Theory and research in social education

Theory and research in social education

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Theory and research in social education
National Council for the Social Studies -- College and University Faculty Assembly
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Theory and research in social education.
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THEORY AND RESEARCH in Social Education Vol VI t No IV t December, 1978 Egan t The Student and the Secondary Social Studies Curriculum Popkewitz t Educational Research : Values and Visions of Social Order Remy t Social Studies and Citizenship Education : Elements of a Changing Relationship Cherryholmes t Curriculum Design as a Political Act : Problems and Choices in Teaching Social Justice a journal to stimulate and communicate systematic thinking and research in social education


Theory and Research in Social Education Statement of Purposes and Style for Manuscripts Theory and Research in Social Education is designed to stimulate and communicate systematic research and thinking in social education The purpose is to foster the creation and exchange of ideas and research findings that will expand knowledge about purposes, conditions, and effects of schooling and education about society and social relations Conceptualizations and research from all of the social sciences, philosophy, history and the arts are needed in clarifying thinking and practice in social education Manuscripts are welcomed on topics such as those that follow : Purposes of social education ; Models, theories, and related frameworks concerning the development, diffusion, and adoption of curricular materials ; Instructional strategies ; The relation of the social sciences, philosophy, history and/or the arts to social education ; The politics, economics, sociology, social psychology, psychology, anthropology, philosophy, and/or the history of social eduction ; Alternative social organizations and utilizations of the school for social education ; Comparative studies of alternative models of social education ; Models of and research on alternative schemas for student participation and social action ; Relationship of different preand in-service patterns of teacher training to social education ; Models of the utilization of objectives in social education and related research findings ; Implications of learning theory, child development research, socialization and political socialization research for the purposes and practice of social education ; The relationship of different independent, explanatory variables to educational achievements in the area of learning about society and social relations ; The social organization, climate, cohesion of schools and other school characteristics as independent, explanatory variables predicting to general educational achievement Form for Submission of Manuscripts In order to facilitate the processing of manuscripts, authors are asked to follow the procedures noted below : 1 Manuscripts should be typed with a dark black ribbon, clearly mimeographed, or multilithed Authors should avoid submitting ditto copies of articles unless clearly legible Some corrections in dark ink will be accepted Copies containing numerous corrections will be returned for retyping 2 Four copies of each manuscript should be submitted This will speed up the reviewing process and guard against loss of manuscripts


3 Everything should be double-spaced including footnotes and references 4 Since manuscripts will be sent out anonymously for reviewing and due to the fact that the abstracts will be published, the author's name and affiliations along with an abstract of approximately 100 words in length not exceeding 125 words should appear on a separate covering page Information identifying the author, position, and institutional affiliation should appear on a separate page 5 No responsibility is assumed for loss or injury to manuscripts submitted for publication Manuscript Style 1 When citations are made, the author's name, publication date, and page (where necessary) should be enclosed in parentheses and located directly in the text The complete reference will be included in a "References" section at the end of the article For example, "Another problem arises if inductive methods are used to teach a generalization The generalization may be reified, treated as a fact, when all generalizations, empirical or theoretical, are, as Popper argues, only corroborated for the time being (Popper, 1959) ." 2 Do not cite references by means of footnotes 3 Only substantive footnotes should be sequentially numbered within the text and located at the end of the manuscript 4 References should be alphabetized and located at the end of the manuscript They should take one of the following forms : Hanna, Paul R ., and Lee, John R ., "Generalizations from the Social Sciences," in Louis J Hebert and William Murphy (eds .), Structure in the Social Studies (Washington : National Council for the Social Studies, 1968) Kaltsounis, Theodore, "Swing Toward Decision-Making," Instructor, 80(April, 1971), 45-56 Kaplan, Abraham, The Conduct of Inquiry (San Francisco : Chandler Publishing Company, 1964) Reston, James, "Primary and Secondary Questions," New York Times, February 14, 1971, E-11 5 Each table should be placed on a separate page and placed in a separate section at the end of the manuscript Arabic numbers should be used for numbering tables ; they should be numbered consecutively throughout the manuscript Show where they belong in the text by the following note : Table One About Here 6 Figures should be submitted in their final form Use India ink and place them on separate pages in a separate section at the end of the manuscript Number them and locate them in the text in the same way as tables 7 Send Manuscripts To : Professor Thomas Popkewitz, Editor Teacher Education Building 225 North Mills Street University of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706


THEORY AND RESEARCH in Social Education the official journal of the college and university faculty assembly of the national council for the social studies Volume VI Number IV December, 1978 Theory and Research in Social Education is the quarterly official, journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies It is a general review open to all social studies educators, social scientists, historians, and philosophers A general statement of purposes and style for manuscripts may be found on the inside front and back covers A subscription to Theory and Research in Social Education may be obtained by membership in' the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Back issues may be obtained for $4 .00 each and institutional subscriptions are $20 .00 per year Write the editor for these orders Copyright 1978 by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies All rights reserved


Editor : Lee H Ehman, Indiana University Associate Editor : Judith A Gillespie, Indiana University The College and University Faculty Assembly Executive Committee 1977-78 : President : Anna Ochoa Indiana University President-Elect : George Watson Winchester (Massachusetts) High School Officers of the National Council for the Social Studies 1977-78 : Publications Board Chairperson : Gaylord Lasher Bozeman (Montana) Public Schools Printer : Maccallum House Editorial Board : Charlotte Anderson Mary Hepburn Anna Ochoa Northwestern University University of Georgia Indiana University Beverly Armento Wayne Herman Thomas Popkewitz Georgia State University University of Maryland University of Wisconsin Melvin Arnoff Richard Jantz Donald Schneider Kent State University University of Maryland University of Georgia Janet Eyler Benita Jorkasky Lynne Schwab George Peabody College State University of New York University of North Florida Karen Fox Jack Nelson Jan Tucker Northwestern University Rutgers University Florida International Univers Chairperson : Peter Martorella James Banks Paul Robinson Temple University University of Washington University of Arkansas Secretary : Richard Newton James Eckenrod Mary Friend Shepard Temple University University of San Francisco Indiana University Treasurer . Gerald Marker Karen Fox Jan Tucker Indiana University Northwestern University Florida International T 1978 Program Chairperson : Jean Grambs Jo Ann Sweeney University of Maryland University of Texas Mary Hepburn 1979 Program Chairperson : University of Georgia June Chapin College of Notre Dame


T R .s .E TABLE OF CONTENTS I The Student and the Secondary Social Studies Curriculum Kieran Egan This paper explores the kind of secondary social studies curriculum which would result from beginning with students' developing forms of cognition Most psychological theories say little about secondary school years, and even Piaget makes no distinction within his stage of "formal operations" that reflects the profound changes in secondary students' focus of interest in, and understanding of, social studies material This paper attempts to generate a theory from these commonly observable changes, and derive from this theory a set of principles that should govern the composition of a social studies curriculum 20 Educational Research : Values and Visions of Social Order Thomas S Popkewitz Educational research involves social values It contains lines of reasoning established through discourse within a scientific community and within larger historical and cultural structures The values affirmed in research have possible political functions Theories and methods not only describe, but also give direction to the way that social events are to be challenged The dispositional character of research is often ignored in discussions of social science Yet the increasing use of research perspectives to define the events of our daily lives makes it imperative that the social values and beliefs underlying inquiry in social education be continually scrutinized 40 Social Studies and Citizenship Education : Elements of a Changing Relationship Richard C Remy Social science research indicates that political learning is influenced not only by schools but by many other forces in society Yet social studies educators have traditionally equated citizenship education with schools and schooling This paper considers (1) new professional activities implied by expanding the field's concern with citizenship education to non-school settings, and (2) conditions that would have to be met if social studies education were to contribute to and benefit from non-school based citizenship education 60 Curriculum Design as a Political Act : Problems and Choices in Teaching Social Justice Cleo H Cherryholmes Linear models of curriculum and course development have been influential in curriculum theory since Tyler presented his views in 1950 Tyler's rationale included four steps : (1) selecting objectives, (2) identifying experiences, (3) ordering experiences, and (4) evaluating outcomes Learning objectives are central to this process and in turn assume that terminal behaviors can be specified A terminal behavior must state sufficient conditions for attaining a learning objective In a review of positions on social justice stated by Harsanyi, Rawls, and Nozick it is argued that it is not possible to state sufficient conditions for terminal objectives, only necessary ones A view of curriculum development as classroom discourse is then discussed


FROM THE EDITORS This is our last issue The opportunity to serve as editors of Theory and Research has been most rewarding, professionally and personally We know that we have disappointed some with decisions and perhaps non-decisions ; we also hope that others have been pleased with the progress of the journal The work has been rewarding, and the result seems worth it We only hope that our mistakes, for which we bear full responsibility, have been few The support that we have enjoyed during the past three years has been abundant and graciously supplied The chairpersons of the Executive Committee have been exceptional in their assistance, and all the Committee members have been helpful Not enough can be said about the unsung and unrewarded effort of the Editorial Board, whose members bore the brunt of the reviewing process Their names are listed on an earlier page ; these persons should be remembered and, given the opportunity, personally thanked by C .U .F .A members for their excellent service, all rendered in the face of deadlines and impatient editors The officers, committee persons and staff of the National Council have also given their support, moral and financial, which has tided us over into a quarterly publication schedule For this we should all be grateful Numerous authors have worked hard in revising manuscripts-their work has paid off handsomely Finally, many here in Bloomington have been very generous in their extra effort in producing the journal Several graduate students and faculty members have taken on important and sometimes unpleasant tasks The staff at Maccallum House, our printers for the past three years, have educated us, in their purposeful and often light-hearted way, in the process of publishing a journal We thank all these generous people, and hope that we have not missed too many with our thanks By the time that you receive this issue, you should be corresponding with Tom Popkewitz concerning all business of the Journal, except for individual membership/subscription queries, which should continue to be sent to the national office We wish Tom and his associate, Robert Tabachnick, all the support that we have had in the past three years Lee H Ehman Judith A Gillespie Indiana University


THE STUDENT AND THE SECONDARY SOCIAL STUDIES CURRICULUM Kieran Egan Simon Fraser University INTRODUCTION This paper is an attempt to see what kind of secondary social studies curriculum we might design if we take as our starting point the students' changing and developing forms of cognition We do this intuitively and informally anyway Any good teacher has a sense of what kinds of things students find most engaging and most readily understandable, and is daily involved in the complicated task of combining this sense with a notion of what kinds of things are educationally most valuable and socially useful Out of this complex combination comes the curriculum But it's a difficult job, and we could do with some theoretical support The problem is that there do not seem to be any theories around that can help Most psychological theories of development seem minutely interested in the first years of life and seem to exhaust themselves by the time students reach secondary school They also don't much focus on the kinds of things educators are interested in Even Piaget's theories, which are recommended to us so insistently, seem to say very little of practical utility in the classroom Any social studies teacher recognizes that students go through quite profound changes in their focus of interest in, and understanding of, social studies material during the course of their secondary school years, yet Piaget's theory of intellectual development recognizes no significant changes within the stage of what he calls "formal operations ." Indeed, no developmental theory recognizes a change or development that reflects what is for educators a common observation .' My purpose here then is to generate a theory based on commonly observable changes in students' educational development during their secondary school years, focusing first on apparent developments in those forms of students' cognition of most interest to educators and then seeing what kind of curriculum these changing forms of cognition suggest 2 That is, I will work from a characterization of what seems most engaging and meaningful to "ideal normal" students, to a curriculum that seems best able to encourage development of their forms of cognition in desirable directions Given the space restrictions of this essay, I will be concerned less with setting out such a curriculum in detail as indicating the principles which should govern its design 1


In the first section I will characterize briefly what seem to me the main characteristics of typical students' cognition as they enter their secondary schooling For reasons given below I call this stage of development "romantic ." In the second section I will do the same for the later years of secondary schooling I call this later stage "philosophic ." In the next two sections I will consider what implications follow from these characterizations for the social studies curriculum In the final section I will briefly discuss the conclusion of all this THE ROMANTIC STAGE As students enter their secondary schooling we see the development of somewhat rudimentary but serviceable concepts of historical time, geographical space, physical regularities, logical relationships, causality, and so on Concepts, that is, on which an understanding of other places and other times in some real sense becomes possible ; concepts that seem to be integrally related to the development of what we tend to call vaguely abstract thinking This development seems to begin in some students as early as nine or ten years and in others around twelve or thirteen years-that seems to be roughly the range of normal Prior to this the main conceptual structures children had available for making sense of the world were those derived from their "inner" experience, and their perceptions "uncorrected" by the above concepts of "otherness ." That is, the world was conceived not as an impersonal, objective entity Such a conception is the achievement of a mature rationality The child's world was full of entities charged with, and given meaning by, those emotional and moral concepts the child learns first and best-things like love, hate, joy, fear, good, bad The world was thus absorbed into the child's vivid mental life, and this colored and charged their environment with a meaning derived from "within ." Piaget expressed this well when he notes that at this earlier stage there is "a sort of confusion between the inner and the outer, or a tendency to fix in objects something which is the result of the activity of the thinking subject" (Piaget, 1931) The development of the concepts of "otherness" leads to a sense of an autonomous world that is separate from and indifferent to the students' thinking With this development comes the students' need to reestablish their connections and relationships with this newly perceived world They have to establish their intellectual security and sense of identity within it How do they do this? It seems to me that the main tool used is what I will call "romantic association," That is, they initially overcome the threats of this new and alien world by associating with those things in it which most clearly transcend the threats the world poses, i .e ., with the powerful, the noble, the courageous 2


