Theory and research in social education

Theory and research in social education

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Theory and research in social education
National Council for the Social Studies -- College and University Faculty Assembly
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College and University Faculty Assembly, National Council for the Social Studies] .
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Theory and research in social education.
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THEORY AND RESEARCH in Social Education Vol VI t No I t March, 1978 Mitsakos Napier Shermis and Barth A Global Education Program Can Make a Difference The Validity of Preservice Teacher Use of Kohlberg's Issue Stage Scoring System Social Studies and the Problem of Knowledge : A Re-examination of Edgar Bruce Wesley's Classic Definition of the Social Studies Goldenson t An Alternative View About the Role of the Secondary School in Political Socialization : A Field-Experimental Study of the Development of Civil Liberties Attitudes Hahn t Review of Research on Sex Roles : Implications for Social Studies Research Nelson t Reply to Newmann a journal to stimulate and communicate systematic thinking and research in social education


Theory and Research in social Education Statement of Purposes and Style for Manuscripts Theory and Research in 'orial Education ,' designers it) s rrmul ;ttc and :ommunLate svstematit research and thinking in social education The purposc is 'o tr,stcr the crrst~ \n and L-schange of ideas and rc1carch findings *hat will expand koo .wleJytc about purroses, condition2, and et Ico" %)I schooling and education about society and social relation ('orr_eptualization, and research from cell of the ~o ._ial sciences, philosophy, tu-ioty and the arts arc rree .} sl in -larifying thinking irid practice in .ak ; :al edttcairr'n Ma .iu ;,ripts art rtfc(_mwd on It rriO such us lhuse that follow Purpose of ,ociat educarson : Models, theories, axi related frameworks concerning, the development, drtitioson, and udoprioir nl -orrr-cuiar matertals ; Instrtrcttorial strategies, The relation (if she ssx ,al .trences, phslo~rsph hit ''is arid'i~r the art, to +!xrall cdocrsrio n, The politics, ecorioiiito,s € s~-ro snlrig %ocidl f,cv-0holcigy oi .vcholngy antltroprslottl, philosophy, depot `~_ the h! lory ul ~c~etal eoiuoitr_~n ; Alternatrse social crganirations and utslitsttcorst ei the school cdu& ation ; C'nmparastivc i .tudic~ oil altrrnauvc nr-Acls of %--,t tul edstc .atson, Models of ;and research on alternatts-e schema} for student participation and srxfal action ; Rrhitsonship of different proAnd ~n €s crsI c patterns Of Teacher training toy ;octal education ; Mn-KO ., -,( !he utiliratson nt obiectises in social education and ranted research 1tidings : Iuinlicattons of karnroic theory, child oirscloprn~-'tr rcscar.h, soXl .lIZatton aria olsttc_al sctrihianon research for the purposes and practice c i suc )l education ; Che t p rtatton .hsp of sfrftcrrnt independent, esplanatorv vdrtdbles to educational xchme%etttcnl_ in the area of learsstng about ioniet', and sixtal relations ; fhc soul or"ris/ :irIon, chrnate, clrhr' .rosn of schools and other school rharactert .vcs as ji ck1'eisden :, enplastatots ariahlco prcdiciinv to general educational achie €r n € € n t Form for Submission of Manuscripts+ In order to facilitate the prrxessing (if nsanu,,cript, ., authors are asked to follow the procsdurt' noted below 1 Manuscript, should be typed with a dark black ribbon, clearly mimeographed, or multi'ithed Authors should as rrid suhrnittinir duo copies of artieie ; unks clearly legible Some correction% in dark Ink wall he accepted Copies contairung numerous correction,will be rcturned for retyping 2 Four copses of eut-h manuscript should be : iuhmitteci Chas will Spocd rip the rev ;ewing process and guard against loss of manuScnpl :


I I'verything should be double-spaced including footnote,, and references 4 Since rnanu+ .cript will be ,ent out anonymously for reviewing and due to the ta,a that the abstracts will be published, the author's name and affiliations along with an abstract of approximately 100 words in length not exceeding 125 words should appear on a separate covering page Information identifying the author, pr,'tiori, and institutional affiliation should appear on a separate page 5 Nu ; c : ;pon :bilit% is a~sumed for 10% or injury to ma ni&s

THEORY AND RESEARCH in Social Education the official journal of the college and university faculty assembly of the national council for the social studies 'volume VI Number I March, 1978 Theory and Research in Social Education is the quarterly official journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies It is a general review open to all social studies educators, social scientists, historians, and philosophers A general statement of purposes and style for manuscripts may be found on the inside front and back covers A subscription to Theory and Research in Social Education may be obtained by membership in the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Back issues may be obtained for $4 .00 each and institutional subscriptions are $20 .00 per year Write the editor for these orders Copyright 1978 by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies All rights reserved


Editor : Lee H Ehman, Indiana University Associate Editor : Judith A Gillespie, Indiana University The College and University Faculty Assembly Executive Committee 1977-78 : Printer :`Maccallum House Editorial Board : Charlotte Anderson Mary Hepburn Anna Ochoa Northwestern University University of Georgia Indiana University Beverly Armento Wayne Herman Thomas Popkewitz Georgia State University University of Maryland University of Wisconsin Melvin Arnoff Richard Jantz Donald Schneider Kent State University University of Maryland University of Georgia Janet Eyler Benita Jorkasky Lynne Schwab George Peabody College State University of New York University of North Florida Karen Fox Jack Nelson Jan Tucker Northwestern University Rutgers University Florida International University Chairperson : Peter Martorella James Banks Paul Robinson Temple University University of Washington University of Arkansas Secretary : Richard Newton James Eckenrod Mary Friend Shepard Temple University University of San Francisco Indiana University Treasurer : Gerald Marker Karen Fox Jan Tucker Indiana University Northwestern University Florida International University 1978 Program Chairperson : Jean Grambs Jo Ann Sweeney University of Maryland University of Texas Mary Hepburn 1979 Program Chairperson : University of Georgia June Chapin College of Notre Dame Officers of the National Council for the Social Studies 1977-78 : President : Anna Ochoa t Publications Board Chairperson : Indiana University t Gaylord Lasher Bozeman (Montana) Public Schools President-Elect : George Watson Winchester (Massachusetts) High School Reviewers for this issue : Charlotte Anderson Mary Hepburn Thomas Popkewitz Beverly Armento Richard Jantz Donald Schnieder Melvin Arnoff Benita Jorkasky Lynne Schwab Christine Bennett Jack Nelson Jan Tucker Karen Fox `Anna Ochoa


T .R .S .E TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 A Global Education Program Can Make a Difference Charles L Mitsakos The FAMES Project was concerned with global-mindedness and global education : the perceptions that children have of the earth and its people, and how these perceptions are affected by the social studies curriculum The Project found that a carefully designed primary grade social studies program with a strong global education dimension can have a significant impact on the formation of attitudes and understandings that children develop toward foreign peoples The FAMES Project also concluded that social studies curricula that have well-defined objectives, specific materials, and some sequence achieve better results than programs that are not well-defined or structured 16 The Validity of Preservice Teacher Use of Kohlberg's Issue Stage Scoring System John D Napier Twenty-two preservice social studies teachers were given background information on Kohlberg's theory of and education program for moral development Next, the preservice teachers were trained to use one of the rater guides (Heinz Dilemma) in Kohlberg's new Issue Stage Scoring system Afterwards, the preservice teachers intuitively stage scored 40 moral thought statements and then rater guide stage scored the same 40 moral thought statements Results of analysis of variance tests indicated no overall differences between intuitive and rater guide stage scoring These analyses also indicated, however, that the preservice teachers were invalidly stage scoring on the basis of content rather than structure of moral thought Finally, neither logical nor moral reasoning ability correlated with either intuitive or rater guide stage scoring ability The major implication of the findings is that teachers should not try to stage score moral thought statements because training programs, scoring systems, and rater guides thus far developed are ineffective for teachers 31 Social Studies and the Problem of Knowledge : A Re-examination of Edgar Bruce Wesley's Classic Definition of the Social Studies S Samuel Shermis and James L Barth This article examines the interpretations of Wesley's definition of the social studies through an analysis of lengthy transcripts of an indepth interview with Wesley conducted by the authors in 1974 Principal questions that underly this analysis are : What is useful knowledge? What does it mean for knowledge to have utility in a democracy? What knowledge should teachers transmit? It is found that Wesley's definition was an oversimplification, and that the definition has not been interpreted to include important ideas that he V


intended One such idea is that the ultimate aim of social studies should be the synthesis of knowledge rather than the mixture of a large number of discrete topics and subjects as now exists The lack of a clear central purpose, that of fostering decision-making, analysis and evaluation of social knowledge, continues to plague the social studies field 44 An Alternative View About the Role of the Secondary School in Political Socialization : A Field-Experimental Study of the Development of Civil Liberties Attitudes Dennis R Goldenson Recent writing on political socialization claims that the American secondary school is an ineffective "agent" of socialization However, this is far from surprising given the avoidance of controversy in most high schools A more interesting question is under what conditions can secondary curricula have an impact on students' political attitudes? Field-experimental data presented here demonstrate a very noticeable impact on students' attitudes regarding civil liberties This is so particularly when the interaction of the experimental treatment and student perceptions with regard to teacher credibility is considered Indeed, there is evidence to show how the school can help to fill a void in an area of attitude objects that generally are of low salience in adolescents' interactions with their parents and peers 73 Review of Research on Sex Roles : Implications for Social Studies Research Carole L Hahn This article reviews sex role research which has implications for social studies practice and research Many achievement differences appear related to what students believe is the proper role for their sex, not to ability Teacher expectations and teacher-student interactions appear to contribute to sex differences in academic interest and achievement Males outperform females on tests of social studies and citizenship knowledge Both male and female students in the U S are less supportive of women's rights than are students in other democratic nations While many studies have found bias against women in textbooks and tests and an under-representation of females in educational administration, the effects of those conditions on students have not been demonstrated Instruction designed to reduce sex role stereotyping has had mixed results 100 Reply to Fred M Newmann's Response to My Review of Education for Citizen Action (1975) and Skills in Citizen Action (1977) Jack L Nelson 104 Research in Progress vi


FROM THE EDITOR During the annual business meeting the membership voted without dissent to move the journal to a quarterly publication schedule, beginning with calendar year 1978 To make this possible financially, dues were voted to be increased from $7 .50 to $12 .00 (from $1 .00 to $7 .00 for students ; from $7 .50 to $20 .00 for institutions), and this, combined with a subsidy of $2,000 .00 offered by the National Council for the Social Studies Executive Board, will put us on a financial footing to accomplish that goal During the past two years, then, the journal has moved from a once a year to quarterly publication Other indicators have shown promising trends The number of manuscripts submitted has increased dramatically This suggests that there is a substantial amount of inquiry being conducted in this field It appears that enough good papers are available to support a theory and research quarterly in social education Another healthy sign is that C .U .F .A membership (and library subscriptions) have increased steadily Unless we have misjudged very badly, the journal is healthy and should continue to grow An important development affecting the journal will occur this year Our three-year term will end in November, and a committee, headed by Paul Robinson, has been formed to select the new editor who will begin his or her three-year term after the meeting in Houston The committee is soliciting nominations (including self-nominations) from the membership through this announcement In order that a smooth transition be effected we hope that the new editor will be named during the summer This makes it imperative that well-qualified persons be nominated as early as possible so that the decision is a deliberate and well-informed one The editorship involves all phases of the publication, including solicitation, review and editing of manuscripts and reviews ; production steps such as copyediting, working with a printer on production decisions, and distribution ; and managing an account, maintaining institutional subscriptions and other business of the journal It is time consuming, and requires institutional support It also has its rewards, although these do not include a salary If you are interested, contact either Paul Robinson, Department of Secondary Education, University of Arkansas, Little Rock, Arkansas ; or Peter Martorella, 1801 Ludwell Drive, Maple Glen, Pennsylvania 19002 They will be able to provide more details Lee H Ehman Judith A Gillespie Indiana University vii


THE NATURE OF THE SOCIAL STUDIES by : Robert D Barr, James L Barth, and S Samuel Shermis with a foreword by : Edgar Wesley A completely different social studies book : *Defines the Social Studies : Offers a conceptual scheme for defining the social studies and helping teachers understand and explore alternative approaches to the social studies *Identifies with the Frustrations of a New Teacher : Utilizes a fictional narrative format to describe a new teacher's frustrations regarding conflicting expectations of her teaching *Check Yourself Out! : Includes a self-analysis check-list to enable social studies teachers to gain insight into their own unique approach to the social studies *Fun to Read : Filled with teacher-student dialogue and classroom examples to illustrate concepts ; highly realistic, humorous Edgar Wesley calls this book "A major contribution . it may become a landmark in the history of teaching the social studies ." CONTENTS Foreword by Edgar Wesley Introduction : Fictional story of beginning social studies teacher Chapter 1 The Nature of the Social Studies : A conceptual scheme for defining the social studies based on three major traditions in the field Chapter 2 Social Studies Taught as Citizenry Transmission Chapter 3 Social Studies Taught as Social Science Chapter 4 Social Studies Taught as Reflective Information Chapter 5 Check Yourself Out : A self-analysis checklist 152 pages $6 .95 E .T .C Publications, P .O Drawer 1627-A Palm Springs, CA 92262 Phone : 714/325-5352 Excellent as a supplementary text for Social Studies Methods courses or for Inservice Workshops


A GLOBAL EDUCATION PROGRAM CAN MAKE A DIFFERENCE* Charles L Mitsakos Chelmsford (Massachusetts) Public Schools This article presents the conclusions drawn as a result of the examination of the effect of the Family of Man social studies program on third grade children's views of foreign peoples Included in this report of the Family of Man Evaluation Study (hereinafter referred to as FAMES) project are summaries of (1) the rationale for the curriculum evaluation study, (2) unique characteristics of the Family of Man, (3) materials and treatment groups, (4) the instruments employed, (5) the findings, and (6) the conclusions drawn from those findings RATIONALE FOR STUDY Can schooling have any significant effect on the attitudes that children have toward other nations and other people? Lambert and Klineberg (1967) conducted a study for UNESCO among 3,300 students, ages six, ten, and fourteen, in eleven parts of the world The researchers used a structured interview sequence in their extensive investigation of children's attitudes toward foreign people Lambert and Klineberg found that children around ten years of age or less were particularly receptive to learning about other people By age fourteen, these same children appeared to be less receptive while at the six year age level, their orientation was a somewhat suspicious one The researchers concluded that whether the favorable attitude of the pre-teen years remained was primarily dependent on socio-cultural events Among the other studies that indicate the effect that the socializing forces in a child's environment have on children's attitudes of other peoples is that of Beyer and Hicks Their investigation of 3,000 seventh and twelfth grade students' images of Africa revealed that students were actually learning false information rather than learning no information at all Younger students' perceptions of Africa, south of the Sahara, focused on Africa as being characterized as "wild animals," "witch doctors," and "spears ." The investigators concluded that this attitude is developed at a very young *The Family of Man Evaluation Study Project was conducted in cooperation with the Social Education Department of the School of Education at Boston University under a grant from the Longview Foundation for Education in World Affairs and International Understanding 1


age and is affected to a large extent by the mass media and by the nature of curriculum materials used in the schools (Beyer and Hicks, 1970) Middle childhood has been described as the critical period in the development of social attitudes (Torney and Morris, 1972) while Piaget suggests that by age eight most children achieve a different type of cognitive functioning that enables them to overcome much of the egocentric perspective which characterized their earlier thought (Flavell, 1963) Socio-cultural events in the child's environment appear to have a strong impact on attitude formation The question remains however whether a carefully designed social studies program can have an impact on the perceptions of other people that primary grade children develop from grades 1-3 or from ages 6-9 Although an investigation of elementary school level social studies curriculum guides has shown some attempts to integrate the intercultural dimension at this level, the analysis also revealed that a number of these guides contained implications and unintentional references that may actually foster negative attitudes or anti-global education views (Torney and Morris, 1972) A number of social scientists and educators have voiced concern about the superficial nature of much of the teaching of cross-cultural perspectives in the elementary school curriculum (Bohannan, 1973) The major purpose of the FAMES Project was to investigate just what effect a primary grade social studies program with a strong global education and cross-cultural dimension (The Family of Man) had on third grade children's views of foreign peoples as compared to other types of social studies programs The study was designed to (1) compare perceptions children have of other nations and other peoples ; (2) compare evaluative descriptions used by children to describe people of different cultures engaged in activities that are cultural universals ; (3) determine the level of ethnocentrism among subjects ; (4) investigate the effect curriculum has on social studies achievement ; and (5) compare attitudes toward social studies and global education UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FAMILY OF MAN The Family of Man is based on the work of the University of Minnesota Project Social Studies Curriculum Center and is designed to help children learn how to be both nation-minded and world-minded ; to help them learn to understand and appreciate differences in human behavior ; and to help them learn why people believe in and value different things and why to these people such behavior seems natural and right In comparing a variety of cultures, children also discover universals and the psychic unity of humankind (West, 1971) 2


Specifically The Family of Man states the following among its objectives : Social Science Generalizations 1 All people regardless of where or when they live or to what race, nationality or religion they belong, have many things in common 1 .1 Every culture must provide for the satisfaction of the elementary biological requirements, such as food and warmth, and the needs for affection and social interaction 1 .2 All people have certain basic drives, although they satisfy them differently 1 .3 In all societies people are expected to behave in certain ways and to believe that certain things are good and certain things are bad 1 .4 All families have many things in common 2 People in most societies of the world depend on people who live in other communities, regions and countries for certain goods and services, for markets for their goods and services, and for help in solving problems Social Science Concepts 1 Cultural Universals (including psychic unity of humankind) 2 Cultural Diversity 3 Interdependence Attitudes 1 Values human dignity 2 Appreciates and respects the cultural contribution of others 3 Accepts diversity as natural The relationship between the activities in each unit and the objectives above is charted in Table 1 Although the program has many additional objectives these are not included here since they are not part of the present study Described as one of the "few if any clearly identifiable internationalized studies programs" available for primary schools (Torney and Morris, 1972), the program's overriding objective is best expressed in the words of Archibald MacLeish, found in each unit's teacher's resource guide : To see the earth as it really is, small and blue, and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold-brothers who know now that they are truly .brothers (West, 1971) 3


Table 1 Relationship Between Number of Activities and Objectives Objective Unit Hopi Japanese Ashanti Early New England Kibbutz Russian Contrasting Communities People of Paris Gold Mining Generalizations 1 23 12 10 13 7 11 5 7 6 1 .1 7 4 6 4 5 6 6 7 8 1 .2 7 5 17 11 4 4 0 1 0 1 .3 3 3 2 4 3 3 0 0 1 1 .4 3 3 4 5 3 6 0 2 0 2 2 3 2 4 4 6 14 12 5 Concepts 1 7 10 14 12 10 14 4 9 5 2 3 2 6 5 8 5 4 6 3 3 2 3 3 4 4 6 14 11 5 Attitudes 1 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 5 2 8 10 12 8 7 12 0 7 2 3 3 11 15 8 10 9 2 11 1


MATERIALS AND TREATMENT GROUPS Representative whole class groups of children in 25 schools from 19 school districts in nine states across the United States participated in this study The Experimental Group was composed of 21 intact classes (509 third grade children) who had worked with Family of Man as their social studies program continuously for three years Control Group One included 233 third grade children who had worked with some other well-defined or continuous social studies program for three years A program was considered well-defined if it had a specific set of objectives and available materials that teachers employed The objectives and materials were district-developed or commercially-developed and based on textbook series from national publishers Although these programs included some objectives that were global in nature, the programs' major focus at the primary grade level was neither global nor cross-cultural Control Group Two included 220 third grade children who had not been exposed to a well-defined or formal continuous social studies program for three years A program was considered not well-defined if it did not have a specific set of written objectives and related materials that teachers were expected to employ continuously from grade level to grade level for three years Global education or cross-cultural activities may have been incorporated by the teachers in these classes but would have been somewhat informal and not a major program focus Once tentative interest had been expressed by a school or school district to participate in the study, the author made a personal visit to discuss the nature of the social studies program in operation and to gather demographic data using a standard questionnaire All the classes participating in the study were in schools that appeared to be comparably staffed and had somewhat similar resources available to them All schools had libraries and a variety of audio-visual equipment By third grade over 50% of classes in all three groups were averaging more than 90 minutes per week of class time for social studies with about half of these classes averaging more than 120 minutes per week Demographically participation was obtained from class groups in schools in a fairly wide range of geographic locations and community size, each treatment group being a cross-section of community locations and sizes The student variables (occupational level of heads of households and students expected to complete high school and enter college) and school variables (school and class size and involvement with innovations such as team teaching) reflected a cross-section of diversity in each group In order to take into account differences among groups such as sampling errors, differences in teachers employed with the same method in different schools and differences among sub-populations which are characteristic of 5


the treatments, the "Groups-within-Treatments" (Lindquist, 1953) research design was employed in the analysis of the data INSTRUMENTS EMPLOYED The study used three scales of post-test measures of children's views of foreign peoples : 1 Agree or Disagree, a set of 15 semantic differential statements adapted from the chauvinism subscale of I/D/E/A's A Study of Schooling USA The instrument was designed to measure the degree of ethnocentrism or political chauvinism According to I/D/E/A (Schmidt, 1975) the instrument had an alpha reliability coefficient of .82 and displayed an eigen-value of 5 .2 on an orthogonal factor analysis with a Kaiser Varimax rotation that was conducted 2 Describing Nations, a 12 page scatter inventory adapted from work done by Educational Testing Service as part of its Other Nations-Other Peoples project This modified semantic differential called upon children to select from 23 words or phrases those that best described each of 12 nations and their peoples As developed by ETS the instrument was produced through an extensive pre-testing program which involved checking the wording, testing time and dimensionality of the instrument Data were analyzed by the application of principal components, and direct geomin factor analysis The ETS project administered the measure to 550 students in 17 states However, no reliability coefficient was made available to this author The adapted version was field tested in third grade classes not participating in the study by the FAMES Project The adaptation was reviewed for its face validity by Lewis Pike, a principal investigator of the ETS project, James Becker, a noted global education specialist, and Edith West, professor of education at the University of Minnesota All three authorities felt that the instrument seemed appropriate for the study and seemed to measure student views of other nations The face validity supported the reliability reported by ETS and the teachers who field tested Describing Nations 3 People Pictures, developed by the author based in part on the work of two international education studies, Lambert and Klineberg (1967) and Berg (1971) This instrument was composed of 12 photographs, three each of four standard reference people identified by Lambert and Klineberg, (Kenyans, Germans, Chinese, and Americans), with each photograph followed by a scatter inventory of 18 evaluative descriptions taken from the Lambert and Klineberg study Children were asked to study the people in the picture and what they were doing and then to draw lines around those words which best described what the children thought 6


Prior to its field test administration Becker, Pike, and West reviewed People Pictures in terms of its face validity and informed the author that the instrument looked "fine" to them and seemed to "elicit responses which would help assess student attitudes ." A validating field test of People Pictures was conducted with two known reference groups ; one that had experienced a well-defined global education program and one that had not Both groups were from similar geographic and socio-economic backgrounds A t-test done to analyze the results of the administration indicated that there were significant differences at the .0005 level between group responses to People Pictures Due to the nature of the instrument and the large sample size in the FAMES Project no reliability test was run on the instrument A three-item scale to measure children's feelings relating to social studies and global education, How I Feel, was used as another attitude scale Two content validity activities were conducted on this instrument A chi-square of data on a contingency table comparing teacher estimate of response to actual student response resulted in a value of XZ of those data of 5 .8 The value required for significance at the .05 level for 4 degrees of freedom is 9 .49 Therefore there was no significant difference between the observed and expected scores An analysis using a known reference group technique also indicated a very high correlation between teacher estimates and actual student response The instruments were administered by classroom teachers over a two-week period during the spring of 1976 RESEARCH DESIGN The study employed the "Groups-within-Treatments" (Lindquist, 1953) research design which takes into account the result of extraneous factors which might have a systematic effect on all subjects within the same group or differences among groups such as sampling errors, differences in teachers employed with the same method in different schools, and differences among sub-populations which are characteristic of the treatments A critical value of .05 was established for the rejection of each hypothesis One-way analysis of variance was the major parametrical statistical method used in the analysis of the data Duncan's multiple range test was employed when the analysis of variance indicated that the means differed significantly Both programs were run on IBM Computer Model 370/145 Sign tests, non-parametrical statistical procedures, were used in cases where the distribution of scores on a new variable differed appreciably from the parent distribution of scores 7


FINDINGS Below are the highlights of the analysis for each hypothesis tested by the FAMES Project Hypothesis No 1 : The general social studies achievement of the children in the experimental and control groups will differ significantly There were little differences in the overall mean scores on the STEP II social studies achievement test among the three treatment groups The variance or standard deviation in scores was greater with groups which had had social studies programs that were well defined (See Table 2 .) However, these differences were not statistically significant at the .05 level Table 2 Range of Class Mean Scores on STEP II An item analysis conducted to locate any patterns in the response to particular test items indicated that there tended to be significant differences among the groups on those test items which required the application of higher level cognitive skills (STEP categorizes its items according to the skill required to process the item such as drawing conclusions, assessing adequacy of data, and drawing inferences and making conclusions .) The Experimental Group and Control Group One exhibited these higher-level skills Hypothesis No 2 : The way in which children in the experimental and control groups view foreign peoples will differ significantly The three groups in the study all showed a relatively low degree of ethnocentrism on the Agree or Disagree instrument Children in the Experimental Group had a more favorable view of foreign people according to their performance on People Pictures They 8 Mean Standard Deviation LowestHighest Mean Experimental Group 422 .01 10 .3 412 .1-427 .6 Control Group One 422 .20 11 .4 410 .7-431 .6 Control Group Two 421 .42 9 .4 416 .3-429 .4


used significantly fewer unfavorable evaluative descriptions, such as "mean," "stupid," or "unfriendly" to describe the four standard references peoples (Americans, Chinese, Germans, and Kenyans) used in the instrument The significance of these differences ranged from .05 on the unfavorable factor as a whole to .01 on some of the specific evaluative descriptions used to describe specific peoples (See Table 3 .) This pattern of response was maintained across all standard reference peoples and across almost all of the evaluative descriptions, although the differences were not always statistically significant at the .05 level Table 3 Analysis of Unfavorable Evaluative Descriptions of People Pictures 9 Duncan Multiple Range : Experimental Group < Control Group 2 > df = 2,39 There were significant differences in the use of-15 of the 22 adjectives in the Describing Nations instrument Thirteen of these descriptives ("peaceful," "are like us," "friendly," "warm weather," "happy," "many farms," "many people," "strong," "warlike," "poor," "large," "cold weather," and "unhappy") showed significant differences at .01 ; two ("few people" and "small") were significant at the .05 level The analysis of variance and Duncan multiple range test indicated that the Experimental Group had the highest means on 12 of these descriptives and that Control Group Two used the descriptives at a rate significantly below that of the other two groups in fourteen of the variables in which there were significant differences The children who were not in a well-defined social studies program such as The Family of Man, or some other well organized program with some sequence, had the least understanding of other nations and other peoples (See Table 4 .) Type of Evaluative Description Experimental Group M and (s .d .) Control One M and (s .d .) Control Two M and (s .d .) F ratio P Unfavorable 320 .01 321 .86 320 .36 4 .506 < € 05 (7 .17) (10 .35) (7 .13)


