Sunland tribune

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Sunland tribune
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SUNLAND TRIBUNE Journal of the Tampa Historical Society Volume XXXI 2006


THE SUNLAND TRIBUNE Journal of the Tampa Historical Society 31st Edition Volun1 e XXXI 2006 CONTENTS President's Message Bu ildin g Tampa: The Lafayette Street Bridge Sea Scout Prisoner of War Seeking David Fagen: The Search for a Black Rebel's F l o rid a Roots Limits of power: the 1890 Ocal a Con ventio n of the National Farmers' Alliance Death in a Strange Land: Burial Practices and lvl emorial s in II Cimitero l 'U ni o n e Itali ana, Tampa' s c.1900 Italian Immigrant Cemetery About the Authors 2006 Tampa Hist orical Society Patrons and Membe r ship Past Society Presidents 2006 D.B McKay Award Maureen J. Patrick Lucy D. Jones C h arles M. F u ss, Jr. Frank Schuber t Dan Bertwell M aureen J Patrick Front cover: The last Sea Scouts c r ew. (See Sea Scout Prison e r of War ," by C harl es Fuss, p. 21.) 2 5 21 29 41 53 65 67 69 71 Back cover: T ampa's Lafa yette Street Bridges wer e both technol og i ca l marvels and tourist attracti ons. The bri dges w e r e the s ubjects of countl ess picture p ostcards, lik e th ese dating fro m a r ound 1900 to th e 1930s. Photos from top to bottom: 1) This c.1900 postca rd s h ow s a bird s eye v i ew" of th e Tampa Bay Ilotel a nd grounds (west bank), from th e perspective of the Second Lafayette Street Bridge. 2) An ea r l y v iew of the Second Lafa yette Street Br id ge tow a rd th e mouth of th e Hillsborough River. The structure in th e bri dge 's cen te r span is the draw. The l arge buildings in the middl e ground are the Ar mory (west bank) and C ustoms H o u se (cast bank). 3) The n e w or Third Lafa yette Street Bridg e showin g the Tampa Bay llotel river traffic, a nd the brid ge tender's office. Note th e streetcar lin es, e lectric and t e l egra ph po l es, a nd arm-andg lobe light fixtures. 4) The Third Lafay ette Street Br id ge lik e it s predecessors was a prominent "s i ght" in Tampa for many deca des. This postcard dates to t h e 1930s and s h ows improvements along the River front in c luding concrete sea walls and quays.


PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE T his year has undoubtedly been one of the most challenging and r ewarding of Tampa Historical Society's thirty-five year history. The c.1890 Peter 0. Knight House, our SoMaureen J. Patric k Current President ciety headquarters, was awarded I listoric Landmark status b y the Tampa City Council (acting on a r ecommendation by the Ilisto ric Preservation Commission.) The Ilouse has attracted the attention of the media, preservation and restoration specialists, and (perhaps most exciting) individuals with connections to the Ilouse and the neighborhood as they were in T ampa's Gaslight Era. Inte rviews with members of the Knight family, those who lived in nea rb y houses, and Mary Elizabeth Stuart Jones (who lived in the Ilouse as a child) are producing a view of the Ilouse not as a dusty artifact but as an e loquent "voice" that tells the story of Ilyde Park and early Tampa. Long range plans for the Ilouse include de tailed documentation of its past, then restoration to an acceptable simi l e of its original furnishings and decor, so that it may be used to "teach Tampa" to new generations of Tampans. To facilitate this and other goals, the Society vigorous l y embarked, this yea r on highly visib l e education programs, as well a s m embership and fundraising initi atives. Members and the public enjoyed our two annual Oaklawn Cemeter y events (the April Ramble and the October Gothic Graveyard Walh ) an Open llouse, and a fund raising ga l a: "Feast of the Dark" (October 27.) For those who lik e to share a love for local Tlie Sunland 7hb1me is publishe d annually by the n o nprofit Tampa llistorical Society, 245 South llydc Park i\vcnuc, T:1mp:1, FL 33606, and was printed b y Gunn Printing, 1415 W. Dr. Martin Luthe r King Jr. Boulevard, Tampa, Flor id a 33614 2006 Tampa llistori c: il Society, Tampa, FL. All ri ghts reserve d N o part of Tlie Sunland 7hbu11e may be reproduced in any form or by a n y e lectronic o r mechanical means, in cluding informat i o n storage and retrie va l systems, without prior written p ermissio n of the Tampa llisto rical Soc i ety. The Tampa llisto ri c: d Society welcomes articles pertaining to Tampa, historic I lillsborou g h County, and Florida history for publication in Tile S1111la11d Trib1111e. Please address all correspondence regarding submission of manuscripts and materials t o the Tlie Sunland 7hb1111e 245 South ll yde Park Avenue, Tampa, FL 33606. Not responsible f o r unsolicited manuscripts mate rial s, photographs o r artwork. The editor and the Tampa llistoric:tl Society accept no responsibility for statements, P e t e r 0. Kni/iht f-/o11se history in an atmosphere of friends and fun the Society's cal enda r is looking very attractive indeed. Festivity is balanced with serious scholarship at T!IS. 'vVith the help of local curators and historians, th e Society' s Collection is being recatalogued and conserved, as are the furnishings of the Knight Ilouse. The Sunland J'ribune back on its traditional publishing schedule, is home to deeply researched articles by eminent historical writers, as well as illustrations of an extraordinary scope and intere st. The Board of Directors, source of energy, talent, resource s and drive for all these achievem ents, is honore d to serve you, the Society's membe rs. New Board Members bring vastl y expanded resources -personal, professional, soci al to this, llillsborough County' s oldest history organization. Join us (along with friends, colleagues, and neighbors) as we deliver T ampa' s past to Tampa' s future. Best regards, Maureen J Patrick ideas o r opinions whether of fact or opinion made contributors. Tlie 81111la11d 7hb1111c i s provided free as : 1 b e n e fit o f membership in the Tampa lli s tori c;tl Society. is e ncouraged and welcome. Copies :ind certain h;1ck issues are available hy writing to the Tamp: 1 llistorical Soci ety. The T:1mpa I listorical Socictv h:1s 0,rantcd the Unive r s ity of South Florida Libraries permission to scan the entire contents of all 30 issues o f Tlie S1111lrt11d 7hb1111c from :197-t throug h 200(>, and to place the digitized, keyword searchable versions on the World Wide \Yeh. The electronic versions of 7Y1e S1111la11d 7hb1111e arc part o f F loridiana on the Wch ," a n o n-comme r c ial educati o nal project funded h v GTE. This d ynamic website presents Florida 's 1\-12 students with a wea lth of i111: 1 ,0,cs and text about the state' s histo r y ;111d culture, and is frc c l v available to anvonc in the world with access to the Wor ld Wid e Web. Postage p:.1id at Tampa, FL h y the T ; 1mpa llistorical So ciety, Tampa, FL


Tampa Historical Society 2006 Board of Directors PRESIDENT Maureen J. Patrick VICE PRESIDENT Anthony Arena SECRETARY Gia nmarco Sa lzano TREASURER John R. McEwen BOARD MEMBERS Rose Tambuzzo Barbie Gi lda Sc h u lmeyer McKin non Shere Schiller Lange Winckler ADV I SORY MEMBER E.J. Salcines IMMEDIATE PAST PRESIDENT William A. Knight Tampa llistor ica l Society Peter 0. Kni ght Hous e 245 South Hyd e Pa r k Avenue Tampa F l orida 33606-2231 Founde d in 1971


Building Tampa: The Lafayette Street Bridge Lucy D. Jones When Henry Bradley Plant first built his railroad to Tampa, he did not want to extend the tracks from east to west over the Hillsborough River. Every extra mile of track was money out of Plant's pocket. When Plant heard that the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers would dredge a ship channel in Old Tampa Bay rather than Hillsborough Bay, he quickly arranged to lay track to Black Point (later Port Tampa), where he constructed a wharf out to deep water in order to accommodate maritime traffic. To get the railroad tracks across the Hillsborough River, Captain John McKay built a draw bridge for the trains at Cass Street.1 McKay was invested in the railroad reaching both Old Tampa Bay and the shallow-water docks along the River, since he captained Plant Systems vessels running between Tampa and Ilavana. Plant's transportation system included both trains and steamships. Since passengers on both lines needed accommodations, hotels were a logical extension of the Plant System, but none of the hotels operating in Tampa in the late 1880s was up to the standard of Plant's "prestige" clientele. The transportation magnate decided to build a lavish resort near the Tampa terminus of his railroad but on the west side of the Hillsborough River In July 1888, the Tam pa Bay Hotel's cornerstone was laid. Luxury winter resorts such as this often could not rely on existing infrastructure. The necessary rail access or utilities were built at the developer's expense, or at the expense of the host city at the request of the develop er. In the case of Tampa, the hotel was such a boon to the growing town that the City Council readily agreed to several development incentives, including l ow, fixed-rate taxes and a promise that the town would build a bridge over the Hillsborough River, leading to the hotel. 2 This last agreement began a tale of three bridges, each of which mirrored the conditions and people of Tam pa in its formative decades. As the bridges were built, served their purposes, outlived their usefulness and were replaced, they produced a history-in-miniature of the city that created them. This study examines that history to discover what it has to tell about the motivations, technology, and accomplishments of Tampa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first Lafayette Street Bridge In March 1885, the Tampa council chartered Jesse Hayden's ferry at Jackson Street, stipulating that he keep one good flat boat and two good skiffs to carry people, 1890s photograph of the first Lafayett e Street Bridge over the Hillsborough Riv e r with the Tampa Bay Hotel in the background (Courtesy th e State Archives of Florida). 5


6 The Tampa Bay Hot e l and swing bridg e, both under construction in Fcbruarv, 1889, in a rare photo by James Coo ley Field (Courtesy of the Henry B. Plant Museum Photographic Archives.) stock animal s, and goods across the Hillsborough River.3 Until the trains came, Tam pa residents had little use for a bridge over the Hillsborough River, but public and private interest in a bridge increased a l ong with the railroad. Several conflicting pro posals were made, but the city council's final decision in the fall of 1887 was to build a free public foot and wagon bridge at La fayette Street.4 Although a severe yellow fever epidemic disrupted the town's routine operations, plans for the bridge were in the works by December of 1887. In May 1888, the council received three proposals for the bridge over the Hillsborough River, accepting that of the King Iron Bridge Company, a prominent American bridge manufacturer in the late nineteenth century.s Zenas King founder of the King Iron Bridge Company, had a factory in Cleveland where stock parts and designs were produced, ensurin g rapid fulfillment of customers' orders. The company shipped bridge parts by rail to each construction site for assembly. King created a large web of agents and representatives who placed bids for the company all ove r the country, whenever and wherever a new bridge contract was advertised. The company's 1888 catalogue claimed parent-age of 10,000 bridg es, with 350 new orders each year.6 The King Iron Bridge Company began construction of th e Lafayette Street Bridge soon after the contract was awarded. When yellow fever struck Tampa again in August 1888, the King Iron Bridge Company asked the c it y for a time extension on their contract, but the request was denied. Despite quarantines, engineering changes, and federal concerns about potential navigational obstructions, work on the bridge progressed, and by Pebruary 1889 the approaches were r eady to be filled with shell. Signa l lanterns were purchased, and the city advertised for a bridge keeper.7 Less than a year after work b ega n the King Bridge Company notified the city council that construction was finished, and the council formed a Committee of the Whole (that is a committee comprised of all of the members of the council) to inspect the bridge. In early March 1889, the city opened the first Lafayette Street bridge to the public.8 The fact that Tampa felt compelled to build the bridge in order to satisfy Henry Plant was undeniable, as Tampa was a young city desperate for investors. Money for the bridg e and other civic improvements


cam e fro m munic ipal bond issu e s.9 B uildin g publi c works w a s a wid espread and monum e n ta l t ask in the nine te enth c entury. A r e l ative l y n e w country w a s b e in g creat e d a s it w e r e, fro m s cratc h and the Unite d States did n o t have a l a r ge pool o f o ld-m o ney p o t e nti a l inv esto rs a s did som e o ld e r n a ti ons. P ubli c wo rk s a ls o l a b o r e d unde r the Jacksoni a n v i ew o f government, whi c h h eld t hat it was impo s s ibl e t o use f e deral m o ney to h e lp o n e r eg i o n without h arming another. P ubli c infr astructure constructio n wa s, t herefor e, a s t a t e and l o c a l i ss u e. I O B e c a us e of a s h ortage of capita l and a re lu c t a nce t o ra i se taxes sta t e and loc a l fundin g o f public wo rks w a s l a r ge l y speculative, t ypically l arge-sca l e, unsecure d publi c debt. S u c h s pecul ative d ebt, h o wever w a s necessar y to p ro m o t e growth and Tampa wa s n o exceptio n After t h e L afayette Street B rid ge was b uil t r e sid e n t i a l devel opment o n t h e w est side of the Hill s b o rou g h Rive r boom e d. W here it h a d o nce been diffi cult t o cross t h e ri ve r t h e o nl y m eans b e in g a f erry with n o r egularly s c h eduled serv ice a m odern i ro n brid ge zippe d m a n and beast a lik e fr o m o n e bank t o the othe r Spotting a n opportunity 0. II. Platt o f H y d e P a rk Illin o i s subdi vided twenty acres o f R o b ert Jackson s form e r h o mestead o n the west sid e o f the llillsborou g h River. Lots s old qui ckly, and a m iddl e c l ass resid e nti a l c ommunity form e d as t h e easy commute t o the central business di s tri c t attract e d p rofess i o n a l s s h o p pe r s, and bus in essme n ll Whil e it w a s in Plant' s in te r est t o h ave T a m pa thrive a s a c ity, cons t ruction o f s in g l e -famil y h o mes near hi s luxury resort hotel was not hi s inte nti o n n o r was it p art icul arly t o hi s b e n ef it Plant h a d ask e d for a brid ge becaus e it w o uld b e nefit his Tampa Bay 1 lotel a nd d e v e l opme n t o f n e w resid e n t i a l n e i g h bo rh oo ds across the rive r w a s m e r e l y a colla teral effect. I t w a s neverthe l ess, a n effect that prove d m o r e durable t h a n P l ant' s orig in a l projec t. After his death in 1899, Plant's a ss e t s were sold off during v i c i o us f a mil y fights ove r the t erms o f hi s w ill. In 1 9 0 2 the At l a nti c Coast Lin e R ail road b o u ght P l a n t' s system of railroa d s, and in 1 9 0 5 the T ampa Bay I l o t e l becam e the p roperty o f the City of T ampa. 1 2 T h e hote l s importa nce fad e d ove r t im e, hut the suburbs c reat e d as a side b a r t o it s construc ti o n p rospe r e d The L afayette Street Brid ge did n o t l o n g r emain the o nl y gene ral t ra ffic bridge o v e r th e Hillsb o rou g h River. In 1 892, Hu g h M acfarla ne, o n e o f the o ri g in a l m embe rs o f the T ampa Boa rd o f Trade as w ell as T ampa's c it y atto rn ey, m arke t e d 2 0 0 acres o f l and o n the w est sid e o f the riv e r n orth o f d o wn t o wn A crucia l first ste p t owards s uccess was to p rov id e acce s s t o hi s new devel o p m ent, calle d West T ampa. In 1892 with the h e lp of othe r in vestors, M acfarla n e built a n iro n d ra wbrid g e a t Fortune Stre et. S ince a street railway b e tween W est T ampa and Ybo r C it y w o uld run o v e r the brid ge, develo p e r s a nti c ip a t e d tha t c i ga r factories wo uld l o c ate in West T ampa. The commc r c i alc ivi c e lit e o f T ampa v i e w e d the bridge, p a id for with private funds a s a goo d busine ss stratege m and support o f the city' s eco n o m y as equiva l ent t o goo d citi ze n ship. 1.1 Their v i s i o n was r e w a rd e d as West T ampa quickly achi eved stature a s a "cigar t ow n t o rival Yho r C it y The Second Lafayette Street Bridge Brid ges a r e d e si g n e d t o meet the conditions of th e tim e wh e n they are built. They a r e rare l y desi g n e d for future conditi o ns When the fir s t L afayette Street B rid ge was built, T ampa's lead e r s did n o t con side r things lik e e lectri c it y and streetca r s, n o r the probable extent o f suburba n dev el o p m ent w est o f the riv er. The fir s t bridge did n o t h o ld up w ell t o the new d e m ands placed o n it. A m o n g othe r p roblems, a n e lectri c cable a t the bridge burne d out, for c in g the p o w e r c ompa n y t o use a switc h connectio n for the ir wires F'or a tim e, wh eneve r the d raw o p e n e d a t ni ght, the lights w ent out in ll y d e P a rk until the bridge c l o s e d aga in I.J The brid g e and b onding i ssue becam e conte nti o us topics in the mayor a l campa i g n Pho t ogra ph of th e second L afayette Street B rid ge t a k e n in 1905, s h ow in g th e n a r row width and h eavy us age o f t h e brid ge (Co urtes y t h e Stat e Archives

8 Postcard im age of the second Lafayette Street Bridge facing south, or downstream. The buildin g with the s m o k es tack s near the cente r of the image o n the riv e r s s h o r e i s the Tampa E lectri c Company s pl ant (from the author's co ll ection). of March 1895 a heated contest between F.A. Salomonson and M.B. Macfarlane. /\ n a tive of Ilolland, Salomonson moved to Tam pa in 1884 and went into the real estate busin ess. By 1895, h e h a d served three t erms as a city councilman. M atthe w Biggar Macfarlane (brother of II u g h MacFarlane) was a native of Scotland, educa ted in the n orthern United States, a lawyer and later served as Co llect o r of Customs for Tampa. (M.B. Macfarlane was a lso quite prominent in Florida's Republic a n P arty, and would b e a n unsuccessful gubernatorial candidate in 1900 and 1904.) Salomonson won the may oral race b y a m arg in of 50 votes.JS L ess than tw o weeks a ft e r the e lection Salomonso n spoke t o the c it y council about the city's financi a l condition. The ma yo r recommende d that the c it y first draw up a n e w charter, then vote a bonds issu e, and then install a sewe r system, followed by construction of a new brid ge at Lafayette Street. The council agreed and instructed the city attorney to draw up a n ew c h arte r authorizing a Board of Public Works. (As well, the council voted to change mayoral e lection s from annual to biennial events. 16) The m ayor's recommendation for a n ew bridge was actually "o ld business." In lat e February 1895, the city council had authoriz e d a l oa n of .$45,000 and hire d th e Flori da Dredging Co mp a n y to build a n ew bridge across the Hillsbor o ugh River at L afayette Street.17 Although there were as m a n y as twenty-five m e n a t a time working on th e bridge, Tampa resid ents urge d the contract o r s to use m o r e work e rs and finish the bridge m o r e quickly. Co nstru c ti o n became a public s pectacl e until th e builders finally asked rubberneck e r s to stay out of th e ir way. There was a lot to see at the site. Workers cleared o ld brid ge timbers out of the riv e r Crews drove pilin gs for retaining w a lls and l a id timbers o n the pilin gs. Ma so n s covered th e t o p s of the timbers, while div e r s built cofferdams a r ound pier e m plac e m e nts. The Water W o rk s Company r e l a id m a in s o n both s id es of the riv e r at the brid ge. More workers built a footway 100 feet upstream fr o m the old bridge a s a temporary erossing. rn Money ran s h ort, and work at the La fayette Street B rid ge h a lted in December 1895, a waitin g a n e w b ond election. The o ptimi s m felt in C it y Il all and llyde Park af ter th e vo t e rs resounding approva l of the project quickl y evaporat e d. A m onth late r the city h ad recei ve d n o m o n ey and n o ex pl a nati o n from W. N Co l e r & Compa n y th e New Y o rk banke rs who agreed t o sell Tam p a's bonds.19 The city council as ked the Plant In vestment Compa n y for a $15,000 l oa n to finish the bridge, but Henry Plant turned them down (Plant rarely contribute d m o ney t owa rd s utilit y constructi o n o r publi c works in c itie s served by hi s ra ilroads o r wh e r e h e had h o t els, avoiding p o litical or close personal associati o n s in those cities.20) Finally, in Februa r y 1896, Tampa recei ved its first installm ent from th e b onds, and the bridge builders resumed work. For months, the Tampa Weekly Tribune r aile d aga inst Co l e r s d e l ay accusin g the company of h ampe rin g Tampa's gro wth:


Postcard showing trolley crossin g the second Lafayette Street Bridge (f1om the author'.s collection) "Instead of muddy streets and gloomy countenances, the pe o ple would be buoyant with bright anticipation of great improvernents.''21 On a Saturday morning in March 1896, with little ceremony, workers cast aside the barriers at the Lafayette Street Bridge. Mr. llathaway, Manager of the Tampa Bay llotel, and F. de C. Sullivan 1 lenry Plant's private secretary, drov e a carriage over the bridge to Mayor Salomonson's office, where they were joined by C ity Eng ineer Neff and several councilmen. These men then went to th e Tampa Bay Hotel for an elegant lunch. Although few p eople were present at the bridg e's opening, word spread quickly and that afternoon a stream of wagons car riages, a nd pedestrians flowed across the river.22 A f ew clays l ater, city leaders formally cleclicatecl the bridge with grand flourishes. Crowds of spectators filled the approaches, whil e the Fifth Battalion Band played as eighteen mounted polic emen and three carriages of dignitaries neared the bridge. Fire Station One's hos e wagon, engine, and hook and ladder truck added to the festive atmosphere, as Fire Chief Harris daughter waved to the crowds amid a mass of flowers. Precisely at the center of the bridge the parade halted, as Reverend W. W DeIIart rose in his carriage, uncove red his head, and spoke: In the name of the commonwealth of T ampa I now declare this bridge open on this the 24th clay of March, 1896, and call on you one and all to join in giving three cheers and a tiger." After that, the parade continued to the grounds of the Tampa Bay Hotel where Del-Iart spoke further from a balcony, heralding the bridge as tangible evidence of Tampa s manifest destiny.2 J On M a rch 28, 1896, the first streetcar crossed the brid ge. Mrs. C. W. Chapin, owner of the Consumers Electric Light and Street Railwa y Company, gathered a party in her custom-made parlor coach, which traveled from Ballast Point to Hyde Park, then across the bridge to Franklin Street and thence to Ybor C ity. By the time the ca r turned to go back, dusk had fallen and the partygoers s hot Roman candles from the trolley. The streetcar lin e benefited greatl y from the Lafayette Street Bridge and was of particular interest to the Chapins, who lived in a mansion on the Bayshore. The Consumers E lectric Company's streetcar lin e encouraged development a long the bay towards Ballast Po int. Many of th e new homes being built along and close to the route were elegant mansions for Tampa's elite and the streetcar made it possible for th e residents to escape the city.24 Consumers had a contract with the city allowing th e streetcar lin e to use the Lafayette Street bridge, and requiring the company to pay a portion of the cost for bridge repairs.25 Peter Oliphant Knight, the Chapins' business partner, a ls o h e lped organize the Exc h a n ge National Bank and the Tampa Gas Company, and served as county solici-9


10 Do You Live In Hyde Park? Lafayette tree t bridge j!; goin g t o be clo!'rcl on about Oct o ber ftn

... ,,, The third Lafayette Street Bridge, d e tail from a ca. 1 9 14 photograph taken facing south clown th e llillsborou g h River. (Courtesy of Library of Congress, Prints a ncl Photography Division [ reproduction numbe r L C-U SZ62-13576.1!). th e water works and the electric plant, and soon found its elf in opposition to the Tam p a Board of Trade, which had hitherto had the support of the local government. The C iti ze n 's Le ag u e suggested c h a ngin g th e c it y c h arte r a nd eliminating the Co mmis s i o n o f Public Works. The Tampa Board of Trad e h a lted these changes, a nd a n exas perated Peter 0. Knight accused the Citi z e n's L eag u e of bein g anarchists.Jl Pro-growth and pro-public investment, F.A. Salomonson returne d to the m ayor's office in 1904. Shortl y after t a kin g office Mayor Salomonson called for extensiv e r e pairs to the failing L afayette Street Bridge say in g that when the bridge did not work it was more than just a n inc o nv e ni ence for Il yde Parle If the brid ge failed it disrupted th e streetcar lin e s and schedules and was a n inconv e ni ence for the whol e city; th e r efor e, the city council should find the money to fix it.J2 The Third Lafayette Street Bddge When the second Lafayette Street bridg e prov e d in adeq u a te and unreliable, H y d e Park a nd Bay sh o r e r esidents, a l o n g with re al estate agents, c l a im e d th a t a n ew bridge would b e nefit th e whole city. Despite their boosterism, a n ew bridge took years to accompli sh. Tampa 's govern m ent was stron g l y conservati ve wh e n it came to fiscal matters as were the vote rs and bond issu e after bond i ss u e for public improvements was r ejected o r n eve r eve n ca m e to vote.J.l In 1907 with a grow in g city and a grow in g econ o my, Mayo r W. II. F recker suggested a $600,000 bond issu e for n e w civic buildings paving projects, sewer install atio n s and a new brid ge ov e r th e riv e r at Lafayette Street. Mayor Frecker note d Tampa is in m a n y r es pects o n e of the m os t progr es sive cities [ of ] the south, but in others h a s been sorely backward.".14 J\ bond e lection was set for January 1908, but in December 1907 th e city council cancelle d th e e lection in r eaction to a nationwide financial panic, concerned th a t Tampa would n o t b e abl e to h a ndl e th e bond issu e finan c iall y and that a weak m a rket would y i e l d a l o w price.JS In May 1 909, Tampa voters turne d d ow n another municipal bond issu e that would h ave paid for a n e w Lafay ette Street Bridge, a city h all, a city hospita l a nd other public improve m ents such as sewer s and p ave d streets. Some voters w e r e against the b onds becaus e they dislik e d th e city administrati o n but the main reaso n for the b ond issue' s defeat was the brid ge its elf, which was perceived as being just too expensiv e.J6 In estim a tin g th e price of r e placing the bridge th e city council expect e d two streetcar lines T a mp a E lectric Co mp any and th e Tampa & Sulphur Springs Traction Co mpa n y to pa y for a considerable portion of the cost, as much as a third.J 7 With a prelimi n a r y estimate of $ 1 65,000, eve n minus a n estimated $50 ,000 contribution from th e streetcar companies, th e pric e tag was too much for so m e peopl e, including Mayor Wing who called plan s for the n ew brid ge and a propose d city hall building ridicu l o usly exorbitant." Continued arguments between those who wante d to replace th e entire brid ge and those who thought that th e bridge just need e d a f ew r e p a irs l e d th e city council to so licit the opinion of New York e ngineer J. S. Hildr eth. Ilildr e th's rather emphatic opinion was that the e xist in g bridge was "out of date, too small too c l ose to the water, and totally inad equate," and should b e r e plac e d entire ly. Faced with this harsh r eality, the council as ked the en g ine e r what type of bridg e should b e e rected.-18 Hildr e th s recommendatio ns were th e ge nesis of the form the third brid ge ulti mately took Tampa E lectric Company offered th e city ] ]