An association with the ingenuity and courage of Ulysses or Captain Kirk of the Starship Enterprise, or with the nobility and determination of Florence Nightingale or St Teresa of Avila, involves the student's ego in the implicit claim that "I could do that too," or, rather, "I am doing that too ." Students no longer need to fear the vast mysterious world that is opening up before them because they can transcend every threat by means of romantic associations By such means the threats are transmuted into adventure This process of romantic association supports and indeed glorifies the immature ego Romantic students essentially deify themselves And this seems necessary for the establishment of a first security within a world of alien reality It is not a fault or vice that needs to be eradicated as quickly as possible It seems sensible to feed it with knowledge of the powerful and transcendent in every discipline, both to help students develop through this stage, and to help them feel in themselves the power and glory of the real world Their glorified identities derive simply from identifying with the glorious While involved with these romantic associations-"hero-worship" being the most obvious example-students have also to be engaged in the somewhat conflicting task of accommodating their thinking to how the world in fact works That is to say, students have to develop their "romantic" sense of identity within the context of reality The typical method by which students seem to set about discovering what is real and possible in the world is to search first for its limits, to find the borders within which reality exists A defining characteristic of the move into the romantic stage, then, is the development of a quite sudden fascination with the extremes of what exists and what is known In the earlier stage, for example, the sense of scale pays no heed to the limits imposed by reality ; going towards the King's throne, the hero may have to pass a series of guards, the biggest of which is three miles high and the smallest of which is no larger than your thumb nail At the romantic stage, students' interest in scale similarly focuses on the extremes, but is constrained by reality Thus, The Guinness Book of World Records fascinates the romantic student, with its accounts of the biggest, the smallest, the fastest, the highest, the furthest, and so on It is between such extremes that students locate reality, and within them that they construct their identity I call this stage romantic, then, because it shares with romanticism the tension that comes from the desire to transcend a threatening reality while seeking to secure one's identity within it An important characteristic of knowledge that engages students at the romantic stage is that it tells them something about what is real and possible The impossible fantasies of the mythic stage are quite suddenly treated with contempt as "stupid kids' stuff ." A further characteristic 3


required for knowledge to be engaging at this stage is that it be different, different from everything mundane and conventional, different from everything the students have known and experienced Just as romantic exploration of the real world begins with the probing of its limits, so it is the fantastic and spectacular that the romantic perception highlights Von Daniken and Velikowski are more interesting guides to history than Toynbee or Marx This romantic search for limits enables students to explore the vastness of the worlds of nature, culture, and history, to get a sense of their size and scope, and a sense of what is real within them This is the period of sniffing around and establishing boundaries ; only when boundaries are securely known does one turn and explore the world within them One reflection of students' desire to explore limits and to form personal associations with whatever is to be learned leads students to want to know "What was it like then, or there, or doing that?" They want to sense different forms of human life, but not in the way that a typical scholar might Their concern is to feel different forms of life, to try them on Realistic detail becomes important And the more different from the student's experience, the better Incas and an imaginary Martian Colony have a head start over the histories and lives of their grandparents The association is made personal not through proximity of relationships or physical familiarity, but through those human qualities that lead to a transcendence over the everyday and commonplace world Grandparents' lives can, of course, be made engaging by these principles, but in general it seems to me much easier to engage typical teenage students at a romantic stage with a medieval scholar/saint like Ramon Lull than with knowledge about grandparents' lives On the same grounds it is not the development of their own society that will be most engaging, but that of the most exotic and bizarre societies Having established a sense of the limits of possible societies,, they will have a framework to begin making sense of their own Before developing such a framework, details of their own society will remain largely meaningless in any educational sense A further aspect of students' search for limits during the romantic stage is evident in the development of obsessive hobbies and pastimes There is a desire to learn something exhaustively or collect something completely ; to know the score of every football game played by the team with which an association is formed ; to collect every postage stamp of a particular era and place ; to know every detail of the life and collect every photograph of a film-star or member of royalty ; to know the shape of every leaf of every tree ; to know everything about Saturn ; or about costume through the ages It is a kind of intense specialization, but I think it is more properly seen as a further expression of the desire to find the limits of things By exhaustively knowing something, one gets a sense of the scale of everything 4


Another important conceptual development, and one which seems integral to how students at this stage make sense of things, may perhaps best be seen in the kinds of stories that appeal to students during this stage A "romantic story," in the sense of I mean it, is one in which a hero or heroine (or institution, nation, idea, etc .) with whom or with which the reader may identify struggles against odds to a glory and transcendence over threatening nature (or events, institutions, ideas, nations, etc .), in which glory the reader may then share Such stories have a crucial characteristic that makes them ideal for this stage-they are ego-supporting They allow, and encourage, the reader to associate with some noble and powerful force that achieves success against a threatening world Occasionally they allow the hero or heroine to die or lose, but only in a context which enables the reader deliciously to share the hero's or heroine's moral or other superiority, which is not recognized by the unfeeling world 1 r6 Buhler calls the stories that most appeal at this stage the "Hans Christian Anderson-type" (Buhler, 1930) They have more complex plots than the Grimm-type stories which appealed at the previous stage They are "realistic ." Even when they deal with imaginary worlds, there is always a concern with realistic detail or plausibility They have clear and powerful heroes and heroines They tend to have exotic, though realistic or plausible, settings They are often concerned with the differences between people who have more complex motives than in the Grimm-type stories Their meaning is always clear, in the sense that readers know clearly what they should feel about the events and characters Buhler mentions Robinson Crusoe as a paradigm of this kind of story One might add much of science fiction, adventure stories, animal stories, and so on Stories are apparently one of the few cultural universals Everyone, everywhere, seems to have used stories What are they used for? Stories are the linguistic unit which alone can fix the emotional, or affective, meaning of events .' They are thus important not merely as entertainment, but because they give us clues about how students best make sense of the world-make sense of the kinds of events which constitute a large part of the social studies curriculum That is, we can learn from the form of the stories that appeal so strongly to students at this stage something about the form in which we should organize social studies content in our teaching This is a theme which will be elaborated below I have suggested three general principles that move us towards a characterization of students' cognition at this romantic stage : "romantic associations" with elements that transcend mundane reality ; a search for limits and extremes to get a sense of the scale of the real world ; and the use of the story-form to establish a clear emotional meaning for events 5


THE PHILOSOPHIC STAGE There seems to be quite a profound change in the kinds of social studies content many students are engaged by during the later part of their secondary schooling This change seems to take place in some students at about fourteen or fifteen years, and in others not till their college years-that seems about the range of normal The main feature of this change seems to be that at the romantic stage, students' perception focused on the extremes, on the most fascinating bits and pieces, on vivid "true" stories, on dramatic events and ideas, on bizarre facts, on heroes and heroines, and on some particular areas in great detail There was, of course, the realization that all these were parts of the same world, but the connections between the parts were not a matter of much concern Students "connected" themselves with these elements directly, by means of romantic associations One aspect of the move from the romantic to the philosophic stage may be seen in the strengthening realization that all the bright bits and pieces are interconnected parts of some general unit History, for example, is increasingly seen as less a set of stories, a set of styles of living, and more as a continuum of styles, a single complex story With students' perception of the world as a unit, in which everything is in some vague way related to everything else, comes the realization that they too are a part of the unit Instead of retaining a romantic transcendence over the world, they come to realize that they are largely determined by their place in it That is, students begin to sense that they are what they are, not as a matter of their romantic choices, but because the laws of nature, human psychology, social life, and historical development apply to them as to everyone else The direct romantic connections to the bright bits and pieces are dissolved in the growing realization that their proper "connection" to the world is by means of enormously complicated causal chains and networks This shift involves the realization that they are not as free as they had thought ; they are entrammelled in the world as in a spider's web As with the transition to the romantic stage, this is a period of critical educational importance The relatively rapid decay of the romantic world view requires that students establish a new kind of intellectual security within this newly perceived world To do this they have to establish their place and their roles in the natural, social, and historical processes of which they are becoming aware From being transcendent players, they have to become agents The means whereby this new security is established follows from students' perception of themselves as parts of complex processes If they are parts of complex processes then the way to understand their proper roles within them is to find out the truth about these processes The major 6


defining characteristic of the philosophic stage, then, is the search for the truth about human psychology, for the laws of historical development, for the truth about how societies function That is, the philosophic focus is on the general laws whereby the world works By knowing these, the students will know their proper place and roles, and so they will securely know themselves Whereas at the romantic stage students developed a sense of the limits of reality, a sense of its scope and scale, at the philosophic stage they turn inward and conduct a general survey of the real world, and begin to chart a mental map of its general features In The Poetics, Aristotle distinguishes between history on the one hand and poetry or fiction on the other, on the grounds that the former is concerned with establishing particular truths whereas the latter is concerned with more general or "philosophic" truths-the historian is concerned with whether this or that happened whereas the "poet" is concerned with what happens of necessity, with the general laws of things It is on the basis of this distinction that I call this stage philosophic Students' interest is little engaged by particular knowledge for its own sake ; it is primarily engaged by the kinds of pursuits Aristotle thought proper to the "poet," that is, finding very general truths about natural, social, psychological or historical process The endless particulars which students learned during the romantic stage, and which were made meaningful by romantic association, now threaten to be merely chaotic bits and pieces littering the mental landscape To be made "philosophically" meaningful requires that they be organized within some general scheme The first move of this "mental map-making" stage is to establish a sense of the main features and their relationships and locate the particulars within the general context At the philosophic stage, for example, a student might be attracted by a fairly simple form of Marxism because it offers a means of readily organizing a vast range of particulars It provides an enormously general scheme by means of which all history, all the phenomena of the past (and present and future, too) can be reduced from their unmanageable diversity to a relatively simple process Once one understands the process, "the laws of history," then the details may be swept up, slotted into their places in the process, and so be made meaningful All that knowledge learned at the romantic stage about knights and peasants and the great artists of the Renaissance, suddenly is endowed with a new meaning as part of the decay of feudalism and rise of the bourgeoisie That is, the meaning of the particulars is now derived primarily from their place within the general scheme Such a general scheme, which determines the meaning not only of the past but of the present and future as well, also provides students with a 7


means of understanding their proper roles as agents within the historical process If they accept the simple Marxist view, for example, they know that their proper role in Western societies should involve them in exacerbating the contradictions of capitalism, hindering the plans of reactionary bourgeois forces, and furthering the cause of the proletariat If they accept a liberal progressive view, their roles as agents will involve them in defending and strengthening the liberal institutions of their society The philosophic craving for generality is the means whereby chaotic particular knowledge about the world is reduced to manageable proportions This urge towards the general leads students to develop the abstract intellectual tools necessary for imposing order on the most complex phenomena Thus, quite suddenly, very general concepts-like "society," "culture," "the mind," "evolution," "human nature," and so on-become prominent in students' language and thinking The complex of social interactions, of institutions, of people and their jobs and families, of buildings and forms of transport, and a million and one other things, are reduced to concepts like "society" or "culture," and may be juggled with a few equally general concepts to establish for the students enormously general principles about how the world works From these they form ideologies and metaphysical schemes ; intellectual tools with which they can organize, simplify, and reduce even the greatest complexities with casual confidence Ideologies and metaphysical schemes represent the boldest lines that give order to the students' mental map of the world They become the fixed coordinates by means of which all particulars and details are located and given meaning Another reflection of this urge towards imposed order is the development of hierarchies If one begins to appreciate music at this stage, the philosophic impulse is to ask who is the best composer (or football player, or actor, or, which is the best automobile, or whatever), and the second best, the third best, and so on The impulse at this stage is towards discovering the most powerful criterion that will allow one to organize all composers (or football players, or actors, or automobiles, or whatever) by slotting them into place in a hierarchy Frequently this leads to the imposition of singlecriterion hierarchies where they are inappropriate, where multiple-criteria should be applied The philosophic students' prime requirement, however, is to get some kind of control over the bewildering, and threatening, diversity of the phenomena under consideration The philosophic impulse is to establish a first general ordering on some useful criterion The refinements, and sophistications can only follow an initial general ordering This search for the criteria by which things may be ranked in hierarchies is a development from, but also different from, the romantic collecting and 8


organizing of something in great detail ." The focus of interest at the philosophic stage has moved from the particulars to the principles by which the particulars may be ordered At the romantic stage, the particulars and their immediate relationships provide the focus of interest The "philosophic" concern with recognizing "the-best"-composer, is not a romantic search for extremes, rather it is a part of the philosophic search for a criterion whereby all composers can be ranked This might seem a regression rather than a development The "philosophic" generalizations might seem very crude and simple-minded compared with the complexity of the "romantic" organization of some phenomenon But it is the generation of very abstract "philosophic" ordering concepts that will eventually permit much more powerful and refined organization Romantic stage organizing lacks the power of "philosophic" general schemes, and lacks the potential for bringing diverse phenomena into complex processes Once one has identified the right criterion for evaluating and ranking composers, or comedians, or novels, or football players, or once one has found the ideology that shows the truth about the historical process, one can feel confident in dealing with particular composers, novels, or historical facts and events ; it becomes a simple job of slotting them into place It is a characteristic of students at the philosophic stage to be confident, or overconfident, that they know the meaning of everything Indeed, the abusive observation often made about students at this stage is that "they think they know everything ." This is precisely so They do think they know the true meaning of everything, even of things they have not yet learned That is, they think they understand the general principles from which the meaning of particulars is derived ; thus knowing the truth in general, learning and organizing the particulars is seen as essentially a trivial task At the romantic stage, students' prime means of access to knowledge was by association with those things that helped them feel transcendence over the treatening complexity of the world The prime means of access to knowledge at the philosophic stage is a development from this Security now is sought not in transcending the world, but in finding one's proper place within it, and this is discovered by understanding the truth about it The primary association at the philosophic stage, then, is the Truth Similarly, students' interest at the romantic stage was engaged by those things that supported a sense of transcendence At the philosophic stage, students' interest is engaged primarily by the knowledge which helps "body forth" the general schemes which they identify as expressing the truth about historical, psychological, social, or natural processes For example, if one accepts the simple Marxist ideology, then one's interest is focused by that onto the particular knowledge that best clarifies and supports it 9