Table 4 Analysis of Variables from Describing Nations Showing Significant Differences Among Groups 1 0 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 > (Experimental Group Control Group 2 < 6 .0946 < .005 (2 .5518) (2 .5745) (2 .1359) Friendly 6 .8291 6 .6223 5 .9909 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 < (Experimental Group > but N .S .) 5 .747 < .01 (2 .8891) (3 .5017) (2 .9840) Warm weather 7 .7250 7 .0730 6 .4773 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 < (Experimental Group > but N .S .) 13 .144 < .001 (2 .8997) (3 .3411) (3 .2764) Happy 6 .7446 6 .5451 5 .5318 Duncan Multiple Range : Experimental Group > Control Group 2 < 10 .673 < .001 (3 .1669) (3 .5451) (3 .2819) Small 2 .7878 2 .8026 2 .2182 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 < (Experimental Group > but N .S .) 4 .416 < .05 (2 .4953) (2 .7768) (2 .2690) Many farms 3 .8232 3 .7253 3 .0045 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 < 6 .548 < .005 (Control Group I > but N .S .) (2 .8061) (3 .1843) (2 .5935) Many people 6 .9214 6 .7940 5 .9864 Duncan Multiple Range : Control Group 2 < 8 .460 < .001 (Experimental Group > but N .S .) (2 .7194) (3 .1814) (2 .8244)


An analysis of scaled scores computed in order to determine the degree of comprehensiveness which children perceived the twelve nations on the instrument indicated that the Experimental Group had a more comprehensive view of eight of these 12 nations including the United States A test of significance showed the differences to be significant at the .02 level Control Group Two did not have the highest scaled score on its perception of any nation, and had the lowest scaled score on the United States (See Table 5 .) Table 5 Scaled Scores for Describing Nations* *The higher the scaled score in this table, the more comprehensive the view a group had of a particular nation and its people The analysis of the data from People Pictures and Describing Nations indicated that the ways in which children in the experimental and control groups viewed foreign peoples differed significantly in favor of the way the Experimental Group viewed those same foreign peoples Hypothesis No 3 : The way in which children in the experimental and control groups view social studies in general and in particular learning about people who live in other countries, will differ significantly Although there were no statistically significant differences among the groups on the three variables on the How I Feel instrument, the analysis of 1 1 Country Experimental Group Control Group 1 Control Group 2 China 35 .88 35 .86 32 .43 Egypt 32 .55 30 :40 23 .27 England 39 .01 35 .33 31 .07 France 32 .75 36 .81 33 .27 Ghana 23 .50 16 .59 13 .85 Hopi 28 .57 26 .65 22 .46 Israel 35 .39 32 .11 21 .93 Japan 39 .13 36 .21 33 .06 Mexico 32 .88 36 .11 32 .14 Russia 30 .00 31 .67 27 .69 Spain 29 .59 34 .47 29 .74 United States 55 .62 54 .89 52 .90


the direction of the data revealed that students who are in well-organized, well-defined programs such as the Experimental Group and Control Group One have more positive views of social studies and learning about people who live in other countries than do students who are in less well-defined social studies programs CONCLUSIONS In reviewing the above findings in light of the review of the literature and the rationale for this study, the following conclusions appear warranted : 1 A carefully designed primary grade social studies program with a strong global education dimension can have a significant impact on the formation of attitudes that children develop toward foreign peoples Children who participate in such a program develop a more positive view toward foreign peoples Unlike the children's views reflected in findings of Lambert and Klineberg (1967), Beyer and Hicks (1970), and Pike and Barrows (1976), this more positive view included Russians, Chinese, Japanese, and Ghanaians Children in the Experimental Group had a more favorable outlook on all peoples 2 A carefully designed primary grade social studies program with a strong global education dimension can have a significant effect on the understanding that children develop of other nations and other peoples Children in the Experimental Group had a better understanding and a more comprehensive view of others as well as themselves It is particularly significant that the highest scaled scores in the Describing Nations instrument were achieved by these children in their views of the United States This fact negates the claim made by some skeptics that time spent on this study of other nations reduces the time spent on the U .S ., which results in a lack of understanding about America The understandings that the children develop in specific units in Family of Man are applied to all peoples, and increases understanding of the U .S by placing it in global perspective The Experimental Group's use of content-related descriptions in Describing Nations such as "warm weather," "cold weather," "many people," "few people," and "many farms" should be of particular interest to geographers and those who bemoan the apparently weaker role of geography in the "new" social studies 3 A carefully designed primary grade social studies program with a strong global education dimension can achieve other important objectives The performance of the Experimental Group on STEP II and the attitude instruments indicates that a global education program can produce students 1 2


who have a knowledge of concepts from each of the social science disciplines ; who are able to apply higher level cognitive skills, and who have a more positive and more comprehensive view of other peoples and nations, as well as of themselves and their own nation The findings of this study, drawn from a large national sampling across a large geographic area, reinforce the conclusions drawn from small local samples in single school districts of earlier evaluation studies done on The Family of Man and its original format, Minnesota Project Social Studies 4 An organized social studies curriculum that has well-defined objectives, specific materials, and some sequence achieves better results that a social studies program that is not well-defined or structured The significant superiority of the performances of students in the Experimental Group and Control Group One on the higher level cognitive skill items on the social studies achievement test and on Describing Nations indicates that it makes sense to have a well-organized, well-defined social studies program At a time when schools are subject to pressures relating to accountability and cost-effectiveness, this conclusion is particularly significant 5 Effective techniques can be developed to measure primary grade children's views of other nations and other peoples People Pictures and Describing Nations are two very effective models They require little reading or abstract verbal skill The instruments are easy to administer, and are discriminating in the results they achieve SUGGESTIONS FOR ADDITIONAL RESEARCH In conducting the study and in analyzing the data the following observations were made by the author relating to future research : 1 Although no significant differences in overall mean scores were found in the analysis of STEP II, the differences found in Describing Nations suggest that there may have been content or knowledge differences that STEP II did not measure As noted in the STEP manual, the developers of Form 4A . .Social Studies indicate that there are high correlations between reading, the general aptitude of a student, and his or her performance on this social studies test Further research might study what happens to social studies achievement if this high correlation is reduced 2 Family of Man has some other major objectives relating to process and concepts that were not the major focus of this study Further detailed study is needed in these areas 3 A longitudinal study to measure the effectiveness of The Family of Man social studies program over time would also be desirable One such study might involve comparing global perceptions of children at the intermediate grade level who have continued in a program with a strong 1 3


global dimension such as Family of Man, with groups of children which may have been subjected to some other type of social studies program at the intermediate grade level SUMMARY The FAMES Project was concerned with global-mindedness and global education : the perceptions that children have of the earth and its people, and how these perceptions are affected by the social studies curriculum The Project found that a carefully designed primary grade social studies program with a strong global educational dimension can have a significant impact on the formation of attitudes and understandings that children develop toward foreign peoples The FAMES Project also concluded that social studies curricula that have well-defined objectives, specific materials, and some sequence achieve better results than programs that are not well-defined or structured REFERENCES Becker, James An Examination of Objectives, Needs, and Priorities in International Education in U .S Secondary and Elementary Schools (New York : Foreign Policy Association, 1969) Berg, Marlow A Comparison of the Effects of Information and the Effects of Contact on Children's Attitudes toward Other National Groups Unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Minnesota, 1971) Beyer, Barry K and Hicks, E Perry "Images of Africa," Journal of Negro Education, 39 (1970), 155-170 Bohannan, Paul, et al A Preliminary Review of the Intercultural Dimension in International/Intercultural Education, Grades K-14 (Boulder, Colorado : Social Science Education Consortium, 1973) Hess, Robert D and Torney, Judith V The Development of Political Attitudes in Children (Chicago : Aldine Publishing Company, 1967) Jahoda, Gustav "Development of Scottish Children's Ideas and Attitudes about Other Countries," Journal of Social Psychology, 53 (1962), 91-108 Lambert, Wallace E and Klineberg, Otto Children's Views of Foreign Peoples : A Cross-National Study (New York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967) 1 4


Lindquist, E F Design and Analysis of Experiments in Psychology and Education (Boston : Houghton Mifflin Company, 1953) Pike, Lewis W and Barrows, Thomas S Other Nations, Other Peoples : A Survey of Student Interests and Knowledge, Attitudes and Perceptions, Final Project Report (Princeton, New Jersey : Educational Testing Service, 1976) Remy, Richard C ., et al International Learning and International Education in a Global Age (Washington, D .C : National Council for the Social Studies, 1975) Schmidt, Neil A Study of Global Education in the United States (Los Angeles, California : I/D/E/A Research Division, 1975) Targ, Henry R Impact of an Elementary School Inter-Nation Simulation on Developing Orientations to Internal Politics Unpublished doctoral dissertation (Northwestern University, 1967) Torney, Judith V and Morris, Donald N Global Dimensions in U .S Education : The Elementary School (New York : Center for Global Perspectives, 1972) United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Report of International Meeting of Experts on the Role of Social Studies in Education for Peace and Respect for Human Rights (East Lansing, Michigan : Michigan State University, 1976) West, Edith The Family of Man Social Studies Program : Rationale and Overview (Newton, Massachusetts : Selective Educational Equipment, Incorporated, 1971) 1 5


THE VALIDITY OF PRESERVICE TEACHER USE OF KOHLBERG'S ISSUE STAGE SCORING SYSTEM John D Napier University of Georgia The cognitive-developmental approach to moral education has been suggested as a medium for value education in social studies curricula One of the teacher activities associated with programs based on the theory of moral thought development originally researched by Kohlberg was stage scoring moral thought statements The review of "Kohlbergian" programs by Rest (1974a) indicated that there were three purposes for stage scoring moral thoughts of students First, before and after instruction stage scoring was used to evaluate changes in the moral thoughts of students Second, before instruction stage scoring was used to arrange students into discussion groups containing different stage types Third, before and during instruction stage scoring was made so teachers knew the stages of student's moral thoughts in order to supply "proper" retorts during class discussions Both the formation of small groups and the supplying of "proper" retorts referred to the idea of + 1 modeling (i .e ., exposing students to moral thought statements one stage above their own) Recent literature differed regarding whether teachers needed to and could stage score moral thought statements for all three purposes previously mentioned Galbraith and Jones (1976) stated that teachers did not have to stage score moral thought statements during class discussions because the natural mixture of different moral stage types in a given class automatically exposed students to + 1 models However, they stated that teachers could stage score moral thought statements before and after instruction with the aid of a rater guide On the other hand, Fenton and Kohlberg (1976a, 1976b, 1977) stated that teachers could not stage score moral thought statements before and after instruction for the purpose of evaluating changes in students' moral stages because the measurement system for stage scoring moral thought statements was too complicated for teachers to use Yet, they reversed themselves by implying that teachers could stage score moral thought statements before and during instruction in order to supply + 1 models Despite the confusion on if and when teachers needed to and could stage score moral thought statements, stage scoring was a desirable teacher activity for all four authors sometime during the implementation of the cognitive-developmental approach to moral education Three previous studies (Napier, 1976, 1977, in press) examined whether teachers could stage score moral thought statements These studies found that teachers could not adequately stage score moral thought statements 16


because teachers stage scored invalidly on the basis of the content of moral thought Since the inception of these studies, Kohlberg and his associates redefined the stages of moral thought development In addition, Kohlberg and his associates developed ae ew stage scoring system and accompanying rater guide Because of these changes, the external validity of the previous findings must be questioned Therefore, the purpose of this present study was to examine whether teachers could validly stage score moral thought statements while using the new stage scoring system and related rater guide Like the initial study (Napier, 1976), selected variables were also examined as possible correlates to stage scoring ability ISSUE STAGE SCORING Kohlberg (1976) pointed out that the older Aspect Stage Scoring system confused the content of moral thought with the structure of moral thought The content of moral thought was the choice to do or not to do a moral act and the concepts used to justify the choice The structure of moral thought was the way the concepts were used to justify the choice Kohlberg stated that the finding of an earlier study (Kohlberg and Kramer, 1969) that some individuals had reversed in stage development was the result of an imperfect stage scoring system which confused content and structure of moral thought With the development of the idea of transitional moral thought (Turiel, 1973), Kohlberg and his associates began the process of developing a new stage scoring system (Issue Stage Scoring) which was less influenced by the content of moral thought In the process, a new description of moral thought development arose (Table 1) The new description of moral thought development represented a more structural description of the stages of moral development as well as the inclusion of the new Post-Conventional and Transitional level of moral development Using the new description of moral thought development and the Issue Stage Scoring system, reanalysis of the data on reversals showed that no reversals had actually occurred The older description of moral thought development and the Aspect Stage Scoring system had stage scored some individuals too high at time 1 and then too low at time 2 1 7


Table 1 Descriptions of Levels and Stages of Cognitive-Moral Development* Pre-Conventional Level Stage 1 : External Control Stage The individual who reasons at this stage cannot relate two points of view This leads to confusion of authority's perspective with one's own Also, the individual is unable to consider the interests of others or recognize that others' interests differ from own Further, actions are viewed in concrete physical terms rather than in abstract psychological terms Therefore, reasoning used to justify moral decisions are based on obeying rules and authority as well as not doing physical harm to persons and property because of a desire to avoid punishment dispensed by superior power of authorities Stage 2 : Instrumental Relativist Stage The individual who reasons at this stage can separate own interests and points of view from others However, the individual is only capable of seeing that others have their own interests This limited perspective of others results in the belief that conflict between interests must be resolved through fair exchange Therefore, reasoning used at this stage to justify a moral decision takes into account one's own interests and the fair exchange with others for foregoing one's own interests in a given situation Fairness is the result of equal exchange, a deal, or an agreement between individuals with differing interests Conventional Level Stage 3 : Interpersonal Relation Stage The individual at this stage has developed the ability to see shared interests These shared interests take precedence over one's own interests but are limited to concrete others or rules (i .e ., concrete Golden rule), and not in terms of society's interests Therefore, reasoning used to justify moral decisions is based on maintaining loyalty and trust with partners, caring for others and their feelings, and following rules and expectations of others There is a concern for being good in one's own eyes, caring for others, and putting oneself in the other's place Stage 4 : Societal Maintenance Stage The individual reasoning at this stage can distinguish society's point of view from the interpersonal point of view found at Stage 3 The individual takes the point of view of the social system which defines roles and rules Individual interests are considered in terms of their place in the social system Therefore, reasoning used to justify moral decisions is based on fulfilling one's social obligations, upholding the social order, and maintaining the welfare of the society Post-Conventional and Transitional Level The individual who reasons at the Transitional Level has an "outside of society" perspective The individual rejects the society's interests and sees own interests as separate from a commitment or contract with society So, the individual can select obligations which are defined by societies but does not have principles for such selection There are 3 ways of reasoning about moral decisions at the Transitional Level First, a 4(5) Stage of reasoning justifies moral decisions on the basis of "Conscience ." The individual has an obligation to follow own conscience, but the meaning of conscience is an internalized Stage 4 Second, a 4-1/2 Stage of reasoning justifies moral decisions on the basis of emotions and hedonism rather than conscience Conscience is viewed by the individual as arbitrary and relative Third, a 5(4) Stage of reasoning justifies moral decisions on the basis of free choice since conscience is arbitrary and relative However, free choice is bound by the like rights of others Post-Conventional and Principled Level Stage 5 : Social Contract Stage The individual who reasons at this stage is aware that values and rights exist prior to social attachments and contracts The individual can integrate the points of view of others by the mechanisms of agreement, contract, objective impartiality, and due process The individual does consider both the "moral point of view" and the "legal point of view" but cannot reach a resolution when they conflict Therefore, the reasoning used to justify moral decisions is based on a general obedience to laws because laws have been made through social contract for the benefit of all members of society Further, individuals feel that family, friendship, trust, and work obligations are also contracts freely made and entail respect for the rights of others The individual is concerned that laws and obligations are based on rational calculations of overall utility (i .e ., "the greatest good for the greatest number") Stage 6 : Universal Principle Stage The individual who reasons at this stage views social arrangements as founded on a "moral point of view ." The individual perspective is that of a rational individual recognizing the nature of morality or the basic moral premise of respect for others as ends and not means Therefore, reasoning used to justify moral decisions is based on valid principles to which a rational individual would be committed The basic principles are justice, equality of human rights, and respect for the dignity of human beings as individual persons 'Adapted from Colby, Kohlberg, Fenton, Speicher-Dubin and Lieberman (1977) 1 8


Besides the different descriptions of moral thought development used, the Issue Stage Scoring system differed from the Aspect Stage Scoring system in the way moral thought was analyzed In the Aspect Stage Scoring system, moral thought was analyzed on the basis of 25 aspects of moral thought (Kohlberg, 1969, pp 378-379) Aspects of moral thought were the conceptual areas used to justify a moral decision (i .e ., content) Each aspect could be used at any of the six stages of moral thought development Thus, a response to probe questions for a given moral dilemma could fall into one or more of 150 cells (25 aspects x 6 stages) Under the Aspect Stage Scoring system and older description (i .e ., structure) of moral thought development, the following response to the Heinz dilemma was classified as a stage 4 moral thought statement for the aspects (i .e ., contents) of punishment or negative reactions and self-condemnation : Heinz is desperate and he may not know he is wrong when he steals the drug for his dying wife But he will know he did wrong after he is punished and sent to prison He will always feel guilty for his dishonesty and lawbreaking Classification of this particular moral thought statement could be done using either the sentence coding method or the global coding method The sentence coding method required a rater to stage score each moral thought content unit found in all the responses to the moral dilemmas used in an interview The global coding method required a rater to stage score the response to each moral dilemma used in an interview Thus, the sentence coding method had many more units to stage score than the global coding method However, if a response to a moral dilemma was only one moral thought content unit (like the example above), then either method could be used and the same stage score should result In the Issue Stage Scoring system, moral thought statements were analyzed on the basis of 10 issues and 10 concerns (Kohlberg, Colby, Gibbs, Speicher-Dubin and Powers, 1976) Issues were the conceptual areas posed by the probe questions of a moral dilemma Concerns were the conceptual areas used by a respondent to defend a choice made in response to the issue raised by a probe question Each issue and concern (Le ., content) could be used at any of the six stages of moral thought development Thus, a response to probe questions of moral dilemma could fall into one or more of 600 cells (10 issues x 10 concerns x 6 stages) However, the new standardized moral judgment interview (Kohlberg, et al ., 1976) limited the number of cells to which a moral thought statement would be classified by restricting the issues involved with each moral dilemma to two and the stages involved to 1 through 5 For the moral thought statement presented above, the standardized dilemma and probe questions limited responses to the issues of life and law Under the Issue Stage Scoring system and new 1 9


description (i .e ., structure) of moral thought development (Table 1), this moral thought statement is classified as stage 3 for the issue of law and the concerns of character-motives and sanctions (i .e ., contents) To aid a rater in classifying moral thought statements under the Issue Stage Scoring system, Kohlberg and his associates developed a new rater guide (Kohlberg, et al ., 1976) This new rater guide was a modified version of the older sentence coding method The first procedure used with the new rater guide was to "intuitively" determine the issue, concern, and stage of the moral thought statements resulting from the standardized moral judgment interview After intuitive stage scoring, the second procedure was to go to the rater guide in order to confirm or alter the intuitive judgment This was done by matching the moral thought statements to "criterion judgments" (i .e ., generalizations) found in the rater guide One problem with this new rater guide was the fact that there were not "criterion judgments" for 100 types of moral thought statements for a given dilemma (2 issues x 10 concerns x 5 stages) For example, the moral thought statement presented above does not have an issue-concern match in the new rater guide So, to validly stage score this statement as stage 3, a rater would have to rely on understanding the structure of stage 3 moral thought Understanding how to validly stage score moral thought statements is developed by (1) studying background information on Kohlberg's theory of moral development ; and (2) using the new rater guide and description of moral thought development However, there is a problem with these procedures A rater may not comprehend the structure of certain moral thought statements because the moral thought statements are too far above the rater's own stage of moral thought development (see Rest, 1973) Yet, if a rater is correctly stage scoring on the basis of the structure of moral thought, even though the rater may not comprehend a particular stage, then the rater will correctly stage score any content (issue-concern) within comprehended stages regardless of whether there are issue-concern matches in the rater guide On the other hand, if a rater is incorrectly stage scoring moral thought statements on the basis of content (issue-concern), then the rater will correctly stage score only the content which meets the rater's preconceived notion of appropriate issue-concern usage at different stages, or which has an issue-concern match in the rater guide RESEARCH QUESTIONS To see what effect actual use of the rater guide had on teacher stage scoring ability, the following specific question was examined : 1 Was there a significant difference (p< .05) in correct stage scoring between intuitive stage scoring and rater guide stage scoring? 2 0


There are two instances when raters who are validly stage scoring on the basis of structure can stage score moral thought statements randomly First, the raters incorrectly stage score moral thought statements within a stage which the raters are able to comprehend Second, the raters correctly stage score moral thought statements within a stage which they are not able to comprehend On the other hand, if raters incorrectly stage score on the basis of content (issue-concern), then these raters will correctly and incorrectly stage score different contents within the different stages in a non-random fashion, regardless of whether they comprehend specific stages Therefore, the following question was examined to see if teachers were validly stage scoring (main purpose of study) : 2 Was there a significant difference (p .< .05) between correct stage scoring of different contents at different stages when intuitive stage scoring and when rater guide stage scoring? Finally, logical and moral reasoning ability were examined as possible correlates to stage scoring ability The initial study (Napier, 1976) found a moderate correlation between verbal ability and intuitive stage scoring ability It seemed reasonable that logical reasoning ability might correlate with stage scoring ability better than did verbal ability The relationship between moral reasoning ability and stage scoring ability was also examined since comprehension of moral thought statements might be influenced by a rater's level of moral thought development So, the third question examined was : 3 Was there a significant linear correlation (p<_ .05) between logical and moral reasoning ability and stage scoring ability? METHODS Measures Logical reasoning ability measure The Cornell Critical Thinking Test (CCTT) Level Z was used as the measure of logical reasoning ability The definition of critical thinking used in making the CCTT contained characteristics which seemed associated with the logical skills needed to stage score moral thought statements (e .g ., "grasping the meaning of a statement") The developers presented construct validity information on the CCTT as well as reliability information on subjects similar to the teachers involved in this study Using the Kuder-Richardson Formula 20 and a "rights only" scoring method, the developers found reliability coefficients ranging from .61 to .67 (Ennis and Millman, 1971) Using the Kuder-Richardson Formula 21 and "rights only" scoring method, a 2 1


reliability coefficient of .66 was found for the CCTT scores of the subjects in this study Scores on the CCTT Level Z could range from 0 to 52 Moral reasoning ability measure The Defining Issues Test (DIT) was used as the measure of moral reasoning ability The P-score of the DIT is an objective measure of an individual's preference for Post-Conventional resolutions to moral dilemmas The developers presented construct validity evidence for the DIT, which included a correlation of .68 with Kohlberg's measure of moral thought development, and test-retest reliability estimates (Rest, 1974b) No estimation of reliability was obtained for the subjects in this study because test-retest procedures were not practical A test-retest reliability coefficient of .65 was found for similar subjects tested 18 days apart (McGeorge, 1975) Raw P-scores were used in this study instead of the percentage scores used by Rest, and could range from 0 to 57 Stage scoring ability measure The 24 moral thought statements used on the Moral Knowledge Test employed in the earlier studies of the Aspect Stage Scoring system were rescored using the Issue Stage Scoring system From the rescored moral thought statements, 20 moral thought statements were selected for the new Moral Knowledge Test used in this study The 20 moral thought statements selected consisted of 4 moral thought statements nested within stages 1, 2, 3, 4, and Post-Conventional level (4+) Also, at least one life issue and one law issue moral thought statement was selected for each stage, and at least one moral thought statement selected for each stage did not have an issue-concern match in the new rater guide Then 20 additional moral thought statements were written patterned after the original 20, thereby resulting in a test of 40 moral thought statements (see Table 2) Scores on the new Moral Knowledge Test could range from 0 to 40 For stage 1, 2, 3, and 4 moral thought statements, subjects were awarded a point each time they correctly assigned the corresponding stage score For the Post-Conventional level (4 +) moral thought statements, subjects were awarded a point each time they assigned either the stage score of 4 or 5 Content validity for the new Moral Knowledge Test was assumed because one of the authors of the new Issue Stage Scoring rater guide rescored the original 24 moral thought statements Estimation of reliability for correct scores while intuitive and rater guide stage scoring were made by correlating the two sets of similar moral thought statements and then adjusting the correlation by the Spearman-Brown prophecy formula The resulting coefficient of reliabilities were .64 for intuitive stage scoring and .57 for rater guide stage scoring Although these reliability estimates are low for individual predictions, they are adequate for group predictions (Thorndike and Hagen, 1969, pp 194-195) 2 2


