement of his legislative career, however, was his sponsorship of the 24th Amendment to the Constitution. The Amendment, which became law in 1964, reads, "The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other elec tion for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or other tax." Poll taxes had long been used to disenfranchise black voters. Having never been defeated for elective office, Holland decided against seeking reelection to the Senate in 1970, and retired in January 1971. 7 Throughout his life and career, he was involved in various civic and fraternal orga nizations and received numerous honors. He served as a member of the board of visi tors of the U. S. service academies and as a trustee of Emory University, Florida Southern College, and Florida Presbyterian College. He was a recipient of honorary degrees of LL.D. from Rollins, Florida Southern College, Emory University, Florida State University, and the University of Miami; D.C .L. from the University of Florida, and H.H.D. from the University of Tampa. Named in his honor, among others, was the Spessard L. Holland Law Center at the University of Florida and the Holland Building in Tallahassee. He was a member of the American and Florida Bar Associations, Phi Beta Kappa, Alpha Tau Omega, and Phi Delta Phi. He was also a member of th Sons of the American Revolution, American Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars, Masons (33rd degree Shriner), Kiwanis Club of Bartow, and Elks. Spessard L. Holland speaking at the 1964 Democratic Convention that nominated Lyndon B. Johnson for president. (Photograph courtesy of Holland & Knight LLP.) He was a conservationist and enjoyed bird watching which his wife introduced him to -and enjoyed hunting and fishing. He was a baseball and football fan and played tennis His hobby was collecting books on Florida.8 Spessard L. Holland died of a heart attack on November 6, 1971 at his home at 1005 73

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Spessard L. Holland (center) making an introduction to President Harry S. Truman (in hat). Holland with president Lyndon B. Jonson. (Photographs courtesy of Holland & Knight LLP.) South Broadway, Bartow. The body, with a uniformed honor guard from MacDill Air Force Base in attendance, lay in state at the First United Methodist Church, of which Holland was a lifelong member. The Rev. Lee R. Van Sickle officiated. Members of the law firm of Holland & Knight served as pallbear ers. Interment was in the Holland family plot in Wildwood Cemetery in Bartow. Floyd Christian, then Florida State Education Commissioner, said of him: "No one distin guished himself in public life as much as Senator Holland, both as a governor and a senator. He truly represented the people ... He truly was a great public servant. "9 Mary, Holland's wife of over fifty years, suffered a stroke and died March 22, 1975. She was buried beside her husband in Wildwood Cemetery. They had four children: 1. Spessard Lindsey Holland, Jr., born May 26, 1921, Lakeland; died March 26, 1989, Melbourne, FL; buried Florida Memorial Gardens, Melbourne; married (1) Elizabeth Jeanette Logan; (2) Dorothy Durrance Bryan; (3) Rita Hinchman McDaniel.