The intellectual achievement that establishes the student in the philosophic stage is the relatively rapid transition from romantic interests to finding very general principles or "laws ." The success of this transition turns on the power or sophistication of the general principles of "laws" that the student generates By "generates" I don't mean that students formulate such principles of laws for themselves, or originate them There is, however, a sense in which students "make them their own" by adopting them to the particular knowledge, values, attitudes and so on, that individual students organize I mean "generate" in this restricted sense The power or sophistication of the general principles turns largely on the amount and variety of particular knowledge the student has which the principles are generated to organize This seems to lead to a most unfashionable conclusion : to a significant degree, educational development beyond the romantic stage depends on the student knowing a lot That is, a sheer quantity of knowledge is educationally important Educational development through the philosophic stage may be characterized in terms of the increasing sophistication of the student's general schemes What causes the schemes to become increasingly sophisticated? Primarily, it seems to me, more knowledge It is the constant interaction between general scheme and particular knowledge that fuels the student's development through this stage The general scheme demands further knowledge to clarify it, the further knowledge demands refinements and revisions in the general scheme, which in turn requires further knowledge to more fully body forth the newly refined or revised vision The "fuel" of this process is nothing less than the difference between reality and the general scheme which seeks to mirror it Between reality and the idea lies the fuel of "philosophic" inquiry Why does not the particular knowledge simply "body forth" the general scheme satisfactorily, and so not fuel constant further inquiry? Because additional particular knowledge will usually contain what I will call anomalies for the general scheme The more knowledge the student acquires, the more likely it is to generate anomalies, and so require revisions in the general scheme, which in turn will require further inquiry, the accumulation of yet more knowledge, which in turn will contain further anomalies which will lead to increasingly sophisticated general schemes What is an anomoly in this context? If, for example, a student developed a fairly simple Marxist view of the historical process and looked for particular knowledge to support it, things like the modern persistence and growth of western bourgeois societies or the apparent survival and enrichment of some of the English landed aristocracy during the seventeenth century present anomalies To account for the knowledge the student acquires about these need not destroy the general scheme, rather such knowledge will normally lead to a more sophisticated Marxist vision To use different 1 0


language, one might say that 'the growth of particular knowledge sets up a dissonance that can only be corrected by altering the general scheme Again, I need to qualify somewhat my claim about a simple quantity of knowledge being needed for development through this stage In addition, knowledge that is anomalous, -or creates dissonance, for the student's general schemes is most valuable I want to defend my insistence on the need for a large quantity of knowledge, however, because it seems that, as it were, a critical mass of knowledge is required to get the dialectical process between general scheme and particular knowledge moving, and a good deal of further knowledge is required to keep it going One of the problems that follows from accumulating only a relatively small amount and range of knowledge at the romantic stage, and consequently generating only very crude general schemes at the transition to the philosophic stage, is that very crude general schemes hinder the process whereby anomalies lead to increasing sophistication The problem with a crude general scheme is not that it does not organize enough knowledge, but rather that it can organize anything If it is crude enough, everything becomes evidence to support it, and nothing challenges it With such crude general schemes formed at the critical transition stage, students may thereafter increase their knowledge, but that knowledge will not force revision and sophistication of their general scheme, and so will contribute nothing to increased understanding Such knowledge will tend to remain, to use Whitehead's term, "inert ." In cases like this, students will establish only a toe-hold in the philosophic stage I have, then, suggested four general principles that move us towards a characterization of students' cognition at this philosophic stage : the perception of general processes in the world rather than bright romantic bits and pieces ; concern with the truth about these processes ; meaning derived from the general scheme ; and the fuel of the developmental process through this stage being the accumulation of knowledge which contains anomalies to the general scheme CURRICULUM IMPLICATIONS FOR THE ROMANTIC STAGE What follows for the design of the social studies curriculum from the principles outlined in the first section? There seem to be two major kinds of implications ; one concerned with the form and organization of material so that it may be most meaningful to students at the romantic stage, and the second concerned with particular content The most general and profound implication for the form or organization of curriculum content, and indeed for the structure of the curriculum itself, follows from seeing the romantic stage as the period during which students explore the limits of the reality with which they have to deal The kind of 1 1


curriculum structure this seems to lead to contrasts quite starkly with the "expanding horizons" principle that underlies social studies curriculum at present The "expanding horizons" curriculum (most evident in the elementary grades but still informing the secondary) is based on the assumption that students discover the world by progressively moving further "outwards" along lines of content associations, whereas the characteristics outlined above suggest that students explore reality by first making contact with its most extreme limits and then working "inwards ." It is perhaps not surprising that this stage of intellectual wonder and excitement is also the stage of most acute boredom If the mind is not caught up and flying in wonderful realms, it has to descend into the everyday world against which it has developed little conceptual defense The mind at the romantic stage largely lacks the means to derive much meaning from the everyday world It does not yet know the context in which the everyday and commonplace are meaningful For this reason alone, a curriculum that focuses on local matters and shuns the distant and different will likely lead to boredom, and those well-meaning teachers who try to engage students in what is "relevant" assume that the "relevant" is found in their everyday environment, are simply helping to alienate students from the world by denying them the route of access to it which they most need While indulging in polemic I might equally criticize those scholars and teachers who have a precise sense of how their discipline should be studied, and who consider the kind of knowledge that engages students at the romantic stage as in some way disreputable Romantic-stage students seem like wide-eyed tourists interested only in the spectacular sights, and bored by the background and detail that most interests these scholars and teachers Such teachers find their educational duty in ridiculing the romantic search for the extreme and the kind of knowledge that this entails, and they concentrate on trying to turn students into mini-researchers It is hard to pursuade some people that the immature require immature concepts and methods of inquiry, and that this romantic engagement with the awesome, the wonderful, the different, is not only acceptable but necessary for students' educational development At a more particular level of organizing a unit or a lesson, however, this same principle has important implications It suggests that, instead of seeking out whatever is familiar and developing our lesson or unit from that, we should seek out the most distant and "different" aspect of the topic, then connect the students with it by means of their romantic association with transcendent qualities For example, in typical units on the Industrial Revolution teachers often begin from things which seem to have an immediate content association with the students' experience, so they may elect to deal first with children of about their students' age working in coal mines The principle outlined above suggests finding something distant 1 2


from their experience-a Victorian engineer like Isambard Kingdom Brunel, perhaps-and then "connecting" the students with him, engaging their interest in him and the Revolution he made, by giving examples of Brunel's fascination with doing only the impossible, with his courage, energy, confidence, power That is, one connects the students with those transcendent forces which they have access to and a craving to associate with and which are the forces that are embodied in the Industrial Revolution ." Similarly, when teaching about ancient Greece or Rome, teachers focus on those aspects of ancient life that have something in common with today (for example, family life and homes), or with things that have left a direct and clear mark on the present, like words derived from Greek and Latin A criterion for selecting what is to be studied in the past, is what "content" students may be familiar with in the present Some teachers who find these content associations trivial, argue that knowledge of ancient Greece and Rome is thus "irrelevant" to typical modern high-school students Other teachers frequently defend the "relevance" of Greece and Rome on the grounds of these content associations with the modern world What seems to follow from the above characterization is that content has little to do with relevance, which may be achieved at this stage by romantic association with some transcendent human quality And, to run the risk of overstating the point, the more alien the world with which students can be connected, the more "relevant" is knowledge about it to their educational development The potential obsessive fascination with detail once "connection" has been made with any topic must determine some of the learning activities that will form a unit The tendency to "cover" a body of material at the same level of detail must, it seems, be resisted At the romantic stage the student requires both a general context that engages interest, and an opportunity to fasten onto some area in minute detail If one is teaching a unit on the Renaissance explorers, for example, it would be well not to be concerned solely with who went where when, but to look in minute detail at how a ship was stocked, exactly how much and what kinds of food would be on board, what kind of people formed the crew, what were their backgrounds and expectations, what was the detailed structure of a typical ship, who slept where, what facilities and powers did each member of the crew have, and so on One might want to compare in such exhaustive detail a ship and voyage of an English venturer, like Drake, with a Portugese or Spanish exploratory journey, or with Columbus' voyage to America This, of course, requires that the teacher makes available the sources students can go to for this kind of information Initially, the more attractive the source materials the better but once students become interested they will ransack the dullest sources with a sense of excitement that is fed rather than diminished by the dullness or relative inaccessibility of the source 1 3


The remaining implication about form concerns the story-form Stories have beginnings that set up expectations, often by the conflict of opposite forces, they have middles that develop or elaborate these expectations, and they have ends that satisfy them Stories are unlike reality in that they have beginnings and ends ; they hack out of reality an artificially distinct chunk, and this allows the establishment of determinate meaning in the events that make up the story We know we have reached the end of a story when we understand the meaning of all the events that make it up Stories, as I have said above, are our machines for determining how people should feel about particular events Students at the romantic stage require some quite clear affective orientation to the events they are learning in order that they be most meaningful Thus, it seems to follow, content organized to be best understood by students at this stage needs to be organized within a storyform I do not mean that students need to be told stories about the content, or as a part of the unit, but that the unit must be organized by using the basic principles of the story-form The principles outlined for the romantic stage seem to say more about matters of form than they do about particular content But we can draw some implications about the choice of the particular content that should make up the curriculum for this stage In general we will look for that content which is most "romantic" in the sense developed above ; that is, things that are in some sense most vivid, most transcedent, most distant from students' mundane experience We will look, in history, for the major expressions of human energy and creativity-the greatest things done and thought ; the building of the pyramids and cathedrals ; the careers of the greatest "heroes" and "heroines" ; the most dramatic conflicts ; the most moving events ; the bravest exploits ; and so on It will be a curriculum full of drama and vividness, but which makes little attempt to convey a systematic and synthetic view of the general historical process-that should be the concern of the next stage Our concern during this romantic stage should be to give students access to the widest range of knowledge, and encourage their development of a sense of the romance of the human intellectual, as well as other, adventures A study of geography, or economics, or sociology, or political science, should follow the same principle and search first for the dramatic and vivid extremes of the subject In geography one might focus on the titanic forces that formed the planet as we know it While I have forgotten most of the geography I was taught, I retain a vivid sense of the processes and results of glaciation, because it was taught in such a way that the mighty forces of the retreating ice were made almost tangible Content at the romantic stage seems to be most engaging if access to it is provided through human beings and especially the transcendent qualities 1 4


which are a part of certain people's characters Much otherwise "dull" knowledge in, say, geography can bi made dramatic and engaging by conveying it through the "biography" of the person or people who originally discovered it At its most trivial this might involve teaching Canadian geography, say, not as a finished body of knowledge all laid out for the students to learn, but as a discovery made step-by-step through the adventures of the people who first discovered the various features To see the physical features through the hopes, courage, endurance, despair of people, is to make them humanly meaningful A final principle that seems to have implications for the content to be taught during this stage comes from one of the characteristics of the philosophic stage From the sketch of students' developing cognition given in the philosophic stage it seemed that the power of the general scheme students will develop will be determined by the amount and range of knowledge accumulated during the previous stages A crude mass of knowledge about a wide variety of things seems important for further educational development Apart from its value in moving into and through the next stage, such crude accumulations of knowledge have an aesthetic value of their own for the individual Only people without such treasures depreciate their value, and it is inappropriate to accept the advice and guidance of the ignorant in matters of education CURRICULUM IMPLICATIONS FOR THE PHILOSOPHIC STAGE Here again we may consider the curriculum implications of the characterization of the stage under the headings of form and content The most general implication concerning the form of content at this stage leads to a paradox I have suggested that students' focus of interest, and source of meaning, at this stage is the general or paradigmatic, but also that this is the stage for detailed study of particulars The paradox is resolved, I think, in the dialectical process where the general scheme stimulates particular inquiries, and anomalies among the particulars stimulates elaboration of the general scheme The implication, then, is that this should be a stage of specialization but that the specialization be open constantly to general laws, theories, ideologies, metaphysical schemes, etc Sensitivity, and knowledge, will be required for the teacher to be able to guide students to specialize in a topic that, firstly attracts students because it will help to "body forth" their general scheme, and secondly will produce the kinds of anomalies that will best ensure revision and elaboration of their general scheme As for the content at this stage the kind of unit that is suggested by the outline of students' cognition might involve, for history, a study of what we might call meta-histories If the students' are concerned with forming or 1 5


developing general schemes, we might provide them with a variety of such schemes from which they might choose one, or combine features of a number An important principle for such a unit is that the various schemes should not be simply laid out dispassionately as a kind of smorgasbord, as all equivalent and equivalently false, the way an atheist might study comparative religions The students may be expected to make a commitment to the truth of one, or a composite of their own making, so they must be presented as important and conflicting theories about the historical process-which is, after all, what they are The unit could be divided into sections, each one of which outlines, elaborates, and then applies a general scheme One might begin with a Thucydidean notion of history as a tragic process, in which, human nature being what it is, political harmony will always be undermined by greed, selfdeception and folly, and destruction will result An outline of Thucydides' account of the fall of Athens could introduce the section With selected readings from his History one could present his image of the Periclean farsighted moderation that led to Athens' glory ; then the crazy ambitions of Cleon and Alcibiades which led to its destruction in the campaign that finished so unbearably in the harbor at Syracuse With use of media one could vivify the movement of armies and shifts of alliances and power Role-playing of crucial speeches to the Athenian Agora and the terrible Melian dialogue, can bring life and drama to the ancient conflict between Athens and Sparta This needs to be organized to emphasize Thucydides' "philosophic" message about the historical process Having developed a clear sense of the tragic general scheme, students may be asked to consider whether it is true of some other complex historical event, like the fall of the Roman Empire That is, one must first choose to elaborate students' sense of the general scheme by using it to organize a phenomenon that may be fairly easily fitted to it Thereafter students may be asked to consider how far it is true of any other civilization they may wish to examine In similar fashion other sections of the unit might consider a Rankean notion of a God-guaranteed progress of nation-states towards greater power and harmony ; a Toynbeean image of rising and falling organic civilizations ; and Hegelian/Marxist image of dialectical progress through class struggle ; a Spencerian evolution ; a Spenglerian vision of the declining west A teacher could choose among these or other general schemes In addition the teacher might throw in the occasional enormously general "philosophic" idea For example, civilization may be seen as the product of some kind of energy whose center has been traveling westward around the world at increasing speed It began slowly moving from China, through India to the ancient middle eastern empires, then passed on to Egypt, then 1 6


to Greece, and the Roman empire After the fall of Rome, it passed to the Frankish Empire, and then to the most westerly European empires of Spain and England They drove westward to the Americas, and their decline saw the rise in power of the eastern part of north America More quickly it passed across the continent to the-west coast The teacher may ask students how well such an "idea" fits history, what it means, what kind of energy it is, and whether the focus of energy seems due to reach China again in the near future Similar ideas might involve seeing the development of civilization from the .perspective of weather cycles, food production, and epidemics and control of diseases A focus on the dynamic of historical change will stimulate "philosophic" interest Such meta-histories should always focus on the nature of man as an historical animal, his role in the causal network of events, and should also allow speculation and projection into the future, and concentration on the meaning of the present in each scheme After each presentation of a scheme, students should be assigned to apply it to some other area of history Debate, argument, discussion among students should be encouraged Once students develop a commitment to some general-scheme, they should be asked the kind of probing question about some particular historical event or period that will stimulate the dialectical interaction that will carry them through this stage Similarly for other areas of the social studies, one should approach the detail through the most general principles, theories, laws, etc The world should be presented as a series of processes, which involve the student as an agent within them I have already stressed the importance of a sheer quantity of knowledge seeming to be important for educational development into this .stage For example, if students know very little history, they may simply be unable to generate any principles or "laws" useful for imposing general order on the historical process If they know equally little about other subjects too, and so are unable to generate equivalent principles to organize them, then they will lack the means to develop educationally beyond the romantic stage That is to say, having enough knowledge to be able to generate from it some general vision of a complex process, some ideology, or metaphysical scheme, is a prerequisite for moving beyond the romantic stage and into the philosophical stage of educational development Similarly, to continue developing through this stage, an increasing accumulation of knowledge is necessary to provide the anomalies that will lead to establishing the general schemes 1 7