Table 2 Mean Correct Scores on Moral Knowledge Test I and II *Items with Issue-Concern matches in Rater Guide 2 3 Moral Knowledge I Moral Knowledge II Stage Issue Concern Item 1 Item 2 Total Item I Item 2 Total 1 Life Rulefulness 0 .00 0 .00 0 .00 0 .00 0 .00 0 .00 1 Law Rulefulness 0 .59 0 .68 1 .27 0 .91 0 .77 1 .68 1 Law Sanctions 0 .55 0 .27 0 .82 0 .41 0 .41 0 .82 1 Law Sanctions 0 .77 0 .91 1 .68 0 .77 0 .82 1 .59 Stage 1 Totals 1 .91 1 .86 3 .77 2 .09 2 .00 4 .09 2* Life Individual Welfare 0 .55 0 .36 0 .91 0 .64 0 .41 1 .05 2 Law Liberty & Autonomy 0 .36 0 .50 0 .86 0 .27 0 .18 0 .45 2* Life Individual Welfare 0 .59 0 .55 1 .14 0 .45 0 .59 1 .04 2 Law Individual Welfare 0 .59 0 .50 1 .09 0 .64 0 .68 1 .32 Stage 2 Totals 2 .09 1 .91 4 .00 2 .00 1 .86 3 .86 3* Life Character & Motives 0 .64 0 .77 1 .41 0 .68 0 .73 1 .41 3 Law Character & Motives 0 .27 0 .32 0 .59 0 .18 0 .27 0 .45 3* Life Sanctions 0 .91 0 .77 1 .68 0 .91 0 .73 1 .64 3 Law Sanctions 0 .68 0 .64 1 .32 0 .50 0 .55 1 .05 Stage 3 Totals 2 .50 2 .50 5 .00 2 .27 2 .28 4 .55 4 Life Sanctions 0 .18 0 .27 0 .45 0 .05 0 .05 0 .10 4* Law Rulefulness 0 .73 0 .83 1 .56 0 .50 0 .59 1 .09 4 Life Sanctions 0 .00 0 .05 0 .05 0 .14 0 .14 0 .28 4 Law Sanctions 0 .23 0 .09 0 .32 0 .23 0 .32 0 .55 Stage 4 Totals 1 .14 1 .24 2 .38 0 .92 1 .10 2 .02 4 + Life Individual Welfare 0 .95 0 .95 1 .90 1 .00 1 .00 2 .00 4 + Life Fairness & Equity 0 .77 0 .82 1 .59 0 .86 0 .86 1 .72 4 + Life Sanctions 0 .32 0 .41 0 .73 0 .23 0 .18 0 .41 4 + Law Sanctions 0 .23 0 .23 0 .46 0 .27 0 .36 0 .63 Stage 4 + Totals 2 .27 2 .41 4 .68 2 .36 2 .40 4 .76 Total 9 .91 9 .92 19 .83 9 .64 9 .64 19 :28


PROCEDURES Subjects Twenty-two preservice social studies teachers enrolled in two 5 quarter hour social studies curriculum courses were the subjects These courses were required as part of a professional training quarter taken prior to the student-teaching quarter There were 11 female and 11 male preservice teachers The preservice teachers' scores on the CCTT ranged from 20 to 42 with a mean of 30 .63 (s .d = 6 .00) Their scores on the DIT ranged from 6 to 36 with a mean of 24 .54 (s .d = 8 .12) Preservice teachers were used because they would have little, if any, prior experience with cognitive-moral development theory Also, results of an earlier study (Napier, 1976) indicated that experience and age of teachers did not correlate with stage scoring ability ; and therefore, it was felt the results from preservice teachers would generalize to teachers with similar logical (CCTT) and moral reasoning (DIT) ability Training The preservice teachers were required to participate in the training exercises as part of their regular coursework They were told they needed to learn the information in the training exercises in order to successfully perform on a test on affective teaching in social studies Also, they were motivated to learn the information because they were involved in writing an instructional unit for a grade in their method courses The preservice teachers were required to read an introductory article by Kohlberg (1975) and the handbook developed by Galbraith and Jones (1976) In addition, the preservice teachers were required to participate in 7 class hours of background information on the theory of and education program for cognitive-moral development presented by the researcher The researcher was well trained in the theory and education program for cognitive-moral development and had recently participated in the Harvard Center for Moral Education workshop introducing the new Issue Stage Scoring rater guide One class hour was devoted to preliminary information on developmental psychology The next 6 hours were used to implement the inservice program suggested by Fenton and Kohlberg (1976a) After being_ given background information, the preservice teachers were given the new rater guide for the Heinz dilemma (Kohlberg, et al ., 1976) Two class hours were spent explaining how to properly use the new rater guide and practicing stage scoring 12 moral thought statements in small groups A discussion of correct assignment of issue, concern, and stage to those 12 moral thought statements followed Next, the preservice teachers were given a homework assignment to stage score 12 additional moral thought statements At the next class session, the correct issue, concern, and stage assignment of those 12 moral thought statements were discussed In the discussion of both the group and individual practice stage scoring, emphasis was placed on 2 4


structural stage scoring plus how to use the rater guide when no issue-concern match was located The rater guide used was only,one of .six parts of the new Issue Stage Scoring rater guide Since the Harvard Center for Moral Education spends one week (approximately 30 to 40 hours) in giving background information similar to that used in the training sessions above and in stage scoring sessions using all six parts of the new rater guide, the 10 hours spent in this study learning to use the Heinz dilemma rater guide represented a similar time for training subjects to use that part of the new rater guide Data Collection The CCTT and DIT were administered on the first day of classes, 4 weeks before the training session began After the training exercises, the preservice teachers were asked to intuitively stage score the 40 moral thought statements on the new Moral Knowledge Test in class Next, the preservice teachers were required to stage score the same 40 moral thought statements using the new rater guide Most (18) of the preservice teachers did the rater guide stage scoring as homework Those who took the test home were required to list the issue, concern, and stage for each moral thought statement and return the test the next class period Requiring the preservice teachers to list issues and concerns provided a means to check to see if the teachers were trying to use the rater guide The teachers who completed the test in class (4) were observed to see if they were trying to use the rater guide The procedures used to check the use of the rater guide indicated that the teachers had tried to use the rater guide as they stage scored the 40 moral thought statements FINDINGS Table 2 presents the mean scores for contents, stage, and test totals for Moral Knowledge Test I (intuitive) and II (rater guide) Using the sum of the duplicate items for the 20 moral thought statements (row totals) as the unit of analysis, analysis of variance tests were employed to answer the first two research questions The analysis of variance test examining the differences between the scores for Moral Knowledge Test I and II (Table 3) indicated no significant overall differences between intuitive and rater guide stage scoring There was a significant difference between stages as might be expected because of the possible influence of comprehension of different stages However, -the insignificant interaction between Test and Stage meant the differences found between stages was applicable to both Moral Knowledge Test I and II There was also a significant difference between the 20 contents, but these differences were partially the result of differences between stages Finally, there was a significant interaction between Test and Content The variations in contents between tests are clarified below 2 5


Table 3 Analysis of Variance Test on Scores for Moral Knowledge I and II *Significant at .01 < p < .05 **Significant at p < .001 The analysis of variance tests on Contents between Test at each Stage (Table 4) were planned to see if the preservice teachers were validly stage scoring (main purpose of the study) There were significant differences between the 4 moral thought statements at all stages The pattern of differences between tests was the same for all stages except stage 1 where there was a significant interaction between Content and Test Despite the difference in pattern at stage 1, there was still a difference between the 4 moral thought statements in both Moral Knowledge Test I and II (see content scores for stage 1 in Table 2) The findings of the 5 analysis of variance tests (Table 4) support the conclusion that the preservice teachers were invalidly stage scoring on the basis of content when intuitive stage scoring as well as when rater guide stage scoring This conclusion is further supported by examining the mean scores for the moral thought statements with and without issue-concern matches in the new rater guide (see Table 2) The mean score for the moral thought statements with matches was 13 .96 when intuitive stage scoring and 14 .05 when rater guide stage scoring 2 6 Source df MS F Between Subjects 21 0 .726 Within Subjects 858 A (Test) 1 0 .164 0 .279 A x subj w groups 21 0 .587 B (Stage) 4 12 .099 13 .941 ** B x subj w groups 84 0 .868 C (Content) 15 14 .619 27 .457** C x subj w groups 315 0 .532 AB 4 0 .280 0 .513 AB x subj w groups 84 0 .348 AC 15 0 .736 2 .117* AC x subj w groups 315 0 .348 Total 879 0 .800


*Significant at .01 < p < .05 **Significant at p < 001 Table 4 Analysis of Variance Tests on Contents Within Stage Between Tests Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 4 + Source df MS F MS F MS F MS F MS F Between Subjects 21 0 .777 1 .170 0 .806 0 .782 7 .260 Within Subjects 154 A (Test) 1 0 .278 0 .824 0 .050 0 .052 0 .568 1 .200 0 .023 0 .052 1 .636 0 .279 A x subj w groups 21 0 .338 0 .980 0 .473 0 .439 5 .874 B (content) 3 24 .415 45 .398** 2 .430 3 .087* 10 .462 14 .610** 23 .561 70 .453** 1572 .542 222 .442** B x subj w groups 63 0 .538 0 .787 0 .716 0 .334 7 .069 AB 3 0 .551 3 .316* 0 .884 1 .474 0 .159 0 .435 0 .583 2 .162 2 .909 0 .663 AB x subj w groups 63 0 .166 0 .575 0 .365 0 .270 4 .385 Total 175 0 .817 0 .805 0 .728 0 .778 24 .063


The mean score for the moral thought statements without matches was 5 .87 when intuitive stage scoring and 4 .23 when rater guide stage scoring The magnitude of the differences in mean scores could only have resulted if the preservice teachers were invalidly stage scoring on the basis of content The correlation between CCTT and Moral Knowledge Test I (r = .15) and II (r = .07) were not significant Likewide, the correlation between DIT and Moral Knowledge Test I (r = .05) and II (r = .06) were not significant Most likely, the fact that the preservice teachers were stage scoring invalidly on the basis of content was a contributing factor to non-significant correlations Comprehension of the structure of moral thought is not necessary when stage scoring on the basis of content IMPLICATIONS The training procedures used in this study were similar to those employed at the Harvard Center for Moral Education workshop on learning to use the Heinz dilemma portion of the new Issue Stage Scoring rater guide Kohlberg and his associates did note that such training would not make a perfect stage scorer ; however, such training ought to make a valid stage scorer Unfortunately, the findings of this study support the generalization made in the earlier studies of the Aspect Stage Scoring system Teachers cannot validly stage score moral thought statements Therefore, teachers should not try to stage score moral thought statements for any of the three purposes discussed in the introduction There are two possible explanations for the failure of the Issue Stage Scoring system and training used to help preservice teachers to validly stage score First, the Issue Stage Scoring system did not correct the problem of content influence associated with the Aspect Stage Scoring system Second and more likely, the preservice teachers misinterpreted Kohlberg's theory of moral development as content development rather than structural development This misinterpretation resulted in doing a content analysis on the moral thought statement rather than a structural analysis The second explanation made that preservice teachers misinterpreted Kohlberg's theory needs to be examined further If the supposition is correct then other questions arise about teachers and "Kohlbergian" programs which warrant investigation First, an investigation needs to be made on whether teachers can enhance cognitive-moral development when they do not understand the theory Second, if teachers do need to understand the theory then further studies need to be made on how to develop teacher understanding of Kohlberg's theory Obviously, the training used in this and earlier studies is insufficient 2 8


REFERENCES Colby, A ., Kohlberg, L ., Fenton, E ., Speicher-Dubin, B ., and Lieberman, M ., "Secondary School Moral Discussion Programmes Led by Social Studies Teachers," Journal of Moral Education, 6(1977), 90-111 Ennis, R ., and Millman, J ., Manual for Cornell Critical Thinking Test, level X ., and Cornell Critical Thinking Test, Level Z (Urbana, III : Critical Thinking Project, University of Illinois, 1971) Fenton, E ., and Kohlberg, L ., Teacher Training in Values Education : A Workshop (Pleasantville, N J : Guidance Associates Filmstrips, 1976) (a) Fenton, E ., and Kohlberg, L ., The Values in a Democracy Series (Pleasantville, N J : Guidance Associates Filmstrips, 1976) (b) Fenton, E ., and Kohlberg, L ., Universal Values in America Series (Pleasantville, N J : Guidance Associates Filmstrips, 1977) Galbraith, R ., and Jones, T ., Moral Reasoning : A Teaching Handbook for Adapting Kohlberg to the Classroom (Anoka, Minn : Greenhaven Press, 1976) Kohlberg, L ., "Stage and Sequence : The Cognitive-Developmental Approach to Socialization ." In D Goslin (Ed .), Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research (Chicago : Rand McNally, 1969) Kohlberg, L ., "The Cognitive-Developmental Approach to Moral Education," Phi Delta Kappan, 41(1975), 670-677 Kohlberg, L ., "Moral Stages and Moralization : The CognitiveDevelopmental Approach ." In T Lickona (Ed .), Moral Development and Behavior : Theory, Research, and Social Issues (New York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976) Kohlberg, L ., and Kramer, R ., "Continuities and Discontinuities in Childhood and Adult Moral Development," Human Development, 12(1969), 93-120 Kohlberg, L ., Colby, A ., Gibbs, J ., Speicher-Dubin, B ., and Power, C ., Assessing Moral Stages : A Manual (Cambridge : Harvard Center for Moral Education, 1976) McGeorge, C ., "The Susceptibility to Faking of the Defining Issues Test of Moral Development," Developmental Psychology, 11(1975), 108 Napier, J "The Ability of Elementary School Teachers to Stage Score Moral Thought Statements," Theory and Research in Social Education, 4(1976), 39-56 Napier, J "Content Influence While Stage Scoring Moral Thought Statements," Educational and Psychological Measurement, 37(1977), 519-525 Napier, J ., "Experiments in the Validity of Preservice Teacher Stage Scoring of Moral Thought Statements," Educational and Psychological Measurement, in press 2 9


Rest, J "The Hierarchial Nature of Moral Judgment : A Study of Patterns of Comprehension and Preference of Moral Stages," Journal of Personality, 41(1973), 86-109 Rest, J "Developmental Psychology as a Guide to Value Education : A Review of 'Kohlbergian' Programs," Review of Educational Research, 44(1974) (a), 241-259 Rest, J Manual for the Defining Issues Test Unpublished manuscript, 1974 (b) (Available from J R Rest, 330 Burton Hall, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota, 55455 .) Thorndike, R ., and Hagen, E Measurement and Evaluation in Psychology and Education (2nd ed .) (New York : John Wiley and Sons, 1969) Turiel, E "Stage Transition in Moral Development ." In R Travers (Ed .), Second Handbook of Research on Teaching (Chicago : Rand McNally, 1973) 3 0


SOCIAL STUDIES AND THE PROBLEM OF KNOWLEDGE : A RE-EXAMINATION OF EDGAR BRUCE WESLEY'S CLASSIC DEFINITION OF THE SOCIAL STUDIES S Samuel Shermis and James L Barth Purdue University INTRODUCTION What knowledge is useful in a democracy is a persisting problem for social studies teachers All present and past social studies curriculum, whether labeled "traditional" or "innovative," is based upon the premise that it embodies knowledge that is "meaningful" and "useful ." The paradox, of course, is that every teacher is convinced that what he or she transmits must indeed be useful It has followed that such useful knowledge was valuable and worth learning and students would do well to expend the effort to acquire it Judging by the conspicuous lack of enthusiasm that students have often showed, we may conclude that they infrequently consider what they are learning especially useful The same conclusion is supported by studies showing citizens are woefully unenlightened and uninformed about what is called current events In 1910, when Edgar Bruce Wesley began his career as an 18 year old teacher in a one-room school house in Black Lick, Kentucky, he found himself confronted by the problem of what constituted useful knowledge, i .e ., what knowledge was of most use in a democracy Twenty-five years later, as one of the founders of the National Council for the Social Studies and the creator of one of the most influential definitions of social studies, Wesley attempted to synthesize his conclusions But despite the popularity and reiteration of his famous definition, he admitted in a taped interview with both authors' that it was misinterpreted, used grotesquely and applied in a way opposite to his intention Before we examine his definition, let us look at the context, which we take to be the issue of what knowledge is most useful in a democracy Democracy, by common consensus, is characterized by self-rule, i .e ., by decision-making on the part of those who are to be ruled Whether of the direct New England town meeting kind or the indirect, elected representative variety, democracy involves decision-making As such, individuals need to perform a particular process, colloquially called "making up one's mind" or more formally, the evaluation and selection of values and data that favor one or another conclusion Democratic decision-making, which at least according to one point of view, is the essence of citizenship,' is also tied in with the social studies In 3 1


the eyes of Wesley's contemporaries 50 years ago or Shirley Engle, whose classic article on decision-making was to prove so important, the social studies exist for the purpose of training students, i .e ., future citizens, in this process When Wesley's ideas and those of Dewey, Kilpatrick, Rugg, Counts and others became part of the everyday language of teachers, however, their philosophical import was changed radically What teachers seem to have done was to continue as they had always taught but relabeled the process Thus, in place of teaching the process of decision-making in the social studies, teachers taught about decisions Instead of teaching the skills of problem-sensing, evidencing, etc ., teachers transmitted beliefs about past decisions, i .e ., the decisions made by the Founding Fathers Rather than an analysis of how decisions are actually made in a democracy, teachers taught the formal structure and function of government The older approach to knowledge was defended in ancient terms : students ought to store up knowledge for a future when they will surely need it Useful knowledge, then, was knowledge judged to be useful in a future set of circumstances What changed, then, was not practice but language : social studies acquired a vocabulary rich in "citizenship," "democracy," "problem-solving," "decision-making" and the like But the curriculum-despite the alluring wrappers and the audio-visuals-is now what it has always been .' AN ANALYSIS OF WESLEY'S IDEAS Yet, the problem continues What is useful knowledge? What does it mean for knowledge to have utility in a democracy? What knowledge should teachers transmit? Let us look at Edgar Bruce Wesley and the experiences which shaped him from his first year in the 1910 Kentucky schoolhouse We asked, What did you think you were doing in that Black Lick school more than 65 years ago? . .I thought I was transmitting the facts and that was about it And I'm sure I was strict and even severe and insisted that [the students] be able to quote the Preamble and that they read carefully Peterson's Specifics of the State of Kentucky and other exacting things, including the multiplication table, techniques of using an encyclopedia, and alphabetizing You would see a combination of facts and skills That was my conception of education About the geography that he was required to teach, we asked, "What kind of geography was it?" The answer : "Oh, it was product, area, place and a little of transportation ." The odds and ends of unrelated information was the only curriculum Wesley knew With no understanding of educational purposes and without 3 2


any formal training, Professor Wesley had passed a county licensing examination-ahead of all others who took the test-and began teaching all subjects to 43 students for 1 43 .00 a month Wesley recalls that he had the blessing of the local superintendent, the approval of a sympathetic board member, and an official curriculum guide-which, as he says of himself, in his innocence or perhaps arrogance, he completely ignored EXPERIENCE AND INTEGRATION It seems reasonable to conjecture that Wesley, as an 18 year old schoolteacher, was confronted immediately with the enormous gulf between citizenship functions and the fractionated, discontinuous curriculum-the "combination of facts and skills" that he was called upon to transmit At any rate, Wesley describes the painful attempt to come to grips with a major philosophical problem That problem-confronted by Dewey, Rugg, Counts and most of the other early 20th Century pioneers-can be reduced to the simple question, How does a citizen in a democratic society integrate knowledge in order to carry out his citizenship role? Wesley begins his discussion by mentioning briefly the prevailing "mental disciplinary" educational theory of the time The notion that by exercising . .this muscle, it becomes strong and solid and strengthened," in Wesley's words, is a fair description of 19th Century theories of faculty psychology and mental discipline The end effect of such theory is to educate separate "faculties" of the mind and this procedure, by its very nature, predisposes toward atomization and disassociation Rather than the learning of separate and discontinuous facts and skills-of the kind that Wesley believed he was transmitting-the key is to begin with the nature of experience The context of the discussion below is the relationship between experience and knowledge Franklin said it very well and with great perception "Experience keeps a dear school but fools learn in no other way ." If I understand Franklin, bright people don't need experience After a minimum of experience, you've had enough I've sometimes selected the age of 28 as enabling any person with any intelligence to have acquired all the experience he needs the rest of his life-you don't need any more experience What you need to do is to utilize, rearrange, analyze and modify the experiences you've had Experience keeps a dear school but a fool learns in no others-a fool can learn, even when he's pressured into it, but he waits a long time At this point, Wesley recalls an embarrassing experience, one that served to convince him that vicarious undergoing of experience was far more economical than personal suffering : on a number of occasions, Wesley had 3 3


forgotten to fill the gasoline tank and had run out of gas He recalls, "I finally got it through my head that cars don't run without gasoline Finally, experience taught me a dear lesson I learned ." I like to say it another way : smart people make progress on other people's experience You economize I don't need to go to the penitentiary to suffer the humiliation of enclosement . . I learned from literature that experience is bad, it's unpleasant, it's harmful, it's distasteful I don't want it I don't need it I don't need the direct experience of a thousand things I need the decision, the analyses, the application of what other people have experienced Shermis : "What you're saying is that the decision, analysis, application, synthesis, review of experience-all of that, of course, summons up the ghost of John Dewey ." Wesley : "Yes, that's quite true ." To be sure, Wesley departs from Dewey in one important sense Dewey talked about vicarious experience and about that aspect of experience-not the direct undergoing of a physical event-which is concerned with analysis and understanding of the significance of what was undergone However, the point Wesley makes has much in common with both the insights and concerns of Dewey : what is critical is insight One need not undergo an experience many times One can learn from the trials of others What counts is . .the decision, the analyses, the application of what other people have experienced ." Wesley developed this concept a few moments later Let's go back and let me restate what I think we're talking about, leading up to : that education is a process of integrating what you're exposed to At least that's one way to define it Everybody who is alive is constantly reorganizing and reexperiencing and reintegrating . trying to put it together It seems to me that if you take a look at the school curriculum-I think of children, young children, as pretty well integrated, unified ; they understand the world According to their needs, they know what they need to know and they don't have to add it and put it together They don't have to go through the process of integration ; they're already integrated They don't know enough of the world to be confused, but when they start to school-you know, we start the process of confusion We divide and classify subjects and force prematurely our divisional aspects Pretty soon, by the time a child has gone through the 4th or 5th grade, he realizes that geography, history, civics, and economics-and he's confronted with the problem of how to put it together In the slow process of American education, about grades 7 and 8, which 3 4


we call the junior high school, we saw . a clear need to bring things together, to show them how to integrate In other words, the formal educational process seems to be a succession of integratingaiid-Aividing ; integrating and dividing, integrating and dividing This has gone on for a long time at two levels-at the elementary level and then at the level of scholarship In other words, you've got the . parallel process of integrating the social sciences and then . integrating and making a field out of the social studies In brief, then, Wesley begins apparently by confronting the gulf between the discontinuous curriculum, the collection of disassociated facts and skills, and the realities of living, making decisions and applying knowledge He begins with the nature of experience, making the point that one need not undergo experiences repeatedly, that the vicarious awareness of experience is economical He concludes that what counts is "the decision, the analysis, the application of what other people have experienced" as the key to education From this, Wesley articulates his belief that what is at the heart of experience is the necessity to integrate knowledge The child comes to school integrated, capable of living in his world as he knows it Schools tell him that knowledge exists only in divided and discontinuous form, and that his job is to absorb separate school subjects Those individuals who made a difference to 20th Century education were either those who realized the need to integrate and reintegrate knowledge and experience and those who served to divide, specialize, and fractionate knowledge INTEGRATION AND THE SOCIAL STUDIES The same ideas that occured to Wesley were also being considered by a good many scholars in the social sciences and what we would call pioneers in the social studies, e .g ., Earl and Harold Rugg, Edgar Dawson, Howard Wilson, and Mary Kelty To use a phrase from nuclear physics, the ideas reached a critical mass and, says Wesley, "The National Council for the Social Studies was formed in February, 1921 . in Atlantic City ." Perhaps the critical statement by Wesley in this discussion is : . .the National Council was organized to promote the teaching of the social studies and the process of integrating the social studies ." Those sharing Wesley's concern for the integrative function of knowledge in a democracy, began the National Council for the express purpose of creating a new field The field was to be called "social studies" and the purpose of the field was to assist students to integrate knowledge concerned with social phenomena 3 5


Wesley comments on the early beginnings of the NCSS : When I was selected [as president-elect] in 1934, that being the year in which we really clarified and almost agreed on the function of the NCSS, Howard Wilson of Harvard was president . .I think he had a good deal to say that [social studies] is not to promote the teaching of economics It's not the promotion of the teaching [of] sociology And it's certainly not the promotion of teaching history It should be the promotion of [the recognition] that social studies are a constituted field . that it was a process of putting it together, merging it, and submerging the subjects, and exposing and raising . a concept of field as differentiated from the subjects And, at this point, Wesley recognizes clearly that the early struggles to achieve integration, to define a separate field, never happened : Now, then, that process of integrating has never been really achieved And there's where we are today Confused and uncertain and struggling We simply see the problem ; we think we see dimly the solution But the process of doing it is still unachieved It is clear, even from these few remarks, that Wesley saw the social studies not-as his own definition would suggest-as "merely" a recombination or distillation of the social science disciplines .` Shermis asks Wesley, "What did you think you were doing as a social studies educator? Wesley replies : I thought that I was still working toward and hoping for a synthesis, interpretation, amalgamation that rubbed out or at least made dim the boundaries [between the separate subjects] WESLEY'S CLASSIC DEFINITION For a good long time Professor Wesley expanded on his definition It is clear from his own words that Wesley-in common with virtually all other intellectual pioneers-felt that he has been misinterpreted Professor Barth says : When teachers around the United States are asked, How do you define social studies, some of them will say, "Well, its just history ." But those who are a little better educated than that will say "Well, social studies is a social science simplified for pedagogical reasons ." Their authority is Edgar Wesley . "so, what I do is just take my old lecture notes . from college and cut them down to the language that students will understand ." That's how teachers 3 6


interpret the social studies : the social sciences simplified for pedagogical purposes . .I know you never meant that You never meant that teachers were to take that simple phrase, which says a whole lot, and interpret what they . do as [taking] their college notes and . their college texts and simplify[ing] them Wesley replies : Well, I suppose in our struggles to . make it clear, make it definite, make it specific [and] convincing, we're all guilty of oversimplification I realize in the course of time that my definition of the social studies as the reorganization of social sciences for instructional purposes is nothing but an oversimplification In actual teaching, in actual thinking, I myself have never thought that that was the only part of social studies And, the key thought : "Social studies, as I like to think is the content that deals with human relations ." In ambiguous words, Wesley admits that his approach to a definition is, in the nature of things, an oversimplification designed only to be clear and convincing The essence of the matter lies in . .content that deals with human relations ." At this point, Edgar Wesley reverted to a colloquial and homely analogy : . .I always started my concept with stick figures on the blackboard I draw one big stick figure and say . He isn't material for social studies He belongs to the doctor if he's sick or to the psychologist if he's crazy But he himself is not social studies He is of no consequence, of no part The preacher might be interested in his soul But the teacher of social studies isn't interested in him because . The remaining dialogue makes it clear that the single, separate and isolated individual is not the subject of social studies Wesley continues : So, now I'm ready to draw another stick figure and to draw a sort of semi-circle between the two, and I make a big "R" between the two . the R is Relationship Now, then, I call for social studies teachers and say . we're ready, we've got something for you to operate on We've got some relationships started . we've got some interaction We've got two fellas . .the next [figure] is one fella and five or six stick figures in a semi-circle with a big R between the one man and the group Well, I always say, "Who's this guy?" Finally, somebody says, "That's the preacher preaching to a congregation or he's a lawyer haranguing a jury or he's a teacher lecturing to the class . ." He's anyone in a situation where one fella is trying to do something to a group of people Okay, that's the second big drawing 3 7