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2. Mary Groover Holland, born Oct. 24, 1924, Bartow; died Dec. 4 1997, Tallahassee ; buried Evergreen Cemetery, Carrabelle; married Jefferson Davis Lewis. 3. William Benjamin Holland, born Sept. 20, 1926, Bartow; died Jan. 30, 1974, Winter Haven, FL; buried Lakeside Cemetery, Winter Haven; married (1) Claudia Croy; (2) Lynn Smith Anderson. 4 Ivanhoe Elizabeth Holland, born June 28, 1930, Bartow; married (1) Augustus Henry King III; (2) Richard Bellaire Craney.11 ENDNOTES Spessard Stone, a descendant of .the pioneer Stone and Hendry families of Florida, was raised in Hardee County and is a resident of Wauchula. Stone is the author of numerous articles in past volumes of The Sunland Tribune as well as John and William Sons of Robert Hendry, The Stone Family, Thonotosassa Pioneers and Lineage of John Carlton. The author expresses his appreciation to Dr. Canter Brown Jr. for his assistance during the research for this article. l. Soldier's Pension Claim" and Widow's Pension Claim, Florida Archives; "Information About Spessard Lindsey Holland United States Senator From Florida ," 1 ; Canter Brown Jr. In the Midst of All That Makes Life Worth Living: Polk County, Florida, to 1940 (Tallahassee: Sentry Press, 2001), 135; Biographical Sketch of the Life of Spessard L. Holl and," Vertical F iles, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee, n.d. ; "Spessard L. Holland Dies Suddenly at 79," Polk County Democrat November 8, 1971; Social Security Death Index. "Information .. has that Fannie Virginia (Spessard) Holl and came to Florida in 1888, but Fanny, as she spelled h e r name, in "Widow's Pension Claim" averred that she "had continuously resided in the State of Florida since the 1st day of September, 1889." R egiste r of Marriage" in the pension application has that Fannie V. Spessard was 29 years old when married; thus she was born ca. 1861. In "Wi dow s Pension Claim" of January 20, 1925, h e r name was printed "Fanny V. Holland ," but the same has, "That she was lawfully married to the said Benjamin Franklin Holland under the name of Fannie V. Spessard in the County of Monroe State of West Virginia on the 9th day of September, 1890 ... She, however, signed her name "Fanny V. Holland." The p ension was granted to "Mrs. Fannie V. Holland." Frank L. Holland was born October 7 1895 and died in March 1966 a t Winter Haven, F lorida Virginia Holland was born May 23, 1898; married in December 1919 Roy Trent Gallemore; died in February 1986, Bartow. 2. Allen Morris, The Florida Handbook 1949-1950 (Tallahassee, 1949), 132; "Information About Spessard Lindsey Holland United States Senator From Florida," l ; "Spessa rd Holland Was A Man of Many Lab e ls ," The Polk County Democrat, November 8, 1971. 3. National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volume 58, p. 451; "B iographical Sketch of the Life of Spessard L. Holland," Vertical Files, State Library of Florida Tallahassee. 4. National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volume 58, p. 450; "24th Amendment Was Greatest Highlight of Distinguished Career," Th e Polk County D emocrat, Novembe r 8 1971. 5. Canter Brown, Jr., In the Midst of All That Makes Life Worth Living: Polk County, Florida to 1940 (Tallahassee: Sentry Press, 2001) 301, 319; Allen Morris The Florida Handbook 1949-1950 (Tallahassee, 1949), 132; "Biographica l Sketch of the Life of Spessard L. Holland," Vertical Files, State Library of Florida, Tallahassee. Zora Nea le Hurston designated Holland "my ide a l of a southern statesman" for his courageous action in repealing the state poll tax and other reasons. Holland and Senator Ernest Graham of Miami were the duo responsible for the state poll tax's demise. See Brown, 319. 