1 2 Photograph taken in 1906 from the chimney o f th e Tampa E lectri c Compa n y's plant o n the I lillsborou g h River fac in g north (Courtesy th e S tate Archives $50,000 t owa rd s the cost o f the brid ge, ratio nali z in g tha t the strength d e m ands o n the structure d e riv e d in p art fro m the streetcars. The streetcars were certainl y a n issu e as cars occasion ally jumpe d the tra c ks and stopped all traffi c, a problem that l e d the company to impose a three mile p e r h our speed limit ove r the brid ge. Also a t issu e was wh a t ri ght the e lectric company, a priv a tel y owned corporation, h a d to use the bridge a publicly owned conve ya nce. Should the city charge r ent? S h o uld th e electric company pay for brid ge m aintenance'" If the c it y accepted the money fro m the company, would it b e seen as a concession? The c it y refus e d t o grant Tam p a E l ectric a n exclusi ve fran c his e to run streetcar tracks ove r the L afayette Street Bridge, and vacillated over whether o r n o t t o accept m o ney from the company.J9 In 1910, D. B. McKay h e lp e d form the White Municipal Party tha t to o k him to the mayor s scat fro m 1 910 t o 1 92 0 and aga in fro m 1927 t o 1931. The White Municipal Party was a local level Democratic party that systematically and purposef ull y e xclud e d African Americans fro m p a rti c ip a ti o n in l oca l elections. Many voting taxpayers were reluctant to support progra ms o r projects that benefited o nl y some citizens (usually the commercial-civic elite), even though all h a d t o pay. Depending on the is s u e minorit y voters could sway the results in a ti ght vote, unless there was a way t o ke e p these from voting 40 Tampa annexed large areas of T ampa llcights and ll y d e Park in 1911 The Tampa city council was stirred t o actio n b y H y d e Park' s rapid growth, a s w ell as the we a lth soci a l prominence, and political power re-siding in the district. The council returne d to the issue of the Lafayette Street Br id ge with renewed v i go r The c it y a dv e rtis e d for bids for a new bridge and in early September, the Boa rd o f Public Works met to select a builder. Four companies submitted bids with o n e compa ny, the Owego Bridge Company o f New York submitting forty-two differ ent plans and pri ces. The city councilmen, despite h av in g kno wn for years that the brid ge sho uld be replaced and despite h av ing nearly fifty different in h and as to h o w it mi ght be accomplishe d s truggl e d t o reach a conscnsus.-11 I lowcvcr o n Septembe r 1 3 1911 the city awarded a contract to the O w ego Compa n y for $205,000, to build a n e i ghty -foot-wide bas c ule lift bridge ove r the rive r After the announcem ent, the compe tin g e ngineer s dine d at Ga r c i a's restaurant and late-night musical entertainment at the Tampa Yacht and Country C lub.-12 Such collegi a lit y was short lived and within just a few weeks, th e city recei ve d three formal protests of the contract award t o Owego. Confusi o n and concern g rew t o the point where Mayo r M c Kay refused to sign the contract with the Owego B rid ge Company.-13 For months, the city wallowed in a contrac tual quagmire. The m ayor, the Board of Public \Vorks, and the prospecti ve contractors could n o t agree on the l ega lit y of the contract, with the mayor refusing to sign, the bridge company wanting the courts t o dec ide the issu e and the board members throwing up their hands c laiming ignorance. Finally, O w ego released the c it y J\ c ir ca 1 9 05 pho t ograph of the llillsborough River waterfront, take n facing south from t h e Lafa yette Street Bridge (Co u rwsy th e Sww A r chives of /i'lorida).


i\ s n a p s hot taken b y a b ystande r at opening cer e m o ni es for the 19lJ Lafayette Street Bridge It is not clear fro m the photo whether it was taken at the December 1 9 1 J openin g o f t h e B rid ge o r at the "fo rmal cerem o nies h e ld o n February lJ, 1 9 14. (Courtesy rif Twnpa I listorical Society.) fro m the contract with the understanding that the Board of Public Works would use Owego's prev i o usl y accepted plans as the preferr e d d e si g n for the bridge, and n e w bids would be solicited only for the actual construction of the bridge, rathe r tha n d e sign and construction. The O w ego Bridge Company and other associated companies whose patents were used in the plan would be p aid a royalty fro m whichever contractor was awa rd e d the w o rk. Tampa allowed Owego t o bid o n the constructi o n contract but th e company was not to b e g iven an); special r ega rd.44 In May 1912, bridge build e rs fro m around the country again trav e l e d to Tampa for a bid o p ening. Four bidders r e sponded, with th e local Edwards Construction Company winning the contract.4 S This tim e, the city delayed the contract awa rd for the simple reason that it did not h ave the money to pay for the project. The a nti c ipated bridge cost, even with the l o w bid was about .824 0 ,000. The b ond issue w as for $190 ,000. Ironically, the e lectric compa n y' s r ejecte d o ffer to pay $50,000 to ward th e cost of constructio n was n ow prec i se l y the diff e r e nce between the bond issu e and the projected cost.46 Diel the city have the right t o spend more than the $190,000 b onds approve d by the s tate l egislature? O n May 1 6, 1912, Judge Robles issu e d a n o pini o n that the legisl a tiv e act allow in g the S l 9 0 ,000 b ond issu e did n o t prohibit th e city from accepting money from Tampa Electric and that n one of the plans t o fin ance the brid ge was illegal. The case went to the state Supreme Court, which in early Jul y 1 9 1 2, found tha t the $ 1 9 0 ,000 b ond issu e limit a pplied t o the power to issu e bonds, n o t t o the cost o f the briclge.-17 Tampa and Edwa rds Construc ti o n could sig n the contract, get the materia l s secure the b onds, and go to work. ll enry C ge neral manage r and o wn e r of the Edwards Constructio n Company, w o rk e d in T ampa for fourteen yea r s before gettin g the La fayette Street bridge contract. A native of Wetumpka Alabama h e fit in well with T ampa's sou lc acle rs.4 8 The Edwards Company built many of T ampa' s deep-w ater terminals, and practicall y all of the clocks from the ra ilroad bridge over the riv e r t o its m outh. Edwards starte d work o n the n e w L afayette Street Bridge even while the o ld bridg e stayed opene d t o all traffic W o rk e rs poure d concrete w a lls moved t e leph one cables and e lectrica l wires out of the way and b ega n dri v in g pilin gs. By early August 1912, forty m e n were w o rkin g o n the bridge, and twice that numbe r later. At some point however the Lafayette Street Brid ge w o uld l1ave t o compl e t e l y c losed before it could reopen The city' s o ri g in a l plan for traffic c r oss in g the river was to send vehicles over the Fortune Street Bridge, and t o use a cable ferr y for foot traffic and bicycles at Jacks o n Street.-19 Nea r the end of October, the U.S E n ginee rs approved a t emporar y bridg e connecting .Jackson and streets, and imme di a tel y the city council awarded E dwards the contract for its construction. The lighte r Annis B. acted as the actual move-fro m the L afayette Street Bridge of th e February 1 9 1 4 Gasparilla flo till a p ass in g under the brid ge. (Courtesy qf T ampa llistorical Society.)


14 abl e draw, with temporary aprons connectin g the boat to the stationary parts of th e bridge Since the Annis B. was afloat, it rose and fell with the tides. The temporary bridge was undoubtedly an inconvenience to motorists and pedestrians, and it also disrupted l oca l business. The streetcar company was arguabl y the business most inconvenienced by bridge construction, losing a major river The last day that the old Lafayette Street Bridge was open to vehicle traffic was the day the circus came to town. On October 14, 1912, the Ringling Brothers circus per formed on the west bank of the river at the Fairgrounds, and arrangements were made to keep the bridge open to traffic past the contractually specified date so that people could see the show. On its final day of full service, the bridge carried heavy loads of cars, bicycles, motorcycles, horse teams, and pedestrians.51 When construction began on the bridge in August 1912, the contract had called for work to be completed by May 9, 1913. Courting hubris, the engineers boasted that they could finish weeks befor e schedule, barring unforeseen difficulties Indeed, as a newspape r reporter commented, "They have foreseen the difficulties, th ey believe and allowed for them." The engineers' plans required concrete piers to be placed directly on bedrock under the river. To do this the construction company built cofferdams to hold water away from where construction crews would pour concrete into wooden forms. Once th e water was out, African American labore rs stood on th e riverbed scooping muck into dredges by the shovel ful. A hundred-foot tower lift e d the cement, and dropped it in "a white, slimy stream" down chutes into the frame for the pier.5 2 Each of the four concrete piers require d a cofferdam, and in February, workers b ega n the second cofferdam. B y Apri l engineers were still struggling to get rid of wate r seep ing up through fissures in the limestone riverbed. Divers tried, unsuccessfully, to seal the bottom of the dam with concrete. Eventually, the frustrated engineers ran l arge pumps nonstop to remove the intrusive water. Finally the 1hbune w as able to report progress: Two we e ks ago there was no sound on the new Lafayette street bridge construction but occasional cussing. The engineers were figuring out some knotty engineering proble ms. Yesterda y the construction work growled with the noise of rotary pumps, the song of dusty n eg roes wheeling tracks, and the low wh1stlmg of satisfied engineers.53 The unforeseen delays cost $10,000. By August, a labor force of one hundred men working twelve-hour days and an average of three night shifts a week had completed most of the underwater work. The builders were now "a lmost certain" that the bridge would b e finished by November 15, 1912.5 4 All that summer, Tampa buzzed with activity. New houses, n e w stores, and new public buildings reflecte d th e c it y's prosperity New e l ectric streetlights lit the city's preeminent shoppin g district a long Franklin Street from Jackson to I larrison. These lights were the first part of the electric company's plan to give Tampa a "White Way" nearly a mile long with the next step being to install e l ectric lights on Lafayette Street from F lorida Avenue across th e bridge.55 Tampa E lectric Company had install e d arc lights on the old Lafayette Street Bridge in January 1912, lighting the roadway and under the draw to keep boats from hitting the bridge a t night; however, those lights w e re for safety and convenience rather than p art of a White Way.5 6 For early tw e nti eth century Progressives the e lectric White Way stood for cl eanliness, safer streets and b e tter policing. The darkness of night stood for illicit activi ty and dirtiness. The increase in business r evenues and increased property va lues a long 'White Ways were enough to convince businessmen in cities even without strong Progressive move m ents tha t street lighting was worth the investment.57 As autumn arrived, the bridge came to gether. The electric compa n y laid wires and tracks for the streetcars. The e lectric a l lift mechanisms were connected, the gates were installed in front of the draw, and the balustrades were p ainted.SH Hugh Macfar lan e n eve r one to hold back an opinion, a n alarm when h e noticed that the south wall of the east approach was nine inches lower than the north wall The bridge e n g ineer admitted this was true, but added that it was intentional, to leave space for L.J Jones to build a sidewa lk b etween the bridge and his new building on th e east shore of th e riv er. Jone s fish business had been d e m olished to make way for the new bridg e, a nd he was now planning to build a three-sto ry brick building, with steamboat docks on the river, a railroad pla tform and


Detail from an October 1913 photograph taken facing west from the i'vlu gge B uildin g in downtown Tampa. The temporar y .Jackson Street Bridge i s to the left and the Lafayette Street Bridge is to the right. The con c rete for the cast approach and t h e east a r c h has been poured, and concrete wor k i s p rogressin g on the west s id e o f the rive r (Courtesy of Library q/ Congress, Prints and Photo !J,raphy Division {reproductio n number LC-USZ62-135759/ ). a row of retail stores with plate g lass win dows s haded by copper marquees suspende d b y o rnamenta l chains.59 W. II. ll odge, of Boller, llodge, & Baird of New York arri ve d in T ampa in mid-December to test the brid ge. The e n g ineer load e d two streetcars with 50,000 pounds each ; these and two t en-to n steamrollers were sent across the draw a t the same time. Il o d ge proclaimed, "She' s sound as a rock," and the c it y open e d the bridge.60 A trolley car, packed with city offic i a ls, e n g ineers n ews p a p e rmen, and "other favored persons" (including Peter 0 Knight, who twent y yea rs earli e r h a d been a passenger in the first streetcar over the second Lafayette Street Bridge) passed over the river t o H y d e Parle The bridge o p ening becam e a pri va t e affair, with the general publi c h eld back until the elites had finished claiming all of the firsts." Afte r trying out t h e trolley car the dignitaries scrambled to rid e the U .S. Gov ernment's l aunch DeSoto, the first ship t o pass unde r the new bridge. II u gh Macfa rl a n e was the first to driv e a n auto mobile ove r the bridge, and Eve r ett Snow rode the first motorcycl e. The Montgomery Amusement Company, w hi c h filmed weekly events in c ities where th e compa n y owned theaters, record e d p o rti ons of the celebration, in c ludin g the first car t o cross and the raising of the bascule lift s. 6 1 The same day the new bridge open e d t o traffic, Tampa E lectri c Compan y opened its new office building, o n the west s id e o f the ri ve r to the public. The building gave peo ple an excuse to stroll over the bridge or to rid e the streetcars that were aga in cros s in g the riv e r a fter a seventeen-month interruption. Tampa E lc c tri c's new office displayed the l atest w onders o f electricity: cooking equipment and Christmas trees decorated w ith tiny col o rful lights. While the masses prome n a ded, c it y offic i als, prominent c iti-zens, and th e bridge' s contractors and e n ginee rs feasted at Ga rci a's restaurant. Amid a c l oud of c igar smoke, the diners gave short speeches of satisfaction. The engineers and other out-of-town workers w e r e d o ubl y hap py. After nearly a yea r and a half in Tampa, they could b e h o m e for the h o lidays.62 No o n e in Tampa h a d thought about a formal celebration for the bridge s d e dica t ion before September 1913, when the subject was brought up at a Tampa Merchants Association meeting.6.1 The o ri g in a l plans for the celebration included speeches, p a rades, and brass bands. The Assoc iati o n b e ga n negotiati o ns with the Pain Fire W o rks Display Compa n y to provide illuminati o ns a lon g the riv e r near the brid ge and e lab o rate displ ays, with a pyrotechnic portrait of Mayor McKay and a noth e r of the destruc tion o f Pompeii. The m e r c hants' motiv a ti o n was clear and freely admitte d : to attract peopl e to T ampa, peopl e who would bu y things from their stores.CA A short time later the boosters a n n ounced th a t the formal bridge opening would b e h eld in conjunction with the Gas parilla Festival t o b e held in February of the follo w in g year.<>5 The Tampa Merchants Association, a coalition of capital and lab o r did not have the support of m e n such as Pe ter 0 Knight or D.B. McKay. The purpose of the bridge celebration was still t o attract a ttention and visitors, but b y shifting the for mal opening t o coincide w ith Gasp a rill a, control was more strongly in th e h ands of the c ivic e lite, rather tha n the city's m erchants. When it finally arriv e d the Gas parilla fes tival o f 1914 was a celebration of Tampa's place in the Industria l Age. The offici a l program included a m a ssive r e leas e of h oming pi geons, a childre n 's floral parade, a huma n c h e ss ga m e, a n historic p ageant d epicting "The Landing of DeSoto, fireworks, a Sun-1 5


1 6 1 -....... ,.... ... 11 ,1 If II.,..,... -... --T h e third Lafayette Street Bridge as i t appear e d at t h e s t a r t of restorati o n 1 994. (Courtesy

in the world had begun.m The Lafayette Street Bridge today Tampa continued to grow throughout the twentieth century, and eventu ally the passage of time and thousands of ve hicl es each day l eft their marks on the Lafayette Street Br id ge. TECO stopp e d o peratin g streetcars in 1947, with the last streetcar tracks in Tampa r e m ove d from the L a fayette Street Bridge in 1969 .70 Lafayette Street was renamed l\ ennedy Boulevard in December 1963, h o noring President J ohn F. K ennedy, who h a d v i s it e d Tampa just a week before hi s death; accordin g l y the Lafayette Street Bridge became the K ennedy Boul eva rd Bridge.71 ln the late 1970s, overwh elming public oppositi o n sq u e lched a plan to replace the brid ge's decorati ve urn-s h a p e d baluste r s with m o d ern steel rails. F l o rida D e partment of Trans p ortati o n (FOOT) pla ns to wid e n th e bridge in 1988 were scrapp e d when nearb y bu sin ess ow n e rs o bj ecte d t o l and t a kin gs. Bud ge t cuts and ri s in g construction costs added furth e r d e l ays, but engineers w arne d that th e brid ge would fall down if not r e placed. 7 2 After considering several d es i g n s, and with the input of e n g ineers and historic preservationists, FDOT impl e m ented a plan t o renovate the bridge while retaining its o rigin a l a ppearance By the tim e the bridge cl ose d for repairs in February 1994, a n es timated 26 ,000 cars and trucks used the K enne d y Boulevard Bridge each day, so FOOT r erouted traffi c over othe r downtown brid ges The loc a l t ra n s it authority (HART iin e) ran free shuttle buses at t en-minute interva ls for the 2,000 p e d es tri a n s who nor m ally u se d the bridge each d ay. As in 1913, l oca l stor e and r estaurant owners worri e d that they would lose m o ney while the brid ge was cl ose d.73 On March 3, 1995, a s m all crowd of o n e hundre d people l oo k e d o n as a busloacl of dignitaries drove through a p a p e r b anne r to m a rk th e bridge's re-opening. At a d e dic a tion ceremony the n ext d ay in Curtis Hix o n Park (the former lo catio n of H enry Plant's ra ilro a d depot), Mayor Sanel y Freedman "cl cl t calle d the bridge a oor to ow n o wn The cer emonies coincid e d with th e Gasparilia Festival of the Arts, which took place that weekend a l o n g the riverfront. The r e furbished bridge was but one of sev e ral ma j o r co n struction projects t a king place in d owntow n T a mp a, including a n ew hockey a r e n a and the F l o rid a Aquarium. C ollec ti ve l y these projects were intended to at. tract people to downtown T a mpa outs id e of bus in ess h ours.7 4 The i ss u es and attitudes surrounding the bridge r e placem ent project of the 1990s were r e m a rkabl y s imil a r t o th ose of a century earli er. A new (o r substa ntially renovated) bridge w as desire d to r e place a n o ld bridge that co uld not be r e p a ired in a n y practica l sense. A n e w bridge was intende d to h e lp bring m o r e v i sito r s and business to downtown Tampa. People worried how they would cross the riv e r during constructio n and businessmen worri e d that they would l ose customers while the bridg e was closed. The most strikin g differenc e was financial a n astronomica l leap in cost from the .$13 ,000 the origin a l bridge cost in 1889, t o the .$240,000 cost for the 1913 bridge to the .$6.2 million cost of renova ti o n in 1993.75 There was also a fund a m enta l dif ference in the approach t o financing the construction. Eac h of the prev iou s bridge pro ject s h a d been paid for in p art o r b y municipa l bonds, with contributions fr o m outs ide age nci es such as county gove rn m ent or priv a t e utilit y companies. In 1993, everyone in the state shared the cost o f the renovation, not jus t the r es id ents of a par ticul a r w a rd or Tampa or Hillsborough County. The physical shape o f a city is both a re sult and an express i o n of the peopl e who liv e the r e Some choices that form a city a r e not made intentionally, althoug h where and how a h o u se, factory o r bridg e i s built d oes shape b oth the city and h o w th e city is valued. The Lafa yette Street Bridge brings to mind few supe rl a tiv es. It is not the first l a r ges t, oldest, most beautiful, or mos t unusua l brid ge in T ampa Bay or Florida or the United States. It i s however, a strong and surviving phys ic a l m a nif estation of th e p e o ple b eliefs, and events that shaped the city o f T ampa and a s such h as l as ting value and s ignificance ENDNOTE S I. James W Covin gton, Plant'., Pala ce: H erny B. Plant and the Tampa Bay Hote l ( Loui sville: 1 l armo n y H o use, 1 99 1 ) 56. 2 Susan R Braden The Architectur e of L eisure: The Florida R esort Hot e ls of H enry Fla g l e r and H erny P la ne (Gainesvill e : Un iversit y Press o f F l orida 2002); Reyn o ld s, K elly H enry Plane: Pion ee r Empire Builde r (Cocoa, F l orida: T h e F l orida Historical Soci ety, 2003); T ampa Counci l Minutes, April 23, 18 88. 17


18 3. Tampa Council Minutes, Mar c h 4 1885. There may have been a fcrrv operatin g in Tampa as earl y a s 18-16 (Covington 59.) 4. T:1mpa Council Minutes, S eptembe r 1887 and October 4 1887. 5. Tampa Counci l Minutes, .Januarv 2 4 May 22, 1888, and .June 5 1888. 6. David i\. Simmons, Bridge Building on a Natio nal Scal e: The King Iron Bridge and Manufacturing Companv," Ii\ : The Jmtrna l (//' the Society for Industrial 1 5 n o. 2 ( 1989): 23-.13 ; A llan Kin g S loan, "The King Bridge Company throug h the Decades" (paper presented at t h e 7th I list. oric Bridges Conference, C leveland, Ohio, September 2001), 6(i. 7. T ; 1mp ; 1 Council Minutes, September 5 October 3 and December 19, 1888; February 6 20, and 2 7 1889. 8. Tampa Council Minutes, February 27 and M arch 4 1889. 9. "Council and Board," Tampa 7hbww, 13 .June 1890; An Important Meetin g Tampa 7ribwie, 4 April 1890. 10. David C. Perry Buildin g the C it y Through the Back Door : The Politics of Debt, Law and Publi c Infrastructure," in Building the Publi c C ity: The Politi c s Governance, and Fin a nce of' Pu.bhc lnfmscructtLre, ed. David C. Perry, U.rban Affai r s Annual Review 4 3 (Thousand Oak s Calif.: SAGE Publications, 1995). 11. M. C Leonard, I listoric Overview of the A rea of llydc Parle The i\rca Section" ( llillsborough Community Colle ge, Ybor Cnmpus, T ampa Florid a l978), n.p.; Ernest L. Robinson, lliswry qf' llill sborough County (St. Augustin e, Fla.: The Record Company 1928), 187. 12. Rey n o lds /Jenry Plane. 13. Karl 11. Grismer, Tampa: I-liswry q/' the C ity ({/' Tampa and the Tampa Bay J?eg ion r Head y Volume One (Ne w York: The Southern I listor v Company, 1899), 3 l6-J17. 1 8. T ampa's Ne w Triumph," W cehly 7'rilmne 26 Marc h 1895; Don t Stop on the Foot Way o f the Bridge," T ampa Morning Triln111e, -I Jun e 1895; "The New Bridg e ," Tampa 1 \!loniin.4 7hhu1te, 1-1 .Jul y 1895; "City Dads ," Mornin.! '/hbune, 15 June 1895; "Cit y Council," Tampa '/hbune 2 0 .July 1 8 'J5 ; Tampa Tri/Jun e, 23 June 1895. 1 9. "Cit y Council!," T ampa Mornin4 Triln111e, H .lune 18 9 5 ; Still No Sign, 7Cinipa W cehly Triln111e, ') January 1896; "No Bond Money Yet.," '/Cimpa W cch l y 7hbune 3 0 .l;111uary 1896; "Tampa's New Tri umph," Tampa Wcch l y '/hb11nc 26 March 189(i. 2 0 "Plant' s Pocket i \fa y Be Opened for Tampa's U nfin i s h e d Bridge, ' W eehly ', 6 F ebruary 1896; Braden Ardiitecw r e <1!' L eisure, 38. 2 1 "That Bridge," T ampa W cehly 7hbu n e, I 3 F ebruary 1896; "Curbsto n e Bond Brok e r s," Tampa W cc h l y Tribnne, 3 0 .July 1896. 22. "Tampa' s Ne w Triumph: The Third Ward ;tt Last R e-United to the C it y," Tampa Wcehly 7hb1111e 2(> Mar c h 1896. 23. "Th e C ity Con gratulates Itself upon the Completion of the New 1 3 rid gc, '/Ct111pa Weehly '/hb111w 26 March 1896. Tig e r was nineteenth-century American slang for a g rowl at the end of a c h eer. Rev. Del tart was minister at St. Andre w 's Church in Tampa ("Creating a I l ouse of Worship," 7Cimp a Tribune 17 October 2004 ). 24. "Chapin s Car Crosses," T ampa W eehly Tribwie, 2 Ap ril 1896; Balm y Bay Breezes," 7hmpu Weeh l y l h lnm. c lJ August 1896. Tampa's first streetcar lin e opened in 1885 as the Tampa Street Railwa y Company. The cars ran from Franklin Street i;1 the downtown business distric t to Yhor C it v facilitating rapid geographical expansion of the city a long the way. 1 lowcv e r the streetcars did not cross the river at that time. In 1892, the Tampa Street Railwa y Company (T8RC) m e rged with the Florida J.:lcctri c Company to form the Tampa Stree t Railwa y and Pow e r Company. In that same year several Tampa businessmen, in cluding Peter 0. Knight, formed the competing T;1mpa Suburban Company (TSC). When t h e TSl{ C sued to kee p TSC fro m operatin g, the TSC hac k e r s o r ganized another company, t h e Consumers Electri c Light and Street Railway Company (l{obcrt L ehman, "Streetcars in Tampa and St. Petersburg: J\ Photographi c Essa y," T a Bay llistory J 9, no. l 119971 : 37-51). 2 5. Dog Duties Discussed," '/Cimpa W eehly 71-ilnm e 3 Nov embe r 1898. 26. Patricia Bart l ett, Wh y Did Peter 0. Kni ght Leave''," South Florida llisw1 y Maga. zinc 18 n o. -I ( 1991 ): 8-10; Brown and Brown, Th e 13ayslwre 8 ; T ECO, "70 Y ears Strong," 5 -6; Dav id Nc;tl K eller, Swne & Webster 1889-1989: \ Century (!/' Jncegricy and Serv ice ( New York : Ston e & Webster, Inc. 1989) 2 1 -3 1 ; Kerste in Politics and G rn w ch, 30-Jl ; S. Van Landingham, In Pursuit ; Do g Duties Discussed," 7hmpa W cchly 'lhbune, 3 November 1898; W echly 7hlmne,