Now, then, the next picture is two groups, semi-circular groups, with a big "R" between them And who's on this side? Republicans and Democrats Boys and girls Sophomores and freshmen Any kind of team versus any kind of team that you can think of-with an R between Now, take all of these R's and . you've got relationships : inevitable, commendable, unenjoyable, and committitory and uncommittitory And then don't forget this-all these relationships . are not harmonious . beautiful and appealing These relationships may even be hostile . well, now, you add all these "R's" together and you're ready to define the social studies The social studies are studies that are directly concerned with human relations . .social studies content . is centered on human relationships and is defined by a . selection from and a reorganization of the social sciences And then the third big element that goes into social studies content is . the ongoing social processes in which you are inevitably tied up A child can't possibly live in this world without learning He learns from friends, he learns from the community, he learns from radio and television, he learns from newspapers . The biggest . single element in the social studies is the precedence [of] the ongoing process or the experiences of the teacher or the pupil Now, I hope I have made it perfectly clear that when I define social studies as the social sciences simplified . .I knew that was inadequate, that [it] was inaccurate But when you state it and see its fullness, I hope it doesn't continue to be inadequate anymore At this point, Professor Barth asks, Why did people just pick upon the one phrase? Because it was the easiest to pick up on . It was a convenient way of telling an administrator what you were doing . to get him off your back "Well, I'm just teaching social science . I'm just simplifying it a little bit . . Well, you know, my methods text said this is what we're supposed to be doing is simplifying social science and that's what I do I just take a series of ideas and just cram them at the kids at a level where I think they can grasp it and that's about it ." Wesley then continued with his monologue on social studies and human relationships : . .I've often drawn a . patchwork village and then right by it I create a mountain . and I say, well, the mountain deflects the wind or . causes the rain . or prevents the rain ; the mountain is a place 3 8


where they have summer resorts, cottages up there ; then the city sends workmen ; and the mountain affects the climate . . Then I realize that that village has other relationships So . .I draw a big lake, and what's' the relatioii'ship between the lake and the town? What does the lake do? And then I create a desert out here Now, then, what are we talking about? Relationships which are primarily reflective of a geographic setting This relationship is geography . these relationships between the person and the town and the economic processes we call economics . this explains or defines . or identifies sociology But, all this you see, Jim, is what I now [interpret] of the complex, inclusive conception that I have of the social studies Now, I hope you'll do what you can to clarify and disseminate against the errors that have sprung from that oversimplification It was just unintentionally misleading SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS Beginning with the classical Wesley definition of social studies as the social sciences simplified for pedagogical purposes, we asked the question, Through what train of experience, insights and concerns did the author reach that definition? What, in fact, are his principal philosophical concerns? While it is clear that the definition has acted to atomize and disassociate the social science discipline, Wesley asserts and the present writers agree, that what happened to the definition was far from his intentions-then or now An analysis of his reminiscences reveals that his early experiences as a one-room schoolteacher sensitized him to the discontinuity between the pieces of curriculum items and the realities of living in a democratic community We can summarize his philosophical concern by the question, What is the role and function of knowledge in a democratic society? This question apparently led Dr Wesley to consider the meaning of experience, and, in particular, the need to substitute vicarious experience for repeatedly undergoing the same physical task The critical term, apparently, has to do with use : How is experience used? The answer is, it is integrated and employed in the process Wesley called "decision, analysis and application of what other people have experienced ." This one major insight-essentially similar to those of such experiencecentered philosophers as Dewey, Bode, Childs, Kilpatrick and othersprobably generated a concern for defining the social studies, not simply as so many separate pieces of information from so many separate social science disciplines-but rather as a "distillation, selection and reorganization" from the social sciences What makes the distillation coherent? What serves to organize the social science disciplines? The relationships, that is, the social relationships of human beings 3 9


The previous pages could conceivably be an exercise in antiquarianism, a futile effort to rake up bygone curriculum theory, were it not for the salient fact that the hopes and expectations of pioneers like Wesley have not, for the most part, been realized The "application, analysis and decisionmaking" that Wesley saw as the ultimate use of experience has not occured, nor has the synthesis of knowledge that, according to Wesley, was implied by his famous definition Even a casual look at social studies classes will find the mixture as before : Civil War movies, memorization of the capitals of the States, watered-down social science, values clarification, the structure of government, and inculcation of a love for existing social institutions We could argue that much of what we have described is a function of an academic field that has no core, no essence, no central concern or meaning around which practitioners can organize their activities Social studies, to repeat the point, has always meant whatever anyone has cared to make it mean The identity of social studies teachers, or rather the lack of identity of social studies teachers, probably flows from the absence of a central purpose Social studies teachers, certainly at the junior and senior high level, have tended to define themselves in terms of that discipline which they studied in their undergraduate or masters program In practice, this has meant that social studies teachers have tended to reduce the social studies not to the social sciences but rather to one or two social science disciplines And in practice, the purpose has usually reduced to systems support ; i .e ., making young people loyal to perceived social values and existing institutional arrangements A full generation after Edger Bruce Wesley coined the most universally accepted definition of the social studies, he candidly and unambiguously acknowledges that not only was his approach an oversimplification designed to be understandable but-as our analysis of his dialogue makes it evident-the concerns with which he approached the definition predisposed in the opposite direction of what was later interpreted Rather than a collection of separate social science facts, information and constructs, Wesley intended his definition to yield a selection, a distillation of the social sciences for the purpose of shedding light on the meaning of human relationships At no time, before or after the definition was coined, did Wesley mean for teachers to dust off their college notes, remove the abstractions and complexity from the social scientists' findings, and transmit them directly to students His reminiscence makes it clear that in his view the social studies ought to draw upon the social sciences, out to use the data of the social scientists as resources for the purpose of illuminating social relations "Sociology," "economics" and-above all-"history" are but convenient repositories for insights into what is often called "the human condition ." 4 0


We conclude by returning to what we think is the essence of the problem, the heart of the matter It lies, we reiterate, in an inability to distinguish between teaching students the process of decision-making, i .e ., the skills of analysis and evaluation, and teaching about decision-making, i .e ., transmitting information about the, decisions others have made To teach the skills of decision-making suggests, first, that students actually go through the process They must internalize a problem This is indispensable : unless one owns, feels or senses a problem, subsequent thinking is either absent or greatly enfeebled Second, students must perform the variety of skills that go into elaborating an hypothesis-gathering data, extrapolating, inferring, deducing, supporting with data or through logic, etc Teachers should identify for themselves the generic characteristics of a decision Decisions are made only when one must choose between competing alternatives in an ambiguous situation in which one selects either the greater of two goods or the lesser of two evils At its simplest, one does not choose when there is only vanilla ice cream One chooses when one must select between vanilla and toffee nut or some other flavors in a situation in which all flavors are perceived as appealing At a more complex level, the decisions that face the United States now with regard to, say, relations with the oil powers are thoroughly vexing : do we favor the oil rich and despotic Arab sheikdoms because they now supply more than 40% of our oil and in the process do we ignore our previous commitments to Israel if such commitments are likely to interfere with the steady flow of oil? Do we restrict "gas guzzlers" or even tax them out of existence? To do so may make much economic sense and may curtail waste ; but it will also remove from Americans a longstanding and valued freedom Or, do we observe what is thought to be a color-blind Constitution and declare illegal all "quotas" and "goals" which favor a disadvantaged minority group? But to do so-to end "reverse discrimination"-may very well leave minorities where they were 25 years ago when they were routinely screened out of professional and graduate schools One can extend these examples but all come to the same thing : the choices that we talk about in the social studies are invariably choices between two or more very appealing alternatives or two or more distressing ones It goes without saying that real choice, the actual process of having to make a decision, is often fraught-with strain Confronted between what some Americans thought was the henchman of a very flawed president in 1968 and his opponent, whom many Americans viewed as a political thug, some joked about voting no for president or staying home from the polls But, of course, not to choose is a kind of choice In any event, since choices are made in a social environment which is ambiguous and is therefore conflictual and invariably "controversial," it is tempting to ignore all of the stress and stay with the safe thing : study choices made by dead heroes or the 4 1


formalities of choice-making machinery Both are abdications and evasions To acquire skill in decision-making is to learn a wide variety of subtle and complex intellectual functions in a choice-making situation which is inherently stressful There is no other way . We do not wish to endorse or to criticize either Wesley's definition or the use to which it was later employed Rather we point out that the concern about the proper function of social science knowledge in the elementary and secondary social studies curriculum, hoary even 50 years ago, is still relevant Wesley's concern for the use to which knowledge may be put in a democratic society is, we think, the matrix out of which all of his subsequent thinking on experience, human relationships and the social studies evolved We-that is, teachers, social studies educators and parents-ought to raise once again the question, How do citizens actually use knowledge in their daily lives in a society which is supposed to value decison-making and choice? If we can raise this question and deal with it not as a pallid abstraction but as a way of bringing guidance to that enterprise known as social studies, we would very probably reject the present curriculum which-in fact-differs but little from Wesley's 1910 Black Lick schoolhouse and the Preamble, alphabet, geographical place names and Specifics of the State of Kentucky We would very probably require teachers to justify all of their curriculum all of their classroom content, on the use to which such knowledge may be put Whether Edgar Bruce Wesley was ultimately correct, whether his definition was indeed used indiscriminately by teachers is not, in the final analysis, the critical issue we wish to raise What we wish to suggest is that the philosophical question that Wesley has been concerned with is the right one We wish to argue that we would be well advised to raise it ourselves, not occasionally and for rhetorical purposes, but daily In the absence of any provisional and clear answer to the question, How do individuals use knowledge in a democratic society? we shall continue to suffer from the same discontinuous and unproductive curriculum that has rendered social studies a field without an identity FOOTNOTES 'At Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana, in 1974, Dr Wesley consented to be taped For two days we taped his informal conversation and rendered the tapes into 150 typescript pages ZA recent definition of social studies that emphasizes the role of citizenship education is : "The social studies is an integration of experience 4 2


and knowledge concerning human relations for the purpose of citizenship education ." (Barr, Barth and Shermis, Defining the Social Studies, 1977, 69) 'For a more complete discussion on the reasons for the seeming lack of change in teaching practice see Barth (Advanced Social Studies Education, 1977, 53-55 ; and Successful Social Studies Teaching, 1977, 84-97) 4 Virtually the same set of ideas concerning Wesley's claim that his definition was oversimplified may be found in his writing (Wesley and Wronski, 1964, 2) REFERENCES Barr, Robert, Barth, James, and Shermis, S Samuel, Defining the Social Studies (Washington : National Council for the Social Studies, 1977) Barr, Robert, Barth, James, and Shermis, S Samuel, The Nature of the Social Studies (Palm Springs : ETC ., 1978) Barth, James L ., "New Social Studies Materials and Strategies," Advanced Social Studies Education (Washington : University Press of America, 1977) Barth, James L ., "Methods, Techniques and Strategies," Successful Social Studies Teaching (Washington : University Press of America, 1977) Engle, Shirley, "Decision Making : The Heart of the Social Studies Instruction," Social Education, 24(November, 1960) 301-306 Wesley, Edgar Bruce, and Wronski, Stanley, "The Social Studies Delimited," Teaching Social Studies in High Schools, Fifth Edition (Boston : D .C Heath, 1964) 4 3


AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW ABOUT THE ROLE OF THE SECONDARY SCHOOL IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION : A FIELD-EXPERIMENTAL STUDY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL LIBERTIES ATTITUDES* Dennis R Goldenson West Virginia University CONFLICTING VIEWS ABOUT THE ROLE OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Political scientists often have expressed substantial interest in the impact of the schools on political socialization This literature suggests that the high school social studies curriculum generally has very little impact indeed on the development or change of students' political attitudes or behavior For example, consider the widely cited study done by Jennings and Langton (See Langton and Jennings 1968 .) This study, which is based on data from a national sample of high school seniors and their parents, shows that students who have taken government or civics courses tend to differ only trivially from those who have not in regard to their responses on eight different citizenship attitudinal dimensions In addition, a good deal of educational research dating back at least to the 1950's also indicates that simple exposure to social studies courses does not result in changed citizenship attitudes (See, for example, Remmers, ed ., 1963 which reports a number of studies based on national samples collected by Purdue University during the 1950's .) Similar findings have been reported at the college level as well (See, for example, Somit, et al 1958 .) It is fair to say that the current consensus among students of political behavior is that the secondary school, at least in regard to its formal curricular offerings, is rather ineffective as an "agent" of political socialization Indeed, that the high school curriculum would be expected to have little effect often is suggested by the Chicago and Yale studies of elementary school children which claim "that political socialization has, in many important respects, been completed by the time the child reaches high *Thanks are due especially to Charles H Backstrom of the University of Minnesota, Frances Burke of Suffolk University in Boston, Diane Burgess of Florida Atlantic University, Cheryl Matheny of West Virginia University, and the manuscript's referees This article is a revision of a paper presented at the New England Political Science Association meetings in Durham, New Hampshire, April 10, 1976 4 4


school ." (Hess and Easton 1960, p 634 See also, Easton and Dennis, 1969, Hess and Torney 1967 ; Dawson and Prewitt 1969 ; Langton 1969 ; and Greenstein 1965, 1960 .) However, over the years there have been several studies which do show that high school social studies 'curricula have had a sometimes rather substantial impact on the formation and change of student's political attitudes (See Clarke 1959 ; Holmes 1951 ; Litt 1963 ; Hoover 1967 ; Rockier 1969 ; Prewitt, Van Der Muhll and Court 1970 ; Levenson 1972 ; and Sullivan, Marcus and Minns 1975 .) This also is true in a series of studies on students' social discrimination attitudes (See, for example, Williams 1961 ; Mainer 1963 ; and Elley 1964 .) Similar findings regarding the formation and change of students' political attitudes can be found in studies at the college level (Garrison 1968 ; Christenson and Capretta 1968 ; Richman and Targ 1971 ; and, of course, the classical Bennington studies by Newcomb and his associates 1967 .) Indeed, one can cite studies at the elementary school level (Zellman and Sears 1971, pp 133-134 ; and Targ 1975) At first glance, it might seem that these findings conflict with those that show little or no impact of high school social studies curricula Langton (1969, pp 88-89) refers to "mixed findings" in this regard Dawson and Prewitt (1969, p 152) believe that such studies' "findings vary ." But such conclusion confuses the implications of two quite different research orientations Hovland (1959), and somewhat more recently Converse (1963), have pointed out that sample surveys and other field studies tend to be concerned with what does generally happen in an actuarial sense Experimental studies, of course, often are concerned with what can happen under certain conditions which often are relatively uncommon In all of the studies quoted above which do show changes in students' attitudes, they have been exposed to curricula which show at least some direct concern with the objects of the attitudes in question This usually is not so for those studies which indicate that exposure to social studies courses generally has so little impact Given the content of the usual social studies curriculum, which tends to avoid anything of a controversial nature, it is almost ridiculous to expect much change as a result of exposure to it One wonders why a high school student should develop or change his or her attitudes about civil liberties as a result of sitting in a class which virtually ignores the topic That teachers tend to avoid controversy in the classroom should come as little surprise Even if they felt that they should discuss controversial topics in class, the curriculum materials with which they must work make this a difficult task indeed Yet political scientists often seem to have neglected the content of social studies curricula, and the quality of teaching, when they have evaluated, and made universal generalizations about, the importance of the school as an "agent" of political socialization Any number of 4 5


descriptions could be made of the usual social studies curriculum with its stress on compliance, the bland acquisition of information, and avoidance of controversial topics (See especially Zeigler and Peak 1970 who cite a wide literature in this area ; Torney 1970 ; Ehman 1970 ; and Jaros 1968 .) However, it should be clear that as description of the usual effects of American secondary social studies education and consideration of what can happen under relatively uncommon experimental circumstances are two quite different things Indeed, there also is evidence that courses which would deal with controversial topics would find a receptive audience among secondary social studies students Consider some evidence collected by Remy (1970, see also 1972) in the Chicago area He found that high school students very rarely reported discussing Vietnam with their teachers However, many of them did reply that they would be "very much interested" in talking with their teachers about this topical question Indeed the students were somewhat less likely to want to talk about Vietnam with their parents and their friends than with their teachers Apparently, then, secondary social studies teachers tend to be perceived by their students as being credible sources of information about controversial social issues They may avoid such topics in most instances But the potential for influence remains nonetheless This is so even though teachers usually try to be impartial Indeed, Jaros and Canon (1972) suggest that students use their teachers as referents, even when they misinterpret the teachers' actual value positions Political analysts long have been interested in the implications for democracy of people's attitudes towards questions of civil liberties Work by Stouffer (1955), Prothro and Grigg (1960), and McClosky and his associates (1964, 1960) immediately come to mind in this regard Such concerns with freedom of expression, due process of law and tolerance of diversity also certainly are a main component of the concept of "citizenship" in educational research And, the various instructional objectives of the "new social studies" would seem to fall into this tradition in the field as well (See, for example, Gillespie and Patrick 1974, p 21 .) At least formally, then, civil liberties is the topic of much citizenship education Hence the impact of high school social studies curricula on the development of students' attitudes towards civil liberties is this article's central concern Data are presented from a field-experimental study concerning the effects of a secondary social studies curriculum unit on students' attitude formation and change After a description of the experimental design, and a discussion of some basic questions of attitude theory and measurement, the study's results are presented These indicate that it is possible to develop a curriculum unit that can have a more noticeable impact on student attitudes than usually is evident This is so 4 6


especially when one considers the interaction of the experimental treatment with students' perceptions about their teachers' credibility This was true even during an historical period otherwise quite unreceptive to civil libertarian perspectives Indeed, on somewhat weaker grounds, there is some basis here for conjecture -that these changes will persist over some time into the future In the concluding section, the results and some theoretical perspectives that can help to explain them are summarized THE RESEARCH PROJECT As has been suggested in the previous section, high school social studies curricula tend to ignore the implications of civil liberties topics Hence it is apparent that if one wishes to study the impact of courses which do stress controversial civil liberties topics, a field-experimental design is quite useful Since no attempt is being made at "actuarial" description, such a procedure certainly seems reasonable Field-experimental designs, although they still are uncommon in political analysis, have much to commend them Of course the ability to observe empirical consequences under normally uncommon circumstances can be of great value for the development of more comprehensive theory Perhaps more important, though, is the notion of control which can provide one with considerably more confidence in the validity of one's theoretical statements than usually is possible in non-experimental field studies For example, Langton (1969, p 170) points out that high school seniors who plan on going to college already differ on various political attitudinal dimensions from their peers who do not expect to attend college Indeed, Zellman and Sears (1971) find that such differences begin to appear at the elementary school level Hence, one very well might confuse learning with self-selection or other non-random differences in much non-experimental political "socialization" research The Experimental Design The data reported in this study were collected in the context of a field-experiment at two senior high schools in the late Winter and early Spring of 1973 The school districts are located contiguously in a working-class area in the suburban fringe of metropolitan Minneapolis-St Paul, Minnesota Students in four senior social studies classes at each school were exposed to a specially prepared curriculum unit on civil liberties in the United States Control students in five classes (four at school "A" and one at school "B") did not cover civil liberties as a part of their formal course of study Every effort was made to avoid these topics entirely in these classes Also, at both schools, students were assigned to their social studies classes in an effectively random manner .' 4 7


A better strict experimental design was maintained at School "A" than was so at school "B ." Two teachers at school "A" cooperated directly in the project Each teacher was formally, administratively responsible for five classes during the school day Throughout the semester, they team-taught in eight of these classes (two during each of four class periods) Z During the field-experimental period, the teacher who taught from the civil liberties unit covered it in the four classes for which he was technically responsible The other four classes covered a unit in economics under the direction of the other cooperating teacher Civil liberties topics deliberately were avoided during the rest of the school term The experimental classes at school "B" were all taught by one teacher who cooperated in the project The control group there consisted of students assigned to a social studies class, not taught by the experimental teacher, which did not discuss civil liberties topics in any great depth I Due to administrative difficulties, unfortunately, there are no before-test questionnaires for this control group Hence the control group comparisons reported in this paper are limited to data from school "A ." However the control groups at the two schools do not differ appreciably in their after-test scores on an attitude index which is a basic component of the criterion index of civil liberties attitude change used in this article And there are no significant differences in change scores between the experimental groups at the two schools Data were collected by means of self-administered questionnaires completed by students in their regular classroom settings After a pre-test elsewhere, questionnaires were administered at the test schools in February, approximately one and one-half months before the civil liberties curriculum unit was covered in the experimental classes Another set of questionnaires was administered in April, within a week after completion of the curriculum unit at School "A" and about two weeks after completion at school "B ." There are obviously questions about the validity of such questionnaire data which must be addressed here One might expect that some students simply might give what they think are the "right answers" expected by their teachers to the questions asked This might be so especially if they perceive the situation as a test of what just was covered in a course Indeed, Rokeach (1966-67, pp 543-544) notes the importance of testing subjects in different situations which do not stress compliance before inferring attitude change For this reason, this study had the students fill out their questionnaires under an aegis other than the social studies class,` stressed that this was not a test for any class, attempted to make clear in the instructions that people often differ "with good reason" in their answers on the questionnaires, and continually stressed confidentiality of the students' responses Several additional questions were asked to "mask" the purpose of the questionnaire And it was not filled out only by the more obviously affected 4 8


students I Hence it may have seemed less unusual to the students than one might fear In any event, given the timing of the after-test, it would be clear to any students who might have made the connection between the questionnaires and the course unit that their grades could not be adversely affected (or improved) by their candid answers The return rate of completed questionnaires is summarized in Table 1 Generally speaking, the return rate is quite good by social science standards The refusal rate is next to nonexistent The non-return rate is due almost entirely to students being absent from class on the days of administration Since they were not told in class that there would be such a task to perform, it seems reasonable to assume that non-return is unrelated to the students' attitudes about civil liberties The return rate is somewhat lower in April, probably due to the approaching end of their high school careers Table 1 Questionnaire Return Rates 'N's are frequencies of cases in each group The total possible for February, April and both combined differs slightly due to class attrition and addition Hence the number of cases in each group are reported, along with the percentages of the total possible which they represent 'No questionnaires were collected in February for the school "B" control group 'Students who gave no name or were otherwise miscoded during April administration 4 9 School "A" School "B" Return Rates Experimental Control Experimental Control % N % N % N % N February 92 98' 86 97 83 83 -2 April 75 79 84 97 76 76 86 24 Both 69 72 72 81 66 66 No Name' 0 0 3 4 1 1 0 0


THE CURRICULUM UNIT The experimental curriculum unit developed for this study was designed to expose students to a series of controversial topics (sometimes in law as well as public discourse) which put more than the usual stress on the implications of abstract constitutional civil libertarian principles in concrete situations (See Goldenson 1975, Appendix A, for an enumeration of the curriculum materials .) Perhaps more important than the materials, however, are the teaching methods employed Basically, these involved seeking "active" student participation in the learning process Thus, the course unit tried to minimize the rote memorization of the "right answers" supportive of U S civil liberties protections Rather, it tried to clarify what are the implications of abstract civil libertarian principles, and that those principles well might be in conflict with other value perspectives in particular concrete situations To that end, the students participated in group research projects which they presented to their classmates under their teachers' direction An important part of the preparation for these presentations involved contact with individuals in the community outside of the school Hence students interviewed lawyers, representatives of the American Civil Liberties Union, local law officers and the like in an attempt to get conflicting prespectives on their topics (which included freedom of speech and expression, search and seizure, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and due process of law) The curriculum unit was covered in approximately three weeks That a teaching method which emphasizes active learning would be an effective alternative to teacher centered lecture and forced recitation is suggested by a good deal of literature For example, a wide literature in social psychology indicates that people are more likely to change their attitudes if they take a public stand on a topic which they have been actively involved in preparing rather than if they simply are exposed passively to some communication (See, for example, Hovland, Janis and Kelly 1966, pp 146-148 ; Rosenberg, Verba and Converse 1970,' pp 114-116 ; or Lewin 1947 .) Indeed, in the study by Elley (1964, p 322) cited earlier, not only did he vary the content of the curriculum materials, students in the experimental classes were involved in group projects on the course's topics Some work by Hoover (1967) also suggests that the study of controversial issues in an active, "problem-solving" learning environment can lead to some change in "democratic values" among secondary social studies students And, of course, this concern for active involvement by students in the learning process underlies the current interest among social studies educators in various "inquiry" methods 5 0