6. National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volume 58 p. 450; Information About Spessard Lindsey Holland United States Senator From F lorida ," 3; Allen Morris, The Florida Handbook 1949-1950 (Tallahassee, 1949), 132-133; Allen Morris, The Florida Handbook 1977-1978, 16th edition (Tallahassee, 1977), 130-131, 494-495; "Rights Bill Fight Vowed By Holland, The Tampa Tribune, April 23, 1964; "24th Amendment Was Greatest Highlight of Distinguished Career, Th e Polk County Democrat, November 8, 1971; He Stopped Lynch Mobs Twice in L a keland, Tally," The Polk County Democrat, November 8, 1971. In Florida s 1940 gubernatorial race, in a fie ld of e l eve n candidates in the first Democrat prima ry Holland received 118,86 2 votes of the 481,337 votes cast. Runne r-up Francis P. Whitehair of DeLand received 95,431. In the second primary he t a llied 272,718 votes to win over Whitehair, who received 206,158 votes In the general election, in which there was no Republican opponent, he received 334,152 votes. In the 1930s, Holland prevented a mob in Lakeland from lynching two men who had shot and killed two Lakeland police officers. 7. "Information About Spessard Lindsey Holland United States Senator From Florida," 1 ; Allen Morris, The Florida Handbook 1977-1978, 16th edi tion (Tallahassee, 1977), 497-499; National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volume 58, 450-451; James Malone, "Spessard Holland Dies Senator for 25 Years," Miami Herald, November 7 1971 ; "24th Amendment Was Greatest Highlight of Distinguished Career, The Polk County Democrat November 8, 1971. In the 1946 Democrat primary for the U.S Senate seat, Holland received 204,352 votes to down his major opponent R. A. (Lex) Green, who got 109,040; two other candidates tal lied just 23 ,1 53 In the general election he defeated Republican J. Harry Schad by 156,232 (78.7%) to 42,408. In the Democrat primary of 1952, he out polled William A. Gaston by 485,515 to 91 ,0lland received 616,665 votes in the uncontested general election. In the Democrat primary in 1958, he turned back Claude Pepper 408,084 to 321,377, and in the general election he handily vanquished Republican Leland Hyzer by 386,113 (71.2%) to 155 ,9 56. In the Democrat primary in 1964, he made short work of Brailey Odham by a margin of 676,014 to 289,454 and in the general election mastered future governor Claude R. Kirk, Jr. 997,585 (64%) to 75

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562,212. Regarding the poll tax, Senator H olla nd emul a tin g hi s s ucc essfu l repeal of the t ax in Florida as a s t a t e senator, intro duce d the amendment in 1949 a nd persist ed in every succeeding sessio n of Congress until 1962 when it was approved by the 87th Co ngress; Subsequently it was r a ti f ied by three-fourths of the states and became the 24th Amendment in 1964. A lth oug h a Democrat Holland was "ofte n branded a Republic a n in philosophy and voting." See Sen. Holland P a id A Tribute," Tallahassee D emocrat, September 30, 1966. 8. Information About Spessard Lindsey Holland United S tates Se n a tor From Florida ," 1 ; National Cyclopedia of American Biography Volum e 58 450451. 9. "S pessard L Holl and Dies Su ddenl y at 79 ," Polk County D emocrat, Novembe r 8, 1971 ; Florida Leader s Mourn the Death Of Se n Holland ," Jacksonville Times Union And Journal, Sunday, November 7 1971. 10. National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volum e 58, 451; "Mary Holland dies at 7 8," Tallahass ee Democrat March 23 1975. 11. National Cyclopedia of American Biography, Volum e 58 451; Freddie and Hugh Wright, March 14, 2002. Holland & Knight is proud to support the Tampa Historical Society, and joins the Society in its recognition of one of the firm's founding fathers, Spessard Holland HOLLAND & KNIGHT Tampa, Florida Annapolis Atlanta Bethesda Boston Bradenton Chicago Fort Lauderdale Jacksonville Lakeland Los Angeles Melbourne Miami New York Northern Virginia Orlando Portland Providence St. Petersburg San Anton io San Francisco Seattle Tallahassee Tampa Washington, D.C. West Palm Beach International Offices: Helsinki Mexico City Rio de Janeiro Sio Paulo Tokyo Representative Offices: Caracas Tel Aviv