15 Decembe r 1898 ; B ridge Goes o n A n othe r Tan trum," T ampa Weeh/y '/hbunc 2 5 .Jun e 1908. 2 8 Kim Jul e s Froscll, Booste r A l t ruism: Motivati ons and Restraints o n P rog r essive J {e form s in Tampa, F l o rida 1 9001921 ( m aste r s the si s, Unive r s ity o f So uth F lorida, Tamp: t 1994), S 7 . 29. \Varner, Streetcar S11lmrbs l 1 7 -118 J O Fros ell, Booster A lt rui s m ." J l R o b ert K erste in '"l\vo Decades o f P o liti c al Confli c t 1 900-1920 : Tampa' s P o liti c s in a Leagu e o f its O wn S1111/ a11d 'lhlnme 26 ( 2000): 9 2 0 ; K e rste in P olitic s and G rowth JJ. J2. K e rst e in l \ vo Decades," 10-1 2 ; Mav o r Sa l o m o nson s Abl e Mess age to C i t y Council, i ampa J \tforn in,4 'lhb1111e, 1 5 June 1 9 0-l JJ. F e l hinger "Condit i ons o f Confusi o n and Conflict" 106; Fros cll, Boost e r A ltruism," 9. J4. Mav o r Adv i c e s Bondin g o f C it y for .SS00,000,'' l a m p a Mornin. 4 Trib11.n e 1 9 O c t o b e r l 907; G reates t S tep Y e t in G r eater Tampa Plan ,' Tmnpa M ornin. 4 'l ribm1 c 1 No v embe r 1907. J S B onding Ordinance without C it y 1 l all, 'l ampa Mornin,4 7hlmnc 21March19 0 9. J6. Q ualifi e d V o t e r s in B ond E lect i o n ," T ampa Momin,4 'lhbunc 1 0 May 1 9 0 9; "Council W ants Street Ca r Compa nies Mak e Offe rs T Mornin,4 'lhb1111e l 2 M a y 1 9 0 9 ; "The Tra ction Companies S h o uld State The ir Int entio n s ," T Mornin,4 /hbune 1 J 1 9 0 9 ; "Council Pr epares for Bondin g I L lection," '/lm1pa Morr1i11, 4 lhbune 1 5 May 1 9 0 9; C i t y' s Pro grcss I lang s o n Eve n Balance T o da y ,' T ampa Mon1i11. 4 'lhbune 1 8 May 1909; "/\path eti c Spirit Stands in \Vay o f Tampa' s Progress," T ampa M or11i11,4 'lhbw1c 1 9 May 1 9 0 9. J7. "Estimate for SS S0,000 Bond Issue for Citv" Tamp a i\llorni11,4 'lhbww J 1 9 0 9 ; for Bonding C it y t o he l l c l d Mav 1 8 S4 8 0 000 I s s u e T ampa Mor;1 i11. 4 Trib1111c 7 .i\pri' I 1 9 0 9 . 38. Patc h i n g the Bridge," T ampa M orni11,4 7hbu11c 1 6 J 9 0 9 ; "Outlin e o f P lans for T ampa' s A d vanc e ," 'l ampa Morni11 4 '/hln m e 25 M a r c h 1 9 0 9 Ex p e rt at W o rk o n Plan s ,',' 7 limpa Mornin; 'lhlmnc 3 April 1 9 0 9 ; "Cou n cil I lea rs o f Needs for Br id g e ," Tampa Mor11i11, 4 'lhbww 4 April 1909; "Citizens Fav o r Ne w B rid ge and B onding," ' Mornin,4 1hlwnc 6 Ap ril 1 9 0 '). 39. "\Viii I la ve Ne w B rid gc O n e Y ear fr o m T odav, 'nunpa Dail y Tim e s 9 1 9 1 2 ; "Compa n y Right t o Use Brid ge, T ampa M orni114 7hlnmc, 8 A u g ust 1 9 1 I ; Cars C reep Over the C reek ,'' 'Jampa Moniin. 4 'friln rnc, 1 4 A u g u s t l 911; "Electri c Com pany T ende r s SS0 ,000," Tw11pu f\llornin. 4 'frib1111e -l Oct o b e r 1 911; "Council R e jects Offer o f SS 0 ,000," Twnpa M omi11 4 '/h!J1111C:, 11 Oct o b e r 1 9 11. -10. Froscll, Boos t e r A ltrui s m ;" 1\cr s t c in "'l \ vo Decades," 1 1 -1-l ; J { ohinson, I l iscor v o f //illsborou<>it 329-JJ O . ,., 4 1 B o a rd 8 0 Foot 13ridgc," Tampa Morni H 4 'Jhlmnc, 7 Septembe r l 'fribww, 4 Ap ril 1 9 13. ,-, SJ. Board Allo ws Edwards the Sum o f S 1 0 ,000 Extra," 'fompa Mornin,4 'lhbune 6 April 1 9 13. 5-1-. "E.\ V Pnrk e r is G i v e n Storn1 S e w e r Contra c t ," Tam.p a Morning 'Jhbwtc, 2 1 Februa r y 1 9 1 3 ; Second P i e r for Ne w Bridge t o h e Starte d ," T ampa Morni11,4 'l hb1111c, 2 4 F cbruarv 1 9 13 "Board i\1l o w s Edwards the Sum o f Sl0 ,000 'Jampa Morni1 1 4 7hbune 6 A pril 19JJ; Bridge Cofferdam is l'illc d U p O nce Mor e 'Ja mpa Momi n' 'fribune 7 April 1913 ; D iver i s tlealin g the o f f crdam," T ampa Mornin, 4 'lhbunc 9 Apri l 1 91J; "Pumps Sto p Pumpin g Wat e r for C off erdam,'' Ta.m-1 9


pa Mornin,4 'lhbune, 4 May 1913; "Submari n e Parts o f B rid ge Nearly Don e," Tampa Morning 'l'ribune, 3 August 1 913. SS. Sanchez, "Tampa Early Lighting," "Uppe r Franklin Whit e Way Ready Next Month," T ampa Morn'ing 'lhbune 6 A u g ust 1 913. 56. Tampa t o Put Fine Lights o n Bridge, Tampa Mornin,4 Tribune, 23 lanuary 1912 ; "La fayette St. Bridge i s L i ghte d Properl y Tampa Mor n i ng fribune, 29 J anua r y 1 9 1 2. S7 Bolton, G reat A w a k e nin g 41-45; Boum a n "Luxury and Contro l," 1 21 4, 28-29 ; .John Alle n Co r co ran Th e C it y Light and Bea utifu l ," A m e rican Ci c y 7 n o. 1 (19 1 2): 47. S8. "Will F inish Bridge Dec. 20, Now P lanned," Tampa Moniing Tribune 28 Novembe r 1 9 1 3. 59. Contrac t is L e t for the J o n es B uildin g Tampa Morning 'lhbune, 15 August 1 9 1 3 ; S 7 2 ,700 New Building Permits a r e Granted," Tampa Aforning '/hbune 2 1 August 1 9 1 3 ; "Bull i s Made in New Bridge Co nstructi o n ," Tampa Morning Tribune 16 Oct o b e r 1 9 1 3. 60. E n g ineer \Viii Test New Bridge Saturday," Tampa Moming 'lhbune, 17 December 1 9 1 3 ; "Great Rej o i c in g When New Bridge i s O p e ned," Tampa Morning 'fribune 2 1 December 1 9 1 3. 6 1. L afayette Street Bridge to Be O p e n e d to All Traffic Today ," Tampa Morning T'ribun e, 20 Decem ber l 9 1 3 ; G r ea t Rejoicing Whe n New Bridge i s Open ed, Tampa Morning 'l'ribun e, 2 1 December 1 9 1 3. 62. "G reat R e j o i c in g Whe n Ne w B rid ge is Opened," T ampa Morning 'l'ribun e 2 1 December 1 9 1 3; " ... r" .. -.. ,.,. s .. ... .. .. iii .... ,. ... Hyde Park Architects Charles F C Jordan PRINCIPAL 1509 WEST SWANN AVENUE SUITE 270 TAMPA FLORIDA 33606-2557 813. 251 6909 FAX 8 1 3 250 1668 HPACHAS@AOLCOM UC NO AA F000096 "Thousands Attend Open i n g a nd Recepti o n a t Tampa Company's New Buil din g ," Tampa Morning 'lhbwte, 2 1 December 191 3. 63. "Celebrate O p ening of New Lafayette B ridge, T ampa Morning 7hbtme, 1 2 September 1 9 1 3. Kerstein Pol i cies and Gnnvth 4 1 64. "Cel e bra t i o n Set for December 17 and 18 Tampa Morning 'lribune, 23 October 1 9 1 3; "No Cel e bra tion \Viii Be ll e ld in December," Tampa Morn'in 4 '/'ribu .ne 27 Oct o b e r 1 9 1 3. 65 "No Cel e brati o n \Viii Be ll c ld in December," Tampa Morning 'f'ribun e, 27 Octob e r 1 9 1 3 ; Rough Outlines Mad e for Gasp arilla Show," Tampa Moniing 'l'rib u n e S November l 913. 66. Nancy Turne r The History c if' Y e Mystic / (rewe qf' Gasparil/ a 1904-1979 (Tampa, F l a.: C id e r Press, 1979) 14 22, a nd 26; O fficia l Program for the G reat Gas p arilla Festival ," Tampa Dail y Times, 1 4 J anuary 1 9 1 4; "Gasparilla Review Stand on La fay ette, Tampa 'l'ribim e, 4 February 1 9 14 ; Ca rniv a l Parade Thing of Beauty ," Tampa Dail y Tim e s 24 February 1 9 14. 67. "Official Program for the G reat Gas parilla Festi va l ," Tampa Daily Times 1 4 January 1 91-!; For m a l Dedication of the New Bridge ," Tampa Daily Tim es 23 February 1 9 14. 68. G rism e r T a, 236. 69. Jannus landed on a speci a l stage built for the purpose by t h e Edw a rd s Constructio n Company ( First Voyage of the A irboat Linc b e tween S t Petersburg and Tampa was G reat Success," Tampa Daily 1'imes, l J anuary 1 9 1 4.) 70 TECO 70 Years Strong, 6, 9. 71. Much Tampa llisto r y E nacted o n Former Lafayette Street," Tampa Sunday 1hbune 1 S December 1 963. 72. Drawbridge Repair P l a n s are Dropped," St. Petersburg 7'im es, 8 July 1 989; K enne d y Bridge t o get Ove rhaul Sc. Petersbur,4 Times 6 Mar c h 1991 ; "Constructi o n t o C lose Kenned y Drawbrid ge ," St. P etersburg J 'imes 26 M a r c h 1993; Bridging Some Prob l e m s ," Sc. P ecersbu.r. 4 Times, 26 Novembe r 1993. 73. Bridge Restorati o n Draws Debate," Tampa '/hbune, 6 Mar c h 1991 ; Bridge R e pair May h e a Bum p y Road ," Tampa lhb11ne 15 September 1991 ; "Constructi o n t o C lose Kennedy Drawbridge ," St. P e cersbur,4 Times 26 March 1 993; Bridging Some Prob lems," St. Petersburg Times 26 Novembe r 1 993; Brace for Bridge W o rk D ownto wn St. Pec ersbur,4 '/Yme s 1 8 February 1 994. 7 4. Pr o jects R ev i ve Downt o wn as th e Place to Be," Tampa 'lhbune 3 March 1995; R evamped K e n n e d y B rid ge Opens ," Tampa 'lhbun.e 4 March 1 995. 75. A d.iustin g prices for i nflati o n the 1889 bridge wou l d ha ve cost S202 ,9J8.33 in 1993, and the 191.3 bridge would ha ve cost ))3,488,234. 0 9 ( I nflatio n Ca l culato r http:// www wcst m / inflati o n / intl .cg i Decembe r 2005.)


Sea Scout Prisoner of War Charles M. Fuss .Jr. PREFACE The Sea Scouts, one of the senior branches of the Boy Scouts of America (BSA), was a popular organization with young men, es pecially during World War II when most fel low s wanted to be in uniform. The Navy-style uniform of the Sea Scouts was a big plus in recruiting fifteen year-o ld s for this seago ing segment of the BSA. The Charles M. Fuss Jr. organization was a national endeavor, organized under BSA regions and cou ncils into Sea Scout "ship s (equivalent to Boy Scout troops. ) Local ships were directed and coordinated by a commodore and commanded by adult skippers and mates. Activities included instruction in nautical topics such as sea histor y water safety, boat handling, knots and splicing, anch oring, piloting navigating, signaling, rules of the road and many other maritime subjects. Local governments, civic organi zati ons, the military and inte rested citizens usually donated boats and small craft, as well as equipment and shore facilities. It all made a grand and lasting impression on young men. T ampa Sea Scouting in the 1940s was particularly speci al. Commodore Paul R. Young a realtor by profession, was a dynamic l eader. The local ships were combined into a "fleet" and a Sea Scout base was establi s hed at Ballast Point. The resulting unit was designated the SSS (Sea Scout Ship) Gaspari/ l a. The C ity of Tampa donated about 300 feet of Ba llast Point Park on Tampa Bay, next to the Tampa Yacht C lub for the base. The Tampa Optimist Cl ub sponsored the venture with fund-raisers. A semi-retired building contractor helped the boys build a forty by forty-foot concrete block buildin g for meetings, ceremonies, training, and overnight stays. Unaware of their later value, the boys broke geodes (hollow stones with cavities lined with inward growing crystals) that littered the beach; these were used for the foundation of the building. The Coast Guard donated two lifeboats from the torpedoed merchantman Exeter a long with an old lighthouse tender from Egmont Key that the Sea Scouts called the "tu gboat." The U.S. Navy contributed an a lmost new twenty-six foot rowing whaleboat that was later equipped with a small engi n e. A yachtsman who planned to sail for the South Seas was stranded in Tampa by the war. Ile provided hi s 50-foot ketch the Blue Dawn for use as a training vessel. With Army permission, memorable cruises were made to the Mullet Key (now Ft. DeSoto Park) bombing range. These resources and the experiences the Sea Scouts h a d at the time marked all of us for life. My own adventure began in the summer of 1945 when Richard Spencer s h owed up 21


Sea Scouts aboard the ketch Blue Dawn in Tampa Bay April of 1944. 22


B uildin g th e Sea Sco uts base a t Ballast Point, early 1945 C h arles F u ss cente r w ith s h ove l fac in g ca m e ra C h arles M o r ga n futur e y a c h t d es i g n e r in white tee shirt a t left. a t th e T ampa Yacht Club w ith a q ueer-l ookin g sa ilb oat. Il e sa id it was a Ze ph y r I w as fiftee n ra t e d Able (ranks we r e Apprentice, O rdin a r y A ble a nd Quartermas t e r ), a nd h eld th e office o f 13os n/Cr e w Lea d e r in th e l oca l Sea S couts. For a yea r o r so, Sp e ncer a nd I h a d knock e d around with s m all b oa t s in Old Tampa Bay. li e was right proud o f hi s 2 0foo t pl y wood s loop-ri gge d ( tw o sails; ji b and m a ins ail) ra c in g b oa t a n e w t y p e for these p a r ts. S h e h a d a ve r y narro w w idth and a heft y sail a r e a a nd l oo k e d d ow nri ght d a ngerou s. lle d flipp e d the b oa t in t h e yacht b as in jus t try in g to in s t all th e m a st. Us S ea Scouts imme diately dubbe d S p e ncer's n e w ri g a suicide c l a s s b oat." D urin g W o rld War II, wh e n som e of our l oca l yachts m e n went off t o t h e vario u s a rm e d ser v ices, th ey left th e ir boa t s with th e Sea Scouts for th e durat i o n a f e w o f t h e m for ever. O n e ge m w a s a n a n e w 151h foot S nip e w ith gold Egy pti a n ca n vas sails. T h e m embe r s o f th e SSS Gasparill a s hi p's compa n y competed for "S nip e t ime" b y pass in g rigoro u s safe t y and sa ilin g tests and accumul a tin g h ours o f b oa t building and grounds m ainte n a nce th a t con verte d t o a p p rove d sa ilin g h ours. 13y th e summe r of '45, I w as S nipe qualifie d and h a d a n abunda nce o f w o rk h ours unde r m y b e lt. Ric h a rd Spe ncer was a seri o u s young m a n fro m a r e l a ti ve l y a fflu ent family. G irl s tho u ght h e was h andsom e I-le was n t a m embe r o f our c r e w bu t h e w as p o lit e and friendly a nd n o t the l east s n o bbi s h lik e som e of the yacht club kid s S p e ncer didn' t have a r eg ul a r sailin g p artne r a nd the sui ci d e boat was n o t th e g r ea test for s in g l e h ande d sa iling. W e h a d w atche d him t acking ( sa ilin g b ack and forth tow a rds th e wind ) i n th e yacht basin It w as n o t e d th a t h e luff ed-up" (s teer e d in to th e w ind ca u s in g th e sails t o flap) a l o t w h e n the w ind g u s t e d. H o w eve r h e n eve r ca m e t o u s for a c r e w o f liv e b allas t (w e i ght t o m a k e the b oa t s t a bl e). W e f i gure d h e w as jus t a l o n e r O n e summe r clay, I h a d sch e dul e d a sa il in g trip o n th e S nip e, t o in struc t t wo of t h e yo un ge r kid s in m y cre w W e h appe n e d t o meet S p e ncer in the b as in wh e r e th e S nip e and S p e ncer 's b oa t w e r e both m oo r e d I l e was riggin g hi s sa il s, read y t o ge t unde r way. I t o ld him we p l anne d t o h ea d directly east across Hillsborou g h Bay to t h e unpo pul a t e d m a n gro v e -frin ge d s h o r e, and as k e d if h e' d lik e t o go a l o ng, a lth o u g h [ s u s pected hi s boa t w as a goo d bit fas t e r th a n ours. I l e th o u ght it was a fin e id ea and admitte d th a t h e was a littl e unsure of sa ilin g a l o n e in th e n e w b oat. W e got unde rway a b out noon un-23


24 Ballast Point Sea Scout building c l ose to compl e tion in Summer of 1945. der a blue sky, with a nice southerly breeze. Away we went on a starboard tack (wind ove r the right s id e of the boat.) Our Snipe kept up with the Zephyr because Spencer h ad to spill a lot of wind. An ominous black ness to the southeast failed to dampen our spirits. Squalls came up most summer afternoons and I was confident we could run home downwind, ahead of whatever the o ld weatherman dealt. We passed the s hip channel and got as close as possible to the wild east bank. Our two boats worked south a long the s hore down to the mouth of the Alafia River. Later, we anchored fair l y close to shore and ate our meager lunches. An osprey hunted for fish over the s h allows. It was a fine way to spend a l azy summer afternoon. We were in the lee of some pretty thick mangroves, so our view of the southeast horizon was blocked That was a big mi stake. A clap of thunder interrupted our peaceful interlude. We quickly hauled in the anchors and got c lear of the s h ore. The heavens were boiling and rolling toward us lik e a lin e of the black steam engin es that hauled phosphate gondol as to Port Tampa. Spencer decided that he would run northwest, in front of the wind, for Ballast Point and the yacht c lub I told him I didn't think he'd get there in time to avoid the worst of th e storm. He thanked us for keeping him company and said h e was sure h e could run safe l y before the wind if he didn't use the big jib. I wish e d him luck a nd we headed west for Catfish Point on the MacDill Army A ir Co rp s Base I planne d to keep the wind on our port quarter with l ess c hance of a violent jibe (wind that comes across t h e stern, causing the wood e n boom holding down th e bottom of the mainsail to swing vio l e ntly across the deck.) Then, we might let the h eavy part of the squall pass astern of u s. We co uld have stayed on the hook (anchored), but the lightning was fie rc e and my young crew was fright e ned. We knew that our geographic area was the "lightning capit a l of the world. I f e lt the burden of r e sponsibilit y and cursed myself for not keep ing a bette r weather watch. We did not escape the storm's march and w e re soon hard pressed to keep the Snipe upright. We turne d into the wind and doused the mainsail. S h e rode pretty well downwind with the jib but the short, steep waves kept breaking over our sq uare stern. The narrow cockpit kept most of the water out, but we were soon very wet and chilled. The rain came down in sheets, and in no time v isibilit y was nil. We had no compass, so we kept the wind on our l eft quarter and hoped we could make th e limited lee of Cat fish Point. It didn' t quite work out that way. Suddenly, out of the g loom a fair way (mid channe l ) buoy appeared that was part of the channel leading to MacDill F i e ld. The wind was s lackin g but we decided to anchor until v isibilit y improved. As the sq u all passed, we saw that we were due east of the Army pier. Spencer was


n ow h e r e in s i ght. Ili s whi te sail s h o uld h ave been clearly v i s ibl e to t h e n orth with th e di sa pp earing black squall as a backdrop, but we didn' t see him. I as k e d m y s hi ve rin g c r e w huddl e d in their Na v y k a p o k life jac k e t s, t o keep scanning the h o ri zo n t o th e n o rth W e h o p e d t o s i ght S p e ncer 's bo a t. By n o w I w as seri o u s l y conce rn e d a b out Ric hard Sp e ncer W e go t the h oo k up and saile d wes t for the A rm y pi e r wh e r e the r e was a duty crash b oa t U ntil recently the lo ca l say in g w as o n e-ad ay in Tampa B ay,'' b eca use o f the fr equent crash es of Army pla n es fro m th e t raining squa d ro n s. The always-rea di e d Army b oa t w as the cl oses t a nd b es t c h ance for h e lp W e anchored aga in about 3 0 ya rd s off th e pi e r and t ook d o wn the sa ils I to ld the c r e w t o s t and fast. Ove r th e s id e I w e n t, wea rin g m y Navy life jack e t and swa m ri ght into the embrace o f the U.S. Army. A so ldi e r h e lp e d m e onto a floa t m oo r e d t o th e pi er. I as k e d for th e crash boat duty officer and was direct e d t o a young fir s t lie u te n ant in a s m all office o n the pi er. Il e w as v e r y fri e ndly. I e xpl a in e d h o w w o rri e d I w a s a b out Sp e ncer and gave a descriptio n o f hi s b oat. At the encl o f the pi e r the li e u t e n ant scanne d the n orth and east horizo n with binocul a r s. No S p e ncer! The duty off icer sa id L e t s go h ave a l oo k I follow e d him a b oa rd th e crash b oa t and lis t e n e d with g reat inte r es t as h e ga v e o rd e r s for getting unde rw ay. This w as as cl ose as I w o uld ge t t o m y dream o f servin g o n a P T boa t. The g r ea t e n g in e s came t o life and w e idl e d a w ay fro m the pi e r The o fficer o p e n e d th e th ro ttl e and w e ca m e up s m oo thl y onto th e s t ep. (The boat l eve l s off with l ess r es istance to the w a t er.) Th e big craf t seem e d t o fly. The wind m a d e m y eyes w a t e r W e go t t o the s hip channe l in a b out five minutes and s l o w e d t o idl e speed Th e li eute n ant sa id the r e was s h all o w w a t e r east o f the c h anne l and he didn' t intend t o put hi s exp e n s i ve craft o n the hill (run it aground.) Il e reach e d for hi s binocula rs aga in and scanne d th e m a n gro v e c o a s t to t h e eas t Nothing I was getting o bsessed a b out findin g S p e ncer but as h a m e d o f m y m otiva ti o n s. It w as n t jus t tha t h e mi ght h a v e drowne d but m ostly tha t th e officer mi ght think I h a d crie d w o lf. Could S p e ncer h ave m a d e i t a l o n e, I w onde r e d throug h tha t mini -hurrica n e all the way t o the yacht c lub ? The cras h b oa t s kipp e r w as about to c all Th e Zeph y r Ric h a rd S p e ncer s s ui c id e c l ass b oa t ." it a clay. H e scanne d the s hip c h anne l o nce m o r e t o the n orth and south. S udd e nly, h e froze and p ointe d south. I s th a t the b oat?" h e as k e d h anding m e the glasses The r e w as the s uicid e b oa t ti e d t o o n e of th e g r ea t pilin g clu s t e r s that lin e d p art o f the ship c h annel. Wh a t a r elie f W e r oa r e d ove r t o The S n i p e "scrap e d and p ainte d fro m t o p t o b otto m 2 5


26 The Mac Dill Crash Boat, read y to rescu e clown e d pilots-in-training: "One a clay in Tampa Bay. Spencer's m oo ring How h e d m a n age d to ge t a lin e around those pilings and s t ay put through th e ravages of the storm w as b e yond me. I-le h a d a s w olle n finger tha t l a t e r prove d to be broke n but h e was generally in goo d shape. H e was glad t o see u s but, as usual for him, h e didn' t s how much e m o tion W e towed him to a p oint off the yacht club. He assured us that h e could coast home o n the late af t ernoon breeze. Spencer solemnly thanked th e Army lieute n ant and ga v e m e a wistful s mil e. In about thirty minutes, we were back a t the MacDill pi er. I waved to my bedraggl e d crew as we m o t o r e d b y the Snipe. A fter th e crash boat wa s secured, I thanke d the officer for hi s kindness. H e headed up the pi e r t o a p a rkin g lot and disappear e d Appar e ntl y his s hift w as finished. By the n I w as fairly dry and I dread e d go in g for a n other sw im to rej o in m y crew. I went down on The Coast G uard P i c ket Boat. the float and r e ti e d my lifejacket straps. Jus t as I was about t o leap into the water, a gravelly voice s h oute d Wh e r e do y o u think yo u r e go ing?" I l ooked into the r e d face of a short mus cular m a n wh o was n o t h appy. The rough h ew n fellow w as a w a r rant officer who had r elieve d the young lieute n a nt. Il e b arke d his n ext order: "Come up h e r e n ow! In a f e w seconds, I s t oo d b efo r e thi s paragon of military discipline who h a d razor-sha rp creases in his suntans. H e said aga in "Where d o yo u think yo u r e go in g?" I found m yself standing a t attentio n and s t amme red "Out to that sailbo at, s ir It's m y r es p o n s ibilit y." In resp o n se, the officer inform e d m e that I had trespassed on a n Army reserv a ti o n in tim e of w a r and that h e was h o ldin g m e until h e could con fer with hi g h e r autho rity. The angr y m a n o rd e r e d m e to sit in a n open s h e d on the dock until


Tam pa 1::>ea Scouts pre s e n t a program o n WF L A Rad io in 1943. Left to rig ht: C h arles Branno n C h arles M e n r iq u e J a mes W in go, 1 l enry Nev in s Roy Robinson a n d Commodor e Pa ul Young. (All p hows co urtesy of t h e auth or.) h e could decid e w h a t t o d o with m e. I s t a rt e d to a rgue m y case a nd m e n t i o n t h e p ro l onged d iscomfor t of m y crew, but the o ld a i r soldi e r s i c y star e m a d e m e h o l d m y peace. T hi s guy w as n o w artime vo lunteer Il e was a r eg ul a r I was a prison e r o f the U.S. Army. A b o u t a n h our passed J could see th e d u ty officer t h ro u g h a w ind ow in th e cloc k office. I l e s p o k e o n t h e ph o n e a nd fr o wn e d I n du e course, h e ca m e out and confr onte d m e in t h e s h e d W e h ave decid e d t o turn yo u ove r to t h e U.S. Coast G u a r d ," h e g r ow l e d T h ey s h o uld be h e r e s h o rtly. I h o p e yo u 've l ea rn e d a lesson ." T jus t n o dded but I r eally w a n te d t o r emind him th a t l h a d com e t o hi s turf for o n e reason: t o seek h e lp in rescuin g a frie n d. My j ailo r did n o t say h ow t h e Coast G u a r d was coming. I h a lf ex pected to see a gray p addy w ago n pull up in the p a rkin g l ot. Eventually I n oticed the Mac Dill f erry, th a t m a d e r eg ul a r runs fro m d ow n tow n T ampa co rnin g up th e A rm y c h annel. Behind t h e ferry was a littl e l ow s lun g 38foo t Coast G u a rd pi c k e t boa t with i ts miniature pil oth o use in th e b ow. The Coast Guard e n s i g n was fla p p in g in the breeze. They ti e d up at t h e A rm y p i er. 1\vo ve r y young coast g u arcls rne n cam e w ith t h e b oat: a coxswa in a nd a motor machini s t m a t e. T h e coxsw a in w ent into the office and I could see him s i g nin g som e kind o f p a p er. Il e ca m e out with th e w a r rant officer wh o t old m e in n o uncerta in term s, Go with this m a n ." The coxsw a in didn' t say a n ything until we w e r e in the o p e n cockpit o f the pi c k e t boat. The n h e s mil e d and sa id Y o u seem to h ave ca used som e t ro u b l e for th e A rmy. Wh e r e d o yo u want t o go?" I t o ld him I needed to get t h e Snipe a nd h ea d for th e T ampa Yacht C lub I-Te said th a t h e a nd th e 27


m o t o rmac h a d jus t c o m e off A t l antic con voy d u t y They didn t kno w muc h ab out T ampa Bay and h a d follo w e d th e fer r y t o find MacDill. Aft e r w e collect e d the S nip e a nd b ro u ght m y tho rou g hl y d e ject e d c r e w o n bo a rd the p etty offic e r invite d m e t o take the wheel and h e ad for home. In n o tim e, w e w e r e a t th e yacht b as in. W e w e r e ve r y gra t eful to o u r s av i o rs It w as a l m os t d a rk wh e n the coasti e s p l otte d a course t o th e ir s t a ti o n in the M arj orie P a rk yach t b as in W h o w o ul d e v e r b elie v e t h a t a y oung, s kinn y kid try in g t o r escue a friend l os t a t sea wo u l d b e t a k e n as a threa t t o our n a ti o n a l securi ty? But it w as true, and so e nds t h e t a l e of C h arli e F u ss, Sea S c out B os/ n/Cr e w L e ad e r a nd U.S. Army Air Co rp s pri so n e r o f w a r AFTE RWORD The B allast P oint S ea Scout Pro gram wa s d isbande d in 1 9 4 9. Karl R o ssa wh o had c o m e up throug h th e ranks t o Quartermas t e r and M a t e, w as the l as t adult l ea d e r With w a r's encl, uniforms and Navy s t y l e training and disciplin e w e r e n o l o n ge r in v og u e w i th te e n age r s. The w o rld w as c ha n g ing. P art o f the base property was a b so rb e d b y th e yacht club and the r e m a ind e r w a s r e turne d t o t h e city. T h e bui lding w e h a d us e d for o u r base was eventu ally d e m olishe d M os t o f th e B allast P oint c r e w w ent o n t o serv e in w a r o r p eace in th e Mer chant M arine, the N a v y and the Coast G u a rd w h e r e th e ir ear l y n a uti ca l training was a g reat a d vantage. So m e did n o t r eturn fro m t h e s ea The B alla s t P oint Se a S c out ve teran s h e l d a r e uni o n in 2000 a t th e h o m e o f Jac k and S hirley Burkley in G u l f H ammock.''' In 20 0 3 the group o f a b out thirty m e t aga in a b oa rd the SS American Vic tor y M a r i n e r s M e m o ria l and M useum ship, n ext t o th e F l o rid a Aqu a ri u m a t C h anne l s i d e in T ampa. (A numbe r of th e Sea Scout ve ts volunteer a b oa rd th e s hip .) '' L eland I a wes "Nautical M e m ories, His t o r y & H eri tage ," ( "13aylife" sectio n ) Tampa T ribune, Octob e r 29, 2000. S o uth Fl o rida's Pio neer P a p e r Hou se" PAPER PAPER BAGS AND TWINE WOODENWARE GALVANIZED WARE AND PAPER SPECIALTIES Founded 1911 Four gen e r a tion s o f fa mily o w n e r s h i p -three presentl y active" 5101 East Hanna, Tampa (813) 621-3091 FAX (813) 623-1380