Measuring Attitudes About Civil Liberties It is a common practice in survey research to ask people to respond to a series of short sentence-stem "Likert-type" items meant to classify them on the basis of various attitudinal and behavioral attitudes But such items often seem to be highly contrived and normatively obvious Most pertinent to the present study, the typical short sentence-stem item also can remain quite vague (if not ambiguous) in its referents, often simply by omission (See Achen 1975 ; and Coombs and Coombs 1976-1977 in this context .) In reference to attitudes about civil liberties, problems of item ambiguity are especially pronounced It has become commonplace in the field of political behavior to note that individuals often will agree in the abstract, with items which stress the importance of civil liberties protections However, the same people quite often disagree with survey items which stress the importance of these same procedures in particular, more concrete, situations (See, esp ., Prothro and Grigg 1960 ; Selvin and Hagstrom 1960 ; Pock 1967 ; and Zellman and Sears 1971 .) The usual interpretation of this observation is that the former responses are instances of knowledge of platitudinous social norms, while the latter are better indicators of people's "true feelings" about the subject This is very well taken But it also is true that interpretations of this phenomenon are clouded by the fact that the "concrete" items, in fact, are ambiguous Each item includes at least two objects : a civil liberties procedure and a group towards whom it should be applicable-e .g ., blacks, foreigners, communists, criminals, those who would speak out against religion, and so on Hence the typical short item purporting to measure opinions about civil liberties in "concrete" (in contrast to normatively neutral "abstract") situations might be a better indicator of respondents' feelings about the specific group in question Especially since the objects which are central in people's political belief systems are much more likely to be "obviously recognizable social groupings" than abstract "ideological" principles (see Converse 1964), it is quite reasonable to suggest that the group involved will be more salient to most respondents in the survey interaction situation than will be questions of civil liberties principles This is so even if these same respondents do have relatively well-crystallized attitudes about the issue In the context of a survey interview (or in filling out a self-administered questionnaire) though, in their rush to get through the series of "attitude" items, many respondents simply might not notice the meaning intended by the researcher .' And for those who ho are more conversant with civil liberties issues, the typical short item (perhaps especially about free speech) well might be perceived as being overly-simplistic Hence their "pro" civil liberties responses might be less unqualified (See Goldenson 1978 for some rather paradoxical results based upon standard survey items about civil liberties .) 5 1


In contrast to the typical series of short items, the criterion index developed for this study is based upon the students' responses to a series of seven paragraph-length descriptions of specific civil liberties cases These case stories describe situations similar (but not identical) to some of those covered in the experimental curriculum unit .' Unlike the usual short item, the paragraph-length case stories provide enough information about specific circumstances for the respondents' choices to be at least as informed as are those made in everyday life in response to news media reports or interpersonal discussion Thus, those for whom the topic is a personally important one are likely to recognize the import of the question rather than focus on the specific social group involved .' Indeed, the fact that a topic is not consistently salient (in the "forefront of consciousness") for an individual does not mean that he or she has no stable (or, indeed, strongly held) opinions about the matter A better indication of any underlying political attitudes is likely to be apparent when the topic in question is more salient in the environment, and hence on the individual's mind The paragraph-length civil liberties case stories try, in the context of survey research, to simulate just such situations The question of the impact of the experimental social studies curriculum unit on the centrality, as well as on the direction, of civil liberties attitudes is one of the major concerns in the larger study of whch this article is a part (See Goldenson 1975 .) Converse (1963, p 17 ; see also p 12 and 1964, p 245) points out that this dimension about the subjective importance to people of their responses to attitude objects "has received only moderate lip service and remarkably slight experimental attention" in the literature (See also Sherif, Sherif and Nebergall 1965, p 8 .) Indeed, one can classify people's responses to attitude objects in many possible ways Most common, of course, is the notion of direction of affect Perhaps due to the pervasiveness of the ubiquitous Likert scale, however, the notion of centrality tends to get confused with direction In using a measurement technique in which respondents are classified in the familiar range from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree," one lumps together at the midpoint of that range people who might be quite different People might be uncertain for quite different reasons Converse (1963) notes that the notion of ambivalence often is used to describe people who indeed may care very much about some issue but have conflicting ideas about it ; this is at the heart of concepts of "cognitive dissonance" and the like ; it describes a presumably uncomfortable, but certainly not a non-existent state Yet it also is true that people with what Converse (1963) calls "non-attitudes," those who are apathetic about the object in question, also will tend, at least with multiple item indices where inconsistencies often average out, to find themselves classified at the middle ranges of the summary measure In addition, at least some of these "motivationally apathetic" individuals also 5 2


will be randomly confused with consistently positive or negative respondents as well, especially with indices based on a small number of items which are so common in survey research Thus the "intelligence test" nature of people's responses to the usual forced choice Likert items will lead to "attitude" measures with little relation either to themselves over time or to subsequent overt behavior Hence the students in this study were asked to express their degree of concern/lack of concern as well as their agreement/disagreement with the outcomes described in the case stories .' Their responses were combined into a civil liberties attitude change index based upon the differences between their before-test and after-test responses 10 CURRICULUM EFFECTS The curriculum unit's effects are summarized in Table 2 Between February and April, close to 20 percent more of the experimental than of the control group students have undergone supportive attitude change in regard to civil liberties Not only are they more likely to change their opinions in a direction supportive of civil liberties protections, they also are more likely to combine this change with an increase in the amount of concern which they express about what happened in the case stories Conversely the control group students are very likely to have changed their opinions during the same period of time such that they now are less supportive of a civil liberties point of view But this sort of change is not mirrored among the experimental group students In contrast to what is so regarding supportive attitude change, on the order of 20 percent fewer of them are found in the opposing opinion or attitude change category So the curriculum unit would seem to have been rather effective in an environment in which, at least at school "A," a relatively large proportion of students who were not exposed to it were changing their expressed opinions in the opposite direction These differences are of some import, on both empirical and normative grounds 5 3


Table 2 Relation of Course to Change in Civil Liberties Attitudes' tau-c = .31 'The classification criteria for the composite change index are stated in notes two to five below The component opinion direction and attitude centrality (concern) change indices are defined according to the following formulae : if Y, = Y 2 n Y = 0 Y 2 Y1 if Y, < Y 2 A Y = Ymax Y, Y 2 -Y If Y, > Y 2 a Y = Y, where ,& Y = The change score, Y, = The Before-test score (simple summed index), Y 2 = The After-test score (simple summed index), And Ymax = The maximum possible static score The responses to each case story are elicited by five point Likert-type response categories, scored from zero to four Hence the simple summed static scores for the seven item indices used here can range from zero to twenty-eight 2 At least moderate (X > 10%) supportive change in direction and moderate (X > 10%) increase in concern 'At least moderate (X > 10%) supportive change in direction and either stable (-10%s X _< 10%) or decrease (X < -10%) in concern 4 Stable (-10% <_ X < 10%) direction or both opposing (X-10%) change in direction and decrease (X < -10%) in concern 'Opposing (X < -10%) change in direction and either stable (-10%_< X _< 10%) or increase (X > 10%) in concern 6 Does not total to 100% due to rounding error 5 4 Change Experimental Control Supportive Attitude 27% 8% Supportive Opinion' 28 23 Stable Opinion 4 35 40 Opposing Opinion or Attitude' 11 30 10101 0 6 10101 0 6 Number of Cases 131 78


Indeed, the data in Table 2 understate the differences between the experimental and control groups In order to keep the analysis more manageable, the students are classified into four categories on the composite attitude change measure However, looking at finer distinctions, the experimental students tend to cluster more towards the higher end of the range of possible change, while the control students exhibit changes of lesser magnitude For example, fully 45 percent of the experimental students who are classified as having undergone supportive attitude change have had changes greater than 50 percent of the possible range on either the direction indicator, the centrality indicator or both These students constitute 12 percent of all the experimental students None of the control students have demonstrated changes of this magnitude The differences within the control group, then, are more marginal than are those in the experimental group A retest of the students several months after the social studies course would have allowed a direct test to see how resistant to extinction is the short-term manifest change documented here Unfortunately, it was not possible to secure such data in this project However, some limited data do serve as a basis for conjecture that it is reasonable to expect more than transitory change Relationships among the control group students between the before-test and after-test scores (which are the basis for the change index just reported) can be used as substitute test-retest reliability coefficients There, over a period of about two months, there is evidence of considerable attitude stability Among those who say in February that they care, on the average, less than "moderately" about the seven case stores, the relationship between their February and April opinion direction scores is only moderately strong (tau-b = .29) But among those who initially express relatively more concern, the relationship is exceptionally strong indeed for survey data (tau-b = .50) So, while there is far from definitive evidence here, it is reasonable to suggest from these data that the effects of the course unit on the experimental students' attitudes are reasonably likely to persist over time To the extent that the curriculum unit has succeeded in increasing the student's expressed concern about civil liberties, one can expect rather more stability in the direction of their opinions There is some evidence that the curriculum unit was operating in an environment somewhat less than favorable to civil liberties The general climate about law and order (abetted by the public statements of the President, Vice-president and Mayor of Minneapolis) that existed during the time of the field-experiment well may have contributed to the increased opposition to civil libertarian principles manifest among the control group students In addition, it might help to explain the moderate negative relationships that is summarized in Table 3 between indices of civil liberties attitude and of support for the American political system 5 5


Table 3 Relation of Support for the American Political System' to General Civil Liberties Attitude, 2 Before-Test Responses 'An index of eight items modified from work by Welch 1972 See Goldenson 1975 for a fuller description 'Index based on student's responses to twenty-one civil liberties case stories, including cases very different from course materials See Goldenson 1975 for a fuller description 'Does not total to 100% due to rounding error The data above show that those students who (before the experimental treatment) express the most unqualified support Qf the American political system are, by far, the most likely to hold attitudes that are opposed to civil liberties point of view While those few students who are classified as being basically opposed to American political symbols are the most likely to hold supportive, or at least ambivalent, general attitudes about civil liberties Indeed the summary statistic in Table 3 understates the magnitude of the relationship since it is not monotonic What especially attenuates the value of tau is the positions about civil liberties that are expressed by those students who remain basically apathetic about the worth of the American political system Although none of them express opposing attitudes about civil liberties, they also are the least likely to take at least an ambivalent position about the matter Rather, most of them simply are apathetic about both dimensions 5 6 Support for the American Political System General Civil Liberties Attitude Supportive Ambivalent Apathetic Opposing Supportive 3% 2% 5% 6% Ambivalent 35 64 25 71 Apathetic 33 29 70 12 Opposing 29 5 0 12 100% 100% 100% 101% Number of Cases 148 58 40 17 tau-b = .19


Perhaps of more substantive interest, though, those classified as being more ambivalent about the United States are very unlikely to hold attitudes opposed to a characteristic civil liberties position Rather they are much more likely than are their more consistently "patriotic" colleagues to express attitudes more supportive of civil liberties protections ." Given the content of some of the support for the American political system items ("Let's give credit where credit is due : America is the best country in the world I support it 100 percent!" "We hear a lot of complaints about America these days, but I challenge anyone to find a better country elsewhere ."), one might better classify the most "supportive" individuals as tending towards undiscerning chauvinism The civil liberties attitudes held by the less numerous group who are more ambivalent in their unquestioned support of the country are not very unlike those of the students who express the most cynical feelings about the United States Indeed, within the limits of sampling error, they are less likely to hold attitudes opposed to a civil liberties point of view Their ambivalence, perhaps, is suggestive of a more reasoned patriotism Taking these deviations from monotonicity into account, then, it becomes clear that the students are likely to hold attitudes about civil liberties partially as a function of their general affect towards the United States Certainly others have noticed this sort of a relationship Indeed, there is some other similar evidence as well Zellman and Sears (1971, pp 124-125) find a relationship of this sort in a sample of Fresno, California sixth and eighth graders Interestingly enough, though, they did not find a similar relationship in an earlier sample of fifth through ninth graders in Sacramento In their follow-up study, a scale that they label American "political chauvinism" is positively related to "intolerance for concrete extensions of civil liberties ." So also were several items on American war policy not used before : children unwilling to fight in a "bad" war, favoring American withdrawal from Vietnam, feeling that not all American wars had been "good" wars, or feeling that it is all right for a man to criticize the President's Vietnam policy on TV were significantly more likely to support concrete extensions of civil liberties By 1971, conflicts over the Indochina war may thus have had the unfortunate side effect of associating loyalty to the nation with intolerance for dissent This had not been true of children in 1968 (Zellman and Sears 1971, pp 124-125 .) That a relatively brief social studies curriculum unit could have such a demonstrable effect in such a community climate is not so surprising as it might seem on the surface Politics in general, and civil liberties in particular, are not very salient objects of concern for most people In 5 7


reference to their own work on civil liberties attitudes, Jennings and Niemi (1968, p 175) comment that "it is improbable that the students are reflecting much in the way of cues emitted from their parents, simply because these topics or related ones are hardly prime candidates for dinner-table conversation or inadvertent cue-giving ." The same is likely to be so for the students' age-peers The school year and their high school careers rapidly were drawing to a close at the time of the field-experiment And at school "A" the basketball team was in the process of winning the state championship Things other than civil liberties also were likely to be occupying their thoughts One can compare the salience of civil liberties topics in the social studies classroom with that within the context of the students' relationships with their parents and peers Here it becomes clear why the experimental curriculum unit is able to have such a characteristic effect on the students who participate in it Notice in Table 4 that civil liberties issues tend not to be discussed very often under normal (non-experimental) conditions at school "A ." Still, though, almost as many students there report that they have talked about such topics on a daily or weekly basis in their classes as with their fathers And at school "B," even before the experimental period, students were quite a bit more likely to discuss questions of civil liberties in class than with their other peers or their parents Of course, subsequently, during the experimental period, we know that the students who participated in the curriculum unit discussed such topics every day It is clear, then, that civil liberties issues become much more salient for large numbers of the students in their social studies classes than in any other of their interpersonal settings TEACHER EFFECTS If one is concerned with demonstrating how the high school can affect students' attitudes about civil liberties, the role of differences among teachers, as well as formal curriculum, seems well worth examining Similar to the situation regarding the impact of curricular differences, though, a number of political scientists have suggested that teachers are no less ineffective as agents of socialization than is the usual secondary social studies curriculum Indeed, Jennings, Ehman and Niemi (1974, pp 244 ; see also Langton 1969, pp 98-99) conclude that the magnitude of a series of teacher/student relationships are so low as to suggest "that such `teacher effects' operate at the margins rather than at the vitals of adolescent political learning ." Quite clearly a theoretical perspective which stresses teacher differences as being so central, as if they somehow were the most important "agents" of the political socialization, is rather overstated at best 5 8


Table 4 Frequency of Discussion' With Each of Several Civil Liberties Socialization Agents, Before-Test Responses 'About topics similar to those covered in the civil liberties case stories 'Includes overhearing, but not participating in, such discussion 3 "Almost every day ." 41 'Almost every week ." 5 "Once or twice in the month ." 'For parents and classes, students specify : "not at all ;" for peers, students make no such references 7 Includes "comparison" students from whom questionnaires were collected, but who subsequently were assigned neither to the experimental nor to the control groups Is there then no role at all for teachers in our explanations of political socialization? It would seem rather obvious that, rather `han seeking some simplistic universal answer, much more attention needs to be paid here to more specific conditions and circumstances Most importantly, one needs to ask whether or not the students in fact associate their teachers with the political object in question Much of the Michigan research (Langton, Jennings, Ehman, Niemi) suggests that students' participatory attitudes usually do not seem to be affected by their teachers However, if teachers for whom politics is especially salient do make their views known (which in fact they usually do not), there is evidence that this can affect some of their students For example, Goldenson (1970, p 29) asked the individuals in a cross-section sample and a sample of political activists in a suburban Chicago community to recall from their youth whether or not adults other 5 9 Frequency of School "A" Social Studies School "B" Social Studies Discussion Peers' Mother' Father' Classes Classes Daily' 19% 17% 12% 8% 24% Weekly4 33 31 31 30 53 Monthly 5 22 38 39 28 19 None' 26 14 18 34 4 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% No of Cases 278 275 266 254' 107 7


than their parents had been involved in politics Fully 30 percent, most of whom were themselves now rather active, mentioned specific teachers whom they especially remembered In a similar vein, Prewitt, Eulau and Zisk (1966) report that their samples of political activists often mentioned school teachers as being important in their political learning Why, then, do Langton (1969) and Jennings, Ehman and Niemi (1974) find so few "teacher effects?" Quite simply because they fail to look at possible interactions among their various "teacher variables" (be they measures of teacher attitudes, background characteristics or student perceptions of their teachers) and the content of classroom discussion Langton does show that the very weak relationships between exposure to civics courses and various political attitudes are not affected when one controls for the students' ratings of their teachers But he fails to stress the fact that most of the "controversial" topics covered by his criterion political attitude measures typically are discussed in social studies classes very rarely indeed Jennings and his associates correlate students' attitudes with those of their teachers and find weak relationships They correlate student attitudes with teacher characteristics and find still weaker relationships But they look for no interaction whatever Why should teacher attitudes lead to formation or change in student attitudes if the teachers do not express theirs in class? Also, why should those teachers who characteristically do express their political attitudes to their students all affect their students' attitudes in a similar manner? Such teachers well might be expressing quite different opinions Actuarial description again is being confused with explanation There is, of course, a wide literature in experimental social psychology which indicates that influence attempts are more likely to be successful when the communicator is judged by his or her audience to be credible (See for example Rosenberg, Verba and Converse 1970, pp 91-93, 101-102 .) This is so especially when the respondent initially has little interest in the subject of the communication (See Sherif, Sherif and Nebergall 1965, p 201 .) By "credibility," researchers usually mean that the communicator is well liked, high in prestige, expert about the subject and/or generally willing to acknowledge the complexity of the case at hand Presumably a teacher who establishes a classroom environment in which controversial topics are openly discussed an conflicting positions are presented will be perceived as a more credible individual by most of his or her students On the other hand, a teacher who maintains a generally closed environment is likely to produce negative reference effects Students of such teachers well may be disposed to take positions quite the opposite of those with which they associate their teachers (See a very interesting study by Ehman, 1969, which documents exactly this sort of phenomenon .) 6 0


For the purpose of this research, a composite index of "teacher credibility" was calculated based upon student ratings according to the five criteria summarized in Table 5 There is evidence that student perceptions about teacher credibility do interact with formal classroom experiences in explaining the changes over' time i-n-responses about the civil liberties cases This especially becomes apparent when one examines the first order relationships in Table 5 using the credibility index as the control variable Table 5 Relation of Course to Change in Civil Liberties Attitudes, Controlling for Teacher Credibility .' 'Simple summed index of students' responses to questions regarding the extent to which their teachers were "fair," "knowledgeable," "concerned," "interesting," and "understandable ." 'Mean credibility score at least "basically so" or missing data 'Mean credibility score less than "basically so ." 4 Does not total to 100% due to rounding error 6 1 High Credibility' Low Credibility' Change t Experimental Control Change Experimental Control Supportive Supportive Attitude 31% 9% Attitude 13% 7€70 Supportive Supportive Opinion 23 19 Opinion 33 33 Stable Stable Opinion 39 37 Opinion 25 53 Opposing Opposing Opinion or Opinion or Attitude 6 35 Attitude 29 7 99 70 4 100% 100% 100% No of Cases 94 57 No of Cases 24 15 tau-c = .39 tau-c = .06


The relationships under the two control conditions behave differently indeed Under conditions in which the students attribute basically high credibility to their teachers, the magnitude of the relationships is quite strong indeed by social science standards Compared to the original zero order relationship expressed in Table 2 above, when one removes those who tend to attribute low credibility to their teachers, the experimental students are even more likely to have undergone supportive attitude change in regard to civil liberties They also are less likely to have undergone opposing attitude or opinion change during the experimental period Under conditions of low teacher credibility, however, the summary relationship is quite different The overall direction of association, in fact, is negative During the experimental period these experimental students are slightly more likely than are the corresponding control students to have experienced supportive attitude change But they also are much more likely to have changed their opinions in a direction opposed to a typical civil liberties position It might be premature to say that this is evidence that such perceptions can make the results of exposure to the curriculum unit worse than what would occur in its absence But it certainly is suggestive about the consequences of negative reference effects in social studies courses which do treat controversial topics These data certainly indicate that research designs which include more and varied teachers are called for in the future One wonders what would be the effects of such a course taught by less competent teachers At the very least, these results do show that Ehman's (1969, p 578) conclusions in a similar context are well taken "One implication is clear : If we are to expose students to controversial issues and we desire `positive' attitude changes, we had better pay close attention to the climate in which these issues are introduced Much such controversial content presented in a biased and closed atmosphere can apparently be" useless at best and counterproductive at worst CONCLUSIONS In their widely influential study of the role of the schools in political socialization, Langton and Jennings (1968, p 858) conclude that their results "raise serious questions about the utility of investing in government courses in the senior high school, at least as these courses are presently constituted ." They do briefly discuss (p 867) the possible "points of leverage" that might be found in changes "in goals, course content, pedagogical methods, timing of exposure, teacher training, and school environmental factors . ." However, it is fair to say that the main tenor of their study is to stress the inadequacies of secondary social studies education rather than to examine ways in which it might be improved Certainly this is 6 2


so for the way in which many other observers have interpreted their data For example, Dawson and Prewitt (1969, p 151) cite the Langton and Jennings work and conclude that "the American high-school student is already socialized with respect to many political attributes by this stage in his life cycle Civics courses have little influence ." This study began by suggesting that such conclusions miss a very basic distinction in research orientations Rather than limit itself to similar actuarial description, this field-experiment had concentrated on showing what can happen under rather uncommon circumstances To the extent that we wish to move from more limited description to attempts at explanation, such perspective can be vastly more productive And if we wish our research to contribute to more informed decisions about reform in social studies education, it is clear that description of the status quo is inadequate at best Until quite recently, the political socialization literature seemed to concern itself more with comparing the impact of various agents of socialization than with specifying much about processes of socialization Such an approach can be rather unproductive at best It makes it difficult to account for why a particular agent can seem to be quite important under some circumstances yet relatively ineffectual under others How, then, can one account for why the schools (or indeed any other agents) can vary so much in the extent to which they seem to exert an influence on political socialization? Tedin (1974, pp 1579-1580) suggests that questions about the universal effects of different agents of political socialization are simply the wrong ones to ask Rather, the "real interest lies in specifying conditional universal propositons Regardless of the issue, time frame, and population, under what conditions [does the agent involved] influence the political attitudes of [others]? What, if any, are the general principles involved?" It makes just as little sense to downplay the importance of the school in the political socialization process as it does to reify it Rather, we ought to concentrate on identifying process variables that can explain some of the inconsistencies in previous work about the topic With data from a survey of adolescents and their parents in Iowa City, Tedin focuses on the notion of attitude object salience in interpreting the correlations between the views of parents and their children about a series of social issues While the zero order relationships differ substantially, the first order relationships are quite similar for the parent-recent high school graduate pairs, regardless of which attitudinal d imension i s the criterion When salience is high, parent-child correspondence is high ; when salience is low, so too are there minimal relationships manifest Similarly in this instance (under conditions in which the course content is such that such attitude objects are more salient than usually is so in American secondary social studies curricula) it is possible to demonstrate some rather impressive short-term effects on civil liberties attitudes 6 3


There also is evidence that assigns an important role to variations in teacher behavior Again, contrary to the literature that suggests that there can be very little teacher-mediated impact on students' political attitudes, this study shows that the students' perceptions about their teachers' credibility can have a rather substantial effect on their responses to the experimental curriculum unit It is possible to demonstrate this if (unlike most of the descriptively oriented literature in the field) one examines the interaction between teacher characteristics and course content When one considers the joint effect of the students' perceptions about their teachers along with their participation in the civil liberties course unit, the differences that can be attributed to these school influences are very substantial indeed Again, a bit more attention than sometimes is evident to what theory we already have about social learning can provide some useful order for political socialization research Educational Implications Much of the literature on political socialization stresses the importance of early learning, often at a very young age According to such a position, the twelfth grade social studies course might be a very inappropriate time to offer a course dealing with basic political values Indeed, the implications of this orthodoxy are great This view has had a considerable effect, both on the political socialization literature and as a source of considerable soul-searching among professional social studies educators It would seem, though, that the present results belie such an expectation Indeed, following the line of thought of much of the cognitive developmental literature, one can argue that a concentration on complex "ideological" topics involving reasoning from abstract premises to specific instances is likely to be lost on very young children They well might be unable to appreciate some of the conceptual distinctions involved Of course, exactly this kind of reasoning is likely to arise in discussions of the Bill of Rights Since civil liberties topics are at least formally the subject of much citizenship education, this argues for treating the subject among older adolescents rather than elementary school children Some threshold of cognitive ability very well may be requisite for dealing with such materials in an informed manner Indeed in the one study of which this author is aware (Zellman and Sears 1971) that does try to assess the effectiveness of elementary-level citizenship education about the controversial aspects of the Bill of Rights, curriculum effects are much less pronounced than in the present study The growing literature based upon cognitive developmental perspective would suggest that this would be so According to such perspective, prior to the age of 13 or so, children do not have the necessary cognitive capacity "to deal with political abstractions, to reason from 6 4


premises, [or] to engage in hypothetico-deductive modes of analysis" (Patrick 1969, p 20) Indeed much of what has passed for evidence of early learning well may be little more than thoughtless responses by children to questions that they do not understand (See Thorson and Thorson 1974 ; and Kolson and Green 1970 :) In point of fact, at least some of the differences that have been attributed to cognitive developmental abilities may confuse ability with age characteristic affective positions And a cognitive developmental approach is likely to become embroiled in endless "nature-nurture" arguments Indeed, it well might be that, even for elementary school children, "[r]easoned discussion of itself . [can] contribute to cognitive development and particularly to the growth of the ability of students to analyze . [and] to think in abstractly conceptual terms" (Cleary 1971) Still, regardless of whether or not cognitive abilities are a function of aptitude or of achievement, the cognitive developmental literature clearly does indicate that younger children's analytic abilities are not particularly well developed This, plus the fact that social studies curriculum writers tend to write over the reading (if not cognitive) level of the students for whom their materials are meant, suggests that the high school years are likely to be more fertile ground for a curriculum unit dealing with the implications of constitutional guarantees of individual civil liberties There is some evidence that students usually become less uncertain about their attitudes towards civil liberties procedures, regardless of the direction of those attitudes, simply by taking a social studies class (Horton 1963, pp 56-59) Indeed, Horton indicates that, in general, taking a social studies course in the United States during the middle 1950s was slightly negatively related to attitudes favoring civil liberties The present study shows that it is possible to counter such a trend by exposing high school students to curriculum materials and related activities that confront some of the controversial implications of the subject in an open and honest way This is so even at a time in their lives when it might be thought that their minds would be occupied elsewhere The course seems, at least, to have led to a higher incidence of Stouffer's (1955) "sober second thoughts" about the matter Especially if Verba (1965) is correct in suggesting that people's basic social values are most likely to become manifest when they are challenged during difficult times, this is of some merit It is possible, with the aid of a reasonably well-designed social studies curriculum unit, to provide young people with some basis for thoughtful consideration about the social significance of individual civil liberties 6 5