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2002 Patrons of The Sunland Tribune The Officers and Board of Directors of the Tampa Historical Society and Editor of The Sunland Tribune wish to express their sincere gratitude to the following individuals, companies and organizations that have generously contributed to this volume of the Society's journal. Girard and Beverly Anderson Trudy and marvin Barkin Clark and Wendy barlow William E. Barlow Mar y and Paul Bearss John C. Bierley Daniel Boone Jr. Helen Norris Byrd Ben and JoAnn Caldwell Walter and Dorothea Caldwell Mr. and Mrs Paul D. Camp Sr Claire A. Cardina In Memory of JoAnn Haskins Cimino Pat Cindy and Anthony Cimino Mr. and Mrs. Richard S. Clarke Sr Columbia restaurant Molly C. Corum H. L (Punky) Crowder George D. Curtis Jr. Mrs Sam F Davis Ms. Lula J Dovi Betty N. Loor Dowd East Hillsborough Historical Society Inc. Tom Ellwanger and Sabine Bell Veronica and Jim Everett Feldman and Worthington Orthodontics Ferman Motor Car Company Mr. and Mrs James L Ferman, Sr. Mr. and Mrs James L Ferman, Jr. Eustasio Fernandez Sandra and Sol Fleischman Jr. Elizabeth and Fred Franklin Gabriel Fernandez Designer, Inc Fowler White Boggs Banker P.A. Mr. and Mrs. Robert G Gadsden III Caro l and Gary Garner Howard L. and Marie Garrett Joan Garrison-Brewer Helen Eckart Gonzalez William and Aileen Hanlon Commissioner Chris Hart Mr. and Mrs. Lon Hatton Leland M Hawes Jr. William N and Ann Hayes James and Rosa Hayward Otto Lee Henderson Mrs. Willard T. Hicks Mr. and Mrs Ben Hill III Hill, Ward Henderson Fraser and Maria Himes Terry Butchko Hoft Holland and Knight Mr and Mrs George B Howell III E. Calvin Johnson Sally and John Arthur Jones Charles F. Jordan, Hyde Park Architects Ron and Emily Kimzey Ann Scott Anderson Knight Gloria and Frank Lastra Ralph Lavandera Jr. Mr. and Mrs. John T Lesley Mrs G Syd Lenfesty Mr. and Mrs. J Leonard Levy H Tyson Lykes III William C McLean Jr. John McQuigg Fernando Rodriquez Mesa Ruth Benton Mulholland Kay and Harris Mullen Burt and Bettie Nelson Eric and Lyris Newman Stanford and Elaine Newman Mr. and Mrs. Frank R. North Sr. John and Gail Paulk Vernon Peeples Peninsular Paper Company Dr and Mrs. J Wayne Phillips and Family Dr Anthony J Pizzo Mrs. Ton y (Josephine) Pizzo Paul and Sharon Pizzo Bill and Jan Platt Mr and Mrs. Richard W Reeves Francis Reynolds Sandy and Didi Rief Jean Wilson Robbins Doris C. and Frank L. Rosenblatt Gloria C. Runton Tom and Marsha Rydberg Hon E J Salcines and Elsa Salcines Jeanne C Sanders Mr. and Mrs. Robert D. Sellas 77

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78 Mr. and Mrs. E. Lamar Sparkman Robert L S ulli van Tampa Preservation, Inc. Tampa Bay History Center Beth and Jack Tanner Mr. and Mrs. J. Thomas Touchton Mrs. Milo A. Vega Mrs. Mary G. Wade Martha Carlton Ward Richard and Shi rley Wilson Joe and Velma Zalupski 2002 Tampa Historical Society Membership LIFETIME MEMBERS Charles J. Ad ler Richard Ake, C lerk of Circuit Court Alachua County Historic Trust: Matheson Museum Inc Mrs D Anderson Girard Anderson Mr. and Mrs Raymond Anderson Mr and Mrs David Anton Mr. and Mrs W. DeHart Aya l a Bob Baggett, Bob Baggett Photography Mr. and Mrs Sam M Bailey Marvin and Trudy Barkin C lark and Glenda Barlow W. E Barlow Mr. and Mrs Pau l Bearss Andrew H. and She l by Bender Mrs Raphael Bentschner Mrs. Colleen Bevis John C. Bierley Mr. and Mrs Buddy Blain Judy and Roland Blanco Carolyn Benjamin