CONCLUSION My main concluding comment on the status of the theory sketched above can best be expressed in the words Plato used about his educational theory : "heaven knows whether it is true ; but this, at any rate, is how it appears to me" (Republic) A second item I would like to stress, even though I have mentioned it a number of times above, is that the appropriate environment for educational development is made up primarily of knowledge Focusing on educational development brings knowledge to the forefront because it is the fuel of the process, it is the environment which provides aliments for the process to unfold, it is the reactive agent to the proactive functioning of the appropriate genes Without knowledge there is no education ; with little knowledge there is little education There may be ignorant happy people, and ignorant psychologically well-adjusted people, and ignorant socially well-integrated people, and ignorant physically strong people, and ignorant good people-but there are no ignorant educated people If a person is largely ignorant of the world and lacks the conceptual distinction and categories that only knowledge can provide, that person lacks the means to develop the capacities on which progressive unfolding educational development depends So, to return to our beginning, what seems to follow for the secondary social studies curriculum from starting with a characterization of students' developing cognition is a structure and content which appears quite different from what we have today Indeed, it appears so different that one is daunted Perhaps this theory is wildly inaccurate in its characterization of students' developing cognition, or perhaps the implications I have drawn from the characterization to the form and content of the curriculum is extremely sloppy If not, it is our current curriculum that needs radical reform FOOTNOTES I should except Plato from this He distinguishes between a stage he calls dianoia and a later stage he calls noesis 'The theory I move towards here draws somewhat from work I have done before, which will appear in my forthcoming book Educational Development (New York : Oxford University Press) 1 8


'For an elaboration of this see my "What is a plot?" New Literary History 6 (Spring, 1978), 454-73 4 This, and other examples, are given in more detail in Educational Development REFERENCES Biihler, K ., The Mental Development of the Child, translated by Oscar Oeser (London : Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1930) Piaget, J ., "Children's Philosophies," in C Murchison (ed .), Handbook 6f Child Psychology (Worcester, Mass : Clark University Press, 1931), pp 377-91 Plato, Republic VII 517, translated by Francis MacDonald Coinford (New York : Oxford University Press, 1945), p 231 1 9


EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH : VALUES AND VISIONS OF SOCIAL ORDER Thomas S Popkewitz University of Wisconsin If these conditions (of social science being historically influenced) make trouble for us as social scientists, remember that they are a great advantage to humanity, by leaving men the illusion of choice I speak of the illusion because I myself believe that what each of us does is absolutely determined (George Homans, 1967) It is often thought and said that what we most need in education is wisdom and broad understanding of the issues that confront us Not at all What we need are deeply structured theories in education that drastically reduce, if not eliminate, the need for wisdom (Patrick Suppes, 1974) The above statements are part of more general treatises about the nature of social research The authors argue for social/psychological sciences which provide explanatory statements about human behavior .' They believe the power of the explanations lies in their objective, culture-free quality Yet, as the quotes suggest, the very search for scientific reasoning reflects commitments which go beyond the coherence of findings or methods Underlying the practice of social research are assumptions about society These assumptions refer to the nature of social control, order and responsibility Far from being neutral, inquiry is a human process of understanding which involves hopes, values and unresolved questions about social affairs The purpose of this paper is to explore the values of educational research and its implications for social education The argument will focus on the social and cultural implications of research The concern will be how theory and methods give legitimacy to certain educational and cultural patterns The purpose is to locate the political and sometimes ideological functions of professional work EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH AS A CULTURAL IMPERATIVE Social research expresses human commitment and value in at least two ways .' First, research may respond to our perceptions of social and cultural conditions It enables us to reconcile possible social contradictions and to consider the consequences of institutional arrangements Durkheim's studies of religion and education, for example, have social and historical 20


meanings beyond those traditionally associated with their descriptive reliability Durkheim's studies give focus to his deep moral concern about urban and industrial changes in the late 19th century Secondly, social research has a highly -valued status in society Many people believe that political, social and educational issues require scientific solutions Deliverance from the domination of nature and from social oppression requires expert knowledge In the following discussion, these two cultural dimensions of social research will be explored Much of the sociology of science emphasizes the community aspect of scientific inquiry (Hagstrom, 1965 ; Storer, 1966) A scientific discipline, it is believed, exists as a social organization It contains certain norms, standards and lines of reasoning which provide underlying rules for judging the worth of individual research Individuals are socialized into a particular community and tend to accept the existing definitions of problems and methods For example, a U .S economist typically will think about "capital" and "production" and express findings mathematically A cultural anthropologist, in contrast, documents and interprets events as "culture" and expresses them in narrative form However, because socialization is not totally coercive, many different points of view may exist within a single discipline These disagreements can produce intense debate about which research questions and methods of study are appropriate Mulkay (1972) argues that these conflicts and the resultant cross-fertilization of ideas are vital to scientific imagination and creativity The conflict within the social sciences should be considered in the larger context of social and cultural commitments Disciplinary disagreements often involve an interplay of political, methodological, and epistemological issues (Horowitz, 1968) This conflict can be illustrated in recent debates within the field of education For example, learning psychologists have dominated the intellectual work of education Educational psychology tends to focus upon student performance and the interchange between students and teachers Recently, however, sociologists of educational knowledge have challenged the educational psychologists' assumptions about the study of schooling (Karabel and Halsey, 1977) : These sociologists believe that learning psychology deflects attention from the way schools legitimize certain types of cultural knowledge and interests This criticism of conventional educational research defines alternative methods Sociological approaches emphasize the relationship -between institutional patterns and individual consciousness In defining a different purpose and method for study, these criticisms challenge deeply held beliefs about the social meanings and purposes of educational research We can illuminate the relationship between research and social conditions more clearly by focusing upon the purpose of research Rather than a 2 1


rationalization for existing conceptions, inquiry can be viewed as a search for new metaphors for thinking about everyday affairs The metaphors are "lenses" which enable people to give coherence to daily events that before seemed incomprehensible or troubling The genius of Einstein and Keppler, for example, was their ability to put the physical world into sharp focus, different from what others accepted as common sense The new lenses enabled scientists to consider different forms of questions and produce greater depths of understanding The importance of the systems of thought provided by Freud, Marx, and Weber, as well, was to orient people to feel, see, and think about their social and personal lives in new and different ways The metaphors of "unconsciousness," "ideology," or "bureaucracy" permitted people to conceive of social reality as having many different layers of interpretation, some of which were not readily apparent in everyday life The concepts focus on the pretentions, deceptions, and self-deceptions which people use to cloak their interactions Social and cultural affairs influence the search for new metaphors in the social sciences TOennies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, a classical work in sociology, articulated his sense of a loss of community brought about by industrialization Weber's notion of bureaucracy reflected an attempt to rationalize social and economic affairs which were occurring Durkheim's theme of anomie represented a spirit of pessimism, moral uncertainty, and dislocation of norms produced in a period of material progress (Nisbet, 1976) In more recent times the Civil Rights movement and protests against the Viet Nam war brought new themes for study to the research community For example, political scientists and many social studies educators became concerned about problems of political legitimacy and socialization occurring in this relatively unstable period Some scholars studied school practices, curriculum materials, and community life which they thought influenced the learning of minorities Curriculum designers in social studies education, as well, responded to the conflicts in society by developing value clarification, public issues and citizenship education programs Educational researchers are members of their culture and inherit its history (Schultz, 1973) Their work contains assumptions developed and sustained in everyday conversations, behaviors, and events Social theory, for example, uses language drawn from everyday conversations The form and content of the language reflect beliefs, commitments and values Theories of totalitarianism, important in the 1960's, were built on people's daily experiences Totalitarian theories grew out of the 1950's debate about a "cold war ." People in this country found themselves with allies who had been enemies just a few years before during a large-scale war The new forces of evil were communism, not fascism One response to the new situation and its alliances was to generate theories about totalitarianism These theories not only reflected the changed situation, but lent credibility to our new political allies 2 2


This discussion has, to this point, focused upon two cultural dimensions of social research First, the creativity of inquiry has sociological as well as psychological characteristics Research exists within and is supported by a community of discourse Second, the nature and character of scientific work is responsive to the larger social world The social researcher participates in everyday conversations and uses those dialogues as a background for occupational endeavors The cultural quality of research, however, is not complete until a third dimension is considered : a scientific community is a product of the social world Science does not stand by itself but is a cultural artifact Status is given to scientific knowledge in business, political and social institutions Political leaders use scientific techniques to "poll" people about their actions and policies Industrial psychologists and organizational researchers provide information about how to organize labor Economic theorists guide peoples' interpretations about the relationship between work, capital and consumption Historians interpret America's past which helps establish a collective identity (see Zinn, 1970) Curriculum researchers apply scientific thought for selecting, organizing and evaluating schooling In everyday choices, science is viewed as making life more manageable and -social problems more solvable Social science is in demand and seems a necessary component of our everyday consciousness The cultural imperative of scientific thought can be illuminated by comparing Western science with the African Azande (Winch, 1977) The Azande maintain a system of magical thought which constitutes a coherent universe' of discourse similar to science It provides an intelligible conception of reality and a clear way of deciding which beliefs are and are not in agreement with that view of reality Poison oracles or ghost rites to influence rainfall exist within a context of rules and conventions which gives these actions a sense of significance The Azande rationale is no less intelligent than the logic of science practiced by anthropologists who study these people Its principles and rules arise out of the course of human conduct and are subordinate to existent cultural beliefs The magic rites explain and justify those beliefs The way of thinking found in Western science would be incomprehensible to the Azande In fact, science, would seem to them to have many of the same irrational "magical" qualities that Western anthropologists see in Azande culture when judging solely by logical "-scientific" rules The Azande or the anthropologists' structure of thought is significant only within the context of larger social forms 2 3


EDUCATIONAL THEORY AS POLITICAL AFFIRMATION At first glance, the suggestion that theory and research methods contain political values may seem misleading, if not in error Our assumptions "tell" us that theory is objective and neutral Theories, it is believed, give coherence to data and expression to human regularities The previous discussion, however, suggests that theories are products of human ingenuity In this section, the nature of social values in research will be considered by focusing upon how theories justify social action Theory has at least three political functions in educational discourse Theory can (a) provide a rationale for changing social and economic conditions which enables these changes to seem reasonable, (b) provide a mechanism to legitimize institutional interests, and (c) give direction to consideration of alternative social arrangements Social theory can provide symbolic coherence to changing social, political and economic conditions Alvin Gouldner (1970) argues that social theory is not so much a determination of "facts," but an effort to make sense of unresolved experiences and to interpret the meaning of one's life The dominant sociology of the 1930's, Gouldner argues, was a conservative response to the crisis of the times The fundamental posture of sociological theory was to accept dominant institutions in order to maintain traditional loyalties and avoid discontinuities In a similar discussion, Merelman (1976) defines social science as a social organization which responds to larger social institutions This response often creates new symbols of harmony and hope in times of changing social order The changing political world after the 1930's 3 brought an encroachment of political activities into what had been previously considered private affairs (Merelman, 1976) Government extended its activities by creating social security, unemployment insurance and corporate and agricultural subsidies This rapid encroachment brought with it a sense of political impotence to individuals Behavioral political scientists provided an organized response to these changing social conditions Political inquiry created political symbols which reestablished the idea of community These symbols included political culture, pluralism, and political socialization Interestingly, many of these symbols are used today to justify educational practices such as decentralization and citizenship education Political inquiry also developed methodologies which enabled people to believe they were being consulted, such as "polls" or surveys of public opinion The theory and methods of political science helped reduce strain between the changing role of government and the beliefs people cherished about public life The introduction of "new" theories of instruction or curriculum can be a way of helping people to cope with larger crises in social and political conditions For example, the late 1960's and 1970's have produced a 2 4