FOOTNOTES 'Students were assigned on the basis of school administrative convenience only This was without regard to any known aptitude or achievement differences There are not significant differences between groups, or schools, with regard to a series of standard socio-economic and demographic questions The same is true for IQ data at school "A ." 'During one period, one teacher taught a special class in international relations rather than general senior social studies, so they did not team teach two classes Questionnaires were administered, though, to help keep their purpose somewhat less obvious 'Questionnaire data indicate that some informal discussion of such topics did take place However it was not widespread Seventy-one percent of the control group students at school "B" (79 0 7o at school "A") report such discussions only once or twice, or not at all, during the experimental period Of course, the experimental classes covered such topics on a daily basis as part of their formal course of study In any event, any "contamination" of the control groups probably would lead the course's impact to be under-stated `Although the students did fill out their questionnaires during regular class periods, it was identified as a project of the University of Minnesota The Curriculum unit was not so identified, until after the project was concluded 'It was administered to all ten classes taught by the participating teachers at school "A," and to the entire senior class at school "B ." Also, at School "B" the after-test instrument was not completed in the class groups where the curriculum unit was taught 'Indeed, Lawrence, 1976, suggests that such apparent inconsistency basically may be due to confusion over the implications of any abstract general principles involved And when the inconsistency is pointed out to people, there is some evidence (from Westie 1965 ; and Rokeach 1971) that they do change their expressed concrete opinions-and some subsequent behavior-to become more consistent with their more abstract views 'Most of the case stores are modified from work by Pock 1967 The following example item is presented for illustrative purposes Students were asked to indicate their agreement/disagreement and concern/lack of concern with the (underscored) outcome described in each case story For the complete wordings of the other case stories, and for a much fuller rationale for the measurement criteria, see Goldenson 1975 An example : An armed robber kills a young man in a gas station holdup He is picked up by the police and he confesses that he is guilty He is convicted and sentenced to prison But a judge overturns the 6 6


conviction and sets him free since the police had not told him that he could speak to a lawyer before being questioned 'Of course, not all-or even most of the average sample-respondents will recognize the civil liberties implications of these items Indeed, by providing more cues than most sentence-stem items, they are likely to evoke responses based upon several different frames of reference among those who are more oblivious to civil liberties issues But the important thing is that it is highly unlikely that their civil liberties import will be missed by those who are familiar with such topics 9 The opinion direction response categories are : "agree," "probably agree," "I don't know, can't decide," "probably disagree," and "disagree ." Items are worded so that support for civil liberties requires agreement in two cases and disagreement in five No acquiescence response set is apparent in these data The centrality responses are : "care extremely much," "very much," "moderately," "somewhat," and "very little ." A clustering towards the high end of the continuum was apparent in the pre-test when using other categories Thus, these were chosen to discriminate more fully there See Goldenson 1975, pp 53, 57-58, for evidence (comparing several other attitude indices along with the civil liberties index reported here) that the categories discriminate according to item content '€See the notes in Table 2 below for a description of the index construction criteria By using percent possible change as a baseline, the index-which is based upon procedures originally suggested by Hovland and his associates in 1959-appears to minimize the characteristic problems of unreliability and regression to the mean that are endemic to individual change scores Notice that the change scores are not completely independent of the initial static scores The number of categoreis of possible positive or negative change is a function of the before-test scores But the magnitude of change is limited to 100%, regardless of the prior score So, regression effects still are likely for the extreme initial scores, but they will be much less pronounced than is so for an unnormalized percent change index In any event, since unreliability typically attenuates relationships, the course's true impact probably is understated to some extent ""Ambivalent" attitudes about civil liberties are defined as being uncertain, but tending towards a supportive position 6 7


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Jennings, M Kent and Niemi, Richard D ., "Family Structure and the Transmission of Political Values From Parents to Child," American Political Science Review, 62(March, 1968), 169-184 Kolson, Kenneth L and Green, Justin J ., "Response Set Bias and Political Socialization Research," Social Science Quarterly, 51(December, 1970), 527-538 Langton, Kenneth P ., Political Socialization (New York : Oxford University Press, 1969) Langton, Kenneth P and Jennings, M Kent, "Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States," American Political Science Review, 62(September, 1968), 852-867 Lawrence, David G ., "Procedural Norms and Tolerance : A Reassessment," American Political Science Review, 70(March, 1976), 80-100 Levenson, George, "The School's Contribution To the Learning of Participatory Responsibility," in Bryon G Massialas (ed .), Political Youth, Traditional Schools (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey : Prentice Hall, Inc ., 1972) Lewin, Kurt, "Group Decision and Social Change," in Theodore W Newcomb and Eugene Hartley (eds .), Readings in Social Psychology (New York : Henry Holt and Company, 1947) Litt, Edgar, "Civic Education, Community Norms, and Political Indoctrination," American Sociological Review, 28(February, 1963), 69-75 Mainer, R E ., "Attitude Change in Intergroup Programs," in Hermann H Remmers (ed .), Anti-Democratic Attitudes in American Schools (Evanston, Illinois : Northwestern University Press, 1963) McClosky, Herbert, "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics," American Political Science Review, 58(June, 1964), 361-382 McClosky, Herbert, Hoffman, Paul, and O'Hara, Rosemary, "Issue Conflict and Concensus Among Party Leaders and Followers," American Political Science Review, 54(June, 1960), 406-427 Newcomb, Theodore M ., Koenig, Kathryn E ., Flacks, Richard and Warwick, Donald P ., Persistence and Change : Bennington College and its Students After Twenty-Five Years (New York : John Wiley, 1967) Patrick, John J ., "Implications of Political Socialization Research for the Reform of Civil Education," Social Education, 33(January, 1969) 15-21 Pock, J D ., Attitudes Towards Civil Liberties Among High School Seniors (Washington, D .C : U S Office of Education, Co-Operative Research Project No 5-8167, 1967) Prewitt, Kenneth, Eulau, Heinz and Zisk, Betty H ., "Political Socialization and Political Roles," Public Opinion Quarterly, (Winter, 1966) 569-582 Prewitt, Kenneth, Von Der Muhll, George and Court, David, "School Experiences and Political Socialization : A Study of Tanzanian Secondary School Students," Comparative Political Studies, 3(July, 1970), 203-225 7 0


Prothro, James W and Grigg, Charles M ., "Fundamental Principles of Democracy : Bases of Agreement and Disagreement," Journal of Politics, 22(May, 1960), 276-294 Remmers, Hermann H (ed .), Anti-Democratic Attitudes in American Schools (Evanston, Illinois : Northwestern University Press, 1963) Remy, Richard C ., "Teachers, Students, and the War in Vietnam : A Research Note on Controversial Issues in the Classroom," High School Journal, 54(November, 1970), 137-144 Remy, Richard C ., "High Seniors' Attitudes Toward Their Civics and Government Instruction," Social Education (October, 1972), 590-597, 622 Richman, Alvin and Targ, Harry R ., "The Impact of Instruction and External Events on Student Orientation and Opinion Consistency Concerning the Vietnam War," Sociology of Education, 44(Spring, 1971), 151-169 Rockier, Michael J ., The Effects of a Junior High School Course in Political Behavior on Political Socialization, unpublished doctoral thesis, (University of Minnesota, 1969) Rokeach, Milton, "Attitude Change and Behavioral Change," Public Opinion Quarterly, (Winter, 1966-67), 529-550 Rokeach, Milton, "Long-Range Experimental Modification of Values, Attitudes and Behavior," American Psychologist, 26(May, 1971), 453-459 Rosenberg, Milton J ., Verba, Sidney and Converse, Philip E ., "Changing Attitudes on the War : Some Practical Theory," in Vietnam and the Silent Majority : The Dove's Guide (New York : Harper and Row, 1970) Selvin, Hanan C and Hagstrom, Warren 0 ., "Determinants of Support For Civil Liberties," British Journal of Sociology, (March, 1960), 51-73 Sherif, Carolyn W ., Sherif, Muzafer and Nebergall, Roger E ., Attitude and Attitude Change : The Social Judgement-Involvement Approach (Philadelphia and London, W B Saunders Company, 1565) Somit, Albert, Tannenhaus, Joseph, Wilkie, Walter H ., and Cooley, Rita W ., "The Effect of the Introductory Political Science Course on Student Attitudes Toward Personal Political Participation," American Political Science Review, 52(December, 1958), 1129-1132 Stouffer, Samuel A ., Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties (Garden City, New York : Doubleday and Company, 1955) Sullivan, John L ., Marcus, George E ., and Minns, Daniel R ., "The Development of Political Ideology," Youth and Society, 7(December, 1975), 148-170 Targ, Harry R ., "Elementary Social Inter-Nation Simulation : Impacts on Developing Orientations to International Politics," Teaching Political Science, 2(April, 1975), 300-320 7 1


Tedin, Kent L ., "The Influence of Parents on the Political Attitudes of Adolescents," American Political Science Review, 68(December, 1974), 1579-1592 Thorson, Esther and Thorson, Stuart, "Cognitive-Perceptual Aspects of Political Socialization : An Experimental Approach," paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association meetings, Chicago, 1974 Torney, Judith V ., "Contemporary Political Socialization in Elementary Schools and Beyond," High School Journal, 54(November, 1970), 153-163 Verba, Sidney, "The Kennedy Assassination and the Nature of Political Commitments," in Bradley S Greenberg and Edwin B Parker (eds .), The Kennedy Assassination and the American Public : Social Communication in Crisis (Stanford, California : Stanford University Press, 1965) Welch, Jr ., Robert E ., "The Use of Magnitude Estimation in Attitude Scaling : Constructing a Measure of Political Dissatisfaction," in Dan D Nimmo and Charles M Bonjean (eds .), Political Attitudes and Public Opinion (New York : David McKay Company, Inc ., 1972) Westie, Frank R ., "The American Dilemma : An Empirical Test," American Sociological Review, 30(August, 1965) Williams, H Murray, "Changes in Pupil's Attitudes Toward West African Negroes Following the Use of Two Different Teaching Methods," British Journal of Educational Psychology, 31(1961), 292-296 Zeigler, L Harmon and Peak, Wayne, "The Political Functions of the Educational System," Sociology of Education, 43(Spring, 1970), 115-142 Zellman, Gail L and Sears, David O "Childhood Origins of Tolerance for Dissent," Journal of Social Issues, 27 :2(1971), 109-136 7 2


REVIEW OF RESEARCH ON SEX ROLES : IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL STUDIES RESEARCH Carole L Hahn Emory University The women's movement of the past ten years was a catalyst that stimulated us to reflect upon our self images, upon our interpersonal relationships and upon our roles as parents and citizens in a nation committed to equality and justice for all We have examined the policies and practices of our professional organization and we have carefully worked to eliminate sexist bias from the courses we teach Now we are ready to move from the levels of personal and social change to the self-conscious examination of our scholarship in light of new perspectives Sensitivity to sex bias in our scholarly heritage is producing revisionist schools in political science, economics, sociology, anthropology, history, philosophy, and law (Jaquette, 1974, Signs, 1975, 1976, 1977) Since the social studies curriculum is grounded in these disciplines, the new knowledge which is being generated has the potential to affect change in our field Teachers and curriculum developers alike will be called upon to revise their view of what social studies is This article, however, is directed not toward changes in teaching or curriculum development, but toward needed research in social education The dual purpose of this article is to summarize research on sex role socialization which has implications for social studies educators and to stimulate inquiry into sex role socialization as it relates to social studies by suggesting areas for needed research In reviewing existing research the author sought answers to two major questions : 1 Are there differences in male and female behavior which have implications for social studies instruction? 2 How does the school in general, and social studies in particular, contribute to sex role socialization? Studies from several fields other than social studies education were examined for their potential in helping to answer these questions Studies in psychology, sociology, education and political science on gender differences related to learning and on sex role socialization were reviewed Research on school aged males and females and on the interaction between school and gender constitute the primary focus of this review ; investigations of child rearing practices and of adult roles were only peripherally examined There being no existing research base on sex roles and social studies, this was seen as a first attempt to pull together miscellaneous studies which suggest hypotheses for investigation in social studies Recognizing that the 7 3


need is to stimulate a new line of research, not to draw conclusions, the criteria for attending to studies was content applicability, not methodological sophistication The emphasis was on inclusion for the purpose of raising questions, not on exclusion for quality reasons DIFFERENCES IN MALE AND FEMALE BEHAVIOR The first half of this review addresses the question : are there differences in male and female behavior which have implications for social studies instruction? Four subquestions will be examined : Are there differences in general behavior? Are their differences in intelligence and in specific learning abilities? Are there differences in academic achievement? Are there differences in life goals between male and female students? General Behavioral Differences In summarizing the research on differences in male and female behavior, Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) found that many myths about gender differences are not supported by evidence Young girls are not more social than boys ; they are not more suggestible ; and they do not have lower self esteem than boys In childhood the sexes are equally interested in people and equally responsive to social rewards ; they respond similarly to being left alone The two sexes are equally susceptible to persuasive communications, and throughout the school years are equally likely to believe they can influence their own fate Girls, however, report greatest self-confidence in social competence and boys more often see themselves as strong, powerful, dominant, and potent Boys and girls tend to be equal in achievement motivation, but boys' achievement motivation appears to be more responsive to competitive arousal Differences have not been found consistently in tactile sensitivity, fear, timidity, anxiety, competitiveness, dominance or passivity It is true that boys make more attempts to dominate each other and adults than do girls, but it is not clear that either sex dominates the other During childhood, girls tend to be more obedient to adults, but they are not more compliant than boys in peer relationships It is true that boys and men are more aggressive, and there are indications that aggression may be genetically linked This does not mean, however, that females are the passive victims of aggressive males During childhood, females are no more likely than males to withdraw in the face of aggression Taken together these studies of children's behavior suggest that there are few differences in males and females which would affect social studies in the elementary classroom Under some conditions boys' achievement motivation appears to be more responsive to competitive arousal, so it is possible that boys will try harder in social studies classes where individuals, 7 4


groups, or classes compete against each other for the best report, the most creative project, or the highest scores on tests If they want all 'students to reach their potential, teachers may create competitive climates which encourage male learning and do not inhibit female learning Differences in aggression suggest that male students may exhibit more aggressive behaviors than female students in simulations, group work, and role play which offer opportunities for aggressive behavior It is also possible that male students will initiate more questions and more statements than female students with comparable knowledge Studies are needed to test the hypothesis that male and female students act differently only in competitive and aggression-producing situations in social studies classes Differences in Learning Abilities The second area of possible gender differences to be explored is that of specific learning abilities Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) found that neither sex responds more than the other to auditory or visual stimuli Neither sex excels in rote learning tasks, and both are equally able to discriminate relevant from irrelevant material while learning Neither sex excels in analytic or problem solving ability Males and females are equally able to restructure the elements of a situation in order to seek a solution In the few areas in which differences in learning abilities do appear, the research is not yet conclusive While Maccoby and Jacklin conclude that conceptual development through Piagetian stages is the same for males and females, one study (Graybill, 1973) found that boys tended to score at the formal level earlier than girls did The relationship between gender and development through Kohlberg's stages of moral reasoning is not yet conclusive (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974, pp 114-115 ; Kurtines and Grief, 1974, p 586 ; Rosebrough, 1976) During the period from preschool to early adolescence, the sexes are very similar in verbal abilities, mathematical ability, and visual-spatial ability At about age 11, females begin to score higher on language tasks and their verbal superiority continues to increase through high school Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) note that after about age 12, males' mathematical abilities tend to be superior to females, but recently Fox (1976) reported that most differences in adolescent mathematics achievement can be explained by course taking, rather than by differences in abilities Although Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) note that male adolescents perform better in tasks requiring spatial abilities, recent studies have found no consistent sex differences in spatial ability (Nash, 1975 ; Sherman, 1976) 7 5


Research on gender and learning abilities suggests that male and female students will learn equally well from social studies instruction which uses audio or visual stimuli, and rote learning or problem solving activities The research on gender and developmental stages has been inconclusive Social studies researchers who are studying concept learning, moral development, and the use of social scientific inquiry skills should note whether male and female children demonstrate different abilities at particular stages The differences in mathematical abilities which sometimes appear in adolescents may affect learning in courses like economics or political science which use quantitative methods Differences in General Intelligence Achievement Finding few gender differences in specific learning abilities, we turn now to research on general intelligence and achievement No consistent differences in male and female abilities are found on achievement tests or on intelligence tests throughout the elementary school years, but several studies have identified a drop in female IQ scores during adolescence Campbell (1973) compared the IQ scores of 471 twelfth grade students in four schools with the scores obtained from tests taken when they entered the 7th grade After making adjustments for regression to the mean, males still experienced a gain and females experienced a significant decline in IQ scores While not statistically significant, females whose IQ declined tended to score higher on "a need to be included" scale They were also more apt to feel that boys do not date smart girls, and they said they were more willing to "play dumb" in a dating relationship than were females who did not experience a decline in IQ scores Females who experienced the decline also rated themselves as less active, and they scored lower on the "need to control others" scale In comparing achieving and underachieving high school males and females, Shaw and McCuen (1960) found that underachieving males who had IQ scores in the top 25 percent of their class but whose grades fell below the mean had consistently had low grades since the first grade In contrast, the underachieving high school females had grades above the mean for their class until they reached the sixth grade when they experienced a precipitous drop However, in a study of 3000 students in grades 7-12 in New York, Bender (1976) reported a decline in achievement for both males and females during adolescence Further, he found students were more likely to attribute striving, competence and independence behaviors to males than to females, and male and female students were equally accurate in their self perceptions of school performance 7 6


Replications of these studies are needed If there is a widespread tendency for student IQ and grades to drop in high school, and if that happens more to females than to males, it is important to identify the causes Does this phenomenon occur in schools with, different expectations regarding academic achievement? Do school practices, curricula, available role models, family support, or community attitudes have greater effect on this decline? Are there schools where male IQ drops, where female IQ drops, where they both increase or decrease? What are the differences in student body, school and community which correlate with those differences? What are the effects on achievement in high school social studies classes? Differences in Achievement in Mathematics and Social Studies Until recently, achievement in mathematics repeatedly was found to be greater for male than female adolescents and adults (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974 ; Fox, 1976) Most of those studies, however, did not control for amount of instruction in mathematics (Fox, 1976 ; Fennema, 1976) For adolescents, mathematics is an elective course and females are more likely than males to choose not to take advanced math courses (Fox, 1976 ; Fennema, 1976 ; Sherman and Fennema, 1977) Several studies indicate that females, even those who are college bound, elect not to take the advanced mathematics courses because they do not perceive them as useful to their future educational and career plans Adolescent females are likely to be unaware of the relevance of mathematics and science in careers outside of these two disciplines 'or to homemakers (Fox, 1976) Further, female adolescents perceive mathematics as a male domain Peers, counselors, teachers, parents, textbooks, and media have reinforced that stereotype (Fox, 1976) The research on mathematics achievement raises several questions related to social studies : Are there differences in male and female achievement in required social studies courses? When social studies courses are offered as electives, do males and females select different courses? Is achievement in some social studies courses, like economics, influenced by courses taken in mathematics? Do career eduction programs which emphasize the need for mathematics in the social sciences, in business, in commercial occupations and in many other fields affect the numbers of females who enroll in elective mathematics courses? In a study by Hinders (1977) male adolescents as compared to female adolescents perceived a closer relationship between mathematics and their future work as compared to English and social studies Males also : attached greater importance to learning and grades in mathematics than in English or social studies ; perceived that counselors, family and friends attached a greater importance to learning and grades in math than in English and 7 7


social studies ; and perceived more disapproval from others if they dropped their math courses In addition, males reported expending greater relative effort in math than they did in social studies Hinders (1977) concludes that differences in achievement may be attributed more to effort than to ability In a series of three studies of junior and senior high school students in metropolitan areas and in small town rural areas, McTeer (1975) found that male students consistently reported more interest in and better liking of social studies classes than did female students It is possible that males and not females believe that they are supposed to like social studies to fulfill one aspect of their sex role Further studies are needed to determine whether male students exert more effort and show more interest in secondary social studies courses than do females because they perceive more positive reinforcement for their effort And further, are females who are concerned about their femininity not motivated to achieve in social studies, believing it to be a male subject? In a study of fifth graders, Iglitzin (1974) found that females had less political knowledge than did males and differences also appeared between male and female attitudes towards politics Females were more likely to say they would vote for candidates who are peace oriented, honest, and sincere ; over twice as many males as females chose the candidate whose ideas would contribute to the country's economic wealth Iglitzen hypothesizes that young females are not interested in learning about government and politics because those areas are presented as aggressive, exploitative, and manipulative, and because students are asked to learn the names of male presidents at a time when females are trying to learn the behavior society considers appropriate for them Consistent with other studies, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) found that while male and female achievement is relatively equal at age 9 in math, science, social studies, and citizenship, females do less well in all areas after age 13 when the influence of sex role socialization is more intense From a 1970 national sample of students ages 9, 13, and 17, and adults 26-37, NAEP measured acquisition of knowledge, skills, and attitudes related to citizenship goals Males consistently out-performed females on the social studies knowledge exercises at all four age levels Females did better than males on the skill and attitude measures during the school years, but they fell behind the men in both areas in the adult levels (Education Commission, 1971, 1973, 1974) With regard to the citizenship goals : females were slightly more willing to associate with persons of different races ; males were both knowledgeable about and supportive of human rights ; males knew more facts about government and law ; males showed a greater understanding of international problems ; and females were more involved as good citizens within their families At school ages, males and females responded similarly to 7 8


participation in effective civic action As adults, men were more likely to take action as individuals, and women were more likely to take action through organizations Seventeen year old and adult males also knew more ways to influence government decisions than did females, and they felt more capable of exerting influence (Education Commission, 1971) In the spring of 1974, during the Watergate investigations, Segall (1975) studied the political attitudes of 1,361 high school students in metropolitan Cleveland Unlike earlier political socialization investigations, in this study no difference was found in the political attitudes, political orientations, or politically socializing influences on males and females It is possible that the National Assessment data to be reported in 1978 will show changes from the earlier tests, but if they do not, important questions should be examined Why do females perform less well than males on measures of social studies knowledge at all ages and in social studies related skills and attitudes at adult levels? Why are there differences in male and female attitudes and knowledge related to citizenship goals? Do the new state testing programs show similar sex differences in social studies learning? One factor that may contribute to lower female achievement in mathematics and social studies is a perhaps unconscious desire of females not to succeed in what they believe to be a male domain Fear of Success In 1969, Horner hypothesized that a psychological dimension, "fear of success" (FOS), impedes the achievement motivation of capable women In response to the cue "Ann has just discovered that she is at the top of her medical school class," 62 percent of the achieving female college subjects wrote stories which indicated conflict over such "success ." Only 9 percent of the males expressed such conflict about John's success Because the females who expressed FOS tended to do less well in competition with males on an anagrams test, Horner hypothesized that capable women's achievement motivation is decreased in competition with males The Radcliffe women who show low FOS reported that they had dating partners who supported their success, suggesting that females who feel no incompatibility between their success and their appeal to males are less likely to experience FOS Since Horner's initial research, nearly 200 studies have examined FOS (Tresemer, 1976) The few studies that have looked at adolescent rather than adult subjects and therefore are relevant to social studies instruction found that more FOS themes were emitted by females who held traditional stereotyped views of the female role (O'Leary and Hammuck, 1975), and those who attended coeducational as opposed to all female schools (Winchel and Fennes, 1975) Fewer subjects exhibited FOS when the competition was in an acceptable feminine area, like art, and FOS 7 9


was significantly greater for 12th grade than for 7th grade students under both traditionally male and traditionally female competitive conditions Typical of the FOS studies is one conducted by Kimball and Leahy (1976) They asked 303 male and female students in the fourth, sixth, tenth and twelfth grades to respond to the cue "after report cards Ann/John (respond for their sex) finds she/he is at the top of the class ." For both sexes, FOS was higher at the 12th grade than at the 4th grade, and there were no significant sex differences at any grade level However, in comparing the responses of 12th grade females in secretarial courses with males and females in a college preparatory program, it was found that the college prep females had higher FOS than college prep males, who in turn showed greater FOS than females in the secretarial program FOS dropped from the tenth to the twelfth grade for the males and for the females in secretarial programs Capable females with high aspirations continued to describe conflict over Ann's success Since this was not a longitudinal study, it is possible that the difference between older and younger students reflects a changing societal standard of appropriate behavior rather than an anxiety that increases with age While there is not yet enough consistent data to establish the conditions under which FOS occurs, there is sufficient evidence that such a phenomena often occurs and that it may inhibit achievement for many females It is possible that females fear success in social studies classes where international issues, politics, and economics-traditionally male concernsare discussed Studies are needed to test that hypothesis and to determine whether instructional intervention-like hearing guest speakers with non-traditional careers or studying about FOS in social studies classes-can reduce the occurrence of "fear of success ." Differences in Life Goals A final area of difference in male and female behavior which has implications for social studies is that associated with personal life goals The emphasis which the women's movement has placed on the underutilization of female intellectual ability leads us to look at the aspirations of the young We find that regardless of abilities, and increased opportunities, children's goals may limit their futures As social studies teachers have assumed primary responsibility for career education, they should be particularly interested in the research on career goals Several studies have found that most girls want to be teachers or nurses and a few aspire to other traditional jobs like secretary or model Boys aspire to an unlimited number of jobs from engineer, scientist, lawyer, to craftsman, athlete, entertainer, meat cutter, and herpatologist (Looft, 1971 ; Iglitzin, 1972, 1974 ; Bloomberg, 1974 ; Hahn, 1974) When asked 8 0