Blethen Daniel Boone Jr. Alice G Braddy Charli e Brown Mr and Mrs. Henry C. Brown Ms. Kimberly Brown David and Ellen Brown O ld Tampa Book Co. Anna Ruth Burnside Helen N Byrd Walter C and Dorothea Ca ld well Mr. and Mrs. Pau l E Camp Sr. C l aire A Cardina Patrick and Cynthia Cimino Anne Macfarlane Clark Mr. and Mrs. Richard S C larke Mr. and Mrs. Jack C loen Marie B. Corcoran Janine K. Cornelius Dr. James W Covington H. L Punky' Crowder Harry Cunningham Mr. and Mrs. George D. Curtis Jr .. Pau l Danahy Al Davis H. Davis Mrs Sam F Davis J Allison DeFoor II Mary Ann DiFrank-Dugger Elizabeth L Dunham Charlotte and Hampton Dunn East Hillsborough Historical Society Inc. Mr. and Mrs Charles T. E ldr edge Mr. Tom E llw anger Ross and Vick i Elsberry Veronica and Jim Everett Mr. and Mrs James L. Ferman Jr. Mr. and Mrs J. L. Ferman Sr. Alvaro and Yolanda Fernandez Gabrie l and Anit a Ferna ndez Dr. Eustasio Fernandez Gabriel Fernandez John M Fitzgibbons F l orida Historical Society, UCF J erry E and Nancy Fogarty Thomas F. and Ellen Folsom Mr. and Mrs Charles Ford "' Mrs. Stephanie M Chapman, Founders Garden Circle Lynne T and Robert G. Gadsden III Steve and Sandra Gardner Mr. Howard L. Garrett Mrs Joan Garrison-Brewer Miche l e and William Gerrell IV Honorab l e Sam Gibbons and Mrs Martha Gibbons Mr. and Mrs. Leonard H Gilbert Mrs. Helen E. Gonzalez ''' Stap l eton Gooch Inc. Mr. and Mrs. John S. Goodson Jr. Julius Gordon Bob and M a rion Gray Greater Tampa Chamber of Commerce Mayor Dick Greco Terry L. Greenhal gh Mrs. Nibia Griffin Charles Hach

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William W. Hanlon Commissioner Chris Hart Mr. and Mrs. Frank W. Harvey Mr. and Mrs. Lon Hatton Leland M. Hawes Jr. William N. and Ann Hayes Ms. Cindy Henderson Otto Lee Henderson Edward J. Henley Jr. Dr and Mrs. Thomas S. Herman Mrs Willard T. Hicks Mrs. John P. Hilburn Ms. Terry Butchko Hoft Mr. and Mrs. George B. Howell III G Blaine Howell Jr. Mrs. Ann 0. Huddart Mr. and Mrs Michael M Ingram Pam Iorio and Mark Woodard Carl and Alene Johnson Dr. and Mrs. Galen B. Jones Sally and John Arthur Jones Charles C. Jordan Mr. and Mrs. James C. Judy The Junior League of Tampa, Inc. James and Marguerite K a ul Mr. Robert J. Kerstein Mr. and Mrs. Ron Kimsey Rodney H. Kite-Powell II Mrs. Anderson Knight J. A. and Irene Lamb Frank T. Lastra P .E. '' Mrs Samuel I. (Lois) Latimer Jr. Ralph Lavandera Jr. Mrs Syd Lenfesty Mr. Tom Levin Mrs. Claude Log a n Jr. ''' Lykes Brothers, Inc. Mrs. Charles P. Lykes Mr. H.T. Lykes II Herb and Sue Lyon Mr. and Mrs. E P. MacBryde Fred and Helen Martin Mr. and Mrs. Charles Martin Mr. Andrew J. Martinez Matheson Museum Inc, UF Bruce H Matthews Mr. and Mrs. Charles A. McEniry Mr. and Mrs. Howell A. McKay Mr. and Mrs. William C. McLean Jr. John McQuigg Mrs. Edith Skidmore Meeker Mr Fernando Rodriguez Mesa Mrs. Loraine Meyer Elizabeth M. Mixon Mr and Mrs. W. T. Morgan III Gary and Lynne Mormino Dr. and Mrs. Howell Morrison Patricia M. Morrison Mrs Sandra Mulder Ruth Benton Mulholland Harris H and Katherine Mullen Mr. and Mrs. David R Murphey III Florence Murphy Mr. and Mrs. Burt Nelson Mr. Paul Nestor Mr. and Mrs. Eric and Lyris Newman Mrs. Margaret Newman Mr. and Mrs. Stanford J. Newman Mr. and Mrs. John Nink Diane H. and Frank R. North Sr. Mrs. Ann O'Huddart Old Tampa Bookstore, David and Ellen Brown Lester and Yetive Olson Mr and Mrs. Solon E. O'Neal Jr. Mr. Felipe R. Pacheco John and Gail Paulk Vernon Peeples Anthony J Pizzo M.D. Mrs Anthony Pizzo Mr. and Mrs Paul R. (Sharon) Pizzo Barbara and Eugene Pool John W. Puffer III Barbara Reeves I Fletcher Stuart Mr. and Mrs Richard W. Reeves Mr. and Mrs. Steve Reynolds Mr. and Mrs. W.H. Reynolds Mr and Mrs. Frank J Rief III Bill and Irene Roach Mr. and Mrs C. 