Seeking David Fagen: The Search for a Black Re be l's Florida Roots1 Frank Schubert D avid Fagen was by far the best known of the twenty or so black soldiers who deserted the U.S. Army in the Philippines at the turn of the twentieth century and went the next step and defected to the enemy. I !is story filled newspapers great and small, from the New Yori? 11ime s to the Crawford, Nebraska 11-ibun e. The Times called him "the celebrated Fagen,'' assuming that all who read about him would know why. It was he that the even more celebrated Frederick Funston wanted desperately to kill and then, when he failed to do so, made public excuses to cover his failure. In the period press, the literature, and the official records of the war, one name k ept popping up : David Fagen, the teenager from Tampa who had enlisted in the 24th Infantry in 1898 for the war against Spain, "celebrated in the New Yori? Times leading insurrecto soldiers against the Americans, and frustrating the great Frederick Funston. Who w as this soldier, and what was his story? For many years, historical studies of Florida at the turn of the twentieth century that talked about the war with Spain tended to focus on local volunteer regiments, on civilian patriots trying to make soldiers com fortab l e in camp, and on businesses and communities experiencing strong economic surges as a result of F lorida becoming the springboard to operations in Cuba. Indeed, Florida during the 1898 war included all that. All of V Corps, the 17 ,000 men who went to Cuba, along with those l eft behind, were bivouacked in Tampa, Lake l and, Miami, Fernandina, and Jacksonville. Among them were all four regiments of b lack regu l ars: three (the 9th Cava l ry and the 24th and 25th Infantry regiments) in Tampa, and a fourth, the 10th Cavalry, in Lake land. Recently the experience of these soldiers in Florida has been the subject of a growing number of books, articles and dissertations. 2 Some Floridians joined regu lar units, and David Fagen was one of those. lie enlisted on June 4, 1898, for a term of three years, and began an extraordinary military journey, starting as a private in the 24th Infantr y and ending as a captain in Emilio Aguinaldo's Filip ino revolutionary army, fighting against his former comrades and the United States. The conflict that started as part of the war with Spain in 1898 ended by throttling the Filipino independence movement in 1902. Ilow does one discover the background of such a young man? I-le does not appear in what might be called uplift histories," such as the late Rowena Brady's Things Remembered,J a book that traces the emergence of a black professiona l and entrepreneuri al middle class in Tampa. Ile is not in Maxine Jones and Kevin McCa rthy' s African Americans in Florida,4 with its biographies b lack Tampa's social pillars such as educator Blanche Armwood and nurse C lara Frye. In fact in an earlier version of a loca l history, D B McKay's Pioneer Florida published in 1959 during the waning days of segregation there is some indication of how far David Fagen and his family were from being among the pillars of black Tampa. In a chapter called "The Good Colored People 29


30 'l\vo fan c iful views of Fagen that illustrated a 1909 novel, The Little hy Rowland Thomas. of Tampa Sam Fagen, David's fat h er, made a cameo a ppearance, illustrating what did not, in McK ay's judgment, constitute the good colored people" of T ampa McKay wro te: Sam Fag in [ s icjw as a shiftless old Ne gro who was never kn ow n t o work, but had about 20 childre n I mention him because I recall a funny story a b out him. When the late Clarke Kni ght h a d just grad u a t e d from l aw sch oo l h e walked in t o the p o lic e station o n e m orning look in g for bu s in ess H e saw old Sam in a cell a nd as ked why. Sam said h e was accused of stealin g chickens. C l a rk e volunteered to represent him.T h e next morning when Sam was a r raig ned b efo r e Judge Harr y Peeples the judge g l a red at him and evidently unne rved him. T o ld to plead t o the charge, Sa m whispered, J e d ge, wh e n yo u look s a t m e l a k dat it seems l a k you l oo k s right throug h m e. I ain't gwine lie to yo u, J e d ge I's guilty C l a rk e was on hi s feet in s t a ntl y t o protest: 'Judge Peeples. Y o u frighte n e d this poor o ld man so badl y with your fierce expressi o n that h e d oes n t kno w what h e i s saying. I a m hi s lawyer and I t ell yo u he i s not guilty.' Wh e r eupo n the h o norable court d e liv e r e d himse lf of this ge m: 'Sam Fagin, stand up' I 'll h a v e yo u kn ow that I came from South Ca lin a, and l w as taught to always t a k e the w o rd of a white in prefe r ence t o the word of a Negro. You say you a r e g uilty your l a wyer says yo u are not guilty. I prefe r to believe your lawyer. Case dismissed."':-> The tale shows in stark r elief t h e racism of t h e day, w h e n a black man' s wo rd was not even good e n o u g h to establish his own g uil t. The story m ay a lso s h ow a b lack m a n so shrewd that h e knew that all h e had to do w as admit guilt to be exonerated. \\Th a t about Sam' s son David ? What can o n e find out abou t thi s young African American man from the m ea n dirt streets of the Scrub, Tampa's black urba n e nclave':> What and wh o might h ave s haped his life, and p erha p s most important -what mi ght h ave been the sources of his extrao rdin a r y rebellion? The sear c h begins with F'age n s famil y and r elies o n standa rd sources: cen s u s records, in surance m a ps and v it a l s tatis tics. Sam Fagen (c.1840-1899) did not h ave twenty children. Il e and hi s wife Sy lvi a (c.1853-1883)<> h a d seven offspring and David w as the seventh, following four brothe rs and tw o siste r s. The famil y a lso in c lud e d Sy lv i a's son Geor ge Douglas the o ldest child in the family in 1880, e l eve n years o f age when David was age d o n e. Sam Fagen head of the family, was a l a bore r and, i f n o t a local l ege nd, h e should h ave been In a dditi o n t o his acquitta l as the perpetrator of th e g reat chicken ro b b e ry, o n e 1878 story in th e Sunland T'ri-


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ters, and m o th e r s from d o mesti c and field wo rk many black men so u ght to assert the ir position a t th e head of the famil y and provide family m embers with a protectio n denied them as s l aves."9 Sylvia Fage n di e d in 1883. The Fagen f a mil y's address b efo r e her death is not kn ow n but the 1886 Tampa c it y director y locates Sa m Fagen and hi s family at the cor n e r of Neb rask a Avenue and Constant Street, in the Scrub.10 Tampa' s Scrub di strict was typi ca l of most black n e i ghbo r h oo d s in th e l a t e nineteenth and earl y twentieth century South. Litwack has observed tha t "To find the black n e i ghborh oo d in a lm os t any t o wn or c ity, o n e need e d n o map o r signs," since street s were rarely paved and in evitabl y turned to muck in ra instorms, and h o u s in g was u s u ally the least desirable in town. Fo r example, Litwack cites "the Bot t o m s in Knoxvill e Tennessee, a c luster of ric kety s hack s o n stilts a l o n g a c reek in a n e i ghbo rh oo d s urrounded b y industr y -tobacco warehouses, a foundry, a s l a u ghte rh o u se, and the loc ally volatile creek sometimes running within its b anks and some times a t floo d Residents in t h e Bottoms" h a d n o p o liti ca l pow e r recei ved few o r n o munic ip a l ser vices and found it almost imposs ibl e to escape their surroundings. Litwack could just as easily h ave been describing the Fage ns neighborhood, Tam p a s Scrub. ll As Tony Pizzo sa id in a 1980 arti c l e for Tampa Bay History, the Scrub was Tampa's first black community. Pizzo's quotes a 1927 study o f the conditi o ns of lif e in the Scrub: "Th e r e ntl al] quarters a r e small and close together. They a r e situated o n unpave d streets and narr ow alleys Bath in g faci liti es arc sca rce: ga rb age i s ofte n uncollected. 1 2 P i zzo con s id e red the district a wor ld of its ow n ." Outsider s did not ven ture there, and only those who live d there frequented the place. When Ybor C it y was established in 1886 just two miles east of Tampa, the black community found itself we d ge d between "th e Cracker village o f Tampa" and a n ew immigrant tow n with both expanding in all direction s. In Pizzo's words the Scrub became a lost and for go t te n world. "JJ The scant histor y of hi s famil y and th e retrospective s tudi es of his neighborhood an d era g i ve so m e soci a l and econ o mi c context to David Fagen, but littl e p e rs o n a l information. H oweve r the m o m ent that David Fage n wa lk e d into the recruiting of fice, h e started l eaving c lu es about himself. The young recruit had to provide tw o c haracter r efe r e n ces, peopl e who kn ew hi s family and liv e d nearby. I-le chose ca rp enter Samuel Bryant and lab o r e r Willi a m Ili c ks b o th of whom w e re also residents of the Scrub. W illi a m I-lick s r e m a in s obscure, but Sam u e l Bryant was well-known and respected in the black community. Ili s m o ther Dorcas Bryant was a prominent early entrepr e n eur who s h e made h e r m o ney th e h a rd way as a laundress a nd later a l ando wner. Samue l Bryant ow n e d the Nebraska Avenue Carpente r S h o p was active in the Republican Party during Reconstruction, a nd built Mt. Sinai African Methodist E pi scopa l Z i o n Churc h on l and donated by hi s moth er.J 4 That Fage n would have so u ght out s u c h a prominent m embe r of the community as a character witness demonstrates h ow important h e con s idered this step in hi s ow n life. That hi s family kn ew Samue l B r yant well e n o u g h t o make s u c h a request s u gges t s tha t Sam Fage n David's fathe r w as so m ething m o r e than just a c hi cke n thief. Fage n 's e nli stment p a p e r s a ls o contained informati o n about David's c ivili a n occupati o n Ilis a pplication sa id o nl y that h e worked as a laborer for Hull s Phosphate Cornpa ny,15 but that in itsel f sa id a l ot. T hi s industry, which h a d its start in the waters n ea r Tampa in 1883 during the dredging of the Ilillsborou g h River c h anne l follo wed a standa rd p attern, with mines using blacks for commo n labor and whites as for e m e n and mech a ni cs. Black labor e r s ea rn ed .$1 p e r clay, usu ally for 10 h ours of work. T h e work was a rdu o us: brea kin g off phosphate roc k with crow bars pi c k s a nd oyster tongs w hil e standing in rive r s swarming wit h m osquitoes, and t oss in g the roc k into s m all boats, to b e dri e d and c ru s h e d for use in fertiliz e r baking powder, match es and c leanin g and water-s oftening comp ounds. 13lacks provided as much as nin e t y-five p e rcent of the work force. When the r e were n o t e n o u g h black labor ers, min es u sed con v ict ga n gs o n a contract basis at forty cents per m a n per clay. inety percent o r m o r e of these working prisoners were black as well. Overall, ph os phate mining in the 1880s a nd 1890s was a brutal, d e m anding g rind of l o n g h ours h a rd work, and l ow pay requirin g stron g m e n with th e sta min a t o perform back-breaking work unde r Florida s burning 33


34 sun."16 It takes little imagination to understand why a young man might l eave that for the Army It takes no additional imagination to understand why the phospha te industry was a locus of labor radicalism. Like the turpentine and timber camps, phosphate mines were violent places. Black laborers' efforts to increase wages and improve conditions met concerted resistance from the operators. In 1899 black phosphate workers in Dunnellon formed an "A nti-Lynch and Mob C lub ,'' in an effort to stop escalating racial violence. In October of that year members of the club fought a pitched battle with local l aw enforcement officers; two club members were killed in the fracas and the organization was effective l y broken. In 1903, a white phosphate employer in the Bartow vicinity killed a black worker after the worker got into an argument with the own er' s bookkeeper. "A t times,' Paul Ortiz h as written, "the state's phosphate and turpe n tine regions resembled armed camps as workers battled woods riders (turpentine foremen) and bosses over w ages and company store d e bts. "17 Ortiz's work supports Litwack's general observation that "the economics of repression produced a black workforce mostly dependent on whites for the ir d a ily s ustenance. But it did not necessa rily produce the docile, contented, easil y controlled workforce whites had envisioned. "18 Apart from wish in g to evade labor vio lence or the back-breaking conditions of the phosphate industry, th ere may have been other reasons for the Army to appeal to a young African American man from Tampa. After all, it w as the United States Army that h ad brought the end of s l avery to the Confederate states and made it stick. Jn the years after the Civil War, the presence of the Army at Fort Brooke in the words of Katherine Howe, '1proved critical for African Americans seeking to exercise their freedom .... Federal troops in Tampa mediated dis agreements and prevented wide spread racial v iolence agai nst blacks. The black citizens of Tamp a appreciated the importance of the military and in 1870 they successfully petitioned the Governor for an African American militia company. It never did much beyond train, march in parades, and protect the polls during Reconstruction. H owever, the very existence of th e unit showed an awareness of the role of the military in uplifting and protecting the black community.19 This understanding f e d on w hat Paul Ortiz called "traditions of b lack sel f defense" in Florida. The whiteowned Florida 11,mes-Union, of Jacksonville, in fact warned on 13 July 1890 of a n e w breed of black Floridian that it calle d the "Winchester Negro,'' who feared no whit e man.20 The newspaper put its journalistic finger on a growing regional phenomenon, the emergence of th e b lack outlaw, the "bad nigg e r,' to use the term contemporaneous ly and by African Americans positively applied. 2 1 In the 1890s, b lack folklore in c reasingl y emph as i zed "the black outlaw and desperado, usually a loner who chose to violate all of the moral and l egal prece pts of society, who wielded his own brand of justice." This outlaw, t h e "bad nigger ," was c e lebrated for "cunning, boldness, cooln ess, and wit often in the face of overwhelmin g odds, and for the uncanny abi lit y and imag inative powers h e displayed in outwitting his enemies."22 One such man, Alabama turpentine worker Morris S l ater, known as Railro a d Bill,'' shot and killed a police officer, escaped, a nd roamed southwestern Alabama, robbin g train s, and stealin g from all black, white, rich and poor. In March 1896 bounty hunters in Atmore, A labama, b lew his head off but legend had it tha t he had transformed himself and still watched his pursuers with amusement.23 F l orida's e qui va lent was llarmon Murray, a young man w h ose life of crime as l eader of th e North F lorida Gang centered on A lachua County and who "achieved Statewide notorie t y" b efore seventeen-year-old E lbert Hardy, another black F loridian, killed him in Ga in esville in September 1891.24 O n top of that m ythic history and tradition, there was the form idabl e presence in May 1898 of the black regulars who c o uld be seen all over Tampa. They were proud, tough confident men, and the v e ry sight of them in and near the Tampa I !eights camp that was c lose to Central Avenue and th e Scrub could easi l y h ave impressed a young black man lik e David Fagen.2s T h e Tampa Morning Tribune wrote on 5 May 1898 t hat "The colored infantryme n stationed in T a m pa and vicinity have made themselves very offensive to the peopl e of the c ity. The m e n insist upon being treated the same as white m e n are treated, and the citizens will not make any distinction betwee n the colored


t roo p s a nd th e col o r e d c i vilia n s." Thi s may h ave been offe nsi ve t o whites, but it wa s sure l y a r e v e l a ti o n t o s o m e bla c k s t o see s u c h black m e n r efus in g to b e d e ni e d ser v ice in b a r s ca r ry in g weap o n s in b roa d d ay light, upright and p o w e rful in th e ir b ea ring. In a n y case, D a vid F age n did n o t h a v e m a n y v i able a lt ernatives t o a rm y ser v i ce. As hi s e nli stment p a p e r s h o w s, h e could n o t s i g n his n a m e. The r e w e r e schoo l s in The Scrub, o f course. ll arle m Aca d e m y w as fir s t m e nti o n e d b y n a m e in t h e minutes o f th e Hillsborou g h County S c h oo l B oa rd ih 1 889; th e r e a r e indi catio n s o f a col o r e d sch oo l in T ampa in the minutes o f th e B oa rd as early as 1 8 7 6. R o w e n a Brad y found evidence o f a freedmen' s s c h oo l o n H a rrison b e tween Mor ga n and M ario n p e rm a n e ntl y es t a bli s h e d b y 1 8 70 o n e roo m w ith o u t p a rtiti o n s and f e w wind o ws ," th a t s e rv e d th e community until Il a rl e m Acad e m y was es t a bli s h e d B u t for Fage n i f h e w ent t o sch oo l a t all, h e did n o t stay ve r y l o n g and whateve r sch oolin g h e h a d w as n eglig ibl e. 2 6 F age n's lack o f in vestment in sch oo lin g w a s c haract eristic o f t h e e ra and of the Jim Crow conditi o n s unde r whi c h h e lived As a di s illu s ion e d black sch oo lteach e r fro m Miss i ss ippi sa id : "You educa t e your childre n th e n wh atcha gonna d o ? Y o u go t a n y j o b s for 'e m ? Y o u go t a n y bus iness for 'em t o go into?"27 S t a t e m ents in a n e nli stment document w e r e not necessaril y accurate. Wh e n h e si g n e d up, F age n sa id h e w as o v e r tw enty t wo yea rs o ld a lth o u g h th e cen s u s r e p ort o f 1880 pu t him at th e age of o n e, so h e w o uld h a ve been nin e teen in 1 898. Moreov e r the A rm y assume d h e w as s in g l e. It did n o t e nlis t m a rri e d m e n a nd Fage n c l a im e d tha t h e h a d n o d e p endents l l o w e v e r accordin g to Hillsb o rou g h County r ecords as e x a m in e d b y Julius Go rd o n h e h a d m a rri e d Mag g i e W ashing ton o n 23 Octob e r 1897.28 If h e w as still m a rri e d in June 1898, F age n k ept th a t inform atio n t o himself. (Prevaricatio n s o n e nli stment docum ents we r e prev al ent a m o n g e nlist ees, white o r black .) Lieute n ant C h arles T ay m a n th e white recruiting officer indi ca t e d th a t Fage n s p o k e r ea d a nd wr o t e th e E n glis h l a n g u age sa ti sfac t o ril y." F age n v e rifi e d thi s b y s i g ning the d ocument with a n X ." li e could n o t writ e hi s n a m e. Fage n h a d littl e educa tion but s till w ante d t o learn S ix m onths a ft e r the w a r in Cuba ende d the A rm y offe r e d opportuniti es for dis c h a r ges, and h e a ccepte d o n e l t W A n t h o n y Mar ro w (sea t e d cen te r ) w itnessed Fage n 's first e nli s tm ent. H e i s s h o wn w ith Se r geant Willi a m C h ambe r s ( t o M arrow's right) and Commi s s a r y Se r geant Dalb ert Gree n in th e P hilippin es, 1899. (Fro m J o hn II. Nankivell, H isto r y of the Twenty -fifth hlfantry, 1926.) Fa ge n go t out, cam e h o m e t o Tam pa a nd to o k a l ook around. Ile l ea rn e d th a t hi s fathe r h a d di e d p erhaps discov e r e d tha t his wif e h a d found so m e on e e lse (in 1899 s h e live d unde r th e sam e n a m e s h e h a d used w h e n sh e m a rri e d him a t 8 1 3 H a rri so n Street in the Sc rub) and r e e nli s t e d Thi s tim e, in s t ea d o f u s in g a n X h e s i g n e d hi s ow n n a m e The s i g nature w as wo bbl y a nd croo k e d but it w as hi s. That i s n o t all th e young so ldi e r l ea rn e d in e i ght m onths o f ser v ice. In 1898, h e h a d s t a t e d tha t h e did n o t drink "into xi ca tin g liqu o r s." The n ex t yea r h e r e p orte d m o d era t e" use o f spirits. The e nli stment p a p e r s a l so t ell u s a b out w h e r e Fage n w as bound, b oth geo graphi c ally and ideol og ically The fir s t tim e th e young black m a n e nli s t e d Antho n y Marrow and J ohn C all oway witnessed hi s X M a r row w as a schoo lt eache r fro m N orth C aroli n a H e was jus t n earing the e nd o f hi s fir s t e nli stment in II Compa n y of th e 24th, the sa m e compa n y t o whi c h Fage n w as as -'11: 11 1 I I r 35


36 Men of the 24th Infantry at Fort D.A. Hussell W yo min g 1898-1899. (Nation a l Archives) signed and ros e to b e regimental sergeant maj o r o f the 25th Infantry, the top e nlisted grade. Ca llowa y was a printe r from Richmond who rose quickly to the rank of bat talion sergeant major. I l e was articulate, sensitive and deepl y conflicted about his rol e in suppress in g the Filipino r evo luti on.29 \Ve do not know what Fagen learn e d from these two profes s ional soldiers whether h e saw e ith e r one as a role model, whether they communicated the ir world views or the importance of l earning, but in th e Scrub h e proba bl y saw few m e n who combined a n impressive phys ical presence with worldl y awareness. Fagen went t o Cuba, a veteran o f l ess th a n o n e month when h e b oarded ship with a group of replac ements head e d for the is l a nd I l e did not serv e with his r eg im ent th e 24th Infantry in th e battle at San Jua n llill where the black r eg ulars share d star billing with Theodore R ooseve lt and th e 1st U.S. Volunteer Cava lr y (Rough Rid e rs) -but h e did work among th e yellow fever patients at the hospital n ea r Siboney, Cuba, a nd came down with th e fever himse lf Il e was s till ill wh e n h e reach e d Montauk Point, New Y o rk with the 24th.JO Il e came back and shared the 24th' s h e ro's welcome w ent west to serve at Fort Douglas o utsid e Sa lt L a k e C ity U t a h and at Fort D.A. Russ ell, near C heyenne, Wyo ming. Fagen got out, came h ome, and then went back in the Army Ile spent part o f 1899 with detachments assigned to patrol the r e dwood forests just west o f Sequoia Natio n a l Park a nd sailed from Ca lifornia t o the Philippines in the summer. By then h e had seen far m o r e of the world tha n likel y seemed possibl e during his provin c ial Tam p a childhood. In th e Philippine Isl a nds Fagen s story di verged from that of most of his comrades.J l As with most as p ects of his apparently short life th e r e i s m o r e circumstantial evidence than hard data about his l a t e r controversial actions. The young soldier di spute d with hi s superio rs and h a d seven court martial convictions for mino r transg ressions. Late in Nov embe r 1899, while his company was in San Isidro ( th e chief town of N u eva Ec ija province in Central Lu zo n) Fag e n deserte d and went over t o the enemy. Il e apparently had h e lp. A report fro m his r egiment sa id that a n insurrecto o fficer was w aiting for him with a horse. Without any evidence to indic a te why Fagen took the bi ggest ri s k a soldier could, turning hi s ba c k on his country and hi s comrades, his fami ly, and his home. Il e became a n officer in the r evo luti o n a r y army and led troops against the Ameri-


cans in the Phillipine insurrecti o n Fagen displayed talent at his n ewfound voca ti o n. In the e i ght m onths following Jul y 1900, there are records of nine skirmis hes that in c lud e d Fage n between U.S. troops and g u e rill a for ces. All of them took place in the spars e l y populated and densely overgrown regions of N u eva Eci_ia Generally Fage n did not seem to move far from Sa n I sidro, on the Rio Grande d e l a Pampagn a near Mount Aray a t the dominant terrain feature in the province. In .Jul y Fagen ambus hed troops of hi s o ld regiment, leadin g to a fierce firefight with General Funston s scouts. It was the rai n y season in Luzon, and A merican operations had slowed because of the difficulty in m ov in g troops and s uppli es. According to Jack Ganzhorn, a n A ri zo n a gu nslinger who was in the 34th Volunteer lnfantry and served as o n e of the scouts, Fagen and hi s m e n surprised a tw o -w ago n convoy o f the 24th near Manacling, killed o n e m a n and wounded two oth e r s burne d the wagons, and w a it ed. Then, when the scouts came up, Fage n struck aga in repeatin g the a mbush and pinning the scouts with their backs to the rive r this running hi g h and wild from the rains. According to G a n z h o rn as Fage n crept c loser h e taunted the Amer ican s. Capta in Faga n s d o n e got yuh white boys now. Less n yo u all surrender, m y littl e g u g us is gonna c hop o n yuh with t h ei r meat cutte r s. An A m erican lieutenant found the hecklin g unne r v in g and leaped to hi s feet but was pulled back by hi s m e n before h e could ge t hurt. lle shouted in r e s p onse "Go to h ell, you black scum' A milli o n of you y ellow -b e lli e d rats couldn' t whip Funston' s Scou ts1 lt was a near thing for the Scouts. By the time r e inforcem ents a rri ve d the pinne d-d ow n m e n were out of rifl e ammunition and h a d the ir pisto l cartridges in the ir hats next to them, waiting for the end. O n e A m e rican lay dead and Fagen had van ished, leavin g his own dead where they fcll.J2 In December, Fagen c lash e d with the great Funsto n himse lf east of Sa n Isidro. In this fight ," the red-headed volunteer brigadier ge neral later l a m ented, I got a fairly good look at the notorio us Fagan a t a dista nce of a hundre d yards but unfortunately had alread y emptie d m y carbine ."JJ Bad lu c k for Funston; goo d lu c k for Fagen who slipped away aga in f;'unsto n who masterminde d the audac i o u s capture of revoluti o n a r y lead e r Emilio Aguinaldo, came out of the war as a popul a r hero.34 Ili s failure to acid Fag e n to hi s trophies must have rankled. At the Funston famil y C hristmas dinne r in K a nsas, just three weeks afte r the lack of ammunitio n deprived him of his intended kill Funston's sis ter-in-l aw Mag d a l e n a Blank art c hided him in absenti a with a littl e vers i f icati o n : By Jiminy C hri stmas F reel What' s this I see? Poor old Fagen H a n ge d to a tree? Ilow did it happen This is queer Tell u s about it We' r e dying t o hear.-'" In 1901, the Filipino revolution coll a ps e d around Fagen, with o n e lead e r a ft e r anoth e r surrende rin g in the sprin g and summer. Fage n s imme diate superiors, General s Jose A l e j andrina and Urba n o Lacuna, sur r ende r e d and tried t o cut a deal for Fage n. Funston' s response was predictable. "T his m a n Funston sa id "could not be recei ve d as a pris o n e r of war, and if h e surrende r e d it would b e with the unde r s t anding that h e would b e tri e d by a court-martial in which event hi s executi o n would b e a practica l certainty. Soon, posters offe rin g a $600 reward for "Fage n dead o r alive" in both Spa ni s h and Tagalog went up in to'vvns all ove r N u eva Ecija_.16 The apparent encl t o the queer drama cam e in Decembe r 1901. A n ative hunte r named A nastaci o Bartolome walked into an A m e ric a n outpost with a c loth sack pulled out the slig htl y decomposed head of a N e gro, and said it was Fage n 's. Il e a ls o produced weapons and clothing, fie ld g lasses, Fage n s commissio n in the F ilipin o arm y and the West Point class ring of Lieutenant F rederick Alstaetter, one of Fage n s for m e r captives. Barto l o m e sa id h e and five companions had been fishin g o n the east coast of Lu zo n when Fagen arrive d with hi s wife and two armed Negrito compa ni o n s. Afte r spending a ni ght togeth e r and cookin g breakfast, Barto l o m e and his fri ends a ttacked the newcomer s with bolos and kill e d Fage n whose wife leaped into and ocean and drowned w hil e the egritos fled. Bartolome severed the head, tossed it into his sack and returne d with the trophy. 3 7