what they really expect to be, or to describe a typical day in their adult lives, females change their non-traditional goals, such as being a doctor, to more traditional aspirations, such as nursing, and they tend to mention families more than males do (Iglitzin, 197,2, 1_974 ; .Looft, 1971) Several studies have found that female students from higher socioeconomic backgrounds are less likely to hold sex stereotyped occupational aspirations than are female students with lower SES (MacPherson, 1971) In Gaskell's (1975) study of workingclass female 12th graders, the few young women who aspired to professional careers tended to attribute less importance to acting "feminine" and were more supportive of demands of women's liberation groups than were the majority of subjects with lower aspirations Early adolescent females are more likely to aspire to non-traditional careers than are older adolescent females Young women who identify with stereotypic "male" sex role characteristics see themselves in more male dominated occupations and tend to see their careers as being more central to their lives than do females who identify with more stereotypic "female" sex role characteristics (Kotcher, 1975) Closely associated with occupational aspirations is the whole notion of what young people believe are appropriate roles for males and females Garrett, et al (1976), asked first, third, and fifth graders to rate each of 40 adult occupations as male, female, or neutral Overall, the children stereotyped the occupations, but the girls were less stereotyped than the boys and the older children were less stereotyped than the younger children Other studies, however, have concluded that high school and college students tend to accept traditional stereotypes about appropriate behavior more than do younger students (Rosencrantz, et al ., 1968 ; Nash, 1975 ; Baruch, 1975) and that students value the male role more than the adult female role In one study, tenth grade females who perceived a large difference between male and female roles desired a lifestyle like their fathers even more than did the fifth grade girls (Baruch, 1975) In another study, the number of sixth and ninth grade females who said they would rather be male than female exceeded the number of males preferring to be female Both the males and the females in the study who preferred to be males explained their choices in terms of society's preference for the male role, the desirability of the male role (specifically sports) and the high value accorded characteristics viewed as masculine like strength, roughness, and the protector/provider role A few younger boys said they would like to be girls-out of curiosity-but ninth grade boys all preferred to be male (Nash, 1975) While most studies support the idea that students accept stereotyped roles, there is some indication of increasing acceptance of female liberation Davis (1976) found that while many high school students still have unrealistic information about the current economic position of women, 8 1


more than half of the students in her sample had realistic information and most of the students supported modern or egalitarian statements about the economic role of women Eighty-five percent of the respondents in Davis' study supported equal pay for equal work, 70 percent said women should be given the chance to do the same work as men, while only 26 percent agreed that although women play a part in many important jobs today, their proper place is in the home Further, Davis found that students with the most realistic information had the most modern attitudes towards women's role ; and students who have the highest grades, those who plan to go to college, those who aspire to high status jobs, and females support more modern attitudes In another study of high school students (Entwisle and Greenberger, 1970), females were found also to be more accepting than males of women having careers and being leaders in politics, business and the professions Discussion Taken together, these studies indicate that students believe there are different domains for men and women, they perceive that males have a wider range of job possibilities, and they value males' position in society more While students personally expect to assume traditional roles, they believe that society should be more equal Studies are needed which compare the perceptions of children in families and communities where there is greater overlap in male and female roles and those in which there is greater distinction Studies are needed also to determine whether instruction in social studies classes on the changing roles of women affects female students' aspirations and male students' attitudes towards equality In conclusion, we find that under some conditions boys' achievement motivation appears to be more responsive than girls' to competitive arousal, and boys tend to be more aggressive than girls, but we do not yet know if these phenomena occur under the particular conditions of elementary social studies classes Further, we note that female achievement in mathematics and in some cases female IQ scores decline relative to that of males during adolescence We do not yet know whether there is a corresponding decline in female achievement in social studies classes, particularly those that require understanding quantitative material Recently, the National Assessment reported that males consistently outperformed females on social studies knowledge The research on sex differences in cognitive and moral development is not yet conclusive, and it is not yet known whether a fear of success phenomenon occurs for females in social studies classes To date it appears that females continue to aspire to different family and career patterns than do males, but both male and female students are supportive of societal 8 2


trends toward greater similarity in, acceptable behaviors for men and women Of the differences in male and female behavior which have been identified, the only one which appears to be genetically based is aggression Therefore we turn now to descriptive studies of behavioral differences to research which explores how differences in sex roles are learned In the next section on sex role socialization we are seeking answers to the question : how does the school in general, and social studies in particular, contribute to students' learning what behavior is considered appropriate for males and what is appropriate for females? THE SCHOOL AS SOCIALIZER In recent years the schools have been under constant attack for transmitting sex role stereotypes to students, and thereby limiting the range of possible human development (Phi Delta Kappan, 1973 ; Educational Leadership, 1973 ; Frazier and Sadker, 1973) An ethnographic study of one first grade showed that expectations for behavior were different for boys and girls, subtle distinctions were made in disciplinary measures, students were grouped for a variety of tasks by sex, and reading and social studies textbooks emphasized boy dominance and girls as secondary supportive individuals The participant observation revealed no instances in which the behavior of school personnel served to contradict or alter the sex role stereotypes depicted in the textbook (Pivnick, 1974) A second study (Mulawka, 1972) which involved observations in primary classrooms and content analysis of written and pictorial materials concluded that sex role stereotyping is a common occurrence ; teachers' displays of written and pictorial materials showed more references to males than females in leadership roles, and teachers were more prone to use negative reinforcement patterns with boys than with girls Studies like these reveal ways in which schools teach children that the behavior which is appropriate for females is different from that which is appropriate for males In this section we will explore three subquestions to determine the part social studies plays in sex role learning : Do social studies materials stereotype sex roles? What effects do school models have on sex role socialization? How do teachers' interactions with students influence student learning about the appropriate behavior for their sex? Textbooks and Tests Several studies have concluded that elementary school textbooks contain many fewer females than males, that females are most often portrayed in roles as mothers and housewives (in spite of the reality, reported by the 8 3


Department of Labor, that forty percent of the labor force is female) and the boys are usually characterized as independent and active and girls as passive and dependent (Saario, et al ., 1973 ; Weitzman and Rizzo, 1975 ; Women on Words and Images, 1972) Several studies of elementary school social studies textbooks in particular have concluded that there are important omissions and much stereotyping (Scardina, 1972 ; Sheridan, 1975 ; Zimmerman, 1975 ; and O'Donnell, 1973) Schmaljohn's (1974) content analysis of career education materials reveals that three times as many men as women are pictured in illustrations, that males are shown in a great majority of occupational roles, and that only two job categories show an equal representation of males and females Further, the career education materials portray males as using physical strength, demonstrating something, and receiving recognition, while doing housework was shown as a female dominated activity Bannon's (1975) content analysis of consumer education textbooks concludes that males are portrayed as dominant in the world of business and consumerism In consumer roles, males are often portrayed as purchasers of large items such as houses and cars, while females shopped for groceries and clothing Trecker's (1971) analysis of high school history books concludes that : controversial women are excluded, controversial issues related to women are described in gentle tones, use of the male pronoun leads to the misunderstanding that early proprietors, settlers, and planters were men, areas in which women have made major contributions are given little attention, and that, overall, women tend to be omitted from history textbooks, and those who are included represent the stereotyped female role McLeod, et al (1973), did a content analysis of eight textbooks used in many high school government courses in 1972 Analysis of the index to the books yielded 33 female names out of 1136 listings of individuals in the eight texts, and in one book, only one woman was named! None of the books had quotations from more than two women, while one book alone quoted men 150 times In the eight books, 70 to 88 percent of the illustrations showed men only or men dominant over women in status, authority or numbers, while only 4 to 15 percent of the illustrations showed women dominant Females were also underrepresented in vignettes and case examples, and in presentations of youth, as well as adults Where females were included, they tended to represent stereotypes of an emotional wife, or of passive recipients and spreaders of their husbands' ideas The books also used male terminology and some used blatantly sexist cartoons In all of the government textbooks, less attention was given to the nineteenth than the fifteenth amendment to the U S Constitution, there were no explicit discussions of why women have not held high offices in state and national 8 4


government, and few examples of career women gave the false impression that most women are solely housewives Through 1976 there were consistent findings that women appeared far less than men in social studies books and they usually appeared as homemakers Most of the studies analyzed books which were written before publishers used guidelines to eliminate sexist bias from their materials, so it is possible that studies of newer materials will yield different results Textbooks are not the only materials used in social studies classes Social studies films and slide tape programs may also present a restricted view of women, but no studies were identified on that topic Tittle (Saario, et al ., 1973) examined the most widely used achievement tests in the U S and found that they also contain far more references to males than to females ; that women are portrayed almost exclusively as homemakers ; that girls are seen doing stereotypic chores like setting the table and boys take on roles of responsibility and leadership While one can argue for revision of textbooks and tests on the basis of honesty and justice, it has not been demonstrated that such changes will reduce students' stereotypic thinking Experimental studies are needed to determine the effects on student learning and on attitudes or presenting a broader range of female behavior in social studies textbooks and on tests It is likely that instructional materials will be found to be less influential than the role models students encounter at school School Leadership It is possible that no matter how much social studies teachers and instructional materials emphasize that both males and females can become political and business leaders, that females made important contributions to our nation's history, and that with few exceptions sex roles are culturally determined, the lessons will fall on deaf ears Students may not believe the rhetoric when they view the reality around them in the daily life of the school While in 1928, 55 percent of the elementary school principals were female, the percentage of female elementary school principals dropped to 20 percent by 1973, compared to the fact that in 1973, 85 percent of the elementary school teachers were female In senior high schools, 99 percent of the principals were males and males also constitute 99 percent of the superintendents in the country (Gross and Trask, 1976 ; Fishel and Pottker, 1975) Carney (1975) reports that in the state of New York, 72 percent of the grade 7-12 social studies teachers are male, and about 90 percent of the social studies department heads are males Through exposure to the hidden curriculum of the total school environment, social studies students may be learning that males hold positions of authority, and that subordinates, like teachers, are females 8 5


Feminists have made that assumption in their arguments for bringing more females into educational administration That assumption, however, has not yet been demonstrated empirically To date there is no evidence that students who have both male and female teachers and who have female principals engage in less stereotypic thinking In one experimental study, Lakner (1974) analyzed high school students' evaluation of principals' behavior Students read booklets of school incidents In half the booklets, an incident involved a male principal while in the other half the same incident involved a female principal All actions taken by male principals were evaluated more favorably than were the identical actions of female principals, with the exception of one incident involving the handling of a pregnant student The attitudes of male students toward female principals were more negative than the attitudes of female students Previous contact with a female elementary school principal was not found to relate to more positive attitudes toward female secondary school principals This single study suggests that school models may not be as effective as other factors in creating positive student attitudes toward females in authority roles As in the case of curriculum materials, the need for change should be argued on the basis of justice and equality rather than on some unsupported belief that it will affect student perspectives In contrast to the research on materials and models, there is some evidence that schools subtly contribute to students' views of what is appropriate male and female behavior through teacher interactions with students Teacher-Student Interactions In summarizing several studies of teacher-student interaction in elementary classrooms, Brophy and Good (1974) report that boys are generally more active in the classroom, and that teachers respond to them with more criticism than they give girls The criticism given to boys is often harsh, whereas girls are corrected in a conversational tone Boys tend also to receive more praise from the teacher and overall to have more interactons with the teacher (Davis and Slobodian, 1967 ; Brophy and Good, 1970 ; Good, Sikes and Brophy, 1973) In one study of junior high school classroms, Brophy and Good (1974, p 228) found not only that teachers criticized the males more and interacted more with males than females, but also that males were asked a higher percentage of abstract questions relative to low level factual questions Further, when unsure of the answers, males were risk takers and guessed, while females were more likely to remain quiet All of these patterns have been found equally with male and female teachers 8 6


An analysis of videotapes taken in sixteen second grade Follow Through classes which used individualized programs in mathematics and reading not only found that boys received more managerial contacts than girls regardless of subject area, but also that teachers directed more cognitive statements and questions to girls in reading than in math (and vice versa for boys) An analysis of achievement test data on children in those classes yielded no differences in initial abilities between boys and girls, but on end of year tests, girls significantly outperformed boys No sex differences were found on end of the year mathematics tests (Seewald, Leinhardt, and Engel, 1977) In summarizing the studies on classroom interaction, Brophy and Good (1974) hypothesize that where sex differences in elementary school grades and reading achievement occur, the explanation lies in the degree of correspondence-or lack of it-between the role of the student as defined by the school and the sex role for boys and girls as defined by society Males are expected by society to be active and are not necessarily expected to do well in elementary school ; they tend to be active, to be reprimanded frequently for that activity, and to sometimes receive lower grades than their ability would predict In Germany, where success in elementary school is part of the male sex role, boys out-perform girls in the elementary school One study showed that assertive males continue to receive more attention from teachers in middle school and that by then the students who interact the least with the teacher are average ability females (Hedrick and Chance, 1977) Observers coded the assertive behaviors of five males and five females whose achievement tests were one year above grade level and five males and five females who were average achievers Data were collected in sixth grade mathematics and social studies classes While no differences were found in mathematics classes between male and female student interaction, differences were found in the social studies classes : average ability females initiated fewer assertive behaviors than either average ability males or high ability males and females No instances of call outs, the most assertive behavior, were recorded for average ability females Further, the social studies teacher gave more opportunities to average ability males and high ability males and females than to average ability females Hedrick and Chance (1977) hypothesize that it takes more assertive behavior to be successful in social studies discussions than in mathematics drills Further, they suggest that average ability adolescent females adopt the passive behaviors of the feminine role sometime before the high achievement ability females do, since they do not experience the rewards of academic success to off-set sex role stereotyping This single study on interaction in social studies classes should be supplemented with further research To date the studies of elementary classes have not related teacher-student interaction with social studies 8 7


achievement, and we do not yet know if females are less assertive in classes like 12th grade economics than in sociology classes believing one field to be more masculine than the other Taken together, the studies on classroom interaction suggest that student sex role socialization and teacher behavior interact to reinforce differences in male and female behavior Clearly, more observational studies of elementary, middle, and high school classes with particular attention to social studies achievement are needed to determine whether males and females exhibit different behaviors, whether teachers exhibit different behaviors towards males and females, and if differences are found, studies will then be needed to examine under what conditions they occur An important question for investigation is : is success in the high school social studies class particularly incompatible with the young adult female sex role? One particular quality of teacher-student interaction that does appear to influence sex role socialization is teacher expectation of appropriate behavior Teacher Expectations Brophy and Good (1974) suggest that the self-fulfilling prophecy is at work when teachers hold higher expectations for some students and produce higher achievement in those students than in the students for whom they have lower expectations In one study (Doyle, Hancock, and Kifer, 1972), first grade teachers were asked to estimate the IQ's of their students before an intelligence test was given The teachers systematically overestimated the IQ's of the girls and underestimated those of the boys At the end of the year, the students who had been overestimated by the teachers showed higher reading achievement than their IQ's would predict, and the students who were underestimated by the teachers showed less achievement than their measured IQ would predict In another study (Palardy, 1969), first grade teachers were sent a questionnaire in which they were asked how successful they thought average first grade boys' success in learning to read was as compared to that of the average girl From those who responded that the success factor was equal, and from those who thought it was considerably less, two groups of teachers were selected who were matched on other characteristics All teachers used the same basal reading text Their students had scored similarly at the beginning of the year, but in May there were some dramatic differences Boys whose teachers believed that first grade boys are far less successful in learning to read had lower mean reading achievement scores than girls in their classes and than both the boys and the girls in the classes where the teachers held equal expectancies for the two sexes 8 8


In a similar study, Wuhl (1976) observed the classes of four first grade teachers who expected female students to achieve more in reading than their male students and four first grade teachers who expressed no difference in expectations for male and female achievement in reading The latter group showed no difference in their interaction with male and female students and there was no difference in achievement scores of their male and female students at the end of the year However, the teachers who held different expectations for male and female students gave significantly more attention to the males than to the females in their classes, and at the end of the year the males scored lower on achievement tests than did the females No studies were identified in which teacher expectations were considered in relation to social studies achievement In one study of science interest and achievement Lindsay (1973) found that sixth grade girls generally accept science as a male domain, but in the classes where teachers had a positive attitude toward science, encouraged student participation in experiments, and had equal expectations for males and females, the females were more likely to select science as their favorite subject and to get their best grades in science In all of these studies, it is possible that the teachers' expectations at the beginning of the study were influenced by characteristics behavior already observed in their students But different teacher behavior directed at students of different ability would likely create even greater differences in student behavior over time, as Rist (1970) found in observations of black elementary students and their teachers Studies similar to Rist's are needed to explore the relationships between teacher expectations, teacher-student interactions, and social studies achievement at both the elementary and secondary levels One particular way in which teacher expectations may affect achievement is through the evaluation of student work Evaluation One way in which students learn that they have facility or difficulty with social studies is through the comments and grades they receive on their work One wonders if social studies teachers grade the essays, book reports, and term papers of unknown male students higher than they do comparable papers written by female students That hypothesis is suggested by several experimental studies which found that adults tend to evaluate works attributed to males higher than those attributed to females (Goldberg, 1968 ; Pheterson, 1971) Articles on linguistics, law, city planning, art history, and even on the traditionally female areas of dietetics and elementary education were rated higher when the authors were believed to be males than when the identical articles were attributed to female authors (Goldberg, 1968) In a 8 9


similar study, college females judged painting which were described as entries in a contest to be better when they believed the artists were male than when the identical works were believed to be painted by females Similar phenomena could have a particularly powerful effect on students Research on mastery learning (Kifer, 1973) has shown that evaluation, motivation, and achievement have a cumulative effect Having failed on a previous task, a student is less motivated to succeed on the next similar task Research is needed to explore the hypothesis that if middle school and high school social studies teachers evaluate female students' work more harshly than they do male students' work, then females may become increasingly less motivated than the male students Over time male achievement in social studies may increase relative to that of the females We turn now from studies on the ways in which students incidentally have been socialized to sex roles to studies of the effects of intervention programs designed specifically to affect students' views of appropriate male and female behavior Intervention Programs Since the advent of the women's movement, specific instruction has been designed to reduce sex role stereotyping and to develop more positive attitudes towards women's equity The intervention programs, however, seem to be more effective with adults than with children In one study, a woman's studies course was effective in making adult women more aware of sex role stereotyping within the society and within themselves (Speizer, 1975) There is also some indication that the use of role play and simulation games to develop more positive attitudes toward women is effective with male and female college students (Chapman, 1974 ; Collins, 1975) Inservice training programs for teachers have been effective in reducing stereotyped attitudes (Kesselman, 1974) and behaviors which stereotype (Redd, 1976) Less effective have been intervention programs directed at children Studies of fifth and sixth graders (Kesselman, 1974 ; Lynch, 1975 ; and Nash, 1974) and of four and five year olds (Bloomberg) conclude that instruction designed to reduce sex role stereotyping is not effective In contrast, the fifth grade experimental studies in Bucher's (1974) study expressed more liberal attitudes toward occupational roles of men and women than did control students who did not experience the instructional unit Curriculum materials on women in the work force were effective in increasing student knowledge about women workers, and in changing student attitudes in the direction of greater acceptance of employment after marriage, but they were not effective in changing the occupational choices of the seventh, ninth, and eleventh grade females on whom they were field tested (Vetter, 1972) 9 0

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Learning centers utilizing a variety of media to transmit knowledge about women's roles and stimulate value inquiry did not change the attitudes of ninth grade students toward women's roles (Grant, 1977) Having students read booklets about women in non-traditional careers (Dodson, 1973) or having them view videotapes of career women (Pope, 1971) was not effective in changing high school students' attitudes toward women in male dominated careers While films which encourage females to enter specific male dominated occupations were effective in developing more positive attitudes toward women in non-traditional careers, they were not effective in changing high school female vocational choices (Sullivan, 1976) One experimental study (Plost, 1974) found that the sex of the model used in a career education filmstrip presented was related to student interest in the occupations Two gender neutral careers-systems analyst and computer software designer-were represented by a female model and a male model in a slide tape The models reversed roles in a second version of the presentation In a questionnaire, students expressed a preference for the occupation demonstrated by the same sex model regardless of the substantive content of the occupation described Further, both male and female students estimated that an occupation required more education and paid a higher salary when it was presented by a male model than when it was presented by a female model This study suggests that changing educational materials to present females in a wider variety of careers can increase the range of career aspirations of female students Discussion Looking at all of the research on how schools in general and social studies in particular teach students what behaviors are appropriate to males and to females we find that social studies materials have shown females in a narrow range of activities and that sex role models in schools convey the image that men are authority figures, that high school social studies is a male field, and that elementary teachers are females Further research is needed to determine the effects on student beliefs when textbooks are not stereotyped and when more females are educational administrators Research is needed also to determine whether teacher expectations and teacher-student interaction contributes to the decline in social studies achievement of females relative to that of males during adolescence Social studies researchers are behind their colleagues in other fields in determining how gender differences and sex role socialization relate to their subject Priority should be given to conducting such research not only for the value of knowledge itself, but because such knowledge bears directly on the purposes of social studies 9 1

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The National Council for the Social Studies Curriculum Guidelines notes that one of our central purposes is the "enhancement of human dignity through learning . ." and it goes on to say that human dignity means "each person should have the opportunity to know, to choose, and to act ." If by the process of sex role socialization, half of our students do not fully exercise their abilities to acquire knowledge, to choose from among all possible careers, and to act as participating citizens in a democracy, then our purpose will not be met Research which indicates a decline in female IQ scores, and achievement during adolescence is troubling Also of concern is the limited range of careers to which girls aspire, and the small number of women who are leaders in state and national government In a nation which was founded on the philosophic belief that all people are created equal, and that we are a nation of those people, by the people, and for the people, we should be concerned that our youth do not believe in political equality for males and females In a cross national study of political attitudes, Torney (1975) reported that U S students are less supportive of women's rights than are students from any of the six other nations studied Among 14 year olds, only 27 percent of the U S respondents strongly agree with the statement that "women should run for political office and take part in government much the same as men do," and only 17 percent strongly agreed that "women should have the same rights as men in every way ." More students from the U S sample than from the other countries strongly agreed with the statement that "women should stay out of politics"-eight percent Similar results are obtained from the 10 year old and pre-university samples The students who are most enthusiastic about women's rights come from the countries which have the largest proportion of women elected to the national legislature and which are the most likely to have women serve in high judicial posts or as cabinet members-Sweden, Finland, and the Federal Republic of Germany That conclusion points out the integral relationship between social studies education and sex role socialization If students learn that it is equally appropriate for females as males to be involved in politics, then females may be equally motivated to achieve in social studies classes and to aspire to careers in business, politics, and the law, and we may then find a more equal representation of males and females in government positions-or seeing an equal representation of men and women in high government posts, U S students might come to believe that men and women should have equal rights Social studies education is a part of the society which is changing As scholars, we have important contributions to make in understanding both the causes and the effects of that change 9 2

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REFERENCES Bannon, Carol, Sex Stereotyping_ an High School Consumer Education Textbooks, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Northern Illinois University, 1975), Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 6585A Baruch, Grace K ., "Sex Role Stereotyping, the Motive to Avoid Success and Parential Identification," Sex Roles, 1 (Nov ., 1975), 303-309 Bender, David S ., "Psychosocial Dimensions of Sex Differences In the Academic Competence of Adolescents," unpublished paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, April, 1976 Bloomberg, Harriet A ., The Effectiveness of an Attempted Modification of Sex Role Stereotyping of Occupations by Four and Five Year Olds, unpublished doctoral dissertation (New York University, 1974), Dissertation Abstracts International, 35, 881A Brophy, Jere E and Good, Thomas L ., "Teachers' Communication of Differential Expectations for Children's Classroom Performance : Some Behavioral Data," Journal of Educational Psychology, 61 (1970), 365-374 Brophy, Jere E ., and Good, Thomas L ., "The Influences of the Sex of the Teacher and Student Classroom Behavior," Chapter 7 in TeacherStudent Relationships : Causes and Consequences, (New York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974) Bucher, Carol H ., The Impact of a Non-Stereotyped Sex Role Occupational Unit on Elementary School Children's Occupational Knowledge, Vocational Aspirations, and Expressed Occupational Attitudes, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Virginia, 1974), Dissertation Abstracts International, 35, 2672A Campbell, Patricia Barbara, Feminine Intellectual Decline During Adolescence, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Syracuse University, 1973) Campbell, Patricia, Katrin, Susan, and Dorothy Newman, "Girl, Boy, or Person : Beyond Sex Differences," an audio-visual module (Atlanta, Georgia : Georgia State University, School of Education, Spring, 1977) Carney, Loretta, "From Put Downs to Positive Action," Social Science Record, 12 (Spring, 1975), 17-19 Chapman, Thomas H ., Simulation Game Effects on Attitudes Regarding Racism and Sexism, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Maryland, 1974) Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 700A Collins, Eleanor R ., A Role Playing Workshop as a Facilitator of Change in Attitudes Toward Women, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Boston University, 1975) Dissetation Abstracts International, 36, 5036A 9 3

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Davis, Lorraine C ., "The Information and Perceptions of Twelfth Grade Students about the Economical and Political Roles of Women," unpublished paper presented at the annual meeting of the College and University Faculty Association of the National Council for the Social Studies, Washington, D .C ., November, 1976 Davis, O L ., Jr ., and Slobodian, June J ., "Teacher Behavior Toward Boys and Girls During First Grade Reading Instruction," American Educational Research Journal, 4 (1967), 261-269 Depner, Charlene E ., and O'Leary, Virginia E ., "Understanding Female Careerism : Fear of Success and New Directions," Sex Roles, 2 (September, 1976), 259-268 Dodson, Elizabeth A ., Effects of Female Role Models on Occupational Exploration and Attitudes of Adolescents, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Michigan State University, 1973) Dissertation Abstracts International, 34, 7534A Doyle, W Hancock, G ., and Kifer, E ., "Teacher's Perceptions : Do They Make a Difference?", Journal of the Association for the Study of Perception, 7(Fall, 1972), 21-30 Education Commission of the States, 1969-1970 Citizenship : Group Results for Sex, Region and Size of Community, National Assessment of Educational Progress Report No 16, (Washington, D .C : Government Printing Office, July, 1971) Education Commission of the States, Political Knowledge and Attitudes, National Assessment of Educational Progress, (Washington, D .C : Government Printing Office, December, 1973) Educational Commission of the States, The First Social Studies Assessment : An Overview, National Assessment of Educational Progress, (Washington, D .C : Government Printing Office, June, 1974) Educational Leadership, 21 (November, 1973) Entwisle, Doris and Greenberger, Ellen, "A Survey of Cognitive Styles in Maryland Ninth Graders : IV Views of Women's Roles," (Baltimore, Md : John Hopkins University Center for the Study of Social Organizations, November, 1970), ED 043 908 Fennema, Elizabeth, "Influences of Selected Cognitive, Affective, and Educational Variables on Sex-related Differences in Mathematics Learning and Studying," unpublished paper presented for the National Institute of Education, Contract No P-76-0274, October, 1976 Fishel, Andrew, and Pottker, Janice, "Performance of Women Principals : A Review of Behavioral and Attitudinal Studies," Journal of the National Association of Women Deans and Counselors, 138 (Spring, 1975), 110-117 9 4