'Bud' Rocka Mr. and Mrs. Roland Rodriguez Mr. and Mrs. Frank L. (Doris) Rosenblatt Gloria C. Runton Hon E.J. Salcines and Elsa Salcines Jeanne C. Sanders Sara D. Sansbury Saunders Foundation Arthur R. Savage Mr. and Mrs. R. D Sellas Frank V. and Margaret H. Selph Russell and Mary Jo Shenk Lee B. Sierra Sr. *Mr. and Mrs. Peter M. (Nancy) Skemp Mr. A. Frank Smith Lamar and Gloria Sparkm a n Mr. and Mrs. Charles Spicola State Library of Florida Mr. and Mrs Randolph Stevens Mr. and Mrs Richard Stowers Patricia Potter Strickland Robert L. Sullivan The Tampa Tribune Tampa Preservation, Inc. Tampa Public Library, Serials Unit Mr. and Mrs. J.H. Tanner 79

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80 Mr. Mark Tate Dr. G. Philip Thomas Mr. Wayne Thomas Mr. and Mrs. A. Fernando Torres Mr. and Mrs. J. Thomas Touchton Mr. and Mrs. James R. Turner Mr. Doug Underwood PK Yonge Library, UF, Lisa Alexander Dorothy Van Balen Mrs. Mattie Vega Providence Velasco Mr. and Mrs. L. E. Vinson Charles and June B. Wade Mrs. Mary Wade Mr. and Mrs. Theodore E. Wade Rob Wallace, Environmental Engineering Consultants, Inc Mr. Ken Walters Mrs. H.J. Watrous Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Weaver Mrs. Inez West ''' Dr. L. Glenn Westfall Mr. H Larry Wiggons III John K. and Pam Williams Mr. Richard H. Wilson Mr. and Mrs. William R. Wofford Mrs. Mary Shackleford Wolfe Mr. and Mrs. G. Piece Wood Pam Iorio and Mark Woodard Rafael M. Ybor Joseph and Velma Zalupski

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The Honorable Dick A. Greco, Recipient of the 2002 D.B. McKay Award The 2002 recipient of the D.B. McKay Award is Dick A. Greco, Mayor of the City of Tampa The 31th recipient of this coveted award is a native of Tampa. After attending local schools, h e went on to attend the University of Florida He returned to Tampa to attend the University of Tampa After graduating with a Bachelor of Science degree in Social Studies, he became Vice President of the family business King-Greco Hardware. In 1963, at the age of 29 he was elected to the Tampa City Council. After serving a four-year t erm, he was elected Mayor of the City of Tampa in 196 7. At thirty-four years of age he was the youngest mayor of a major city in the Un ited States. He was reelected in 1971, however resigned in 1973 to join The Edward I. DeBartolo Corporation as Vice President of Development and Governmental Relations. In 1995, Mr Greco ran for mayor again and was reelected in March 1995. He then resigned from his position with The Edward DeBartolo Corporation. Mr. Greco has shown extraordinary leadership and vision as he has guided Tampa through periods of significant change, growth and improvement. From helping to bring the Tampa Bay Buccaneers of the NFL to Tampa, to presiding over the Model Cities Program, to build ing Horizon Park, to bringing Hillsborough Community College to Ybor City, to the development of the Cultural Arts District he has been at the forefront of development During his career in the public sector, Mr Greco has served on several governmental boards and authorities including the Tampa Aviation Authority, the Tampa Expressway Authority, the Tampa Port Authority's Board of Commissioners, the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council, President of Florida League of Cities and the Board of Directors of the National League of Cities Mayor Greco has had a major impact on the city's history especially in the area of architectural and historic preservation. Since 1995 he has been responsible for: establishment of the