"crisis of values ." An Asian war, urban riots, and government lawlessness such as Watergate, FBI, and CIA activities have thrown basic values of American life further into question In this social context, many social studies educators have used theories about "moral development" and "values clarification" to orient curriculum development The concept of "values clarification," for example, helps explain and give coherence to social conditions which otherwise seem without purpose The theories of values, in turn, serve institutional functions Value theories justify the use of therapeutic approaches (Lockwood, 1975) in situations where students and parents have questioned the efficiency of institutions The recent and extensive attention to "individualized" education can also be considered within a social and institutional context The sanctity of the individual has received increasing ideological support since the early 19th century Out of the French Revolution came a definition of the individual as free from religious and feudal restraints The development of Western industrialization and the fragmentation of community life expanded the need for an ideology of individual inviolability The notion of individualism is an increasingly potent symbol in education The social efficiency curriculum of David Snedden responded to individual ."needs" of the early 20th century -,(Drost, 1967) Progressive educators, as well, developed programs to respond to the "uniqueness" of individuals Criticism in the past two decades has focused upon the routine, standardized nature of instruction Phillip Jackson (1968), for example, argued that too much of schooling is formed around the grouping process and batching of children This social organization of schooling eliminates spontaneity, creativity, and the pursuit of individual interests "Individualized instruction" is a contemporary response to the belief that social institutions should consider personal fulfillment as essential The theories of individualization provide ways for individuals to .believe that schools are responsive to human differences Many educators, for example, adopt management and learning theories to provide a rationale for "individualized" program development These theories guide educators in identifying ` .`systems" for organizing teaching and instruction Curriculum content, for example, is subdivided into different levels or degrees of difficulty Materials are organized sequentially and children paced "individually" through the defined work A contrasting model of "individualized instruction" exists in the British Infant School, which stresses the nurturing of "self" through social interaction Theories of moral development and individualization have political potency They provide symbols which help people to express a variety of emotions asociated with schooling These theories enable people to resolve contradictions between the values they hold and the actual conditions of 2 5


schools The theories of pedagogy symbolically tie together seeming discontinuities and social strains, bringing reassurances of ethical commitment and institutional adaptiveness The theories make it appear that professionals have a grasp of what should be done Reassurances, however, do not necessarily alter or explain what actually occurs in schools THEORY AS LEGITIMATION Closely tied to the "strain" function of theory is legitimation Statements which result from educational research enable certain structures and interests in school affairs to seem normal and reasonable Legitimation occurs in at least two ways First, theories have underlying values and beliefs that dispose us to act Second, the organizing categories of theory define what is often taken for granted about institutional life The legitimating function of theory can be understood by realizing that theory has different layers of meaning A typical way of considering theory is through its explicit statements, i .e ., what is overtly said about schools, curriculum or students For example, many recent social studies programs are based on political theories which encourage interest in group participation Therefore, curriculum developers may propose that : "Students have more positive attitudes about school if involved in decision making ." This statement has nonobvious meanings It contains a series of unpostulated and unlabeled assumptions about the world The theory of participation, for example, may "treat" the world as highly integrated and people as rational These assumptions will guide people seeing and experiencing political activities Participation may be considered to mean rational involvement in publicly sanctioned groups, such as a student council The assumptions about participation also create attitudes about how institutional structures should be challenged Lack of participation, for example, may be viewed as lack of individual motivation rather than as an institutional defect Remedies, then, are those which enable students to feel politically capable, such as courses in student participation "skills ." The courses, however, may not deal at all with the structural reasons that some students, such as low income groups, fail to participate Such courses may, in fact, increase the students' sense of inadequacy While designing curriculum, the assumptions and prescriptions of a political theory are treated as "real" and not scrutinized for possible latent implications or consequences The social categories researchers accept to guide their inquiry can also serve to legitimize school structures Often educational research is initiated in response to some administrative action and is guided by the administrator's definition of the problem Many curriculum research projects accept the objectives of pedagogical programs and are organized to 2 6


"explain" how the means helped reach the objective In a social studies curriculum project, for example, the research focused on whether the course material was learned, whether the teachers perceived the material to be clear and easy to use, and how well students understood and achieved project goals (Angrist, Mickelsen and Penna, 1976) The results of the research did not question, but assumed the premises of the project, i .e ., that knowledge from the social sciences should be distributed equally in schools ." The consequence is an ad hoc curriculum theory that justifies the agreed-upon design of the project administrators "Basic" research, as well, often assumes that the administrative categories of schooling are nonproblematic A recent article on teacher pedagogical decisions, for example, was concerned with how teachers make instructional choices based on information processing (Shavelson, Cadwell and Izu, 1977) The empirical problem was to present a group of graduate students in education with information about student aptitude, children's ages, family status (divorced, number of siblings, etc .), children's use of time in school and intelligence Sometimes the information was negative, i .e ., the child did not do his or her homework or the father was a machinist rather than an engineer A second session for teachers was held to provide more information The teachers were asked to revise instructional decisions based on the above information The conclusion of the study was (a) "subjects may use different kinds of information to make different kinds of decisions" ; (b) . .decisions at time one and time two were influenced by other factors not measured in this study" (Shavelson et al ., 1977, p 95) With such common sense conclusions, one might ask what the function of such research is The question can be answered in two different ways Methodologically, researchers tend to believe that through the slow accumulation of data some important generalizations about teaching will be made Furthermore, there seems to be a technical elegance to the report itself, especially when data collection, literature and review findings are succinctly and carefully presented, and sophisticated techniques such as path analysis increase data manipulation The social impact of the research, however, overshadows its methodological elegance It has social and political ramifications which are as important as the tests of reliability First, people tacitly accept institutional assumptions, some of which are defined by school professionals themselves Achievement, intelligence and "use of time" are accepted as useful variables for stating problems about schools and these categories provide the basis for research Inquiry enables researchers to see how school categories relate, but it does not test assumptions or implications underlying the school categories For example, there is no question about the nature of the tasks at which children spend their time Research conclusions are conceived within parameters provided by school 2 7


administrators Second, researchers accept social myths as moral prescriptions Social class, social occupation (engineer or machinist) or divorce are accepted as information which should be used in decision making These assumptions maintain a moral quality and criteria which may justify social inequality Third, the research orientation tacitly directs people to consider school failure as caused by those who happen to come to its classes Social and educational assumptions are unscrutinized One could say at this moment that this is only research It is not how people make decisions I would argue, however, that research often has a way of entering into the domains of school interaction People adopt the categories and definitions for understanding their own and others' actions The research orientation defines as well as responds to the school situation Educational administrators, curriculum developers and teachers use the research to direct their practical activities, and the effect is to limit and predispose individuals in their actions and conceptions of educational possibilities THEORY AS ALTERNATE POSSIBILITIES Theory can also direct attention to the possibility of alternatives Open education is a case in point (Tabachnick, 1976) Its followers have developed a consistent set of statements which orient people to think about different institutional forms Open education searches for ways in which students could develop more autonomy in social relationships Mutuality of roles, community and reciprocity of relations are perceived to be central to the structure of school experience and are measures of its outcomes Open education theories provoke thought about alternative institutional structures The North Dakota Study Group on Evaluation, for example, uses theory to develop a consistent relationship between the ethical purposes of schooling, its curriculum methods, and evaluation procedures It is one of the few attempts to explore systematically the relationship between ideology, practice and research Tabachnick (1976) has argued that open education theories can direct the formation of social inquiry curriculum He suggests that there is a mutual relationship between open education and social inquiry in schools, the latter giving emphasis to an active search for knowledge and individual responsibility In conclusion, educational theory is a form of political affirmation The selection and organization of pedagogical activities give emphasis to certain people, events and things Educational theory is potent because its language has prescriptive qualities A theory "guides" individuals to reconsider their personal world in light of more abstract concepts, generalizations and principles These more abstract categories are not neutral ; they give emphasis to certain institutional relationships as good, reasonable and 2 8


legitimate Visions of society, interests to be favored and courses of action to be followed are sustained in theory RESEARCH PRACTICES AND VISIONS OF SOCIAL ORDER Thus far, I have focused the argument upon the implications of educational research I have considered the cultural nature of inquiry and the politics of educational theory I would like to focus now upon the practices of study The purpose is, again, to shift the argument away from conventional discourse about the reliability and validity of scientific endeavors While important, such scrutiny is unable to shed light upon the cultural values actually represented If science is a cultural activity, an adequate understanding of the truth of its statements must include discussion of cultural definitions In particular, questions should be considered which illuminate value statements about social affairs embedded in the practices of study As with theory, the suggestion that research practices embody values goes against conventional wisdom Researchers often argue that methods are the only factors in science Kerlinger (1973), for example, defines methods of inquiry as procedures in which beliefs have no effects The character of method, he argues, remains entirely independent of our beliefs, perceptions, biases, values, attitudes and emotions The stance of neutrality is itself a value stance It expresses a belief and a hope of researchers As I will argue, the procedures of inquiry contain assumptions about social relationships which are interrelated with theory and human purpose One approach to considering values in practice is to look at techniques In many ways, the techniques of' study are treated as skills which exist independently of the purpose or commitment of those who do research The professional preparation of researchers, for example, consists of courses in statistics, field study or survey research It is assumed that these, techniques of data collection and analysis can be learned as specialized skills apart from the actual process of inquiry The techniques, to phrase the problem somewhat differently, are conceived of as neutral to the conduct of study A critical scrutiny of techniques yields a different perspective Techniques emerge from a theoretical position and therefore reflect values, beliefs and dispositions towards the social world Factor analysis, for example, was created as a measurement procedure for faculty psychology and was based on the assumption that the mind has different compartments which could be trained as independent units (Hamilton, in press) While faculty psychology has been discredited, its techniques are still in use, thus maintaining the assumption that the mind is a cluster of parts 2 9


Fox and Hernandez-Nieto (1977) argue that mathematical models for research articulate value preference and underlying assumptions about social relations Conventional statistical techniques, for example, are based on Euclidean geometry which has linear conceptions of time and space In contrast, newer mathematical models contain dialectical principles The development of the new models for research derives, in part, out of a theoretical and value commitment to include dimensions of free will, intention and historical setting The choice of technique is a moral responsibility Moral questions are deeply intertwined with the general commitments of science Social scientists, for example, are concerned with developing verifiable knowledge This interest involves manipulating variables to test outcomes of a hypothesis and the predictive quality of theory This commitment poses no dilemma to most physical or life scientists-they can change the heating temperature to combine elements or experiment with hybrid feed without any moral guilt In high energy physics, molecular biology or medical research, the manipulation of variables often does have direct implications for human beings Various ethical and legal restrictions have evolved from this research Questions of morality and immorality are always involved in social research since the "subjects" of social scientists are people The problem of controlling variables is a moral one It is immoral, Homans (1967) argues, to manipulate people The alternative is to create statistical techniques which provide scientists with the necessary tools to manipulate data It is certainly less easy in the social sciences than in some physical and biological sciences to manipulate variables experimentally and to control the other variables entering into a concrete phenomenon . . It is less easy to control the variables because it is less easy to control men than things Indeed it is often immoral to try to control them : men are not to be submitted to the indignities to which we submit, as a matter of course, things and animals Hence the relative prominence in some of the social sciences, even increasingly in history, of other methods of controlling variables, methods thought somehow less satisfactory, such as the use of statistical techniques (Homans, 1967, p 22) IDEOLOGY AND METHODS The relationship between technique and value implies that educational research is based upon certain background assumptions and consequences These implications can be illuminated by looking at the particular commitments to science that underlie much conventional research These commitments are : (a) Social science is to be modeled after the physical 3 0


sciences (b) Social science is a deductive system of propositions which report the law-like qualities of human affairs These laws are to explain and predict the actions of individuals in a manner similar to those developed in the physical sciences (c) Objectivity is important to social science This is the ability of the observer/recorder to develop techniques that place the data outside (away from) the particular meanings, interpretations and values of social situations and researchers (d) Objectivity is obtained through rigorous techniques which produce "hard" data that express events as numbers rather than words Mathematics is important to these beliefs and commitments to science because it eliminates ambiguities (43 % is 43 %) and human values These commitments and related research practices produce a pattern in which problems, methods and theory interrelate as a self-sustaining and almost self-justifying system The significance of this research pattern is that peculiar definitions are given to social problems and social order The commitment to rigorous techniques tends to narrow the focus of research to those aspects which can be numerically expressed In a recent study of teacher effectiveness (Cooley, Leinhardt and McGrail, 1977), for example, the authors discussed student outcomes as involving dimensions such as citizenship, attitude towards learning, conceptions of "self," creativity and achievement However, since achievement is the only dimension which has reliable testing, achievement was treated as the primary interest Rigorous techniques of the study enable us to learn less and less about the social affairs we researched David Easton (1971) argues that an important dimension of educational theory is that it be relevant to social problems However, as illustrated above, the commitment to rigorous techniques has removed that dimension and, in fact, hinders the search for understanding our human condition Questions of human values and politics are ignored Another consequence of conventional research is related to objectivity Some researchers maintain the belief that there are regularities or laws of human nature which lie outside personal intentions and motives The belief in an underlying natural order has a direct impact upon how data is obtained, i .e ., objective data require mathematical expression which eliminates human values and ambiguity from science This commitment to objectivity requires a view of the world as certain and crystallized 6 The assumption that the world is certain influences social practice Sociological researchers suggest that people can only pretend to play a role for so long After awhile, the role becomes real The form of playing is the reality The quote by Homans cited at the beginning of this paper suggests that determinism is an a priori value of some research What was originally a methodological device is now a view of the world which includes definitions of how people should act, believe and feel 3 1