38 B artolome's s t o ry a n d e vid ence were p e rsu a siv e, but n o t c o nclu sive. The Arm y announce d F aga n 's death, but o ffic e rs o n the scen e h a d d oubts a b out whose head h a d been d elive r e d and starte d as kin g for pre c ise d escriptio n s o f Fage n fro m m embe r s o f hi s form e r c o mp a ny. N o d e finitiv e e vid ence w as e v e r a m asse d. The offic i a l file o n th e in c id ent i s titl e d "the suppose d killin g o f D av id F age n ," a nd the r e i s n o record of the r e w a rd b e in g p a id Additi o n ally, a n uncor ro b orate d d ocument, publish e d in a study o f th e F ilipin o con s t a bul a ry, purports t o d ea l with the pursuit o f Fage n t e n m onths afte r hi s allege d d ea th At least tw o o th e r s c e n a ri os a r e c o n s i s t ent with th e e xi s tin g e vid e n ce. Firs t, Bar t o l o m e c o uld h a v e c o m e upo n F age n 's camp w hil e h e w as go n e, t a k e n th e d ocuments, c l othing, and othe r o bject s, and l a t e r o b t a in e d a h ea d with whi c h t o prove" hi s kill. Admitte dly tha t w o uld n o t h a v e been h a rd but n o t impo s s ibl e t o accompli s h O n e U.S. officer h a d ea rli e r r e m a rk e d o n F age n 's s m all head Fage n 's egrito companio n s w e r e o f a rac i a l group kn o wn for their s m all s t ature and a s m all h ea d w o uld h a v e been availa bl e Co llu s i o n b e tween B arto l o m e, a n admitt e d form e r insurr ec t o, and Fage n i s a l so p oss ibl e Fage n m ay h ave turne d ove r hi s p e r so n a l effect s t o the hunte r to ga in r elie f fr o m pursuit. I-le c o uld th e n h ave hidde n a m o n g th e n a ti ves o f n orthe rn Lu zo n whil e Barto l o m e turne d in a h ea d and c l a im e d the r e w a rd At thi s p oint, it i s unlik e l y th a t the g ap s in th e r e c o rd ca n b e d e finitiv e l y fille d and th e co nfli c tin g accounts reconcil e d. H o w ev e r it i s n o t unreason a bl e t o conclude th a t Fage n mi ght h ave s urvi ve d in so m e fas hi o n and s p ent t h e r e m a ind e r o f hi s lif e a m o n g th e Negritos. li e mi ght h ave liv e d t o a rip e o ld age in th e d e n se, ove r gro wn b ack c o untry o f N u eva Ecija, wh e r e hi s p as t could n o t f ind him Wh a t h appe n e d to D a vid Fage n th e m a n i s n o t the ques ti o n o f f ir s t importance n ow. Wh a t ca n and s h o uld b e as k e d is: Wh y i s Fa ge n 's r e b ellio n important? Wh e r e d o w e f ind hi s s i g nifi ca n ce, and h o w ca n h e b e placed in hi s t o ric a l c ontext? Fage n's r e v o luti o n a r y act c a m e a t th e tim e o f th e form a lizin g o f raci a l seg r ega ti o n into a n in s tituti o n a l sys t e m a sys t e m th a t d efie d th e h o p e tha t the r es ult s o f th e C i vil W a r mi ght includ e equalit y for bl ack c iti ze n s. Fage n w as a r e b e l in th e ultim a t e sen se, n o t o nl y a d e s erte r but a successful d e f ecto r wh o becam e a preoccu p atio n and a n emba r rass m ent t o U.S. mili ta r y offic i a ld o m 131ack t roo p e r s Edmond Du Bose and L ewis Russell o f th e 9th Cavalr y w e r e th e o nl y U.S. d efecto r s o f the era h a n ge d for th e ir c rim e, whil e all o f the white so ldi e r s wh o did th e sa m e thing (and w e r e l a t e r ca u ght) r e c e i ve d prison t erms. Black d efe cti o n tro ubl e d mili ta r y offic i a l s for wid e sprea d soci a l reason s, and adde d to F r e d e rick Funs t o n's preoccupa ti o n with Fage n as w ell as adding ge n e rali ze d s i g nifi ca nce t o l<'age n 's d efectio n The wa r in the P hilippin es r epresente d a p e culi a r moral c h alle n ge for b lack Am erican soldi e rs. Thi s confli c t pitte d th e m aga in s t a n onwhite p o pul a ti o n for whi c h som e of the m felt a genuine sympathy. The hi s t o rical c o nfli c t s w ith Nati ve A m erica n s, fou ght aga in s t semi n o m a di c hunte r-w a rri o r s w hose culture s r elig i o n s, and l a n g u ages w e r e b e yond compre h e n s i o n for m ost troop s, evo k e d only the ra rest expressi o n s o f sy m p athy fr o m black so ldi e r s.J7 B u t the P hilippine w a r wa s diff e r e n t The Indi a n wa r s t oo k place b e for e the so lidi f i ca ti o n of seg r e ga ti o ni s t practi ce, but th e Phillipin e confli c t s t arte d a t th e tim e th a t Jim Crow was h a rd e ning. B lack so ldi e r s m ay h ave seen subs t a ntia l s imil a riti es with th e F ilipin o unde r c lass, m a n y of wh o m w e r e lit e ra te C hristi a n c it y dw elle r s a nd farme r s. Also, white so ldi e r s bro u ght t o Manil a the sa m e raci a l epithe t s and the sa m e Jim Crow seg r egatio n tha t h a d been a t w o rk o n m a inl a nd Am e ri ca, and thi s mu s t h ave g i ve n m a n y t r oo p e r s p a u se. Wh e n Se r gea n t J ohn Callo w ay w ro t e t o hi s h o m e t o wn p a p e r tha t h e and hi s com ra d es we r e b e tween th e d evil and the deep sea" on th e wa r,38 thi s was th e i s su e t h a t t ro ubl e d him: h e w as a n Am e ri ca n soldi e r wh o o w e d hi s l oyalty t o hi s country impos in g a soci a l sys t e m tha t oppressed him o n a p o pul a ti o n w ith w hi c h h e empa thi ze d As indicated b y t h eir letter s h o m e, m a n y publis h e d in n e w s p a p e r s and r eprinted in Will a rd Ga t e w oo d 's Smohecl Y anhee s m os t black so ldi e rs unde r s t oo d t hi s dil emma and live d w ith i t as l o n g as they we r e in the i s l ands.39 D av id Fage n was a m o n g the ve r y few wh o resol ve d it in dra m a ti c fas hi on: b y sev e rin g all o f his tie s with h o m e family, comrades, and c ountry. D av id Fage n 's experie nce in th e A rm y wo uld h ave r epresented a n impo r tant but impe r fec t avenue o f escap e. Hi s t o ri a n L e -


r onc B enne tt, n o tin g just h o w imperfect thi s o pti o n w a s c a lled milita r y service one of the m o r e s ubtl e deadends in a p e ri o d over w h elming l y m a rk e d b y dead -ends for A fricanA m erican s. Milit a r y ser v ice carrie d the traditiona l h o p e tha t it w o uld l ead t o b ette r treatm ent for black s in civ ili a n life. Pull e d b y thi s theor y and pus h e d b y the fac t that it w a s diffi cult t o find e mpl oy m ent e lsewhe re, tho u sands o f blacks found themse lves in volve d in the dirty w o rk o f subjuga tin g and policin g the Am e rican Indi a n s and brown peopl e in the Philippines and the Caribbea n. "-10 Keeping this in mind as well as George R awic k s injunctio n that m e n d o not make revoluti o n for light and transient reasons," histo r y s till offe r s littl e c o n c r e t e e v id ence of Fagc n s m o ti ve s .-11 W e c a n g uess tha t life in Tampa b e for e the turn o f the tw e nti eth c e ntury -the Scrub, the death o f F age n s mothe r and fath e r limited educati o n the failure o f hi s m a rri age, the bruta l e n v i ronment o f the phospha t e industry, the m e m o r y o f the military' s rol e in ending slavery, the e ntre n chment o f Jim C row and the d esire t o r esist it -all c ontribute d in som e w ay t o D av id F age n s m a k eup and t o the d e ci s i o n s tha t l e d him to r e ject h o m e, country, and com ra d e s o n the b a ttl efie ld Edito r Geor g e Kno x 's comment in the p ages o f the Indi a n a p o lis Fr ee man, with whi c h M ik e R obinso n and thi s autho r end e d our 1 9 75 a rti c l e o n F age n still ser ves as a fitting l y ambiva l ent obitua r y t o a black r e b e l about wh o m we d o n o t kn o w enoug h Fage n was a t ra it o r and di e d a traitor' s death, but h e w a s a m a n n o d oubt, p rompte d b y h o nest m o ti ves t o h e lp a weak e r s id e, and o n e t o whi c h h e f e lt a lli e d b y ti e s tha t bind. F age n p erha p s, did n o t appreci a t e the m agnitude of the c rim e o f a idin g the e n e m y t o s h oo t clown hi s flag Il e s aw, it may b e the wea k the stro ng; h e c h o se, and the w o rld knows the rest.4 2 END NO T E S I Over t h e vear s, nume r o u s peopl e h e lp e d w ith t h e resear c h for t hi s pa p e r and p rov id e d useful com ments o n v ari o u s d r a f ts. I wo uld lik e to t h a nk Dav i d A. Armstrong, Paul Camp J a mes M. D enha m Juliu s .I. Gordo n .Joe I lipp Perry D. J a mieson Gord o n L. O lson Irene t>chubcrt, .James Tay l o r, a nd B rent R Wei s m a n 2. Sec W illard B. Gatewood .Ir., "Negro Troop s in F l o rid a 1898," Florida lliswrical Qttarterly, 49 (.lu l y 1970), p p 1 1 5 and Gatcwood's oth e r writ in gs p a rti c ularl y hi s "Smohed Y anlwes" a n d th e S trtt gg lejiJr Empir e : L ette rs.from Negro Soldiers .78981902 (B looming t o n : U niv e r s it y of Indi a n a P ress, 1971). 3. Row e n a F errell Things R emembered: A n A l b u m qf African Americans in Tampa (Tampa: U ni ve r s i ty o f Tampa P ress, 1997 ). 4. Maxin e D J o nes a nd K e vin M McCarthy, African A mericans i n Florid a (Sa rasot a: Pin eapple Press, 1993). 5. D. B. McK ay P ionee r F lorida, l (Tampa: The Sou th ern P u blishing Compa ny, 1959), p 238. For si m ila r stories, sec Randall K enne dy, Nigg er: the Strange Car ee r Troubl e some Wor d (New York : P antheon Book s 2002), p 64; Leon F Lit wack 71rnubl e i n Mind: Blach Southern e r s in th e Ag e 1!f" Jim Crow (New Y o rk : Knop f 1998), pp. 343. In th e tri a l that follo wed t h e robb e r y of a military paymaster in Arizo n a during 1889, th e eyewitness testimo n y o f seven b lack soldi e r s p rove d i n s uffi cient t o con v i c t th e whites w h o h a d been indi c t e d for t h e c rim e. Sec L arry D. Ball, Ambu s h at Bloody Run: The W ham Paymaster R obb ery o.f 1889 ( Tu cson : Arizo n a llis t orica l Society, 200 0). 6. Syl v i a Fage n di e d o n 2 May 1883 and was b u r ied i n Oaklaw n Cem e t e r y ( T a mpa), Secti o n 4. h ttp:// www t a m pagov. n e t / dept_P a rks/cc m e t e r y /En g i n c. a s p ( Apr 2002). 7 Julius J Gordon Index, Sunland T rilnme, a weeh l y newspaper, Tampa, F lorida, 1 877-.7883 ( T a m pa F L : Juli us J Gordon 1992), n .p. 8. K a thleen S. I owe, "Stepping in to F reed o m : A fr ica n Am erican s in I lill s borou g h County, F lorid a During t h e Reconstru ctio n Era ," Tampa Bay 1 liswry, 20 (Fa ll/Winter 1998), p p. 11 1 2. 9. Leon F. Litwack 71mub1 e in Mind: B lach South ern e r s in t h e Ag e of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), p 124. 10. T o n y P izzo, To n y Pizza's Ybo r C it y," Tmnpa Bay / / ist01)', 2 (Spring/Summe r 1980), p 51. 11. Litwack 336-337. 12. Arthur R a p e r, J 11. McG rew, and B. E. Mays A S wcly u.f Negro Life in Tampa (Typescrip t 1927), p 27. 1 3. Pizzo, 5 1 14. Brady,. 11 1 5. In 1899 Joseph llull p resid ent of the Peace R i ve r P hospha t e Compa ny, sold hi s bus iness t o t h e A m erican Agric ul tural C h e mical Corporation. I l e th e n s t arted a new com pa n y n o r t heast o f M ul be r ry, w hi c h by 1909 was t h e l a rgest producer in F l o rid a w i t h a b out h a l f o f th e l and p e b b l e p r oductio n A r c h Fr e dri c B l a key, T h e F l orida P hosphate l nclustry: A f-listory of t h e Development and Use of a Vita l Mineral. (Cambridge: 1 l a r va rd Uni ve r s i t y P ress, 1973), p 56. 1 6. Bla key, F l o rida P hosph a t e lndustl)', p. 40, 5 1 53 ; W orks P r og ress Administrati o n National R esearch Proj e c t on Reemploym ent Opp ortunit i e s and Recent C h a nges in lndw;trial Techniqttes, Techno l ogy E m p loym e n t and Output P e r Man in P h osphate-Rock s Mining, 1880-1937," Re port No. E-7, 1938, p. 1.; K arl II. Gris m er, Tampa: A llisw-1)' qf che City Tampa and t h e Tampa Bay R egion q f Flor ida (St. Pe t e r sburg, F L : S t Pe t e r sburg Print in g Compa ny, 1950), p. 221. 17. Paul O rti z L ik e Wate r Cove red The Sea' : The A frican A m erican F reed o m Stru gg l e in F l o rid a 1 8 77 1920," (Unpu bli s hed P h.D. dissertatio n D uk e U ni ve r s ity, 2000), p 1191 21, 124, 126-1 27. 1 8. Litwack 1 65. 39


19. ll owe 14-16 19 20. O rti z 118-119. 2 1. See A l -Tony G ilm o r e Bad Nigge r! the National Impact ql .Ja c h Johnson (Assoc iated F acult y Press 1975), for the us e of thi s phrase to d escrib e the ultimate defiant African A m erican the first b lack h eavywe i ght boxin g c h a mpi o n who scandal i zed white America with hi s white l overs and hi s heavyweight c r ow n 22. Litwack. 437, 438. 23. Litwack, 438-439. 24. Billy J ay nes C handl e r "llarmo n Mur ray : Blac k D espe rado in Lat e N in eteenth-Century Florida ," F lorid a Hist orica l Quarterly 73 (October 1994), pp. 1 84-199. 25. For a d e tailed description of t h e camp a nd its locati o n see Brent R Weisman ed. Soldiers and Patriots: Bulfalo Sold iers and Afro-Cuba n s i n Tampa, 1 898 (USF Anthropol ogy Studies in llistorical Archaeology No. 2 1995). 26. Oti s R. Anthony, Blach Tampa: the Hout s of a P e o ple (Tampa: llillsborou g h C ounty Museum 1979, 1989), p. 9 ; 17 27. Litwack 60. 28. Juliu s J. Gordon, Afro-Americans ql 1-lillsborough County, F lorida, 1870-1890 (Tampa : Juliu s Gor d o n November 20, 1993), p. 39. 29. Frank N. Schubert, O n the 'frail of the Bujj'alo Soldier: Biographie s of African Americans in the U.S. Anny, 1866-1917 (W ilmington, DE: Sch o l arly Resources, 1995), pp. 77-78 286-287. 3 0. Fag e n enlisted o n June 4 Four clay s later, the 24th Infantry boarded ship for C uba a lthoug h the regi ment did not actu ally sail until June J 4. New recruits and other replacements followed as p art of a s i x-ship convoy that l eft Tampa op June 30 and arrived in Cuba o n July 10. There is n o c lear e v i denc e tying Fagen eithe r to the r e p lacement convoy o r to the orig inal departure. Lack in g t hat, it is reasonabl e to assume that a recruit with four days of service would not be sent into combat with hi s r eg iment. Adjutant General s Office U.S. Army, Corresponde nce !?elating w the War with Spain, includin g the Insurrection in the Philippines and the C hina U e li"re th e N l c o f 1 ower : A llis to1y of Bla c h Ame ri c a (New York: Pengu in Books 1989), p. 284. 41. Geor g e P. Rawi c k From Sundown to Swwp : th e Mahi11g of the Wach C vmm.w1 it y (Westport, C T : Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972), p .1. 42. Indianapolis Fr eeman, December 1-1, 1901


Limits of power: the 1890 Ocala Convention of the National Farmers' Alliance Dan Bertwell Editor'.-; No te: The follow in g a rticl e, deal in g with events in Ocal a, F l o rid a, extends so m ewhat beyond the submissi o n g uid e lines for T h e Sunland Tribune. However, these events had far-reaching consequ ences for politics and agriculture throughout Central F l o rid a, especi ally in the agraria n a r eas of I Iillsborou g h County, a nd it is felt tha t readers will g ain valuable in s i ght about subsequent local affa ir s from Bertw ell's anal ys i s. I n Ocal a F l o rid a o n December 2 1890, m embe r s of the Nati o n a l Farme r s Alliance and Industria l U ni o n h e ld the ir second annua l meeting.1 In hi s introductor y r e m a rk s, Allia nce President L .L. Polk articulated the fundamental purpose of the m ove m ent and the meeting. P o lk un d e rscored the need to overcom e divi s ion s between people a nd g r oups fr o m diff e r ent secti o n s o f the nati o n Il e hoped the Na tional Allia nce would d e m o nstrate, through h armo ni o u s acti o n and thoroughly frater nal cooperati o n that they could ove rc o m e the rift and meet the demands of patriotic duty in the spirit of equity and jus tic e."2 Polk's appeal did not fall o n deaf ea rs. The Ocal a Co n ve nti o n successfully unite d separate Fa rmers' Alliances from around the Unite d States. U nfortunatel y the unification of thi s nati o n a l movement did not bring all its m embe r s together. A lth o u g h the Allia nce m e r ged a l o n g sectio n a l lin es; r euniting North and South, this e ncouraged the exclu s i o n o f Afr ican-Ameri ca n members of separate "Col o r e d Alliances."3 W o m e n s m a r g ina l role further enco ura ge d th e formati o n of a m ove m ent that allowe d nonwhite, n o n-mal e m embers to participate within separate sphe r es but excl ud ed them to mostl y peripheral roles. Despite their excluded status, women and Afr i ca nA m e ri ca n s n egot iated soci a l and political ro l es in s id e the convention, assertin g p owe r in s ubtl e ways. Overall, the Ocal a Co nv e nti o n m a nifested racia l and gendered limit s that nineteenth-century r eform movements placed o n p a rticip atio n a nd th e distribution of power, as well as the intrins i c paternalism of r efo rm. The convention experi ence a l so indicated ways disempowe red groups subvert e d these restrictions. Members of the F l o rid a Fa rm e r s A lli a nce hoped the convention would induce m o r e far m e r s to j o in the ir cause while "sell in g" th e sta t e o f F l o rid a in the nati o n a l press as a d es tinati o n for t rave l o r permanent settl e m e nt. According t o historia n Robert McMat h "The F l o rid a Alliance h a d developed an aggressive cooperative m arketin g network (complete with a New York office) in a n effort t o direct the state' s agr i c ultu ra l grow th toward the inte rest of family farme r s."4 Along with the Ocal a Conv e nti o n F l o rida Alliance m embe r s h eld a con current Semi Tropical Exposition," specifically created to p ortray positive as pects of Florida culture.5 Divided into four sectio n s the expos iti o n s h owcase d c ultural and agri cultural products from central, south, and west F lorid a; it a l so in c lud e d a Ladies' Department" display. Spectators strolled throug h ga rd e n s, ro d e c hildr e n 's rid es, watched h o rs e races, a nd v i ewe d liv e stock exhibiti o ns.6 Orig in ally s l a t e d t o meet in Jack so nvill e, 4 1


42 directors of the Florida Farmers' Alliance learned that the small, central Florida city of Ocala could provide more financial incentives.I The people of Ocala, like the Florida Farmers' Alliance, viewed the event as a welcome opportunity to bring attention to their area, an influx of tourists, money and prestige. An Ocala Banner article addressed the event's importance, sta ting "All eyes a re turne d to Ocala. Ocala's supreme m oment has come and w e must be equal to the occasion."8 With delegates representing as many as "thirty states and w ell over a million farm e rs ," the convention brought together a h e t e rog e neous body of people.9 But the differ ent alliances represented were not as united as they seemed. Schisms existed b e tween Western Alliances (whose m embers wished to unite into a distinct and powe rful third party), and the Southern Alliances (whose members sought to work with the Democratic Party).10 The Ocala Convention occurred at an organizationally charged moment for the National Alliance.11 Not only were the various alliances striving to work within a national framework, but more radical members needed to restrain themselves, fearing openness might antagonize conservative elements within the movement.12 In the encl, delegates settled their respective differences and drew up a list of demands. The "Ocala Demands" formed the foundation of the Populist Party in the United States and helped establish the mov e m ent's direction. According to historian Gene Clanton, the Ocala Demands, in p a rt, caused virulent white supremacists and "economically conservative" members to abandon the movement.13 In spite of the event's importance, most historiography of the Ocala Convention has focused on the resulting list of grievances rather than the convention itself. As a closer look at the convention reveals, the debate over the dem ands was not the only potentially divisive issue at the convention.14 In order to foster unity between those who sought the creation of a third party and those who wished to work within the existing political system, the del egates reached a compromise. At Ocala, the Farmers' Alliances suspended any consideration of third party formation until February of 1892, both sowing the seeds of unity for what would b ecome the Populist Party and setting the tone for their movement's future. riistori a n John B. Clark stated in 1927 that the Ocal a d e legates drew up a platform "around which the po litic a l history" of the entire Unite d States revolv e d for several succeeding years."I S Despite the importance of the demands, C lark described the convention experience in just one paragraph. The historiography of populism generally is of two types: region a l history or national overview. Regional historians center on a particular area, generally a state. Because of this limite d focus they treat the Ocala convention as a point o f reference. For example, Barton Shaw' s The Wool Hat Boys: Populist Party, d edicated three sentences to the Ocala convention: Thus when the national leaders of the order gathered in Ocala, Florida, in 1890, Livingston lobbied for a new plat form. By the end of the meeting, the Alliance h a d dropped its d emand for government ownership of the railroads in favor of government regul a tion. IIaving changed the philosophy of the national organization, Livingston returned to Georgia and tightened his hold over his own Alliance 1 6 This depiction of the Ocala Convention is indicative of most historical literature. The convention is rarely discusse d in great detail. llistorians interpret the Ocala De m ands' impact on a specific section of the Populist movement and r e legate the convention to littl e more than a peripheral event. The experience itself is rarely m e ntioned, despite frequent references to the resultant demands. Scholarship which has focused specifi cally on populism in Florida is limited and contemporary historical concerns have not been incorporated. Authors dealing with the issue have discusse d the events surrounding the convention, but not the convention's implications. These works provide a narrative of the day-to-clay happenings in Ocala and the political platform adopted, but do not incorporate any analysis of gender, race or class.17 Whether scholarly monographs mull over regional divides in the national movem ent, racial inclusion (or exclusion) in populism, or class consciousness among farmers, their common thread is a lack of consideration for the Ocala Convention' s d epth or breadth. None of the histories consider the convention its e lf or the distribution of pow e r along gendered and racial lines in the populist movement. In Beyond