Historic Preservation Commission; Tampa Heights' designation as a Local Historic District; the surveying of 1 743 structures of historic significance in several neighborhoods including Parkland Estates, New Suburb Beautiful, Tampa Heights, North Franklin Local Historic District and the Ybor City Local Historic District; scheduled 1,200 structures for review to assess their historical significance in the West Tampa District; designation of seven properties as Local Landmarks; placement of two properties on the National Register of Historic places; revised both the Hyde Park and Ybor City Design Guidelines; established the Historic Preservation Resource Library; and created the Historic Preservation Workshops The Mayor is also a member of several civic and social organizations and their boards. For his significant contribution to Florida's history, Dick A. Greco is the recipient of the Tampa Historical Society's 2002 D.B. McKay Award. 81

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82 Past Recipients of the D.B. McKay Award 1972 Frank Laumer 1973 Sate Senator David McClain 197 4 Circuit Court Judge Lames R. Knott 1975 Gloria Jahoda 1976 Harris H. Mullen 1977 Dr. James Covington 1978 Hampton Dunn 1979 William M. Goza 1980 Tony Pizzo 1981 Allen and Joan Morris 1982 Mel Fisher 1983 Marjory Stoneman Douglas 1984 Frank Garcia 1985 Former Governor Leroy Collins 1086 Dr. Samuel Proctor 1987 Doyle E Carlton, Jr. 1988 Leland M. Hawes, Jr. 1989 U. S. Rep. Charles E. Bennett 1990 Joan W. Jennewein 1991 Dr. Gary R. Mormino 1992 Julius J. Gordon 1993 Jack Moore and Robert Snyder 1994 Dr. Ferdie Pacheco 1995 Stephanie E Ferrell 1996 Michael Gannon 1997 Rowena Ferrell Brady 1998 Dr. Canter Brown, Jr. 1999 J. Thomas Touchton 2000 Dr Larry Eugene Rivers 2001 Arsenio M. Sanchez Past Presidents of the Tampa Historical Society Anthony Pizzo 1971 (deceased) Nonita Henson 1972 Hampton Dunn 1973-1974 Dr. James W Covington 1975 Mrs. Bettie Nelson 1976-1977 Dr. L. Glenn Westfall 1978 Mrs. Leslie McClain 1979 Kenneth W. Mulder 1980-1981 (deceased) R. Randolph Stevens 1982-1983 Richard S Clarke 1984-1985 Nancy N. Skemp 1986-1987 Samuel L. Latimer 1988 (deceased) Terry L. Greenhalgh 1989 James Judy 1990 George B. Howell III 1991-1992 Charles Jordon 1993 Mrs. Barbara G Reeves 1993 Charles A Brown 1994-1995 Kyle S. VanLandingham 1996-1997 Ralph N. Beaver 1997 Frank R. North 1998-1999-2000 Paul R. Pizzo 2001-2002 KENNETH \V. MULDER Kenneth Mulder, President of the Tampa Historical Society in 1980 and 1981, passed away this year. Ken was a member of the Tampa Historical Society until his death and was a lifelong student of Tampa and Florida history A Tampa native, his favorite subject as a schoolboy was history. An insurance executive when not hunting for Florida's past, he was fascinated by pirates and arti facts left behind by Florid a's Indians and pioneers. During his presidency of THS, the bones of over a hundred soldiers and civil ians from the 1820s were discovered during the site preparation for the building of the Fort Brooke Parking Garage in downtown Tampa. The remains were reinterred in Oaklawn Cemetery. Ken accumulated a sub stantial library of books on history and along with his wife Sandy who shared his love of our rich heritage, published a series of Days of Long Ago books, Pirates, Seminoles and Tampa Bay, which features much of his collection of artifacts gathered during his years of collecting. Ken was a great student of history and a fine storyteller We are fortunate that he shared with us his dedication, commitment and passion to our city He will be greatly missed


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