The pedagogical sciences provide a case in point Researchers often define the purpose of education as "changing children to some desired end ." Educational theories are the technical apparatus that guide the manipulation of children Experimental techniques are implemented as the means of instruction Behavior modification is thought of as a teaching strategy The moral hesitancy of social scientists to intervene in human life is often nonexistent when it comes to schooling The belief that teachers are human engineers is exemplified in a popular book on curriculum development entitled Instructional Product Development (Baker and Schultz, 1971) The authors define curriculum design as a technological problem which involves stating educational results in terms of precise, observable performances of children For example, an acceptable objective of a history lesson might be to teach a student to "order four wars of the 19th century chronologically" (p 10) The goal of educational research is to find more efficient ways of obtaining correct performances from children To test these performances, criterion-referenced measures are constructed They provide clear, precise test items that refer to objectives (i .e ., a child lists wars chronologically) The authors define professionals as "personnel" whose function is "management of human resources which will lead to more efficient administration of instruction and the greater likelihood that prescribed outcomes will be attained ." A professional's task is to measure teaching efficiency and a researcher's task is to identify levels of mastery Educational change theories maintain similar assumptions about people, schools and research Change oriented research is often concerned with how experts (change agents) can encourage participants in an organization to accept the administrators' reforms (see, for example, Popkewitz, 1976b) Psychological and organizational research on "change" provides information which enables the change agent to manipulate the people or situation to achieve the desired results A healthy organization is defined as one which accepts the change agent's definitions A traditional organization is defined as one in which there are close, personal ties, and this social affiliation makes it less easily manipulated through outside intervention schemes Change practices carefully control, through piecemeal additions, the established order of things People are defined as recipients of values, and human capabilities as functionally related to existing structures The ethical implications of how educational institutions are organized, or the nature of expectations upon school participants, are not deemed important for scrutiny In much curriculum thought and educational reform, the science of education is translated into a technology Choices exist only when they make the existing system more rational, efficient and controllable Science is administration of people ; research is a team effort, user-oriented and 3 2


devoid of the imagination described earlier The skepticism and selfcriticism which characterize'scierice are made irrelevant Curriculum is no longer an ethical task In fact, the technical nature of professional work makes the image of the Renaissance man, as Baker and Schultz (1971) suggest, an image "for his time, 'not ours ." The image of educational science exudes a belief that "the laws" of nature or the knowledge of human existence have been discovered and are available to implant in children Educators manipulate and control children as physical scientists manipulate objects of the physical world Although the belief that the laws of social life are known is a chimera, human engineers act upon educational affairs as though there were not difficulties or uncertainties The ceremonies and rituals of research give the practice legitimacy and sanctity The moral implications of control, dominance, and power are eliminated from discussion when the only problem of schooling is considered to be implementing technologies The concept that educational science is similar to the physical sciences is an ideological one Gouldner (1970) argues, for example, that behind methodologies and techniques is a belief that (a) people might unite in order to subdue a "nature" that is regarded as external to man, and (b) technologies might be developed which would transform the universe into a "usable" resource of mankind as a whole These assumptions led to a belief that people could control the rest of the universe and have the right to use the universe for their own benefit When the assumptions of the physical sciences were applied to studies of people, specific problems arose The humanistic parochialism of science, with its premised unity of mankind, created problems, when the effort was made to apply science to the study of mankind itself It did so partly because national or class differences then became acutely visible, but also, perhaps more important, because men now expected to use social science to "control" men themselves, as they were already using physical science to control "nature ." Such a view of social science premised that a man might be known, used, and controlled like any other thing : it "thingafied" man The use of the physical sciences as a model fostered such a conception of the social sciences, all the more so as they were developing in the context of an increasing utilitarian culture (Gouldner, 1970, p 492) RESEARCH AS A CULTURAL IMPERATIVE REVISITED At this point, one might argue that educational research contains many different approaches and values to study Within the educational research community, for example, there are Marxists, pluralists, liberals, and so on 3 3


The conflict between people of different research orientations would tend to cancel out the importance of any particular intellectual approach in determining social affairs The history of science, however, suggests that not all approaches are accepted equally Marxist analysis, for example, while having a respected tradition in Europe, has not been accepted within the American research community In contrast, behavioral and management approaches have assumed a dominant position in this country's social scientific community .' This dominance makes the pattern of power and authority underlying behavioralism more potent in determining social affairs Behavioralism is used to sustain and make credible many existing practices The fact that the values of behavioralism are tacit and not scrutinized makes those values psychologically compelling It is important to ask why a particular approach, such as behavioral research, can become dominant The answer, though, cannot be obtained simply by examining the ideas generated by the approach itself The conclusions of behavioral education research, for example, often have little practical use as metaphors or as predictors in institutional life The reasons for accepting a research pattern lie, in part, outside the educational community and within larger historical and political trends The acceptance of behavioral research can be related to the rise of professionalism The drive for professional stature of the managerial and the "helping" occupations occurred at approximately the same historical time Each sought more control over its domains (Lasch, 1977) The helping professions, in particular, persuaded their clients to rely on scientific technology and the advice of scientifically trained experts The clients' "needs," however, were not those which emerged from the clients, but were often invented by professionals in order to create a demand for their services The "helping" professionals accepted a technological knowledge which could be centralized and than parceled out in a piecemeal fashion Professionalism tends to undermine individuals' capacity to provide for themselves and, thereby, justifies the continuing expansion and control of experts into new sectors of society The values of behavioralism can be viewed as instrumental to this process Defining behavioralism as a research approach which influences and is influenced by larger social patterns suggests that a major obligation of researchers is to maintain a critical stance Whether doing behavioral or other modes of study, such as ethnography or phenomenology, researchers must consider the impact of work beyond its immediate procedures or findings They must scrutinize the interests, visions, and definitions of power made reasonable by the research approach Their understanding must include an overview of larger social and political processes and of how they impinge upon research practices 3 4


CONCLUSIONS Educational research involves values which emerge from an interplay of various communities Research into school affairs is influenced by a community of scholars who follow accepted lines of reasoning, standards of discourse and definitions of problems The character of research is also responsive to the issues and dilemmas confronted by the larger society Research is often initiated to resolve possible institutional contradictions The study of poverty, deviance, moral development or sexism are examples of such responses to conflict The values affirmed in research are political Theories and methods imply what the customary ways of behaving in society are Certain ways of participating in social affairs are given emphasis and, hence, preference through research activities Rather than being aloof and detached, engagement in research affirms social values, beliefs and hopes The values of educational research also have ideological implications As argued earlier, the perspectives of social science not only describe but also give direction to how social events are to be challenged The perspectives of research are increasingly incorporated into common sense reasoning The theories of social and educational research help to define political, social and educational problems The methods of inquiry identify possible solutions These practices tend to favor certain interests and handicap others in society through the underlying social visions and definitions of power contained in research The normative quality of educational research makes it especially potent when applied in schools because it imposes ideas and work patterns upon children Much of what occurs in schools is justified and made credible by the activities of the educational research community Scientific evidence provides the rationale for curriculum development, instructional approaches and evaluation strategies Theories about social affairs, childhood and learning guide educators in their choice of content and in the procedures they use to conduct everyday activities at school Values in educational inquiry, therefore, pose certain responsibilities for educators when developing and evaluating school programs First, a selfreflective and critical stance needs to be adopted by educational researchers The theories and procedures used to study social education programs and to devise curriculum are not neutral Educators need to consider the social and political implications of educational analysis It is worth noting that the traditions of objectivity, detachment and scientific neutrality have undergone a thorough reexamination and redefinition within the philosophies of science However, little of this discussion seems to have filtered into everyday educational discourse 3 5


Second, educators should extend their notion of "adequacy" in research In part, acceptable research must conform to scientific procedures for ensuring validity and reliability These procedures, however, should include careful deliberation about the ethical premises and moral considerations upon which schools are founded The potential of educational inquiry, I believe, is in its ability to sustain a public discourse about how schools can contribute to a more just and humane society Educational inquiry should provide a mode of analysis that can illuminate the unintended and latent consequences of our school arrangements The ceremonies and rituals of our public institutions create symbolic forms which make ongoing practices seem heroic, institutional structures seem benevolent, and professionals seem competent in maintaining the historic mission of schools Yet social affairs are filled with pretentions, deceptions and self-deceptions by which people cloak the meanings and consequences of their arrangements with each other Our institutional arrangements have become traditional, customary and seemingly "natural ." The unmasking and debunking motif in social inquiry can be a powerful intellectual force in a social world that is built upon beliefs in certainty (see, e .g ., Berger and Luchmann, 1967) Third, we should reconsider the way in which we proceed when designing curriculum Many educators consider the idea of scientific method as a superior one in curriculum construction Our analysis suggests that there is no one scientific method, but rather there are scientific methods that people invent to respond to problems in their social world Inventions of methods have the characteristic of reflecting different concepts of social order and of disciplined thought While I have discussed some of the implications of the social nature of knowledge when applied to the problem of social studies curriculum design elsewhere (Popkewitz, 1974, 1976, 1977), I would suggest here that to define inquiry as a logical or psychological task (such as analyzing, inferring, or interviewing) is to distort the nature and character of that enterprise as a social endeavor Logical or solely psychological definitions hide the values and beliefs underlying the forms of content brought into schools and the role of discourse in giving shape to our conceptions of "self" and society 3 6


FOOTNOTES I will use the label "social science" as a general term which includes the traditional social sciences (political science, sociology, psychology, and history) Educational research is a special type of social science, having an institutional focus on schooling The generic label, social science, gives emphasis to the social nature of all of the disciplines 2 I have' explored the social and cultural nature of inquiry in "Myths of Social Science in Curriculum" (Popkewitz, 1976a) and "Craft and Community as Metaphors for Social Inquiry Curriculum" (Popkewitz, 1977) 'Many of the theoretical perspectives and research techniques developed at this historical time have become important to educational analysis Among these are the theory of functionalism in sociology and the survey methodology of behavioral science 'These assumptions are challengeable The discipline-centered curriculum tends to provide a crystallized notion of "science" which distorts its creativity and maintains values which are conservative (Keddie, 1971 ; Popkewitz, 1976) 'While the vision of open education does have the potential to guide people in a search for social alternatives, the practice of open education has tended to be nonpolitical Puppetry, "creative" writing, or stitchery often replace sustained disciplined thought Mutual satisfaction among class participants becomes the purpose of schooling rather than a search for community in relation to some general intellectual problem or social issue 6 The idea, of objectivity in research can be treated in a different manner Berger and Luchmann (1967) define reality as being socially constructed and maintained through a dialectic, thus arguing against a crystallization of social structures 7 The assumptions, implications, and consequences of management perspectives in education are discussed in Popkewitz and Wehlage (1973) REFERENCES Angrist, S ., R Mickelsen and A Penna, "Development and Evaluation of Family Life Course," Theory and Research in Social Education, 4 (1976), 57-79 Baker, R and R Schultz (eds .), Instructional Product Development (New York : Van Nostrand Reinhold Co ., 1971) 3 7


Berger, P and T Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality : A Treatie in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City, New York : Anchor Books, 1967) Cooley, W ., G Leinhardt and J McGrail, "How to Identify Effective Teaching," Anthropology and Education 2 (1977), 119-126 Drost, W ., David Snedden and Education for Social Efficiency (Madison, Wisconsin : University of Wisconsin Press, 1967) Easton, D ., The Political System : An Inquiry into the State of the Political Science (New York : Alfred A Knopf, 1971) Fox, T and R Hernandez-Nieto, Why Not Quantitative Methodologies to Illuminate Dialectic or Phenomenological Perspectives? Unpublished paper presented at the meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York, 1977 Friedrick, R .W ., A Sociology of Sociology (New York : The Free Press, 1972) Gouldner, A ., The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology (New York : Basic Books, 1970) Hagstrom, W ., The Scientific Community (New York : Basic Books, 1965) Hamilton, D ., "Educational Research and the Shadows of Francis W Dockrell and Galton and Ronald Fisher," in D Hamilton (ed .), Rethinking Educational Research (London : Hodder and Stoughton, in Press) Homans, G C ., The Nature of Social Science (New York : Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1967) Horowitz, I ., Professing Sociology : Studies in the Life Cycle of Social Science (Chicago : Aldine Publishing Co ., 1968) Jackson, P ., Life in the Classrooms (New York : Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1968) Karabel, J and H Halsey, "Educational Research : A Review and an Interpretation," in J Karabel and H Halsey (eds .), Power and Ideology in Education (New York : Oxford University Press, 1977) Keddie, N ., "Classroom Knowledge," in M Young (ed .), Knowledge and Control New Directions for the Sociology of Education (London : Collier and Macmillan Publishers, 1971) Kerlinger, F ., Foundations of Behavioral Research (2nd ed .) (New York : Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1973) Lasch, C ., "The Seige of the Family," New York Review of Books, November 1977 Lockwood, A ., "A Critical View of Values Clarification," Teachers College Record 77 (1975) Merelman, R ., "On Interventionist Behaviorism : An Essay in the Sociology of Knowledge," Politics and Society 6 (1976), 57-78 Mulkay, M .J ., The Social Process of Innovation (New York : Macmillan, 1972) 3 8


Nisbet, R ., Sociology as an Art Form (New York : Oxford University Press, 1976) Popkewitz, T ., "The Craft of Study, Structure and Schooling," Teachers College Record, 74 (December, 1972), 155-166 Popkewitz, T ., "Myths of Social -Science in Curriculum," Educational Forum 60 (1976), 317-328 (a) Popkewitz, T ., "The Ideology of Educational Reform ." Speech given at the National Council for the Social Studies Convention, Washington, D .C ., November 1976 (b) Popkewitz, T ., "Latent Values of the Discipline-Centered Curriculum," Theory and Research in Social Education 4 :2 (1976), 57-79 (c) Popkewitz, T ., "Craft and Community as Metaphors for Social Inquiry Curriculum," Educational Theory 5 (1977), 41-60 Popkewitz, T and G Wehlage, "Accountability and Critique and Alternative," Interchange 4 (1973), 46-62 Schultz, A ., "Collected Papers 1," in M Natanson (ed .), The Problem of Social Reality (The Hague : Martinus Nithoff, 1973) Shavelson, R ., J Cadwell and T Izu, "Teachers' Sensitivity to the Reliability of Information in Making Pedagogical Decisions," American Educational Research Journal 14 (1977), 83-98 Storer, W ., The Social System of Science (New York : Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1966) Suppes, P ., "The Place of Theory in Educational Research," Educational Researcher 3 (1974), 3-10 Tabachnick, B ., "Open Education : Ideology and Alternative Visions of Schooling ." Speech given at the National Council of Social Studies Convention, Washington, D .C ., November 1976 Winch, P ., "Understanding Primitive Society," in F Dallmayr and T McCarthy (eds .), Understanding and Social Inquiry (Notre Dame, Indiana : University of Notre Dame Press, 1977) Zinn, H ., The Politics of History (Boston : Beacon Press, 1970) 3 9