" Digg i ng Potatoes, Federal Po in t F l a." T hi s 1912 postcar d s h ows far m worke r s h a rvestin g the crop in rural llill s borou g h Co un ty. (Courtesy qf'Tampa Historical Soc i ety.) Labor'.-; Veil : T he Cul ture the /{nig h t s of Labor, historia n R o b ert Weir has a r g u e d t h a t w hil e nati o n a l histories s h o uld consid e r t h e Knig h ts of Labor "as a totality," t hey fail to a d equatel y incorporate subt l e d iffere nces fr o m regi o n to regi o n Weir a l so be lieves t hat the "g ild e d age workin g c lass was not m o n olit hic" and histori a n s must con s ider t h e presence o f "mult ipl e working c l a s s cultures."l8 A l t h o u g h W eir a n a l ys i s foc used o n t h e Knights of Labor and not t h e P o pulist Party o r Farmers' A lli a nces, h is discu ss ion o f mult ipl e worki n g class c ul t u r e s -w i t h di verge n t i nterests, goa l s, and pla n s -can b e a p plie d t o t h e vari o u s Farmers' A lli a nces around t h e n atio n W hil e reg i o n a l hi s t o ries fail to unde r s tand the p o pulis t movem e n t o n a nati o n a l scale, n a ti o n a l hi s t o ries d o n o t a d equa t e l y incorpo ra t e secti o n a l diff e r e n ce. Regi o n a l and n a tio n a l histories of populi s m are limited by t h e i r foc u s; o n e sacrifices n a ti o n a l unity, a n other p rov in c i a l specifici ty. T h e contemporar y his toriograph y of t h e eve n t represen ts Afr ican A m e rican m e n and white wo m e n in diff e r ent ways. 1 9 Littl e historical work has con si d e r e d the implicati o n s of w o m e n 's p resence at t h e con ve n ti o n ; w hil e most contempla ti o n o f t h e Afr ican -A m e rican m a les' r o les revol ves around t h e i r impact o n the white m e n of th e A lli a nce. Because o f conflictin g v i e w s between Allia nces concerning raci a l inclusio n his t o r ia n s represent black m e n as a di vis i ve force tha t could have created a rift between the white m embe r s o n eithe r s id e of the Maso nD ixon Lin e. In fac t most reconcili a t io n duri n g t h e Ocal a Conven t i o n occurre d between forme r Unio n and Con f e derat e so ldiers wh o pro mised t o set as id e t h e secti o n a l strife o f their collectiv e past ra ther tha n associate a l o n g raci a l o r ge n d e r e d lines. The figura ti ve brid ge-building between these forme r foes fail e d to e ncour age either a great e r black presence at the con ve n tio n o r wo m e n 's in vo l ve m ent o u tsi d e of traditio n a l rol es. 13rid gi n g former Unio n and form e r Con f e derat e sympathize r s was a m a in goa l es tablis h e d fro m the outset o f the con ventio n The o p ening s peak er, F l orida Governo r Fran c i s P. F l eming, described his exp e ri e nce as a w ounde d Con fede r a t e ve teran jus t after the C ivil W a r j ourneying n orth to New Y o r k City Governo r F l eming n o t e d t hat t h e Y ankees treat e d him w ell, w i t h n o enmity. I-le in tende d to re m embe r thi s courtesy, h e sa id ext ending i t t o t hose wh o cam e to F l o rid a. Governo r F l eming b elieved the "bl oo d y c hasm b e tween North a n d South l a r ge l y exi s t e d in t h e minds o f p rofess i o n a l politi c i a n s and sensati o n a l n e w s p a p e r m e n ," and it h a d been s p anne d b y all t h e peopl e present a t the con ve nti o n.20 T h e p e rceptio n tha t r e -unificati o n was necessar y appear e d in h oth n a ti o n a l and 43


44 l oca l news p a p e r s. The New York Times r eferre d t o th e destructio n of secti o n a l divi s i o n s as "perhaps the most important ser v ice" that the A lliance and the conventi o n could perform. 2 1 The Ocal a Banner reported a reunion of ve terans that took place during the conventi o n This meeting, which the paper deemed "the most pleasant and interestin g feature of the great ga th e rin g," con s isted of both s id es faci n g o n e a noth e r in columns. Rather than meeting with fixed bayonets, the two s id es met with h ands ex t ende d and "a most hearty hand s h ak in g was indul ged over a n im ag in a r y c h asm. The band then played a m e dle y of Yanke e Doodle Dandy" and "D ixi e, followed by speeches from veterans o n both s id es S p ea kers reaffirmed their respect for th e val o r of former enemies; a Union veteran stated that Southern cou rage was a n h o n o r to the 'Lost Ca u se"' and one form e r Co n federate so ldier reassured the a udi e nce that he l oved the va l o r and co ura ge of the Union so ldi e r and the h a rd e r h e fou ght, th e more h e l oved him." Southern speakers articulated their relief that the s l aves h ad been freed and both s id es ag reed that the A lli a nce could help "obliterate all traces of bitterness" between the former foes.22 Throughout th e convention the "s h adow of the C i vil War r emaine d relevant and in many ways affecte d events as they unfold ed.23 Even n o n-member s of th e Alliance percei ved a c h ange in orth/South interaction Terrence Powd e rl y Grand Maste r vVorkman of the Knights of Labor, received considerab l e media attenti o n while in Ocal a Ili s speech during the convention pointed to t h e difference between th e S ub-T ropica l Expos ition a nd an exposition in New Orleans five yea r s ea rli er. Northern newspapers h ad c h a r ged that th e New Orleans Expos ition g lorified southern culture and ignored national r e unificati on. Powderly told the crowd that the SubTrop i ca l Expositi o n seemed different and h e believed So uth e rn e rs h a d truly for got ten a nd forever buried" the secti o n a lism that h a d separated th e two gro ups. Powderly further a r g u ed that th e conventi on itself represented "a liv in g protest against what incendiary politicians c h a r ge against yo u for their ow n base purposes. Il e r e lated a co n ve rsati o n with Semi-Tropical Exposit ion President George Wilson. Powderly asked Wilson if the con venti o n h ad any "relic of the rebellio n," or anything s u ggest in g the lost ca u se." Wil-son "scratched hi s head and answe red well, really we had forgotten that."' Powderl y b e lieved pe o ple in the South had truly moved beyond the Civi l War and reiterated that the two former antagonists were united once aga in.24 While disagreements exist e d unificati o n of farmers around the nation still seemed to be the main goa l of the convention De l e gate W.S. McAllister of M ississippi declared that on l y through a h o l y war against sec tionalism could farmers exert the pow e r and influence necessary to keep their m ove ment strong.2s By uniting the Allia nces across the Mason-Dixon Line and i g norin g racial divisions, the Nationa l Alliance exclud e d minority gro ups from an eq u a l foot in g in the movement. Reconciliati o n between Un ion a nd Confederate ad herents supe rceded t h e interests of black A lli a nce m embers. Just before the convention Th e Farm ers' Advocate wrote that the "inte rests of the people of the west and the south are id entica l and their p o liti ca l forces must be con so lidated aga inst the power of corporat e g reed ."26 Progr essive Farrner wrote an open letter to all other r efo rm publications, h oping tha t at the "great, grand meeting" in Ocal a, farmers would join into one o r ga nizati on to make common cause aga in s t a common danger."27 It seemed far m e r s around the nation agreed that they shared common goa l s and interests, but had ve r y different v i ews as to h ow their goa l s could be achieved By mergin g the two r egions, conventiongoers hoped to a nswer the "chief question they faced: whether to form a third (p o liti ca l I party o r work insid e the present polit ical framework.28 Delegates from vari o u s Western A lli ances, particularly Kansas, posed the "third party" question most forcefully.29 Southern Alliances found that they exerted their g reatest influ e nce when voting for Democratic candidates who prom ised to represent alliance inte r ests. T hese men recognized the power of the Democratic Party in the South found success working inside the Democratic Party, and knew Democratic candidates h e ld similar v i ews concernin g racia l issu es. C lanton arg ued, "There was still a Mason-Dixon lin e on the allia nce m ap, and a racial one as well ," and according to white-southern l og i c the Southe rn Alliance needed to be certain that reform through the Democratic


O ran ges Florida's most famous and r emunerative agric ultural p rod u c t a r e native t o Asi a, and were bro u ght to the state by sixteenth century Spanish e x pl o rers. This early tw entieth century postcard s h ows a b y-hand harvestin g scene r e peated thro u g h out Central Florida. (Courtesy qf' Tampa I liswric:al Society.) Party was impossibl e. Once the Democratic opti o n had been invalidated, r emaining southern populists would embrace the third p arty m ove ment. .10 It is diffi cult to defin e the r e lati o n ship between Farmers' Alliances a nd their Africa n American m embers. Blight believes that because th e a llianc e m o v e m ent op posed the p o wer o f banks, railroads and oth e r business endeavors, and stood aga inst oliga r c h y and privilege, their m embe r s would have held beliefs contrary to the myth of the "lost cause." By bring ing Afri ca n Americans to the political forefront, p opulists threatened traditional southe rn racial political and soci a l n orms..11 The Southe rn Alliance did n o t admit black members, but exerte d an inordinate amount of influ ence ove r parallel Co l o r e d Alli ances.".1 2 One difference b e tween those in favor of a third party and those o pposed was the v iewp oint concerning the black vote, r eflectin g Western desir e for black voter support and Southern desire t o r e tain the racial status quo Put simply, those in favor of the third p arty m ove m ent tended to seek out and encourage African-American voting and those in favor of working within the system discourage d it..13 This desir e to e ncourage black votin g did not translate to in c lusive v i ews o f racial interacti o n. Anna Rochester, autho r of The Populist Move-11ient in the United S tates, find s n o clear in-dication that the P o pulists wanted to m a k e the black vo t e a central i ss u e but m a n y supporters of the third party movement wanted t o protect the black right to vote .14 The hi s t oriogra ph y o f race and p o pulism r eflects a contest between the populist m ove m ent' s theor e tical id ea l s and th e r e strictions of contemporary soci e ty. Ilistorian Norman P ollack h as argued that diff erent states interpreted the "Negro questi o n in diff erent ways and, at least o n a nati o n a l l eve l populists were inte rested in h e lpin g m embe rs o f both races. The Ocala Demands a nd the third party questi o n separat e d conservative e l e m ents fr o m the populi s t movement..15 A lth o u g h m a n y ( if not most) of the m embe r s were racist, p op ulist p o licies tended t o b e more raciall y progressiv e tha n other p o litical groups..1<> I listori a ns Jack Abramow it z and Robert Saunders contend th a t populi s t s were less racist th a n n o n-populist s; while historia n C. Vann Woodward b elieves that th e Democratic appeal t o racism forced populists t o d ow npla y the issu e of racial eq u a lit y a m o n g potential political allies. Esse ntiall y these a r guments underscor e the that, while p o p uli s ts w e r e progressive for the ir time, they were still products of the ir tim e. They act e d o n p o liti ca l exp e di e ncy and econ o mi c i s s ues, rather than racial o nes.37 At the con vention, m embe rs of the Co l ored Alliance participated almost ex-45


46 elusiv e l y as non-voting "observ e rs ." This opportunit y allowed the races to "symboli call y a lb e it futil e l y" extend a hand t o o n e another.JS Co l o red Alliance m embe r s voted within group meetings to oppose o r support National Alliance amendments, but this voice h eld littl e sway with white Alliancemen. Limited r epresentation did ex ist for at least o n e m embe r of the Co l o r e d Alliance. John A Sawyer, an African-Ame rican d e l ega t e from orth Ca rolina served on the "most important committee-pl atform and resoluti o ns. Sawyer need e d m o n ey to get back to hi s home state, so oth e r d e l egates provid e d funds and encouraged him to s p eak. "Be in g the only delegat e from an important southern Alliance state whose whites h ad shunne d the convention" and p erha ps "the o nl y representa tiv e of hi s race servin g as a d e l egate," Sawyer told the convention that his peopl e were willin g to foll ow th e l ea d of t h e whites," but asked, "Fo r God's sake not t o l ea d the m astray."39 The presence of one exception does not n egate th e exclu sionary practices of th e con ve n tion, but underscores that distributi o n of pow e r n o matte r how l o psid e d n ever falls complete l y to o n e s id e. The a mbi guo u s rol e of Co lored Allia nce d e legates ech oed th e ir rol e in th e populist move m ent, Am e rican politics a nd in the entire soci e ty Th e Nationa l Co l o r e d A lli a nce seem e d overw h e lm e d by the Nationa l Alliance. O n Dec e mb e r fourth, the Florida Time s Union reporte d that the Co l o r e d Alliance h a d been in sess i o n all day" but "transacted no bus in ess of importance." The d e l ega t es wer e "awaiting the actio n of the nati o n a l allia nce o n frat e rn a l relations with othe r bodies "40 The n ext clay the same paper r eporte d that th e Co lored Allia nce h ad censure d the ac tions of the Nationa l (white) Alliance for passing a r eso lution opposed to the f e d e ral e lection bill : Because such acti o n h as n o refer e nce wh a t e v e r to the aim s and purpose s of th e organizati on and was ca l culated to check th e gro wth and influ e nce of the alliance." The sa m e clay the Co lor e d A lliance was r ea d y t o b e received for fraternal g reetings ," but th e ir reception was postpone d with no reason given. 4 1 On December fifth the Co l o r e d Alliance's resoluti o n s were similar to th e previous clay's, with "the principal change" being the "eliminati o n of the paragraph c riti c izin g and d e n ouncing the white nationa l a llianc e for its acti on."42 The W ee ld y Floridian reported that white and black o pp os iti o n ove r a bill constituted furth e r evidence t h a t th e races cannot be made t o fra t e rniz e, and that Africa n-Am e ricans w e r e i g norant," "s uspicious of and "prejudice d against whites." I t seem e d t o the autho r that things would never be dif fer ent until th e n egro ca n b e m a d e t o understand that what i s goo d for the white man i s best for t h e n egro ."43 According to histori a n s Ir vin Winsboro and Moses Muso k e, white populists o ffered Afr ic a nA m e ric a ns "optimism and the Pop ulist rh e t oric o f camaraderie," but the 1890s produced n o clisc e rnabl e so lidarity between whites and blacks in the agrarian south." White 1 \lli a nce m embe rs made overtures to their black n e i ghbo rs but "eschewed meaningful and permanent bla c k participation" in th e p o liti ca l apparatus.44 The exp erie nces of J ohn Sawyer an d the entire Colored Alliance support Winsboro and Mus o k e s asserti on that black farmers believe d th e a lliance movement may "erase, o r a t least ease, the despis e d color line" but reco g niz e d th e h a r s h r eality that the Populists' r efo rm agenda exclud e d substantiv e c hanges to the code of white supre m acy. "4S White d e l egates were confined by their soci a l realit y and v iewed Afr ic a n-Americ a n s p a ternalisti cally, as second-class c iti ze n s. Louisi a na Populist M ll. Brian did not seem conce rn e d with Afr i can-A m e ri ca n in vo l ve m ent in the p opulist m ove m e nt. A south e rn supporter of the 'third party' option Brian told a reporter t hat the people h e rep resented a l so supporte d the third party and could m a n age the colored men in the Allianc e very well. Il e a nd his constituents were not a bi t fright e n e d about n egro s upremacy."46 Su r e ly, Brian understood th a t southern Democrats h e ld views wh i c h supported the traditiona l raci a l divide ; but h e a l so felt that the white m embe r s could subjugate Colored Allianc es with littl e e ffort and Afr ican-Am e ricans would w e lcom e white leader s hip Hist orian Bruce Palm e r a rgu es that populists around th e South used racist l a n g u age freel y and regul arly with lit tle qualification an unsurprising observation con s idering the social norms in the late nineteenth-century South.47 Allia nce memb e r s (especi ally in th e South) it m ay b e supposed, acted out of a racist paternalism present in their tim e a nd not a genuine d e d ic a tion to a b elief in black equ a lity.48 According to Palmer, patern alis m "al-


Mechanization enabled the citrus industry in Florida to meet burg eo ning demand and e mplo y thousands of workers. This c.1910 postcard displays "modern" packing house. (Courtesy of Tampa l listorical Society.) lowed a greater degree of flexibility in rear ranging relations between black and white" but was based ultimately on a racism as strong as the other more explicitly racist approaches contemporary with it."49 In The Politics and Poetics of Transgression, Peter Stallybrass and Allon White argue that "differentiation .. .is dependent upon disgust," believing that divisions between socia l puri ty and socia l hybridization became a necessary e lement in the act of exclusi on. A lth oug h Stallybrass and White discuss the European bourgeoisie, their arguments m ay apply to the exclusion of African Americans at the Ocala convention. Members of the white Alliances felt they had more in common with other white populists, regard l ess of region, than they had with members of Co lored Alliances.SO Gendered roles and women' s space at the Ocala Convention belied the complexi ty of relationships and human interaction. In her seminal work Gender: A Useful Cat egory of Historical Analysis, historian Joan Wallach Scott argues that "the term 'gender' suggests that relations between the sexes are a primary aspect of socia l organ ization. Scott further argues that historians must "immerse the expanding production of discourses on sex in the field of multiple and mobile power relations." In this context, a seemingly straightforward case of exclusion becomes complicated by socia l organiza tion and the dispersal of power.SJ Relationship s of power and the concept of citizenship complicate any gendered anal ysis of the Ocala Convention. Women asserted a role inside the convention but did not subvert male authority in any meaningful way that could be immediately recognized. For women, exclusion from political ac tion did not represent a break from tradi tion but a continuation of their gendered experience. Historian Nancy Isenberg ar gues that women "had the appearance of citizenship but lacked the basic rights to be real citizens." Isenberg has written that po litical dialogue in the late nineteenth century separated women into two classes: either those who symbolized weakness or im morality. This created a "contradiction between socia l and political equality" and limited women's real equality with men.s2 This understanding of (in )equalit y applies to the female role at the Ocal a Convention. While few would argue that the Ocal a dele gates treated women as immoral, their role at the convention demonstrates the limited socia l and political forays women could, at the time, make into the "realms of men." 47


48 Turpentine collectio n near W auchula, in the early 1920s. A spin -off o f th e lumber industry, turpentin e augmented other F lorida forestry produce (Courtesy of Tampa-Hillsborough County Public Libraries, Burgert Brothers Photographic Co llection.) Additionally, it illustrates th e ir means of interaction insid e social space. Women's sphere at th e convention represented th e limit e d access to power symbolized in segregated space. The Alliance Exposition r e l ega t e d women's rol e to a separate Ladies' D epartment," e ffectiv e l y minimizing the ir influenc e on the procee d in gs. Even in th e historica l record of th e event, women and blacks a r e segregated, both from each othe r and from r eports of th e convention generally. Contemporary n ewspapers of the time set articles concerning ladi es' issues and "colored issues" a p art from one another, making any integration b e twe e n th e two difficult d espi te the fact that they would have interacted o n some level. Despite their segregated status, the female presence a t the conv ention also illustrated their importance in th e agrarian economy. Mrs E.A. Dyke of Leon County managed the Ladies' Exhibit at the Semi Tropical Exposition. Not on l y did Mrs. Dyke "ve r y credibl y" r epresent Leon County, she a l so presented "a s fin e a collection of ladi es' handiwork as was ever seen in Florida."5 3 Mrs. Dyke s d e p artment was visited daily by numbers of ladie s and gentlemen" and the manage r took great d e light in showing them around and ta lkin g up Leon County."54 Any woman in the city or the county was "cordi ally invit e d to visit and take an inte rest in th e Ladies' Exchange" and all wer e w e lcome to "make articl es of any kind eithe r fancy or plain for sa l e .SS Items ente r e d for exhibit or sale include d "a beautiful silk crazy quilt," fruit preserves, a "crayon drawing" which was "a genuine specimen of art," eggp lant, canned fruits oil and water color paintings, blackberry wine, embroide r y work and b a n a n as.56 Although participation in the convention restricted farmer's wives inside traditional gende r definiti o ns these were r epresentative of women's position in the nineteenth-century agrarian economy Women pla yed an active and vital rol e in the m a n age m ent a nd success of family farms. Despite the lack of r epresentation in governmental acti o n the treatment of wom e n at the Ocala Co nv e n ti o n resembl e d their ex p eriences at home. This resemblance r e inforced the ir status as non-voting, but important, workers with out whom the farms could not run. By main-


Schooners at Roux-Ask ew Lumber Company docks o n Seddon Isl a nd (1924.) Lumber, o n e of Ce ntral Florida's earliest products, rem a ined a valuable export commodity for decades. (Courtesy qf' Tampa-Hillsborou g h Count y Public Libraries, Burgert Brothers Photographic Coll ec tion. ) taining what they perceived as 'proper' gender r e l ationships, convention organizers uphe ld the social order. African Americans and wom e n were r e l egated to a particular sphere, but they succes sfully subverted it in some cases. According to the Florida 1'im es Union, there w e r e e ighty-eight voting m embe rs present a t th e convention. In addition to these, there were "456 more visiting alliance m e n from outside of the state, including alternates and women, and all these can attend the d eliberations of th e council." The paper counted five women amongst these nonvoting delegates, including vice-president of the Kansas alliance Fannie Vickery.57 There is little informatio n concerning Fannie Vickery in the historical record, but according to th e Ocala Banner she had "ga in e d a n e nviabl e r eputation as a flu ent and captivating campaign speake r during the Kansas elections ea rli e r in the year and she closed the Saturday speeches in a manner that pleased and cheered all who drank in her inspiring and eloquent words."58 Earlier in th e week Vickery had taken part in a debate concerning the inclu s ion of women in the alliance. Mrs. Neville, another Kansas d e l egate, put forth a resolution to "place wom e n on a n eq ual footing with men as to initiation fees e tc .," and Vickery "offered an amendment to strike the word 'male'" from th e constitution Colonel Livingston, a Georgia dele gate, contended that women w e re included in the l ega l use of the w o rd 'man,' but men were excluded by the use of th e word 'woman.' Mrs. King from Florida, replied that "women should be on equal footing with m e n ; tha t man without woman would d ege nerat e and decrease." Male delegates ended th e conversation becaus e "it was fast assuming a woman's rights discussion, and th e re was a limit to male alliance-men's willingness to discuss women's issu es.S9 Lik e John Sawyer's inclusion in the convention, the roles of Fannie Vickery and other women did not reflect a broad power base, but illustrated the imbalance of power in th e late nineteenth century. The experiences of women and African-Americans at the Ocala Convention illuminated the m any limitations of nineteenth-century reform. The white male leadership of Farmers' Al-49


50 liances kept white women and black men peripheral in differ ent ways. Officially seg regated into a female Ladies Dep artment," women bad a definite pl ace to exert limited influence and c elebrate their contributions to society. Fema l e delegates non-voting but invited to speak had little real authority in the proceedings but symbolic gains in their repre s entation. African-Americans occu pied a mbi g uous space within the convention without a specific plac e and with littl e power to shape to shape their own future, or the movement's. Winsboro and Musoke point to a "dearth of primary sources" in the historical record concerning African Americans in the populist movement.60 This also applies to women's rol e in the movement. Anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot argues that th e presences a nd absences embodied in sources or archiv es are neither neutral nor n a tural. They are created. A s such, they are not mere presences and absences, but m e n tions or silences of vario u s kinds and de grees. "61 Trouillot s conce ption of historical silencing, (structured absences in the his toric a l record) applies to the voic es of Afr ic a n-American men and white women at the Ocala Convention. White men treated both groups paternalistically, b e lieving that white male direction would properly steer the rest of society. This vie wpoint, wh e n ap pli e d to historiography, si lenced under-re p res ented groups "because any sing l e event enters history with some of its constituting parts mi ssing. Something is a l ways l eft out while something e lse is recorded."62 The two groups subsumed in the Ang l o, maledominate d press accounts, voting records and sources have been l eft out of the Ocal a Convention. African Americans and wom e n had some space inside the convention, but it was limited and m alleable conditions pointing to larger issu es involving gender, rac e and inclu sion in nine teenth-century s ocial r e form. Any non-white and non-ma le reformers who wished to work insid e the Farmer s Alliance movement were restricte d b y nineteenth-century r e lationship s of power. ENDNOTES 1. The meetin g is a lso occasionall y referred to as the meetin g of t h e Nat i o nal A lliance Supreme Council Meeting," "the Populist Con ve nti o n "th e A lli a nce Con ve nti o n ," and th e "Ocal a Conventi o n ." For the sa k e of uniformity, I will h e u s in g th e term "Ocala Conventi on" in this paper. 2. Florida Times Union, 2 December ] 890, 1 :2. 3. The des i gnatio n o f "North and "South" i s correct wh e n unde r s tood as a r e unificati o n of those w h o fought in the C ivil W a r, U ni o n and Confederate. I t m ay prove confu s in g for the reader as North ern (at least Northeast e rn ) Alliances were weak and t h e real r e-unificatio n was between West ern and Southern A lli ances. 4. R o b ert C. McMath Ameriean Populism: A Soeial 11iswry, 1877-1898 (Ne w York: I !ill and Wang 1993), 1 39. 5 A lso ref erre d to as "The Annual A lliance Ex hibition" in Lloyd Walter Cory, "The Florida Farmers' A lliance, 1887-1892" (M.A. diss. Florida State U ni ve r s ity, 1963), 63. 6. Cory, 66 and Samue l Proctor, "The Nati o n a l Farme r s A lli a nce Conv e nti o n of 1890 and its 'Ocal a De m ands,"' The Florida J-liswrieal Quarte rly, 28:3 (January 1 950): 1 66. 7 Bet ween a s h a re o f ga t e receipts, reduced o r free travel and l o d g in g, plu s other finan c ial conside ra tions, .Jackson v ill e offered around $ 1 ,500 and Ocal a offe r e d around $ 15 ,000. Proctor, 1623. 8. The Ocala Banner, 4 July 1890, as quoted in Proc tor, 1 63. 9. L aw r e nce Goodwy n The Demoeratie Prornise: The Populist Movement in America (New Y o rk : Oxfo rd Univers i ty Press, 1976), 226. 1 listoria n Gene C lant o n b elieves th e r e may have been even m o r e farm e r s r epresented h e estimates that th e d e l ega tes r epresented thirty states and p erhaps as m a n y as o n e and a hal f milli o n farmers;" see a lso Gene C l anton, Populism: The 11umane in Ame ric a, 1890-1900 (Boston: l\vayne Publi s hers, 1991), 58. The Weehly Floridian, 3 December l890, writes that thirty-five s t a tes were represent e d The most d e finitive lis t seems to b e that fro m th e Florida Times Union, .1 Decembe r 1890, which appears as Appendix B. 10. Robert C McMath Populist Vanguard: A U isto r y ril the Sowhern Farmers' A lliance (Chapel llill : University o f North Carolina Press, 1976), 109. 11. The movem ent h a d been secti o nal until the first Nat i o nal Meeting St. L o ui s on December 3, 1889. McMath American Popuiism, 108. 1 2. Barton Shaw, The Wool /lat Boys: Pop uhst Party (Baton R ouge: Louisiana State U niv e rsity Press, 1984), 5 9. 1 3. C lanton, Populism: The Humane Pn;f'er ence, 6 1 14 The "Ocal a Demands" a r e sometimes referr e d to as the "Ocal a Platform," sec Appendix A for a comple t e list o f the Ocal a D emands. 15 J ohn B. Clark, Populism in Alabama (Auburn, Alabama: Auburn Printing Compa ny, 1927), 9 5 l 6. S h aw, 26. 17 The three works o n th e F l orida Alliance arc: .la mes Andrew Mead "The Populist Party in Flo rida (M.J\. diss., Florida Atlanti c U niversity 1 9 71 ) and the a lr ea d y cite d Cor y and Proctor pieces. 18. Robert E Weir Beyond Labor\ V eil: The Culture qf the /\ni ghts r!/ Labor (University P ark PN: The Pennsylvania State Unive rsit y Press, 1996), 321 325. 1 9 No r efe r e nces to Afr ican-Am erica n wo m e n we r e ever s pecifically uncover e d in the research for t hi s