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Fox, Lynn, "The Effects of Sex Role Socialization on Mathematics Participation and Achievement," unpublished paper presented for the National Institute of Education, Contract No FN 17 400-76-0114, December, 1976 Frazier, Nancy and Sadker, Myra, Sexism in School and Society (New York : Harper and Row, 1973) Garrett, Candace, Ein, P Lynne, and Leslie Tremaine, "The Development of Gender-Stereotyping of Adult Occupations in Elementary School Children," Bloomington, In : Indiana University, Institute for Child Study, 1976 Gaskell, Jane, "Explaining the Aspirations of Working Class Girls," unpublished paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Washington, D .C ., March, 1975 Goldberg, P A ., "Are Women Prejudiced Against Women?", Transactions, 5 (April, 1968), 28-30 Good, Thomas L ., Sikes, J ., and Jere Brophy, "Effects of Teacher Sex and Student Sex on Classroom Interaction," Journal of Educational Psychology, 65 (1973), 74-87 Grant, Evelyn, "The Effect of a Two Week Women's Study on Student Attitudes Toward Women," Journal of Social Studies Research, 1 (Winter, 1977), 36-41,, Graybill, Letitia A ., A Study of Sex Differences in the Transition from Concrete to Formal Thinking Patterns, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Rutgers University, 1973) Dissertation Abstracts International, 34, 3988A Hahn, Carole L ., "The Me I Want To Be : Students' Aspirations in the Seventies," Social Education, 38 (April, 1974), 334-344 Hedrick, Terry E ., and Chance, June E ., "Sex Differences in Assertive Achievement Patterns," Sex Roles, 3(April, 1977), 129-139 Hinders, Duane C ., An Exploration of Sex Differences in Student Effort in Mathematics : The Impact of Differences in Social Influence, Articulation to Future Work, and Relating Grades to Ability, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Stanford University, 1977) Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 7591A Horner, Matina, "Fail : Bright Women," Psychology Today, 3(November, 1969), 36-38, 62 Iglitzin, Lynne B ., "The Making of the Apolitical Woman : Femininity and Sex Stereotyping," in Women in Politics, edited by Jane S Jaquette, (New York : John Wiley & Sons, 1974), 25-36 Jaquette, Jane S ., "Introduction : Women in American Politics," Women in Politics (New York : John Wiley and Sons, 1974), xiii-xxxvii 9 5

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Kesselman, Mardy Wasserman, Changing Sex Role Stereotypes : The Effects of Teacher Sex Role Awareness on the Sex Role Differentiation Attitudes of Their Pupils, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Boston University, 1974), Dissertation Abstracts International, 35, 1500A Kifer, E The Effects of School Achievement on the Objective Traits of the Learner Unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Chicago, 1973) Kimball, Betsy and Leahy, Robert L ., "Fear of Success in Males and Females : Effects of Developmental Level and Sex-Linked Course of Study," Sex Roles, 2 (September, 1976), 273-282 Kohlberg, Lawrence, "A Cognitive-Developmental Analysis of Children's Sex Role Concepts and Attitudes," in E E Maccoby (ed .) The Development of Sex Differences (Stanford, Ca : Stanford University Press, 1966), 82-173 Kotcher, Elaine V ., Sex Role Identity and Career Goals in Adolescent Women, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Hofstra University, 1975), Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 5949A Kurtines, William and Grief, Esther Blank, "The Development of Moral Thought : Review and Evaluation of Kohlberg's Approach," Psychological Bulletin, 81 (August, 1974), 453-470 Lakner, Linda J ., Contrast of High School Students' Attitudes Toward Female and Male Principals, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Illinois, 1974) Lavach, John F ., and Lanier, Hope B ., "The Motive to Avoid Success in High Achieving Girls, Grades 7-12," Phi Delta Kappan, 58 (December, 1976), 357-58 Lindsay, Nancy S ., "The Impact of Sex Role Stereotypes as Reflected in Interest in Science in the Elementary Grades," unpublished doctoral dissertation (Harvard University, 1973), Dissertation Abstracts International, 34, 7048A Looft, W R ., "Sex Differences in the Expression of Vocational Aspirations by Elementary School Children," Developmental Psychology, 5 (April, 1971), 366 Lynch, Gerald P ., Strategies for the Mitigation of Sex Role Bias in Fifth Grade Urban Youth, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Pennsylvania State University, 1975), Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 888A Maccoby, Eleanor E ., and Jacklin, Carol Nagy, The Psychology of Sex Differences (Stanford, Ca : Stanford University Press, 1974) MacPherson, Lucille I ., The Effects of Social Class on Female Perceptions of Traditional Sex-Role Adherence in Occupations, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Arizona State University, 1971) Dissertation Abstracts International, 31, 4467A 9 6

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McLeod, Jennifer S and Silverman, Sandra T ., You Won't Do : What Textbooks on U S Government Teach High School Girls (Pittsburgh, Pa : Know, Inc ., 1973), ED 081 255 McTeer, J Hugh, "The Relationship of Sex to Students' Interest in Social Studies," Social Studies, 46 (July-August, 1975), 167-169 Mischel, Walter, "A Social-Learning View of Sex Differences in Behavior," in E E Maccoby (ed .), The Development of Sex Differences (Stanford, Ca : Stanford University Press, 1966), 56-81 Mulawka, Edward J ., Sex Role Typing in the Elementary School Classroom as Reinforcement of Sex Role Stereotypes Learned at Home, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Wayne State University, 1972) Dissertation Abstracts International, 33, 6472A Nash, Anne S ., Changing Attitudes Toward Sex-Role Differentiation : The Effect of a Sex-Role Awareness Course on Sex-Role Stereotyping and Sex Role Anxiety, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Boston University, 1974) Dissertation Abstracts International, 35, 1450A Nash, Sharon Churnin, "The Relationship Among Sex-Role Stereotyping, Sex Role Preference and Sex Difference in Spatial Visualization," Sex Roles, 1 (1975), 15-32 O'Donnell, Richard W ., "Sex Bias in Primary Social Studies Textbooks," Educational Leadership, 31 (November, 1973), 137-141 O'Leary, Virginia E ., and Hammuck, Barbara, "Sex Role Orientation and Achievement Context as Determinants of the Motive to Avoid Success," Sex Roles, 1 (September, 1975), 225-234 Palardy, J ., "What Teachers Believe-What Children Achieve," Elementary School Journal, 69 (1969), 370-374 Pass, Barbara H ., A Study of Administrative Women in Education, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Virginia, 1976), Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 4038A Pheterson, Gail I ., Kiesler, Sara B ., and Philip A Goldberg, "Evaluation of the Performance of Women as a Function of Their Sex, Achievement and Personal History," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 19 (1971), 114-118 Phi Delta Kappan, 55 (October, 1973) Pivnick, Patricia T ., Sex Role Socialization : Observations in a First Grade Classroom (It's Hard to Change Your Image Once You're Type-Cast), unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Rochester, 1974), Dissertation Astracts International, 35, 1358A Pope, Sharon K ., Effects of Female Career Role Models on Occupational Aspirations, Attitude, and Personalities of High School Seniors, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Missouri, 1971) Dissertation Abstracts International, 32, 4964A 9 7

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Redd, A Loretta, The Influence of a Sex Role Stereotype Instruction Unit on the Modification of Attitudes and Behaviors of Elementary School Teachers, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Georgia State University, 1976) Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 5002A Rist, Ray C ., "Student Social Class and Teacher Expectations : The SelfFulfilling Prophecy in Ghetto Education," Harvard Educational Review, 40 (August, 1970), 411-451 Rosebrough, Thomas R ., Children's Social Values Related to Age, Sex, and Piagetian Level of Moral Judgment, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Ohio State University, 1976) Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 2622A Rosencrantz, Paul, Vogel, Susan, Bee, Helen, Broverman, Inge, and Donald M Broverman, "Sex-Role Stereotypes and Self-Concepts in College Students," Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 32 (1968), 187-195 Saario, Terry N ., Jacklin, Carol Nagy and Carol Kehr Tittle, "Sex Role Stereotyping in the Public Schools," Harvard Educational Review, 43 (August, 1973), 386-416 Scardina, Florence "Sexism in Textbooks in Pittsburgh Public Schools, Grades K-5," Pitsburgh, Pa : Know, Inc ., 1972, ED 096 224 Seewald, Andrea Mar, Leinhardt, Gaea, and Mary Engel, "Learning What's Taught : Sex Differences in Instruction," Pittsburgh, Pa : Learning Research and Development Center, University of Pittsburgh, June, 1977 Segall, Annette L ., Gender-Related Differences in the Political Socialization of High School Seniors, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Case Western Reserve University, 1975) Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 3996A Shaw, M ., and McCuen, J ., "The Onset of Academic Underachievement in Bright Children," Journal of Educational Psychology, 51 (1960), 103-107 Sheridan, E Marcia, "Analysis of Sex Stereotypes in Textbooks Used in South Bend, Indiana Schools : Report of the Education Committee of the South Bend Mayor's Commission on the Status of Women," 1975, ED 119 214 Sherman, Julia, "Effects of Biological Factors on Sex-Related Differences in Mathematics Achievement," paper prepared for the National Institute of Education, Contract No 400-76-0113, 1976 Sherman, Julia and Fennema, Elizabeth, "The Study of Mathematics by High School Girls and Boys : Related Variables," American Educational Research Journal, 14 (Spring, 1977), pp 159-168 Signs : Journal of Women in Culture, 1, 2, 3 (1975, 1976, 1977) 9 8

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Speizer, Jeanne J ., An Evaluation of the Changes in Attitudes Toward Women Which Occur as a Result of Participation in a Women's Studies Course, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Boston University, 1975) Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 1404A Sullivan, Kathleen A ., Changes in Girls' Perceptions of the Appropriateness of Occupations for Females Through Films Which Counter Sex Stereotyping, unpublished doctoral dissertation (Fordham University, 1975) Dissertation Abstracts International, 36, 5164A Tobias, Sheila, "Math Anxiety : Why is a Smart Girl Like You Counting Your Fingers?", Ms ., 5 (September, 1976), 56-59 Torney, Judith V ., Oppenheim, A N ., and Russell F Farnen, Civic Education in Ten Countries (New York : John Wiley, 1975) Trecker, Janice Law, "Women in U S History High School Textbooks," Social Education, 35 (March, 1971), 249-260 Tresemer, David, "The Cumulative Record of Research on Fear of Success," Sex Roles, 2 (September, 1976), 217-236 Vetter, Louise and Sethney, Barbara J ., "Women in the Work Force : Development and Field Testing of Curriculum Materials," Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University Center for Vocational and Technical Education, December, 1972, ED 072 175 Weitzman, Lenore J and Rizzo, Diane, "Sex Bias in Textbooks," Today's Education, 64 (January/February, 1975), 49-52 Winchel, R ., Fenner, D ., and P Shaver, "Impact of Coeducation on Fear of Success Imagery Expressed by Male and Female High School Students," Journal of Educational Psychology, 66 (1974), 726-730 Women on Words and Images, Dick and Jane as Victims : Sex Stereotyping in Children's Readers (Princeton, New Jersey : Central New Jersey N 0 W ., 1972) Wuhl, Gloria B ., Sex Differences in Teachers' Gender Expectations About Reading and Their Relationship to Teacher-Student Interaction and First Grade Reading Achievement, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Pennsylvania, 1976) Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 7053A Zimmerman, Roger, "Social Studies Textbooks Still Neglect Racial Minorities and Women, and Shortchange Children" Negro Educational Review, 26 (April-July, 1975), 116-123 9 9

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REPLY TO FRED M NEWMANN'S RESPONSE TO MY REVIEW OF EDUCATION FOR CITIZEN ACTION (1975) AND SKILLS IN CITIZEN ACTION (1977) Jack L Nelson Rutgers University This reply is to continue a dialogue started with my less than enthusiastic review of some of Fred Newmann's work (Vol V ., No II, August, 1977), followed by his lengthy and elaborate response (Vol V, No III, December, 1977) As an author, I can certainly sympathize with Newmann's sensitivity to critical judgments of his work Yet I sense in his response a form of overkill that causes me to wonder that he does protest too much The totality of Newmann's response, its categorical refusal to countenance any negative criticism, and the vehemence of its personal attack suggest a frayed nerve, rather than reflection My review tried to focus on the integrity between Newmann's 1975 book, Education for Citizen Action, on which I gave very favorable comment as a provocative and thoughtful treatise, and the co-authored Skills book of 1977 I found that integrity wanting, though I fully comprehend the immense difficulty in producing practical applications or any theories in education Newmann's response seemed to call into question my integrity as a critical reader and advocate That certainly does shift the battleground, but doesn't respond to the basic criticisms made in my review Newmann faults the review for not focusing on the "authors' objectives," though he agrees that I properly described those objectives The limited objectives offered in the Skills book did not, as my review notes at its beginning, make it appropriate for a separate review in Theory and Research in Social Education It is only when the Skills book is related to the earlier theoretic volume that it deserves T & R attention Newmann and I differ on the reading of the books and my review I claimed that the 1977 Skills book : 1 was not as radical as its tribute to Saul Alinsky would indicate 2 gave "short shrift on rationale" and did not "address the possible conflict among national interest, traditional representative democracy and ethical justifications ." 3 "strengthened my suspicions that the program is too easily subverted from laudable goals of social reconstruction and thoughtful social criticism to mechanical, behavioral manipulation consistent with traditional national beliefs ." 4 had weak sections on communications and literature 5 had excellent suggestions for the field-based portion of the program 6 did not convey the same provocative thrust of the earlier book 1 0 0

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Newmann responds : 1 that the Alinsky quote's point is to "expose the naivete of Nelson's apparent approach to educational-social reform ." My essential argument in the review is that the 1975 book .contained the basis for such reform ; the 1977 book seems to pull back from it If Newmann and I substantially agree on the positive nature of his 1975 book, why does he consider me naive about his co-authored 1977 book where we disagree? 2 that the 1975 book contained the rationale which was summarized in the 1977 book I noted in the review that the 1975 book was referenced, but that still gave "short shrift" to the practitioners for whom the 1977 volume was intended That short version created confusion for the reader (though my reading may be uncritical and naive) The point made in the review is that "the provocative thrust of his position on citizen action and social consequences is severely blunted by the significantly more conservative writing in the 1977 book ." The potential contradiction in the 1977 book, e .g ., "The essential educational task is not to indoctrinate, but to remain intellectually honest and at the same time to help students justify the belief that principles of respresentative constitutional democracy offer the most promise for organizing community to serve the value of human dignity" is not addressed I don't argue that one must engage in "more forceful teaching of an anti-capitalist, anti-behaviorist ideology" as Newmann suggests in his rejoinder I do argue that the treatment of rationale in the 1977 book is too limited to do justice to the 1975 book and that it is much more traditional The result is the kind of difficulty that I, as a supporter of Newmann's first book and his earlier work on the Public Issues Series, had in matching the 1975 and 1977 books 3 correctly that some of my criticism is more about schools than of the proposed program I indicated that it strengthened my suspicions of subversion of the 1975 book's goals The 1977 book, I maintain, is more traditional, more mechanical, and less based on social reconstruction and social criticism than the 1975 book That should strengthen anyone's suspicions about applying controversial ideas in schools The 1977 book is an attempt to apply ideas to school settings 4 that I should explain my comments on communication and literature more clearly I noted that the communication "model" used is traditional and simplistic It includes a circular system with sender-message-receiverfeedback Since I was taught a nearly identical view of communications in high school, before the work of Edward Sapir, Edward T Hall, Marshall McLuhan and a vast recent literature on the complexity of communication, I was surprised to see this older, bare-bones approach to a topic as centrally important to critical citizen participation as communication analysis and skill development The "model" proposed is insufficient and misleading It is too simple an explanation and graphically appears to be unidirectional 1 0 1

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although the narrative disclaims this The circle of communication seems to only go one way Additionally, the activities proposed (making class introductions, keeping journals, using listener rating scales, etc .) are mentioned but not elaborated or related to the "model ." The authors take pains early in the 1977 book to disclaim jargon of academics and evaluation experts, but in the communications chapter they advocate student learning of "communication terminology" as though it was not jargon There is no greater rationale presented for learning communication terminology than for the terminology of evaluation or academics The Action in Literature Course chapter was reviewed as being mainly a book list by topic, the weakest chapter on rationale and practice, and disinterested in literary criticism Newmann chose to ignore the first two comments and wondered why I would advocate study of literary criticism as related to civic competence It seems to me that reading well done literary criticism could assist students in developing skills of critical judgment, analyzing communication, and in seeing that such skills are useful in civic life since it incorporates more than history and social science The sub-title of the 1977 book is An English-Social Studies Program for Secondary Schools Are the authors advocating an English program with virtually no literary criticism? My impression of most of Newmann's work is that he does not want to produce unthoughtful "true believers ." I have not asked that literary criticism be emphasized in the book but propose that it be strengthened as consistent with the concept of civic competence based on the use of critical inquiry 5 with no comments on my positive review of the field-based portion of the program 6 that the 1977 book made "strong recommendations" for critical empirical and ethical inquiry and student participation It is true that such recommendations are in the book but the stated intent and general approach of the book is to "fit in ." My comments were directed at the relation between the two books, not at the Skills book as a separate entity The recommendations will likely remain recommendations while the fitting in will happen There is one area where I inadequately reviewed the 1977 book and Newmann properly calls my attention to it, though he classifies it as a misrepresentation The 1977 book carries the statement, "In January 1976 under a grant from the Rockefeller Family Fund we began to examine materials from ongoing programs related to civic competence ." The paragraph continues by explaining how the team deliberated various alternatives, held conferences, offered proposals and accepted critiques into Fall, 1976 Since, a page earlier, the authors classify their program as experimental, I used the term to write in my review, "Some of these ideas 1 0 2

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were conducted experimentally under a 1976 grant from the Rockefeller Family Fund ." It was my error in expression since the ideas were apparently discussed but never tried The use of the term experimental may be too strong for the book and for, my review In summary, although Newmann suggests that I have a vague ultimate agenda, fail to comprehend real social activism, and should present my own scheme, I submit that my agenda includes the development of critical inquiry and the improvement of social education ; that we may all fail to comprehend real social activism, including those who are somehow anointed as leaders ; and that my own scheme was not the subject of my review of Newmann's books Alinsky, in the quote used in the 1977 book, gave three choices to those who despaired of trying to change the system from within : "build a wailing wall and start crying, build some bombs and blow us all to hell, or roll up your sleeves and go back to work . ." That seems to be decent advice, and I will await Newmann's choice 1 0 3

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RESEARCH IN PROGRESS PROJECT DESCRIPTIONS CARNEGIE-MELLON UNIVERSITY CIVIC EDUCATION PROJECT Dale Greenwald, Carnegie-Mellon University, Porter Hall 223, Schenley Park, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 The Civic Education Project at Carnegie-Mellon University is developing a three year high school citizenship education program that combines social studies and English courses with a participatory governance structure Supported by grants from the Danforth Foundation and the State of Pennslvania, Part C of Title IV of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the project began operation in two Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania area high schools in 1976-77 In 1977-78 five new schools with diverse characteristics and student populations joined the project, three in the Pittsburgh area and two in Bakersfield, California The social studies, English, and governance components of the project are unified through the simultaneous pursuit of five common goals : 1 developing basic participatory skills, such as reading, writing, speaking, committee work, and so forth, necessary for assuming an active role in public affairs ; 2 developing intellectual skills, primarily formal operational thought required for solving public policy problems ; 3 developing the ability to understand democratic values, specifically the ability to think at Stages 4 and S on the Kohlberg scale ; 4 developing knowledge pertinent to citizenship and to conventional social studies and English goals, and 5 personal development, especially growth in self-esteem, selfknowledge, and personal identity The project represents a cooperative effort between the staff of CMU's Social Studies Curriculum Center and six school districts Each school sends teams of social studies and English teachers, administrators, counselors, parents, and students to a fifteen-week Staff Development Seminar to study the rationale for the project and to adapt centrally prepared curricula materials to the needs of their individual schools Teachers in the project are drawn from these trained personnel Students enroll in the project as sophomores They take social studies and English five days each week and participate in a Community Activity Period for three periods weekly The social studies courses focus on the nature of government and community (first year), the quest for justice in American history (second year), and current civic problems (third year) The literature 1 0 4

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section of the English courses has parallel emphasis on community, the quest for justice seen through American literature, and literature which reflects basic moral issues as defined by Kohlberg The Community Activity Period has three foci : community building activities, the development of interpersonal skills, and a participatory government structure Students and staff in each Civic Education Unit (typically 40 to 65 students) develop their own sanctions and enforcement procedures for rules prevalent in the school All activities seek congruence of both the manifest and latent curriculum and are designed to help students achieve the five goals of the project The project has employed both qualitative and quantitative evaluaton techniques During the first year of the project (1976-77), two participant observers attached to the staff kept extensive field notes, interviewed students and staff, administered questionnaires, collected documents, and tape recorded significant interactions This work served as the major basis for the revision of the program after the first year The staff continues to interview students and teachers and to tape record community meetings A battery of eleven tests forms the heart of the quantitative evaluation They are : Basic Participatory Skills Sequential Tests of Educational Progress : Social Studies (Educational Testing Service, 1957) Tests of Academic Progress : Composition, Reading, Literature (Houghton Mifflin Company, 1971) Intellectual Skills A Piagetian test to distinguish between concrete and formal operations Personal Development Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (W H Freeman and Company, 1967) Rotter Sentence Blank Completion Form (The Psychological Corporation, 1950) Development of the Ability to Understand Democratic Values Kohlberg Moral Judgment Interview (Center for Moral Education, 1976) Kohlberg Moral Atmosphere Interview (Center for Moral Education, 1976) Knowledge Because the curriculum in the project differs substantially from typical high school curricula, we have tried to assess student achievement only in American history, a course which occurs in both the project curriculum and in standard programs We use the Cooperative Social Studies Test for Senior High School American History (Educational Testing Service, 1964) Global Citizenship Measure Released items from the citizenship inventory of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (The Education Commission of the States, 1977) 1 0 5

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Research Design Most of these tests were selected on the basis of their excellent reliability and national norms All except the American History and the National Assessment of Educational Progress (citizenship) were administered as a pre-test to all students entering the project in the fall of 1977 Post-tests will be offered at the end of the first year in the spring of 1978, and at the conclusion of the second and third years Evaluation of the test results will be conducted at Harvard University by Dr Marcus Lieberman and his staff Tentative Plans Currently the project staff is writing the third year curriculum in social studies and English In addition, they plan a major dissemination effort based on teams of one social studies and one English teacher from the same school who will intern in the project and adapt its materials and techniques to their own needs This effort will begin with the February, 1979, semester DISSERTATIONS IN PROGRESS Florida State University George Flouris, The Self-Concept and Cross-Cultural Awareness of GreekAmerican Students Enrolled in Monolingual and Bilingual Schools George Kalangis, The Sociocultural and Religious Ethos of the Greek Language Schools in the American South Theophilos Mantzanas, Biculturation and Cross-Cultural Awareness in Bilingual and Monolingual School Settings Aristotle Michopoulos, Political Socialization and its Relation to Primary and Secondary School Civics Curriculum Adam Sgourous, Greek Immigrants and Education in Lowell, Massachusetts John Siolas, An Analysis and Evaluaton of Children's Literature Reflecting the Greek-American Experience in the Primary Grades John Spiridakis, Understanding Greek Ethnicity Through the American Popular Arts Sylvia Stamatoglou, The Relationship Between Bilingual/Bicultural Education and the Degree of Ethnocentricism in Greek Elementary School Children Andreas Zachariou, A Comparison of the Attitudes of Educational Policy Makers, Secondary School Social Studies Teachers and Elementary School Teachers of Cyprus, Toward Bilingual Education ; the Ideal Citizen Society ; and Approaches to Teaching 1 0 6

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CALL FOR NOMINATIONS 1978 Exemplary Dissertation Award in Social Studies Education The National Council for the Social Studies is sponsoring an Exemplary Dissertation Award competition in order to recognize excellence in research conducted by doctoral candidates in areas related to social studies education The author of the selected dissertation will receive a certificate of merit and $150 The award will be conferred on the basis of dissertation research in the pursuit of the Ed .D or the Ph .D Research is broadly defined to include experimental, conceptual, historical, philosophical, and other modes appropriate to the problem investigated Dissertations will be judged on the theoretical and methodological soundness of the research and on their significance to social studies education Nominations should include three copies of an abstract, not more than three 8'/ x 11 pages, typed, double-spaced, submitted to the Chairperson by June 15, 1978 The heading of each copy of the abstract must include the author's name, address, telephone number, name of institution where degree was completed, name of major advisor, and date of degree completion Include a self-addressed stamped envelope for acknowledgement After reviewing the abstracts, the Subcommittee may ask for the submission of the completed dissertation by August 15, 1978 Send materials to : Dr Mary Friend Shepard, Chairperson Dissertation Award Subcommittee 328 School of Education Indiana University Bloomington, IN 47401 107

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Theory and Research in Social Education School of Education Room 341 Indiana L niversit3 Bloomington, Indiana 47401 Non-Profit Org U .S Postage PAID Permit #2 Bloomington, Indiana 47401


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