SOCIAL STUDIES AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION : ELEMENTS OF A CHANGING RELATIONSHIP* Richard C Remy Mershon Center Ohio State University How social studies educators define the scope of their interests in citizenship education affects the way they organize themselves to work on citizenship education as classroom instructors, curriculum developers, researchers and managers of professional development activities This paper considers what currently is and what might be the relationship between the field of social studies and citizenship education The paper is divided into three parts The first part summarizes how we have traditionally defined the scope and domain of our interest in citizenship education The second part evaluates this definition in light of social science based knowledge about the process of citizenship education today The final section considers the implications for research, development and teaching of broadening the definition of the field's interest in citizenship education to encompass more than schools and schooling THE PRESENT RELATIONSHIP TO CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION How have social studies educators traditionally defined the nature and scope of their interest in the process of citizenship education? What facets of this process have been of special concern to social studies educators? What kinds of research, development and teaching activities related to citizenship education do we currently undertake? A majority of social studies educators today would likely agree that the primary concern of social studies is citizenship education This is evidenced in several ways Leaders within the field have pointed to citizenship education as the "centering concept" of social studies (Shaver, 1977a, p 115) A review of the evolution of the field recently concluded that, "there is now general agreement that the primary, overriding purpose of the social studies is citizenship education" (Barr, Barth and Shermis, 1977, p 67-68) In addition, the Board of Directors of the National Council for the Social Studies has called for social studies to be defined and presented in terms of *The author wishes to thank John Patrick, Indiana University, and Richard C Snyder, Mershon Center, for their comments on an earlier version of this paper 4 0


citizenship education, and for special efforts to be made by the Council to improve citizenship education (Claugus, 1975 ; NCSS, 1976) Finally, even cursory examination of social studies instructional materials and curriculum guidelines indicates that almost without exception they find their ultimate justification in the development of competent citizens committed to democratic values As things stand, social studies education equates citizenship education with schools and schooling That is, the formal and informal educational processes related to citizenship development that occur in elementary and high schools are the focal point of the field's concern Within schools the "social studies curriculum"-a particular sequence of courses and subject matter from kindergarten through high school-is the prime interest of most social studies educators Over the years this definition has come to set the boundaries for what is considered legitimate or normal professional activities within the social studies field Of course, as is the case with any field, there is considerable debate about specific problems, concepts and methodologies within the prevailing definition of the field For example, Barr, Barth and Sbermis (1977, Chapter 4) describe three competing traditions within social studies each designed to promote good citizenship education .' However, the boundaries of the field of social studies itself are hardly ever questioned Rather, all the major intellectual and professional activties of the field are defined in reference to elementary and high schools Let us briefly consider these activities CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT Social studies educators develop new instructional materials for use in schools They design and outline school curriculum patterns in the social studies area And they theorize about the structure of the curriculum and about alternative instructional approaches Over the years social studies educators have advanced a variety of philosophical positions regarding the curriculum and they have created a truly rich array of materials for use by teachers and students in elementary and high schools (Patrick, 1977) Little or no attention, however, has been given to the development of educational programs or activities outside of the schools TEACHING Social studies educators train teachers and school administrators to implement the K-12 social studies curriculum This training occurs within a framework of local and state certification requirements for educational personnel Social studies educators also train graduate students to be like 4 1


themselves and carry on the field A host of professional activities are associated with the teaching function including the design of preand inservice workshops, participation in the establishment of certification requirements, the preparation of teaching methods, textbooks and the like Little or no attention, however, has been given to the preparation of people for other educational roles in society related to citizenship education RESEARCH Social studies educators conduct research on the effectiveness of their development and teaching activities, on conditions relating to the process of citizenship education in schools and on the diffusion of innovations within schools (Hunkins et al ., 1977) This comprehensive review of recent research in the field equates social studies education with schooling and identifies "the school as the most important locale for educational research" in the future (p 198) Little or no attention, however, has been given to analyzing the complex interactions of school and non-school agents in the process of citizen development To summarize : As social studies educators we have directed our professional activities to the various processes associated with citizenship education in elementary and high schools This reflects our definition of the nature and scope of our interest in citizenship education AN EVALUATION OF THE CURRENT DEFINITION How adequate is this way of defining the scope and domain of social studies education as a professional field? Do present curriculum development, teaching and research activities adequately reflect or take into account what is known about citizenship education today? In light of social science research on political learning (Dawson, Prewitt and Dawson, 1977 ; Renshon, 1977), there would appear to be several problems with the way social studies educators have come to define the scope and domain of their interest in citizenship education These are : 1 Citizenship education is often not treated as a society-wide process involving many social institutions 2 Limitations on the school's capacity to contribute to citizenship education may not be adequately accounted for 3 Citizen competence with problem-solving in the social process is frequently neglected 4 Citizenship education is not treated as a cumulative, life-long process 5 The multi-method requirements of citizenship education are not fully accounted for 4 2


CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION IS NOT TREATED AS A SOCIETYWIDE PROCESS INVOLVING MANY SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS Who is involved in citizenship education? The traditional focus in the social studies field has been on K-12 schools and schooling Yet the processes of political socialization and citizenship education are not confined to elementary and high schools Rather, these processes are embedded in a rich institutional context that involves other major social institutions in one way or another In addition to the schools, at least seven other non-school shaping forces and arenas share in the process of political socialization and citizenship education These are governmental institutions, business and labor, the mass-media, voluntary organizations, religious organizations and primary groups, i .e ., the family and peer groups 2 These shaping forces perform several functions in the process of citizen development which involve both formal education and informal learning in institutional and non-institutional settings We will not develop these distinctions here Rather it is sufficient to note that these sectors act as settings, where individuals confront daily the tasks of citizenship, and as sources of the knowledge, skills, attitudes and experiences we acquire through citizenship education Each is a stakeholder in the process in the sense that they have something to gain or lose from the outcomes -of citizenship education Taken together, these sectors, along with the schools, represent the institutional ecology 'of citizen development today The current focus on K-12 schools and schooling within the social studies field isolates the field from many of the key participants in the development of citizen competence Such isolation has potentially negative consequences for non-school agents of citizenship education, for the schools and for the field of social studies education For example, non-school agents such as voluntary organizations are deprived of the knowledge, materials and educational expertise available in social studies education today At the same time isolation from other sectors limits the school's ability to understand the non-school factors affecting school-based learning Further, it restricts the capacity of social studies educators to better coordinate their work in the schools with non-school efforts in citizenship education Finally, isolation from non-school citizenship education substantially reduces the capacity of the field to produce new knowledge about a very significant dimension of the process through which people develop as citizens In turn, lack of knowledge regarding non-school citizenship education restricts the field's capacity to develop innovative educational programs that build upon the natural interaction between classroom, school, home -and community 4 3


LIMITATIONS ON THE SCHOOLS' CAPACITY TO CONTRIBUTE TO CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION MAY NOT BE ADEQUATELY ACCOUNTED FOR Schools have long occupied a prominent role in citizenship education and they will probably continue to do so However, the capacity of the schools to contribute to citizenship education is limited in at least two ways First, there is a finite amount of curriculum space available for citizenship education and the ability of the schools to integrate various curriculum offerings is limited Second, schools may be more appropriate for some types of learning and instructing than for others Equating an interest in citizenship education with K-12 schooling has greatly hindered the ability of social studies education to come to terms with the limitations of the schools Over the years as the complexity of citizenship has increased social studies educators have developed a great variety of new approaches to citizenship education These include global education, moral education, law-related education, multi-cultural education, career education, consumer education, environmental education, values education, community involvement, psychology, sociology and economics Many of the ideas in these new approaches are intrinsically valuable However, total preoccupation with formal schooling has meant that social studies educators have attempted to load all new contributions to citizenship education on the schools whether they really belonged there or not Thus, most of these contributions are structured as discrete entities aimed at specific niches in the elementary or high school curriculum much like ice-cubes in a tray Curriculum "change" comes about when one cube is removed to be replaced by another Because of the already crowded school agenda the new contributions to citizenship education must compete with each other and with the more traditional history, geography and government for a share of the social studies curriculum "turf ." This creates an either/or situation Either there is room for consumer or global education, for instance, in the curriculum or there is room for one or more of their "competitors," but there is not room for all The result is that given the current structure of American schools-a structure not likely to change-it is almost impossible to integrate all these discrete new contributions into the curriculum and hence into the citizen's education Thus, there is a risk that the citizen's education is being continually fragmented into smaller and more specialized segments that bear little relationship to the actual tasks of citizenship people must cope with in everyday life In addition, a focus on schooling has meant that as new contributions to citizenship education are developed, social studies educators rarely question 4 4


whether the schools are the most appropriate institutional vehicle for these contributions Yet socialization research indicates that the different agents of citizenship education vary in their appropriateness for teaching particular kinds of knowledge, skills and attitudes or for providing participation experiences (Weissberg, 1974, pp 140 ;50) Schools, for instance, may be a more efficient vehicle for teaching facts about constitutional processes than families and peer groups In contrast, families and peer groups € are likely to be strong forces in shaping basic identities and values Further, the sectors vary in their susceptibility to planned interventions in the process of citizenship education For example, it may be more difficult to diffuse an educational innovation among millions of elementary school teachers than among a small number of labor union officials Unfortunately, our preoccupation with the schools in citizenship education has prevented us from thinking systematically about the strengths and weaknesses of the schools as compared to the other agents of citizenship education CITIZEN COMPETENCE WITH PROBLEM-SOLVING IN THE SOCIAL PROCESS IS FREQUENTLY NEGLECTED Citizen competence is a multi-dimensional concept One dimension involves solving problems, making plans, taking action 'in the social process This dimension of citizen competence is concerned with actually impacting or influencing specific social or political problems affecting oneself It includes reflection and understanding but it also involves active behavior in the sense of attempts to manipulate phenomena in the environment external to oneself 3 It is not the only dimensionof citizen competence but it is an important one The goal of advancing this aspect of citizen competence, like other goals in citizenship education, involves teaching varying combinations of knowledge, skills, attitudes and participation experiences But it is distinct in its concern for ordering these attributes in ways relevant to a specific issue or problem confronting a group of citizens For example, a social studies unit on the problems of bureaucracy using case studies of welfare agencies is not designed to promote problem-solving in the sense meant here And it may or may not actually enhance students' ability to influence a welfare agency if they have to On the other hand, an educational program designed to teach welfare recipients how to secure benefits from their state welfare agency is designed to promote their problem-solving competence in the social process By limiting the scope of the field's interest to the schools, we have greatly restricted our capacity to pursue this goal in citizenship education For it can be argued that schools are not necessarily the best place to teach people 4 5


how to try to influence or in some way impact specific problems they confront Schools are spatially and temporarily removed from those institutional sectors in the social process where such problems are often encountered Further, it is impossible for school-based educators to predict accurately the specific problems or issues students will face in the future Also, time spent on this goal would be time taken away from pursuing other important objectives in citizenship education more amenable to the schools' particular capabilities and responsibilities Finally, pursuit of this objective could be politically risky for schools and could bring them into conflict with the community CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION IS OFTEN NOT TREATED AS A CUMULATIVE LIFELONG PROCESS The learning that results from citizenship education begins early in life and continues throughout life This learning is cumulative in the sense that it builds on itself to produce at any point in time, the individual's particular level of citizenship competence Thus, what a person learns about the social world at one age is influenced by what they have learned previously For instance, what youngsters learn about elections at age fifteen is grounded in and shaped by what was learned at age twelve In turn, learning at age twelve is conditioned by earlier learning This process does not end with high school or college graduation but continues throughout our adult life (Rosenau, 1977 ; Cutler, 1977) We learn different things at different phases in the continual process of citizenship education Because of evolving cognitive/intellectual capacities and opportunities for learning, certain times in our lives will be more suitable to learning particular knowledge, skills and attitudes than other times For example, early childhood is a time when we acquire basic political attachments and identifications Late adolescence and adulthood, on the other hand, are times when we are more likely to learn about specific issues and actions associated with day-to-day political conflict as well as times to sharpen political skills and motivation (Weissberg, 1974) Thus, citizenship education does not stop at grade twelve but occurs throughout life Many of the non-school agents of citizenship education are concerned with adult education in one form or another The field's current focus on elementary and high schools does not seem to recognize adequately the life-long nature of citizen development As a result, it cuts social studies educators off from an important slice of the citizenship education process 4 6