wo rk therefore any reference to J\fr i can-J\ m cri ca ns impli es t hey a r e m e n and a n y r efe r e nce to wo m e n implies they are white. 20. Ocala Banne r 5 Dec embe r 18 90, l :5. In discus s i o n s o n the rif t a nd racia l t e n sio n Allia n c e men ge n e rally blamed m e111be rs of th e R e publican Par tv. For cxa111plcs sec The Wee hl y Floridian, 3 Decc111ber 1890 a nd The Florida Tirn e s Union, 2 7 No v ember 1 890. Th e Florida Dispatch Farmer and Fruit-Grower, 8 May 1890, blames New E ng l a nd Philanthro pists" a nd "Massachusetts Gospel ped dl e rs for national racia l animos ity. 21. New Yorh 7\mes, 6 Decembe r 1890, 4:2. 22. Ocala Banne r 1 2 Dec ember 1890 5:1 23. C l a nton Populism: The Humane Pr eference, 67. I listorian David Blight' s work Race and R eunion: The Civil War in American M e m01y, illustrated the effects of th e C i vil War o n race r e lation s and hi s a r guments illu strate som e reason s for111e r Conf e d erate a nd U nion soldi e r s unifie d at t h e Ocal a Con ventio n Blig h t argued that thre e different visio n s o f C i vil War memor y collid e d in the yea r s followin g Appo m attox: rccon c ili a ti o nist, white supremacist and c m a n c ipationi st. In t h e late nin e teenth century, wh ite supre macist tho u ght combin e d with white reconciliati onis111 and overwhelmed the c111a n c ip ationist v ision wh i c h wou l d hav e unde rscored African Am erican huma nit y and equa lity. In o rd e r to re -uni f y th e nati o n A m e rican s faced the 1 l e r culean task of understandin g and combining b o th healin g a nd j ustice," but di vergent d e fin itions of the former abounded in t h e south and "for m a n y w hi tes especi ally veterans and their fami l y m embe r s healin g fro m th e war was s impl y n o t t h e sam e proposition as d o i ng jus tice to the four millio n e m a n c ipated slav e s and t h e ir deced ents. Southe rn e r s a nd form e r s l aves knew of th e rift that d i vided t hem, a nd white south e rn e r s foun d the transitio n to frie ndl y r e l ations went much more s moothl y with white Y a n ke es t h a n with bla c k southerners. D av i d W Blight, Raee and R eunion: The C i v i l War in American M emmy (Cambrid ge Mi\: The Belkn a p Press of llarva rd University Press, 2001), 2 -3. 24. F lorida '/lim e s Union 7 Deccm her 1 890. 25. Florid a Time s Union, 4 Dece111be r 1890, 1:2. 26. Florida 'I'im e s Union, 13 Novembe r 1890, l :4. 27. As quoted in th e W ee h l y Floridian, 26 Novembe r 1 890. 28. New l'

muc h o n th e ir ro les o r backgrounds. 58. Ocal a Banner 1 2 December 1890, 6:1. It s h o uld b e noted that h e r speech occurre d a t the sam e time as T erre nce Po wd erly's a nd th e sa me issu e o f the Ocala Banner reporte d that h e t ouche d up o n the questi o n o f eq u a l pay for w o m e n wh o d o the same w o rk as men, a dvocating it a t some l e n g th. 59. Florid a f'im e s Union 6 Dec ember 1890. 60. Winsboro a nd Musoke, 1355. 6 1 Mic h e l R o lph Trouillot Sil e n cing the P ast: Power ancl the Production of J-/iscory (Bosto n : Beaco n Pr es s 1995), 48. 62. Trouillo t 49. A pp e ndi x A The Ocal a Demands* l. A. W e demand the abolition o f all n atio n a l banks. B. We d e m a nd that th e government shall es t a bli s h sub-treasuries o r d e p os it ories in severa l states, which shall l oa n m o ney direct to the peopl e at a l o w rate of interes t not t o exceed tw o percent p e r annum, o n n o n-p eris habl e farm products, a nd a l so up on rea l estat e, with prope r limit atio n s up o n the quantity of land and amount of m o n ey. C We demand that th e a m ount o f c ir culatin g medium h e speedily in c reased t o n o t l ess than S50 per capit a. 2. \Ve d e m a nd that Co n g r ess shall pass s u c h l aws as will effect uall y prevent th e dealin g in futures o f all agricultura l and mech anical productio n s; provid in g a stringent system of procedure in tri a l s that will secure th e prompt conviction, a nd imposin g s u c h p e n a lties as shall secure the most p e r fect compliance with th e l aw 3. \Ve condemn the silver hill recentl y passed h y Con g r ess, and demand in lie u thereof the free and un limit e d coin age o f silver. 4. W e d emand the p assage o f l aws prohibiting alien o wn ership o f land, and that congress take prompt action t o d ev is e some plan to obtain all l ands n o w o wn e d b y alie ns and foreign syndicat es; a nd that all l ands now h e ld b y railroads a nd other corp o ra ti o n s in excess of s u c h as is actually used and needed b y the m be reclaimed h y the government and h e ld for actua l settle r s only. 5. Believing in the doctrine o f equal rights to all and special privil eges t o n o ne, we demand: A. That our nati o nal l eg islati o n shall be so framed in th e future as not build up o n e industry at the expense of anoth e r B. \Ve further demand a r e moval of all the e xistin g h e av y tariff tax fro m the necessities of life that the poor of our land must have. C. We further d emand a jus t a nd equita ble system of graduated tax o n incomes. D. We b elieve th:Jt the m o n ey of the country s h o uld be k ept as muc h as possihie in the hand.s of the peopl e, a nd h e nce we demand that all nati o nal and s tate r evenues s h all b e limited to the expenses of the government economically a nd h o n estl y administe r e d Florida Ti111es U11io1t, ') Dcccmhc r 1890, l : J Appendix B Lis t of states r epresented and m anner of r epresentatio n ::i "The report of the committee on c r edentia l s show e i ghty-e i ght actual delegates present from the fol l o win g states, each state ha v in g a fill accr edite d d e l egatio n in attendance: Alouth Dakota 2, Pennsylvania 2, Houth Carolin a 4, North Dakota 2, Tennessee 4 T ex as 4, V ir g inia 4, West V ir g inia 2. Other states and territories havin g o rganizati o ns a nd e ntitl e d to del ega tes arc California Ne w Mexico and Okla homa, but as yet n o delegates ha ve ar ri ved from e ith er. In addition to d e l egates, there a r c t e n or twe l ve p e rson s e ntitl e d t o vo te s w hi c h brings t he actual numerica l strength o f the bodv up t o o n e hundred. Besides t hese o n e hundred, th e l ocal committee o n ent ertainment reports 456 m o r e v i s itin g allia nce men from outs id e the state, in c luding alternates and women, and all these can a t tend the d e liberati o ns of t h e coun cil. Among the delegates arc five women, M r s. Vickery vice presi d ent o f the Kansas alliance bein g in th e number." Florid a Ti111cs U11io11, .1 D ecember 1890.


Death in a Strange Land: Burial Practices and Memorials in Il Cirnitero l 'Unione Italiana Tampa's c.1900 Italian Immigrant Cemeter y Maureen .J. P a tri c k The Italian immjgrant community in Tampa Yb o r C it y a pl anne d c ommunity found e d b y c i ga r m a nufa cture r s in 1886, r e l i e d o n immigrant labore r s fro m its outse t The fir s t and larg est group o f th e s e cam e fro m Cuba, whe r e t h e t o b acco trade w a s w e ll-est a bli s h e d E th ni c Spa ni a rd s ( n atives o f Cuba o r S p a in ) m a d e up th e t ra n s pl ante d trad e's white colla r w rce, h o ldin g (as they did in Cuba) the m o r e hi ghly p a id adminis t ra t i ve a nd sal a ried p os iti o n s. H o w eve r l a b o r agents and w o rd o f m o u t h ve r y qui ckly e n t iced l a r ge numbe r s o f ra nka nd-fil e w o rk e rs fr o m countries o th e r th a n Sp a in and Cuba. The industry solic it e d and acquire d t h o u sands o f It alia n s, n early all directly fro m S i cily o r f ro m U.S. communities t o w hi c h S i c ili a n s h a d a lread y e mi g r a t e d So m e of the ea rliest t o reach t h e a rea ca m e fro m Ne w Orlea n s L ouis i a n a and St. C l o ud F l o rid a w h e r e th e suga r ca n e indu stry h a d attracted s i g nifi cant numbe r s o f S i cilia n wo rk e r s. Back-breakin g l a b o r conditi o n s a nd nati v i s t v i o l e nce in t h o s e s e ttl e m ents ca used m a n y S i cilian s t o l oo k e lsewh e r e for wo rk and t h e t in y bu t b alloo nin g communi ty o f Yho r C it y attracted t h e ir atte nti o n Thro u g h communicati o n w i t h r e lati ves and frie nd s still in S i cily ( wh o we r e furthe r stimul a t e d b y th e effo r ts o f l a b o r agents) these early S i cilia n immigrants initi a t e d a c h a in migrati o n to Tampa. At f i rs t a t r i ckle, the stream o f S i cilia n s t o Tam pa reach e d sev eral hundre d p e r yea r b y 1 89 5 prov idin g so m e o f the 4 ,68 3 w orke r s in the 1 2 0 c i ga r fac t ories o f Ybo r City,1 as w ell as l a b o r e r s in th e othe r trades and ente rpri ses tha t Italia n s practiced in the a r ea. 2 Initi ally shut out b y Cuba n a nd S p a ni s h t a baquer os the S icili a n w o rk e r s p e r s i s t e d in the ir efforts to gain j o b s in Ybo r C it y s t o b a cco industry. B y apprenticing the mselves for littl e o r n o r emune rati o n in c hinch a l es (s m all ind e p endent c i ga r m anufac tori es so m e tim es locat e d in pri va t e h o m es ) for as l o n g as a yea r Si c ili a n wo rk e r s acquire d a nd ga ined s peed a t the complex s kill s nec essa r y t o meet hi g h produc ti o n qu o t as in the l a r ge fac t ories. So m e S i cilia n s t oo k the m e ni a l p os iti o n s (such as s weepin g th e gal erias o r wo rk roo m s) availa bl e t o the m in the industry's earl y decad es and, thro u g h c l ose o b servatio n o f c i ga r w orke rs o n th e j o b achi eve d e n o u g h famili a rity with th e t ra d e t o m e rit m o r e r emunerative e mpl oy m e n t. By 1920, S i c ili a n s m a d e up the sec ond l a rgest group of ra nka ndfile wo rk e r s in Tamp a s tobacco t ra d e. That t ra d e by 1900, was p roduc in g 20 milli o n c i gars a yea r .J Co n s id e rin g th e diffi cult i es that co nfronted th e m wh e n immi gra n t It alia n work e r s firs t tri e d t o p e n e t ra t e th e c i ga r industr y locally, i t is fortuna t e that m a n y h a d th e resourcefuln e s s and s kill s t o find othe r occup a ti o n s. Ave rse t o publi c we lfar e Tam p a s immi g r ant S i c ili a n s m a d e pane e L a bore (brea d a nd wo r k) t h e ir rally in g c r y a nd form e d a l a r ge a nd di ve rse labor co m munity. l\il a n y S i c ili a n s s t a r ted farm s a nd i n s h o r t o r de r beca m e Ybor C it y s c hi e f s uppli e r s o f d airy produc t s vege t a bles, and m eat. S i c i l i a n s a l so es t a blished m a rin e S J


54 The Mortellaro Macaroni Factory, c 1908. (Courtesy of the Ybor Ci t y Museum Society ) product ventures; T ampa's oldest seafood suppliers are Sicilian. Sicilian pasta factories produced that specialty foodstuff for the local community and for shipping out of the area. Ybor C ity 's Mortellaro Macaroni Factory4, founded in 1908, was one of th e first enterprises of its kind in the Southeast. Groceries, restaurants, saloons, and bakeries wer e founded by Sicilian families and throve for decades. Many of those early family names are still encountered in T a m pa's and the Southeast's food m erchant community: Demmi, Castellano, Pizzo, Ficarotta, Midulla, Greco, Licata, Spoto, Guagliardo Valenti, Alessi Ferlita, Geraci, Cacciatore, Pardo. The import trade in Ital ian olive oil was, predictably, started and dominated b y Italians as was wine import. Apart from food -related industries, an array of trades and professions in ea rly Tampa reflected Sicilian industry and re sourcefulness. The barbering tailoring and dry cleaning trades, as w ell as wrought iron, masonry, decorativ e stucco, and woodwork were dominated b y Sicilians within the first few decades of the ethnic population's installment locally. Venues for theater and o pera provided work for Italian singers, mus icians, actors, and arts educators; some visited the local e seasonally but others took up r esidence permanently, leading to a strong Italian artistic presence that persisted well into the 1930s.:> Even the business of birthing babies showed Sicilian influ ence: Ybor C it y's most popular practitioner was "Dona Pepina" (Giuseppina Valenti) a n immigrant from Sicily who h e ld a degree in midwifery from the Unive r s it y of Palermo. Even as they acculturated to their New World environment, many of these early Itali ans clung to Old World ways As late as 1905, the Tampa Morning Tribune noted that Sicilian immigrants living in Ybor C ity "still wear native garb-"6 Clothing was not the only manifestation of immigrants' reluctance to abandon n a tive outlooks and


i\ n I talia n groce r y in Ybo r C i ty 1 940s. (Cour tesy of t h e Ybor Ci t y M useum Socie t y ) practices. So ci a l o r ganizatio n courts hip and m arriage, foo d ways, l a n g u age, p o liti ca l id e o l og i es, r elig i o n a nd supe r s titi o n funerary practi ces: in these as in o th e r b e h av i o r s, S i cilia n s in Ybo r C i ty r e t a in e d o utl oo k s and practices tha t preser ve d their cultural h e r i tage and pro v id e d a sense of security in a s t ra n ge and o ft e n h o stil e e n v i ronme nt. D e spite l a r ge numbe r s ga inful e mpl oy m ent, and the ir collective growth and devel o p m ent as a n ethnic e n c l ave within the l a r ge r Tampa community, the S i c ili a n s of Ybo r C it y r e t a in e d a sense o f cultura l in sula rity. I listoria n Ga r y Mormino h as describ e d the phe n o m e n o n thus ly: "Primiti ve conditio n s and p h ys i ca l isol atio n inte n sifie d ethnic id e ntities fro m within, whil e ra c i a l and n a tiv ist h o stilit y imposed a sens e o f sha r e d community fr o m with o ut."7 The d y n a mi cs o f "s h a r e d community" we r e impl e m ente d b y v i goro u s a nd p ro tective soci a l o r ga ni zatio n s Fo r th e It alia n s o f Y b o r C i ty, the m os t stabl e and influ entia l o f t hese was l 'Unione It a liana. L'Unione ltaliana (Th e Italian Club) Lik e all the immi grant p o pul a ti o n s o f ea rl y Ybor C it y S i c ili a n s o r ga ni ze d mutua l aid soci eties. Fo r the It alia n s as for o th e r g r oups -these soc i e ties s uppli e d m o r e tha n a locu s for paesani a ffili atio n T h e Cen t ro Espaiio l Centro Asturiano, Ge rm a nA m e r ican Soc i e t y the Y oung Men s H ebre w Associ a ti o n the Union M arti Maceo, l'Unione It a lian a : these o r ga ni zatio n s p ro vid e d r e sources ( m a t eria l informati o n a l soci a l ) t o b o th ass i s t immi grants' acculturatio n and preserve/p ro m o t e their ethnic h eritage. Ove r tim e the club buildin gs tha t h o used these soci eties b e c a m e cultura l documents in the ir ow n ri ght, grand a r chitectura l s t a t e m ents tha t b es p o k e c ultu ra l di s tin c tive n ess and the achieve m ents of immi grant p o pul atio n s in Tamp a. The Italia n so ci a l club's ve rn a cul a r hi s t o r y asserts th a t in 1894 five young m e n m e t a t a groce r y s t o r e a t Fourteenth Street and S i x th Avenue in Ybo r C ity. The soc i e t y they form e d b ecame kn o wn as L 'Unione lta liana, o r th e It alia n C lub.8 C lub record s d a t e thi s initi a l meeting to A pril 4 1894,9 w hil e a l e n gthy public n o tice in t h e A u g ust 22 1894 Tampa Dail y Times record s l 'Un io n e's o r ga niz atio n a l p ro t o c o l s in d e t ail. lO L'Un io n e r a ised .$40 ,0 0 0 in 191011 t o SS


56 build its first clubhouse, a three-story build ing on Seventh Avenue b e twe e n Seventeenth and Eighteenth Streets. This was an impress i ve sum for the tim e and represente d the prodigiou s industry and soaring am bitions of the local Italian community. In 1915, wh e n the buildin g was destroye d b y fire, m embe r s wast e d n o tim e in drafting pl a n s for a n ew and eve n grander club h o us e With out d oubt th e m os t e l egant of the s urvi v ing social club building s in Ybor C ity, the c 191 8 l 'Unione Italian a, locat e d a t 1731 East Seventh Avenue is d es i gnated a Nation a l Historic Landmark and contribute d to the n omina ti o n of Ybor C it y as a Landmark Hi s t o ric Dis trict. The ser e n e e l egance of the three and a half story n eo classical structure b elies its histo ric ally crowded docket of m embe r events and ser vices; loc a l historia n Anthony Pizzo d e scrib e d th e club in its heyd ay as a beehive of activity. "12 From the outset, l'Unione It a liana include d e i ght committees: Recreation, Bene f it Sports, Dispensary, Building Finance, Purchasing, and Cem e t e ry. Of these, the Benefit and Ce m e t e r y committees a r e the mo s t p ertinent to this s tud y since the ir ac tivities sprang from and e mpowered tradi tional S icili a n practices surrounding death, burial and m e m oria liz atio n Funerary practices in the Italian immigrant community of Tampa, 1886 -1921 Th e O ld World customs and b elie f s that accompani e d S icili a n immigrants to Ybo r City addressed m a n y a r eas of th e ir live s but n o n e so m arke dl y and durably as death, burial, and m e m oria lizati o n Gary Mormino h as posited that the di s placem ent from friends family, and patria was most wrenching for immigrants wh e n they cons id e r e d the consequences of death far from the comforting soci a l context of h o m e. Im mi grants, M ormino suggests t e rrifi e d o f d ying unattended and unnotice d in a strange land and concerne d a b out the uncertainties facing the m banded t oget h e r t o formalize the ritua l s of lif e and cleath."13 In Ybor City s It a lian immigrant community, the "ritua l s of lif e and death" include d elaborate funerals. In 1893, th e T ampa Morning Tribune describ e d o n e such funer a l displ ay in g a corpse carried b y four l a r ge men with uplift e d hats, followed b y a brass band, the n an empty hears e and carri age preceding the r egular concourse of so rrow in g r e l a tives and sobbing frie nds. 1 4 L o ngtime It alia n res id ents of Ybor C it y recalled othe r funerary protoco l s for immigrant families. Ybor C it y h a d no m ortuaries until the 1940sl s and so corpses were u s u a ll y l a id out a t h ome (o n i ce, to prevent decompos iti o n in the inte ns e heat. ) As in the 1893 funeral describe d b y the Tampa Morning Tribune, funeral processi o n s mi ght include hundre d s of m ourne rs Mem b e r s of l Unione It a liana were r equire d to attend and th e processi o n in varia bl y p a used before both the deceasecl s home and the clubhouse, where A m e ric a n and It alia n flags carried in th e processi o n were clipped in r es p ect. In 1911, the Tampa Morning Tribune noted that the funeral cortege of Pasquale Lazzara had "300 m e mbers [ of l 'Unione ] .. costumed according to the rules of the soci e t y ." 1 6 Workers in the c i ga r factor ies routinely l eft work for these funerar y events, which might last for so m e h ours. J\s w as true for othe r immigrant mutua l a id societies in Ybor C ity, l 'Unione It a liana was expected fr o m its inception to address m embe rs d ea th and buri a l need s b y p ro viding monetary b e nefit s not just march e r s in fun e r a l corteges. L 'Unione s initi a l charter asserts that th e club s h all a id such m embe rs o f the social associati o n as m ay become s ick and to provid e for th e paying of th e buri a l ex p e ns es of s u c h m embers as m ay di e ."17 The o ri g in a l d eath benefit fund allotment to m embe rs was one doll a r apiece; thi s rose b y the 1930s t o three hundred d olla r s. In addition to p ay in g death benefits the society prov id e d what Anthon y Pizzo describ e d as buri a l services in th e magnificent and up t o ela t e cemetery tha t the Soc iety ow n s, without cost to the family." 1 8 That cemetery w as and is fl Cimitero l Unione Jta liana. 11 Cimitero l'Unione Italiana (The Italian Club Cemetery) Any study tha t addresses d eath and burial in Tampa's early Itali a n immigrant community encounte r s a p a u c it y of ev id e nti a r y m a t e ri a l culture fro m the yea r s 1850 to 1893, wh e n the first buri als to o k place in fl Cimit e ro l 'Unione It a liana. Only a tin y h a ndful of grav e s id e ntifi able as those of Italia n immigrants appea r in the St. Louis


(Catholic) section of Oaklawn Cemete ry, the c.1850 public burying ground located o n the outskirts of Tampa some two miles from the immigrant e nclav e of Ybor C ity. Nearly all of the Oakl a wn It a lian graves a r e of prominenti, important and/or w e ll-t o-do p e rs o n s from the ea rly Italian community in T ampa. The r e a r e provocative and una nswer e d questi ons regarding the whereabouts of Tampa Itali ans' graves, esp e ci ally those of ordinary immigrants who came in numbe rs to Ybor City after its 1886 found in g and who di e d prior to the founding of the Italia n Club Cem etery. One speculation i s that there w e r e few Italian deaths in tha t p e riod since most very early immigrants w e r e young adult mal es. (A U.S. m anuscript census from 1 900 r evea l e d o nl y one Ybor C it y Italia n -Annetta Vencento ove r th e age of sixty five.19 ) This speculation over l oo ks the high local incidence of diseases that kill e d age-indiscriminatel y -typhus, tuberculosis, mal a ria c h o l e ra deng u e fever, and yellow fever -and d eaths b y accident. To date n o satisfactory information has com e to light that might locate more Itali a n immigrant burials from this period In 1896, the It alia n Club purchased a plot of l and two mil es north of Ybor City fr o m the Armwood family, who farmed in the vicinity and had other enterprises in Tampa's early African American community. (B l anche Armwood, a prominent educator, i s buried at th e site, along with other m embe rs of the fami l y.) A late r d o n a tion of l and by the Armwoods expanded the buria l ground. The property, the m a in gate to which is located at 'l\v enty-sixth Street and 'l\venty-third Avenue, w as formally dedicate d as a cemetery in 1900 (though numerous burials took place at the site b e tween 1893 and 1900.) The Italian C lub Cemetery is both dense ly and d emocratically populate d There are grand family mausoleums, final t es t aments to immigrant families who a rriv e d in the re gion with very littl e and gained, over time, very much, both socially and materially. There are also (in greater numbers), the graves of very humble Tampa Italians: w o rk e r s in cigar factories, groceries, iron foundries, dry c lean e rs barbershops. Men and women are r epresented in near equal numbers, and as in all cemeteries dating t o the l a te nine teenth century -there are m a n y graves of childr e n and infants. The famous and infamous li e side by side in the graveyard; mafiosi s leep undisturbed in the same ground as profess ional baseball pl ay e rs m ass murde r victims, and WVvlI combat dead. In t erms of aesthetics, fl Ci m i t e r o l 'Un ione Itali ana presents a startling visua l contrast to m ainstream Am erican burying grounds of the region and era. It i s quite crowded, not b y accident but b y d es i g n with even the ea rliest burial s plac e d in almost c laustrophobic proximity to one a n other. Low railings of stone or masonry separat e the gravesites, sometimes b y only a few inches. Imported cypresses features of European burial grounds -dot the l a ndscape. There are very few signs of the rural cemeter y aesthetic so prevalent in American bury in g grounds at the time the Italia n C lub Ce metery was created: no wind in g pathways, virtually no decorativ e iron plot enclosures,20 no memorial plantings or a rtful landscaping, minimal statuary of th e s leeping lamb, broken column, and weeping willow variety. One notes, now and the n a Masonic emblem or Knights of Co lumbus shield on a grave mark e r but they a r e sparse in comparison to mainstream Am e rican graveyards where fraterna l symbolism is prolific and varied. Whil e fl Cimit ero Unione Jtaliana contains some elegant family tombs with statuary, stained glass windows, and wrought iron gates (and one large mod ern multipl e-va ult mausoleum), many more of the tightl y packed graves are modes t with marke rs of granite or marble, whil e a s izeable number carry masonry markers decorated with stylized floral or geometric motifs in g lazed tile Inscriptions (especiall y of early graves) are almost invariably in 1 t a lian or in Sicilian dialect Ceramic photographs of the decease d are frequ ently embedded in grave markers or vault d oo rs Regarding these photographic imag es and their use in Spanish and Italian memoria l s, o n e res earche r notes: "Pioneer Spanish and Italian settlers say that this custom was fol lowed in their youth in their own coun tries." The assertion i s supported by one aged Italian immigrant's explanation. It is probably because he [the Itali a n] loves life and animation ... When w e visit a relative 's grave and see his lif e lik e picture gazing at us from his monument, it obscures the m emory of his death.21 There is no question that the Italian 57


C lub Cem e t e r y in Ybo r City resembl es a bury in g ground in l a t e nine teenth o r early tw e nti e th century It a ly, ra th e r th a n a n y con t e mporar y m o d e l a m o n g A m e ri ca n c e m e t e ri es. Neverthe l ess, the rese mbl a nce i s n o t exa ct. The l 'Unione lta liana Ce m e t e r y i s a s in g ul a r and hi g hl y cha r ge d cultura l docu m ent, o n e tha t di s pl ays b oth s imil a riti es t o and diff e r e nces from th e graveya rds in I tal-i a n immigrants' h o m e l a nd. Wh a t a r e the implic atio ns for a c ultu ra l his t oria n o f the s e s imil a riti e s and diff e r e nces? To a n s w e r tha t ques ti o n a n e x aminatio n o f th e cem e t e r y a s m a t e ri a l culture mus t b e essayed As with othe r s tudi es o f th e aesthetic, literary, and icon ogra phi c content o f cem e t eries, fl Ci m i t e ro l'Unione Ita liana -sil ent for s o lon g will the n s peak e l oque ntl y o f its p ast. Illustrations The front e n tra nce, w ith o rn a m enta l ir o n a r c h of fl Ci m itero l 'Unio n c Jca liana. ( 1\/l p h o to g raph s qf' th e cemet e r y arc courtesy of J o h n McEwen.)


This gravestone for Adela Fe rlit a, lik e most in th e Itali an C lub Cemete r y bears an inscription in Ital ian Translate d into E n glis h it r ea ds : Like a b e au tiful flower wilt e d in the be s t part o f your lif e your sweet im age will b e forever present in th e broke n h earts of your parents." The epita ph is hig hl y interesting in that it conforms t o a prev a l ent mainstream Am e rican cultural tre nd o f th e period : th e d o mesti ca ti o n of death," in which de a th is d e pict e d in pastoral t erms and the d eparte d often characterized as a bloom or flower i s separated in b o dy but n o t memory from l oved o n es. American exampl e s a rc: "Budded o n ea rth t o bloom in Il eaven," a nd "Gone from our home, but n o t fr o m our hearts." T hat this contempor a ry American epit a ph styl e s h o uld be couched in S i cilia n dialect is a marke r o f th e cross-cultural exch a ng es a t work in Yhor C it y s It alia n community. An ange l surmo un ts th e m a us o l e um o f Francesco F'erlit a and Maria his wife The Fe rli ta family came t o Ybor C it y in th e 1890s and built a bakery at N in e te enth Street and N in t h Avenue. The business throve until t h e early 1 9 70s w h e n urban bli ght m a r g in alized th e n e i ghbo rh oo d Thi s ename l e d portrait of Maria Fe rlit a wife of Fra ncesco, i s affixed to h e r vault (be l ow that of h e r husband) in the famil y mausol e um. It displays th e photographic realism and p e rmanence that made such m e m oria l images popular w ith I talian m ourne rs. 5 9


6 0 F ilip po Cagnina m a usol e um. S i cili a n society was stron g l y patria r c h al. A commo n practice w as t o desi g n a t e famil y tombs w ith th e f ull n a m e of t h e m a l e head of th e h o useh o ld in thi s case F ilipp o Cag nin a. !!i s soci a l a nd famili a l primacy i s r e inforced by a p ortra it bust in m a rbl e w hi c h surmounts t h e m a usol eum. i\s thi s e n a m e l e d ph o t ograph o f Fil ipp o Cag nin a (affixe d t o th e door of Cag nin a s vault ) attest s th e p ortra it b ust in s t o n e a top t h e Cagnina m a usol eum i s hi g hl y lif e lik e. The d a pp e r It alia n in a n o n c h a lant p o s e con veys th e essence o f immi grant s uccess.


The grave marker o f lvl aria Mich eli combines several c haracteristi c e lements of o rdinary" gravesites at the Italia n C lu b Cemetery: a n enamele d portrait of the deceased, decorative til e mosaics, and urns for floral trib utes. The grave marker bears a c uri o u s error: M ich eli's birthdate, 1988 i s sure l y 189 8 J\t this gravesi t e as at many others, the adjacent g r aves are a lmost touching, with masonry a nd stone ra ilin gs only an inch o r t w o apart. At l'Unione lta liana Cemetery, the w idespread American late nineteenth a nd early twentieth centur y cemeter y aestheti c that produced forests of memorial statuary is far less ev id e nt. Neverthe l e ss th e re a r e some strikin g a nd iconographic examples, such as this a n ge l scatterin g daisies. In grave art of the period d a i s i es often m a rked t h e graves of children o r young peopl e, whose lives, like t h e d a i sy's, were brief and fra g ile. The dais y i s a lso a symbo l of the V ir g in Mar y whose l ove, lik e the ubiquitous flower, ca n grow nearly everyw h e r e. The grave of Carme l a Ruvolo (b. 1838 -cl. 1922), lik e that of Maria Micheli and countless oth e rs combines a photographic e nameled portrait and decorative colored tiles. This stone grave ange l h o ld s a palm l eaf. Used b y Ro m a n s as a symbo l of victory the palm leaf cam e to symbolize, a m o n g earl y C hristi a n s a martyr's triumphant sacrific e. N ineteenth and early twentieth century grave art borrowed the motif to symbolize v ictory ove r death. 6 1


One of the most hi gh l y charged nin eteenth and early tw e nti e th century gravestone m o tifs is this figur e Hop e often m a t e rialized as a comel y young wom a n and always f eaturing a n anchor. The Biblical source is th e Epis tl e to the l lebrews 6: 19: Which hope we have an anchor of th e soul both sure and steadfast. The sing l e star in the figure's diadem crown suggests the light of lleaven, to w hich the figure gazes, while the wreath of flow e rs in her hand symbolizes the putting a sid e of earthly laure l s in def e rence to a h e av e nly crown, as w ell as Lif e s fragilit y Whil e most burial sites at th e It alian Club Cemete r y arc unprepossessing a numbe r p e rhaps five p ercent a r e e le gant a nd ev e n grand mausoleums. The l 'v!idulla t omb, with its baroqu e r oo fline marble facings, and copper doors with rais e d floral desi g ns is one o f th e most appealing. U nlik e mainstream Ame rican cem e teries o f th e p erio d wh ich pri ze d winding pathways and garden-lik e arrange m ents of graves, the rul e at fl Cimitero l'Unione /taliana is rectiline a r order. l l e r e a row of m a u so l e um s marches in tight form a tion, with b enches arrayed in front for mourners. Whil e b enches o f this sort in mainstream Ang l o cemeteries a r e usually installe d facing awa y from t h e tomb, they are h e r e r esolute l y turned inward expressing b o th an intense focus on loss a nd the centrality in S i c ili an life. 62


O n e o f th e r a r e Ang l o g r a v e s a t the ceme t e r y that o f Anni e I l olloman (b. 1 8 8 6 -cl. 1 9 01 ), i s o n e o f o nl y two to displa y an o rn a m enta l iron e n c l osure S u c h e n c l osure s w e r e th e n o rm in A m e rican cem e t erie s o f th e p erio d but w e r e unkno wn in th e Europe an buri a l site s that serv e d a s the inspirati o n for immi grant c e m e teries suc h as fl Cimite ru l'Unione !ta h a n a The Famil y Licata m a u so l eum is ser e n e and di g nified but h o us e s a s hockin g piece o f Ybo r C it y his t o ry. Within arc in terre d five v i c tims o f th e famil y parents and three childre n murdere d in th e ir sleep b y a n o ld e r s o n a p a r a n o id schizophrenic o n Oct ober 1 7 1933. R ecurrent v a ndali s m a t th e cem e t e r y has dama ge d or destro yed m a n y m onuments a nd g ra ve a rt. This fin e s t a tu e o f Cor J es u (d e n o t e d b y th e heart e n c ir c l e d b y th o rns ) h as l ost a n a rm hand, and h ea d. 6J


64 ENDNOTES l. Mormino, Ga r y R. a nd Geor ge E. Pozzetta. Th e Imm igrant Wor l d ql Ybor City: Italians and th eir Latin Ne i g h bors in Tampa, 1 8851885 (Ga in es ville : U ni ve r s it y Press o f Florida 1998) 69. 2. In a dditi o n t o l a r ge numbe r s o f Cuba ns and S i cilia n s a nd a l esse r numbe r o f S p a ni a rd s, J ews ( mostl y from Germ a ny, Russia, a nd Romania) w e r e s i g nificant contributo r s t o both t h e ethnic m a k e-up a nd econ o mi c base o f the community. While some did w o rk in th e c i ga r indu stry (as labor e r s o r ow n e r s), many of Ybor C it y's J ews founded m e r ca ntil e firm s, some so durable a nd s uccessful that Ybo r 's J e ws were calle d "the Princes of Seventh Avenue ." 1\vo late nineteenth/early twentieth cen tury J ew i s h cem e teri es north of Tampa proper awa i t study by c ultu ra l historia n s. 3. Mormino, 69. An interestin g c haracteristi c of Ybor C it y's tobacco trade l a b o r force i s that it in cluclecl l a r ge numbers of w o m e n wh o, b y a nd l a r ge, earned equ a l pay for equ a l work a l o n gs id e m e n a nd were hi g hl y acti v i s t in labor disputes. The prominence and milit a ncy of Ybo r C it y's women workers m a d e t h e community unique in the South. 4. The M ortellaro Macaroni Factory, c. 1908, was starte d b y two S i cilia n brothers. The firm becam e o n e of several foodr e lated businesses in the area to provide employment outs id e the c igar trade for early Italia n immigrants. It a l so represented a pro g r ess i ve m a rk e ting tre nd : the mechanizati o n of food production, with r eg i o n a l a nd eventu ally, n a tional suppliers replacin g th e h o m e kit c h e n o r n e i ghborhood ve nd o r 5. When the Federa l Theatre Project cam e to Ybor C it y in 1936, it found that theater of various sor ts w as a lready t hri v in g in the n eighbo rh ood. Most of th e activity was h o used a t the c .1914 Centro As turi ano, h o m e of the (Asturian) S p a ni s h mutua l aid soci e ty. A n It alia n oper a company a bsorbed into the WPA's Federa l Music Project -throve in t h e building for decades. 6. Tampa Moniing Tribune, June 20, 1905. 7. Mor min o, 90. 8. L ette r from Paul L o n go, "Sons ql It a l y in America," to A lb e r t Maino Mar c h 23, ] 978. (USF Lib raries, Speci a l Collection s, L'Un :ione ltaliana Collecti o n .) 9. Circu /ares I procee dings of directorate of / 'Unione ltalianal, Novembe r 9, 1935. USF Librari es, Spe c i a l Collecti o n s, L'Union e lta liana Collection 10. Tampa Daily Tim es, August 22, 1894. (USF Libraries, Speci a l Collections, L'Union e I Collecti o n .) 11. Letter from Paul Longo prev. c it ed. 12. L 'Uniu n e ltaliana informational brochure, undated ( l 'Unione ltaliana, Tampa.) 13. Mormino, 192. 14. Tampa Morning 1hbune, October 13 1893. I t is noteworthy that the procession described b y the Morning l'ribun e took place month s b efo r e t h e founding of L'Union e I C learly, f unerary protocol s we r e est a bli s h e d in the It alia n immigra n t community b efo r e their absorp t i o n into t h e cultur al age nd a o f the mutua l a id society. In 1895, te n mutua l aid soci e ti es sent delegates to the funeral cortege of V.M. Ybor. The Tampa. Daily 1'imes r e p orted t hat "a n e w ethnic e lement, Sicilians, a lso j o in e d in th e procession." (Tampa Dail y Times, December 17, 1895.) 15. A 1946 advertis e ment for the Taylor F un e ral ll o m e in Ybo r C it y s tates that the fac ilit y ha s a Ladies private room ." Public mourning lik e many soci a l affairs was segr egated by ge nd e r in S i cilia n soci ety; th e ad is a noel to this c ustom (Annua l bul l eti n l'Union e ltaliana, ] 946. Tampa: Ybor City Museum Society Collecti o n .) 16. Tampa Morning ?hbune, 1 911. 17. Tampa Daily 1'im es, A u g ust 22 1894. 18. Pizzo Tony. "L'Unione ltal iana. summary of hi s tory a nd servi ces. ] USP Libraries, Spec i a l Collec tions Tony Pizzo Collecti on. 1 9. In Mormino 84. 20. It is interestin g that the onl y two decorati ve iron plot e n c l osures at the site surround graves with n o n It alian names. 2 1 Brya n in Morm in o 193.


About the Authors Bertwell holds an M.A. in American History from University of South Florida. Bertwell's areas of interest include popula tion growth and change in nineteenth and earl y twentieth century American life. Bert well lives with his wife in Rhode Island. Charles Fuss, a Tampa native, achi eved Quartermaster, the Sea Scouts' highest rank. He went to sea in the Merchant Marine at an early age, served in the U.S. Navy during the Korean War, and later earned a Master of Science degree from the Univer sity of Louisiana at Lafayette. After thirtyone years in the Nationa l Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Fuss retired. Ile has authored Sea of Grass (published by the Nava l Institute Press) and ove r fifty magazine and journal articles. Fuss and his wife Carol live in St. Petersburg Beach, F l orida. Lucy D. Jones was one of the first graduates of the University of South F l orida's Florida Studies Program. A professional historian and technical writer Jones worked throughout the Southeastern U.S. for a large cultural resource management company. S h e is now President of Florida History LLC ( providing pro fessiona l research services to homeowners, businesses, and communities. Jones is adjunct facu lt y at USF, St. Petersburg. Maureen Patrick is a native Tampan. S h e holds an M.A. in Humanities from the Uni vers it y of South Plorida. Her research interes ts embrace various aspects of American and European nineteenth century cultural history. Ms. Patrick is a frequent contributor to academic journals and symposiums, and has done singu lar research on nineteenth century Florida rural cemeteries. The former Curator/Education C urator at the Ybor City Museum, Ms. Patrick has worked with the Henry B. P lant Museum as a living history/museum theater speci alist for 18 years. Ms. Patrick i s the current President of the Tampa Historical Society. Frank Schubert was born in Washington, D. C. and is a graduate of Howard Un i versi ty (B.A., 1965) the University of Wyoming (M. A., 1970), and the Un iversity of Toledo (Ph.D., 1977) I-le worked as a historian in the Department of Defense from 1977 to 2003, and was a Fu lbright lecturer in C luj Romania, during the academic year 2003-2004. Schubert h as written extensively on military subjects and has a l so lectured at universities in Hungary and Germany. His books include Black Valor: Buffalo Soldiers and the Medal of Honor, 1870-1898 and Voices of the Buj]'alo So ld ier: Records, R e ports, and Recollections of Military Service in the West His latest book (September 2004) i s On the Trail of the Buffalo So l dier If: New and Revised Biographices of rican Americans in the U.S. Army, 18661917, co-authored with Irene Schubert. William A. Knight Attorney at Law Board Certified Criminal Trial Lawyer 633 North Franklin Street Suite 725 Tampa, Florida 33602 Telephone (813) 221-6663 Fax (813)221-6494


James Laurens Ferman, Sr. 1915-2003 -Service, Sel ection And Value Since 1895. Acura BMW Chevro let Chrys l er Harl ey-Davidson Jeep Mazda MINI Nissan O ldsmobile Suzuki Vol vo


The Sunland Tribune 2006 Patrons Tampa Historical Society acknowle dges with gratitude the generous support of the following individuals and organizations. Their contributions have greatl y assisted the Soci e t y in the publication of this edition Q/ th e journal. Dr. and Mrs. J.A. Battle Col. and Mrs. James D. Cline Mr. and Mrs. J.L Ferman, Jr. Mrs. Martha Ferman Dr. and Mrs. Michael Garcia Mr. Terry L. Greenhalgh Mr. Joe and Mrs Harriet Knight Dr. Peter and Mrs. Maureen Knight Mr. William A. Knight Mr H .T. Lykes, II Mr. Scott Peeler, Jr. Sandy and DiDi Rief, III Mrs H.J. Watrous 2006 Tampa Historical Society Membership '''LIFETIME MEMBERS Ms. Patri cia A lchediak Mr. Girard Anderson Mr. and Mrs. David Anton Mr. Anthony S. Arena R. K ent Bai ley Ms. Rose Tambuzzo Barbie David Barc l ay, Ph.D. Marvin and Trudy C lark a nd G l e nda Barlow William E. and Lela R. Barlow Mrs. Greg A. Baron Pau l and Mary Bearss Andrew II. and Shelby Bender Mrs. Marie Jane Bentschner Rola nd and Judy B lanco Mr. a nd Mrs. George T. B l anford Rog e r and Carolyn Blethen Mr. Danie l Boone, Jr. Mr. a nd Mrs John 1-1. Boyet David and Elle n Brown Mary and H enry Brown Julie Brown Ms. Kimberly Brown Ms. Anna Ruth Burnside Walter C and Dorot hea Ca ld well Mr. and Mrs. Pau l E. Camp, Sr. The Chambers Group Ms. C l a ire A. Ca rdin a Patrick and Cynthi a C imino Ms. Karen C l a rk e Mr. and Mrs Richard S. C larke Mr. LeRoy Co llin s, Jr. Consantino and Company, Fran Consantin o Ms. Molly Corum Mr. 1-1. L "Punky" Crowder Ms. Sue Ann Curd Mr. and Mrs. George D Curtis, Jr. Carol B. Curtiss Mr. Pau l Danahy Mr. Joseph Gardner Dato J .C. Davis Management Company, Inc. Mr. J A llison Defoor, II Mrs. Lu l a J. Dovi Betty N Dowd Mr. Dennis J. Doyel Ms. Elizabeth Laramie Dunham Mrs C harlotte Dunn East Hillsborough Historical Society Jim Everett, Jr. and Veronica Everett Environmental In c., Mr. Rob Wallace Mr and Mrs. J .L. Ferman, Jr. Mr. and Mrs So l Fleischman, Jr. Ms. Iris T. Frank Lawr ence and Sandra Fuentes Gary and Carol Garner 67


68 M r and M r s. H owa rd L Garrett M r s J oa n Ga rri so n Willi a m Gerre ll I V and Miche l e Gerrell M r Harley C. G ilm o r e M r s. Grace Giunta Mr. And Mrs. J o n Go din g M s. H e l e n E. Go n za l ez Mar y E. and J ohn S Goo d so n Jr. R o b ert a nd Mari o n Gray ''' G r ea t e r T ampa C h ambe r o f Comme rce ''' Dic k G reco ''' Mr. T erry L G reenha l g h M r I a n G r e i g Ms. H e idi Ha nl o n G u e r ra M r s. Lea h M. Hackney D av id and Judy H all M r and M r s J ohn H ampto n M r E. C hri s H a rp Annette H a rris and th e Ha rri s Fa mil y Lo n a nd L o u P Hatto n Mr. L e l and M. Hawes Jr. 1 I CB H o ldin gs LLC, Mr. H enry Bro wn Mr. F r e d Hearns M r s. C ind y H enderso n Nancy H ende r so n Mr. E dw a rd J H e nl ey, Jr. Ms. R e b e k a h H e p p n e r Ms. Pe n e l o p e Herm a n Dr and M rs Tho mas S. H erma n Mr. and Mrs J R. H erron M r and M r s Ga l e n Hib b a rd M r s Will a rd T. Hic k s His t o ric R oesch Ho u se, Mr. Nick W ynn T erry Butchko I-lof t H y d e Park Architect s, C h a rles F.C. Go rd o n Tho mas and C hri stine H y d e J T S w ann and Compa n y M r E Cal vin J ohnso n M s E l a in e J ohnso n D r and M r s Ga l e n B. J o n es Sally and J ohn Arthur J o nes Mr R ob in R. J o n es Ms. Luc y D J o nes M r and M r s. Jam es C. Judy Mr. and Mr s J a m es K a ul T h e K e h oe F a mil y D r Robert J K e r s t e in Rodney I-1. Kit e -P owell, II Mrs. Ann Scott Ande r so n Kni ght M r W illi a m A. Kni ght Dr Pe t e r and M r s. Maureen Kni ght M r Jim and M r s. M a l anie Kni ght Mr. J o e and M r s. H a rri e t Kni ght M r Joseph E. K ovalic k Jr. J.A. a nd Ir e n e L amb M r and M r s. Loga n Lan e M r Loga n Lan e, Jr. Mr. and M r s. Frank T. Las t ra, PE M r R a lph L avandera, Jr. M r R a lph Lazzara, III M r Mar s t o n C. L eo n a rd M r a nd M r s J Leonard Levy K a th y Cas t o r a nd B ill L ew r s M r s C l a ud e L oga n Jr. M r H.T. L y k es, II Mr. and M r s E .P. Macb r y d e M r s. Lind a Mar tin Dr Ric h a rd M arto r ell SGM. B ruce I -I. Math ews ( R e t ) a nd M r s. Matthews Mr. J ohn M cE w e n Mr. Bria n McEwe n Mr. and M r s. Il o w ell J\. McKay Ms. G ild a Schulmeyer McKinn o n M r and Mrs Willi a m C. McLean Jr. M r J ohn McQuigg M r s. Edith S kidm o r e M e e k e r S u sa n M o rri s and T o m Meyer M r and M r s. Ashby M. Moo d y Dr and M r s. Ga r y Mormino M s P egg y L M o rri s '''Mr s. Sandra Muld e r Ha rri s I-I. a nd K a th e rin M ull e n Mr and Mr s. C h a rl es G M ull e n Jr. ''' Ann & D av id R. Murphey III Burt and Be tti e Ne l so n P a ul and Mabelle Nes t o r Mr a nd M r s S t a nford J Newm a n Mr. M i c hael Norto n Ms. Ruth Bento n N ulh olland M s. Candy O lson L es t e r and Y e ti ve O l so n M r a nd M r s. So l o n F. O Nea l Jr. Dr Jean P a tri c k Ms. Maureen Patrick Ge n J ohn and M r s. Gail Pa ulk R e p Verno n Pee pl es Dr. and M r s Way n e P hill i p s Dr. Antho n y J. Pizzo M r s. Antho n y P i zzo Mr. and M r s Pa ul P i zzo Jr. J a n and B ill P l att M r Ric h a rd D. R e ddi c k Jr. Mr. and M rs. Ric h a rd W Reeves Ms. Veln a W illi a m s R e ni a k M r a nd M r s. S t eve Reyn o ld s Mrs. W.H R ey n o ld s J a n S imp so n a nd C h a rli e Rice D e v in Ridl ey-Manks Sandy and Didi Rie f III


Susan and Roland Rodriguez Mr. Lewis Rubin Ms. Gloria C. Runton Ms. Marsha Griffin Rydberg The Honorable E.J. and Elsa Salcines Mr. Gianmarco Salzano Mrs. Arsenio Sanchez Ms. Jeanne C. Sanders Mr. and Mrs. L Gray Sanders The Schiller Family Rebekah Scott and Meredith Scott Field Russ e ll and Mary Jo Shenk Ms. Rhoda S. Smith Mr. A. Frank Smith Don and Cheryl Smith State Library of Florida ''' Mr. and Mrs. Randolph Stevens ''' Dick and Raymetta Flowers Barbara Reeves and Fletcher Stuart Joseph A. Sultenfuss ''' Tampa Preservation, Inc. ''' Tampa Hillsborough Public Libraries Mr. and Mrs. J.H. Tanner Mr. and Mrs. William J Terry Dr G. Phillips Thomas Mr. Wayne Thomas Mr. Albert Tillson, Jr. Mr. and Mrs. J. Thomas Touchton Gerardo and Susan Valdes Mrs Mattie Vega Charles and June B. Wade Mr. J. Edgar Wall, III Mr. Ken Walters Mrs. H.J. Watrous Mr. and Mrs Robert C. Weaver ''' Dr Glenn Westfall Mr. Larry Wiggins Mr and Mrs. Richard I-I. Wilson Mr. J Lange Winckler Mr. and Mr. William R. Wofford Mrs. Mary Shackleford Wolfe Mr. and Mrs. Rafael M. Ybor Joe and Vilma Zalupski P as t Presidents of the Tampa Historical Society Anthony Tony Pizzo''' 1971 James Judy 1990 Nonita Henson 1972 George B. Howell III 1991, 1992 Hampton Dunn 1973 1974 Charles C. Jordan 1993 Dr. James W. Covington 1975 Mrs. Barbara G. Reeves 1993 Mrs. Bettie Nelson 1976, 1977 Charles A. Brown 1994, 1995 Dr. L. Glenn Westfall 1978 Kyle S. VanLandingham 1996, 1997 Mrs. Leslie McClain 1979 Ralph N Beaver 1997 Kenneth W. Mulder''' 1980, 1981 Frank R. North, Sr. 1998, 1999, 2000 R. Randolph Stevens 1982 1983 Paul R. Pizzo 2001,2002 Richard S. Clarke 1984, 1985 William A. Knight 2003 2004 2005 Nancy N. Skemp 1986, 1987 Samuel L. Latimer''' 1988 ''Deceased Terry L. Greenhalgh 1989 69


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Annual Meeting and D.B. McKa y Award Dinner T ampa llistorical Soci e t y s Annua l Meetin g w a s h eld Novembe r 16, 2006 a t 6:3 0 p.m. a t the T ampa Yacht a nd Count r y C lub In a dditi o n t o introducin g the 2007 Boa rd o f Dir ectors th e Soci e t y wa s plea s e d t o present it s annua l D.B. McK ay A w a rd a t the Meeting. The A w a rd s 2006 r e cipi ent was T o m McEw en. McE w e n s ca reer h as been describe d a s "thirty years of press p a sses." Born as McEwe n puts it into a ru ra l pi o neerin g F l o rid a famil y o f c ir c ui t rid i n g preach e rs and rear e d in Wau c hul a, F l o rid a T o m tlfoEwe n p layed o n th e W a u chul a Wild ca t foo tb all t ea m (o n whi c h h e w a s "quarte rback h a lfback sa fety, cornerback, all purpos e substitute and sco r e keep e r .") Il e did military ser v ice in th e Pacific during W o rld W a r I I ( wh e r e hi s so ldi e r buddies inc l ud e d J oe Garagi o l a and baseball Ila l l o f Farne r Early W ynn.) R e m a in i n g in th e atio n a l G u a rd afte r the W a r McE w e n l ogged 24 yea rs of ser v ice in uniform for his count r y W h e n h e r eturne d t o hi s n ative F l orid a a ft e r the W a r McEw e n pursue d ca reer inte r es t s in n e wsp a p e r writing. With a n ea rn e d d eg ree in j ourna l i s m fro m U niv e r s it y o f Flo rid a, M cE w e n w ro t e for the F t Myers News-Pr e s s, th e S t J 'ime s a nd th e Tamp a 1hbune/Tam p a 1tmes F o r 33 yea r s h e ser ve d a s sports e d it o r for the 1 hbune/Times ; hi s r eg u l a r column "The M orning Afte r w as o n e o f th e b es t-r ea d sports feature s in the South. A l o n g th e n ea r h alf-century ro a d M cE w e n t rav el e d as a n e w s p a p e r m a n the r e h ave been so m a n y histo r ym a kin g peopl e th a t they a r e a lm ost imposs i b l e t o enumerat e. These in c lude: James Michen e r Mic k ey Mantl e Arn o l d P a lm e r V ince L omba rdi Joe D i M agg i o D onna Reed S t e v e Spurrie r Jack Nick l a u s, Muh amme d Ali, Bab e Zah a ria s Manny Hu erta Vinny Test a ve rdi Bobb y Bowd e n W a d e Boggs, D o n Shul a Bob Griese, Geor ge S t einbrenner, R e d G ran ge, Casey S t e n ge l J o n Grude n and hundre d s m o r e. McE w e n w as in strumenta l in promo tin g p ro f es s iona l athl e ti cs in Tampa Bay. lle i s wid e l y c r edite d with l andi n g a n NF L fra n chise th e Tampa Bay B uccaneer s -for th e a r ea, for p ersu ading the Ne w Y o rk Yankees t o es t a bli s h th e ir spring t ra inin g fac i l it y in T ampa for p ro m o tin g p ro fessi o n a l soccer and for bring in g the Nati o n a l H ockey L eag u e in the form o f th e T ampa Bay L i ghtning t o th e city. A s w ell, McE w e n w as c entra l t o pro ject s t o build s t a t e of-the-art pro fess i o n a l s p orts a r e n as for b ase b all, foo tb all, and h ockey, and for attracting three Supe r B owl s t o T ampa. T o m McE w e n w as vo t e d F l o rid a S port s writ e r of the Year 1 9 tim e s. lie s e r ve d o n th e NFL H all o f Fame Se l e cti o n Committee for 30+ yea r s a nd i s in the F l o rid a S p orts H all o f Fa m e. In 1 993, h e w as a w a rd e d th e A ssoc i a t e d Pre s s Sp orts E d i t o r s' R e d Smith Awa rd for lifet i m e a c hi ev e m ent (calle d b y m a n y the Pulit ze r Pri ze of s p orts writin g ) Fo rm e r T ampa m ayo r Dic k G r e c o ( wh o i n 1999 name d a h a lf-mi l e stre t c h o f road n ea r R ay m ond J a m es S t adium for McEwe n ) sa id o f him : "Mos t of wh a t h e d rea m e d o f as a s p orts writ e r h as com e true in thi s t o wn ." 7 1


72 Past Recipients of the D.B. McKa y Award 1972 Frank Laume r 1 989 1973 State Senator David McClain 1990 1974 C ircuit Court Judge Lam es R. Knott 1991 1975 Gloria J a h oda 1992 197 6 Harri s H Mullen 1993 1977 Dr. James Cov in gton 1994 197 8 Hampto n Dunn 1995 1 9 7 9 William M Goza 1996 1980 Anthony 'To n y' Pizzo'' 1997 1981 Allen and Joa n Morris 1998 1 982 Mel Fisher 1999 1 983 Marjory Stoneman Dou g l as''' 2000 1 984 Frank Ga rci a 200 1 1985 Former Governo r Leroy Co llin s''' 2002 1986 Dr. Samuel Proctor 2003 1 98 7 Doyle E Ca rlt o n Jr.''' 2005 198 8 Leland M. Haw es, Jr. U.S. Rep. C h arles E. Bennett''' J oa n v V J ennewein Dr. Gar y R. Mormino Julius J Gordon''' Jack Moore''' and Robert Snyder Dr. Ferdi e Pacheco Stephanie E. Ferrell Michael Ganno n R owe n a Ferrell Brady''' Dr. Cante r Brown, Jr. J Thomas Touchton Dr. Larry E u ge n e l{.ive rs Arsenio M. Sanchez Honorabl e Dick Greco Frank R. North, Sr. Doris Weatherford D e c ease d


Historical views of Tampa's Lafayette Street Bridge