THE MULTI-METHOD REQUIREMENTS OF CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION ARE NOT FULLY ACCOUNTED FOR Citizenship education involves more than social studies courses in school combined with patriotic rituals and rhetoric Research on political socialization and human development clearly indicate that citizenship education involves complex processes of human learning and development These processes include the cognitive, the moral, the social and the emotional growth of people Thus different kinds of learning are involved in the process of citizen development Instructional theorists have hypothesized that different types of learning require different instructional procedures (Ehman, Mehlinger and Patrick, 1974, pp 118-29) The field's current focus on schooling unnecessarily restricts the capacity of social studies educators to pursue a multi-method approach to citizenship education A focus on schooling automatically places psychological and social restraints on the variety of instructional approaches educators can use to promote citizen competence For example, the very real institutional constraints involved in designing K-12 curriculum that requires field-trips or out-of-school activities are well-known to curriculum developers Such restraints do not completely prohibit the use of instructional variety in classroom settings as the use of role-playing, simulations, inquiry techniques and the like demonstrate But the restraints associated with working with children and adolescents in the institutional setting of the school can inhibit social studies educators from experimenting with the full range of methods and instructional theories available to them Further, such restraints can prevent experimentation with time-honored instructional approaches in new learning settings As a result, it inhibits the field's capacity to improve and refine these approaches IMPLICATIONS OF REDEFINING THE SCOPE OF THE FIELD'S INTEREST IN CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION To this point we have seen that : 1 Social studies educators have proclaimed citizenship education as a primary concern of their field At the same time we have defined our interest in citizenship education narrowly in terms of K-12 schools and schooling This is evidenced by our research, teaching and curriculum development activities 2 Social science research indicates that the process of political development is impacted not only by schools but by other forces in -society such as primary groups, the mass media and voluntary organizations Further, these non-school actors have a stake in citizenship education 4 7


and many conduct their own citizenship-related instructional programs 3 Given the society-wide nature of citizen development the focus of social educators on citizenship education in the schools displays several weaknesses As a result, this narrow definition of the field's interest in citizenship education may unnecessarily limit the capacity of the field to achieve its proclaimed goal of improving citizenship education A conclusion which flows naturally from this type of analysis is that there is a need, or at least a real opportunity, for social studies educators to broaden and redefine the scope of their interests in citizenship education Such a redefinition might be stated as follows : Social studies education has an interest in educating citizens of all ages by undertaking educational activities in each of the sectors involved in citizenship education today These sectors could be taken to include not only schools but also local, state and national government, business and labor, the mass media, primary groups, voluntary organizations, and religious organizations Social studies educators could have "clients" and on-going research, development and teaching programs related to these settings just as they currently work with teachers, students, school administrators, and others associated with the educational institutions of our society Social studies educators, for example, could work with a labor union to develop an instructional program for its members on the impact of federal energy programs on job security Or they might work with a YMCA in developing a new citizenship education program focused on decisionmaking skills in everyday life Or they might help a community organization prepare a series of consumer education programs for its member Yet other social studies educators could develop a special interest in working with a municipal court to design instructional programs for citizens who find themselves embroiled with the legal system for one reason or another Redefining the scope of the field's interest in citizenship education along such lines would not change the overarching purpose of social studies education-the development of competent citizens In fact, it would be quite consistent with recent efforts to define the social studies as "an integration of experience and knowledge concerning human relations for the purpose of citizenship education" (Barr, Barth and Shermis, 1977, p 69) Nor would such redefinition mean that social studies educators would any longer be concerned with the curriculum in schools, teacher education or the social organization and culture of schools Most social studies educators would be likely to continue to pursue the field's time-honored concerns in these areas But an expanded interest in citizenship education beyond school settings would draw attention in the field to the total 4 8


institutional ecology of citizenship education and might more adequately recognize the continuing, life-long nature of the process of citizen development A small number of commentators have expressed the need for redefinition along such lines James Shaver, for example, has noted the need not only for "adequate citizenship education programs [to] go beyond the school into the community," but to "go ever further . and extend our educational influence beyond the teacher-directed and supervised situation . to make parents (and by extension, labor unions, civic clubs, and so on) active, effective parts of the citizenship education process ." Shaver goes on to suggest, "It is time to ask how to utilize the home and other social settings for citizenship education How can we extend our curriculum development and instructional competencies to non-school settings?" (Shaver, 1977b, p 304) This, of course, is a critical question Yet, despite the growing sense among many social studies educators of the need for redefining the field's interest in citizenship education, little systematic consideration has been given to the implications of such a redefinition for research, development and teaching activities in the field What new professional activities are implied by expanding the field's concern with citizenship education to non-school settings? And what conditions must be met if social studies educators are to contribute to and benefit from non-school based citizenship education? The remainder of this paper will be devoted to a consideration of these two questions NEW PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITIES Reconceptualizing the field's interest in citizenship education would imply several fresh dimensions of development, teaching and research roles for the field Specifically, new professional activities likely to be associated with a redefined social studies education include : 1 The development of educational programs for individuals and organizations in non-school sectors of society 2 The development of university-based adult education programs to build citizenship competence 3 The training of personnel involved in non-school citizenship education activities 4 Research on citizenship education in non-school settings 5 Coordination and monitoring of citizenship education efforts involving different sectors of society 4 9


Let us consider each category of activities in more detail 1 The development of educational programs for individuals and organizations in non-school sectors of society A redefinition of the field's interest in citizenship education would very likely involve social studies educators in curriculum development activities related to the governmental, family, business and labor, mass-media, voluntary and religious sectors of society The scope of the field's involvement might range from part-time assistance in planning and conceptualizing programs to the actual development of new instructional programs, projects and activities For example, a social studies faculty might occasionally consult with a local government wishing to develop educational programs about municipal services for city residents On the other hand, a faculty group might design and develop a complete program about the structure of state government for a veterans organization that annually sponsors a workshop on the topic for high school students The goals or purposes of such curriculum development activities would probably vary and depend on the needs of the "clients" involved But the content of these activities would likely be of two types The first would be content related to a particular organization or institutional sector itself For example, educational programs describing the services offered by organizations like the League of Women Voters might be developed for such organizations Or a program for senior citizens might explain how to efficiently use the Medicare system Or educational activities might be developed for community organizations like the National Neighborhood Training Institute The Institute offers courses designed to enhance the skills of neighborhood leaders, organizers, clinic and service workers who want to be effective in neighborhood organizations (Mehlinger and Patrick, 1977, p 30) The second type of content would not focus on a particular organization itself, but deal instead with topics pertinent to a variety of objectives in civic education An example might be a knowledge building program like one sponsored by the Dow Chemical Company The Dow program describes for its workers the functions of the Federal government, the Congress and regulatory agencies The program seeks to explain how politics work and how citizens can exert influence if they become active (Mehlinger and Patrick, 1977, p 16) Or social studies educators might assist a local newspaper in developing a special supplement aimed at increasing readers' skills in using the paper as a source of information about community affairs As these examples indicate, instructional materials development of this sort could have adults and/or youth as its intended audience Such curricula might be developed at a university or college site but it would almost always be implemented in non-university, non-school settings 5 0


2 The development of university-based adult education programs to build citizen competence Redefinition of the field's interest would also be likely to involve some of us in the creation of adult education courses Such programs could aim at building citizen competence with "generic" skills such as decision-making (e .g ., decision skills for daily living) Or they could promote "environmental problem-solving" competence with regard to locally relevant issues, e .g ., how to plan for and secure better youth recreation opportunities in the community Adult education programs could be offered with or without credit at colleges and universities They might take an entire semester or meet only two or three times They could aim at special audiences such as youth workers, juvenile officers and social service workers or at the general public They might be designed and presented alone or in combination with other academics within the university such as sociologists concerned with juvenile crime Or they might be undertaken in conjunction with an organization within the community such as a unit of local government, a voluntary organization, a corporation or a labor union The challenge would be to design popular and practical programs with sound conceptual underpinnings Programs which met real needs in an interesting way would be successful, others would not A string of successful programs would likely generate demands for additional activity of this kind In addition, success would help social studies educators make contact with sectors of the community beyond the schools 3 The training of personnel involved in non-school citizenship education activities Teacher education has long been a central concern of social studies education Broadening the field's concerns to include non-school citizenship education is likely to involve social studies educators in the training of individuals in non-school organizations engaged in citizenship education efforts . Such training might take several forms One such form would be to train individuals to use and evaluate educational programs designed for their organization by social studies educators For example, Sunday school teachers might have to be trained to implement a moral reasoning skills program developed for their church by social studies educators This function would be similar to training teachers and school administrators to install and use a curriculum innovation A second activity would be to train individuals from non-school organizations to develop and evaluate their own citizenship education programs For example, labor union staff members specializing in educational tasks might receive training on how to develop new skill-building programs Such 5 1


training might be "preor in-service ." That is, it could occur "on the job" or in undergraduate, graduate or continuing education courses within the university A third activity could be to increase non-school civic educators' knowledge of the field of citizenship education This could include awareness of key issues and alternative approaches to citizenship education as well as knowledge of available school and non-school educational materials For example, staff members of community organizations around the country might attend a workshop designed to acquaint them with school-based citizenship programs that involve students in local community activities Or military personnel responsible for political education programs in the armed services might participate in programs designed to inform them of the citizenship training new recruits had received in elementary and high school 4 Research on citizenship education in non-school settings The process of citizenship education in non-school settings has not been adequately investigated by social studies educators Expanding the scope of our interest in citizenship education should prompt researchers to take a more active interest in this area Significant, long-term improvements in citizenship education ultimately depend upon expanding research efforts to the total process of citizenship education, not just that segment occurring in the schools Research opportunities in this domain are so numerous that we will simply suggest some obviously important categories of needed research First, there is a pressing need for contextual mapping across the governmental, family, business and labor, mass-media, voluntary and religious sectors We need descriptive studies which identify on-going activities, programs and projects in each of these non-school sectors This mapping should systematically develop information regarding such questions as : Who is undertaking citizenship education efforts in non-school sectors? What is their intended audience? What are their goals? What resources do they have at their command? What educational strategies do they employ to achieve their goals? Second, there is a need for research which systematically evaluates the effectiveness of such programs What factors appear to be associated with success or failure in this area? Third, there is a need to assess the relationship, if any, between efforts in school and non-school settings What interactive effects are there? Do citizenship education efforts in different sectors reinforce or contradict each other? Is coordination among educational activities in different sectors possible or desirable? Fourth, new research should aim at developing empirically grounded typologies of which sectors are the best carriers of which particular 5 2


intervention in citizenship education at what point in the individual's development If research indicates that it is likely we learn different things at different points in our lifecycles as citizens, one important question becomes which sectors of society are most appropriate for teaching which kinds of knowledge, skills and nd attitudes associated with citizenship education These categories of needed research are not exhaustive but merely suggestive A rich and important array of research topics awaits social studies educators who define their research interests in terms of the total process of citizenship education 5 Coordination and monitoring of citizenship education efforts involving different sectors of society Fragmentation and duplication characterize citizenship education today A lack of coordination and communication is apparent among the array of organizations, projects and individuals interested in citizenship education Promising efforts are seldom linked to or aware of other similar or complementary programs As a result opportunities to effect constructive change in citizenship education are often lost, and potential and existing resources frequentlyy remain undeveloped School-based citizenship education in particular has suffered from this situation The fragmentation of the learning process coupled with the discipline's lack of knowledge .about citizenship education efforts outside of schools has made it difficult to link school-based programs to learning activities in other sectors of society Redefining the field's interest in citizenship education broadly would surely involve some social studies educators in the coordination of school and non-school educational programs As experts in school-based citizenship education with a legitimate access to the schools, they could design programs which coordinate more effectively learning activities involving the schools with other sectors of society Further, some social studies educators might periodically monitor changes in the patterns of citizenship education across different institutional sectors This would permit the design of alternative futures in citizenship education capable of anticipating demographic, social, cultural and technological changes In addition, it would help the field of social studies education function as a communication system for cross-sector and cross-program learning 5 3


REQUIREMENTS FOR EXPANDING THE FIELD'S INVOLVEMENT What would be required if social studies education were to successfully expand its involvement in citizenship education? At a minimum four conditions would probably have to be met for the field to contribute to and benefit from non-school based citizenship education These are the development of a support system within the field for this kind of activity, the identification of others engaged in civic education, the development of norms and techniques for working with others outside the field and the schools, and empirically based conceptualization A SUPPORT SYSTEM At a minimum the task of expanding the field's involvement in citizenship education must be seen as a legitimate professional enterprise That is, it must be seen as an intellectually acceptable and worthwhile enterprise by leaders and trendsetters within social studies education This will occur when such individuals see expanded involvement as beneficial to their own and the field's self-interest and as within their capability From this basic acceptance an institutional, intellectual and cultural support system for expanded involvement can develop over time within social studies education Such a system would likely have two key elements The first would be the emergence of a sub-culture within the field interested in non-school citizenship education problems This would be a group of scholars with shared identity and concerns in the same sense that we now speak of a sub-culture of social science or values educators within the field The second element would be a cluster of social studies departments with an interest and organizational commitment to non-school citizenship education The emergence of a sub-culture would further enhance the legitimacy of the enterprise and it would provide an array of models for others to emulate Additionally, it would help "breed" graduate students with similar interests and yield an expanding pool of instructional materials, dissertations, publications and other artifacts associated with success in the field IDENTIFYING OTHERS By definition social studies educators cannot expand the field's involvement in citizenship education alone They must locate others already engaged or interested in civic education efforts The challenge would seem to be to develop over time the capacity to identify who is doing what, where, how, when and why Such continual monitoring would yield opportunities for the kinds of professional activities described above 5 4


While this need may seem obvious, how to fulfill it is not The world beyond schools is largely alien territory for social studies education If we seek to locate others by simply looking for replications of school-based social studies in non-school settings, we are bound to be disappointed Instead, we would have to recognize that educational activities in non-school settings may take many forms, some quite different from what we automatically associate with citizenship education In addition, we would need to be alert to opportunities arising from activities with secondand third-order effects That is, non-school activities whose manifest goal may be something other than citizenship education, but which also have latent_ consequences for citizen education BUILDING COLLABORATIVE RELATIONSHIPS Expanding the field's involvement in citizenship education will also require building relations with others engaged in educating citizens This would be a critical challenge if social studies education were to expand its involvement in citizenship education Social studies educators know how to collaborate with individuals and organizations within the educational sector of society There are established and time-honored norms, procedures and roles to guide interaction with the world of elementary and secondary schools In addition, a good deal of this interaction is structured by legal requirements in the form of teacher certification laws, state-mandated curriculum outlines, regional accreditation requirements and the like There are no such formal or informal guidelines for helping us interact effectively with those engaged in non-school citizenship education What models, for example, might guide the efforts of social studies educators working with a community group interested in a skill-building educational program for neighborhood leaders? What might be a useful source of norms, procedures and roles for guiding such a collaborative relationship? The clinical approach suggests itself as a potentially useful model for university-based social studies educators wishing to exand their professional activities into non-school "areas This model is drawn from the agricultural experiment station and from health clinics such as the Mayo Clinic, the Menninger Clinic and university-related hospitals .' There are, as yet, few distinct and absolute counterparts of these clinical approaches to education In short, the clinical approach represents a particular way of configuring university-based resources to respond to practical problems In a clinical relationship the clients (patients) and their problems determine how the configuration of knowledge resources are arranged to help them For example, given a medical patient's symptoms, medical knowledge is 5 5


reviewed to help physicians categorize the malady, thus focusing the problem to be solved After a diagnosis is confirmed, perhaps through appropriate tests, the medical team can determine the type of treatment required Once administered, the treatment is evaluated for possible modification Richard Snyder has identified four basic properties or distinguishing characteristics of a clinical relationship There are : 1 A clinical relationship or process occurs in a special kind of dyadic interaction deliberately created between two parties, one of whom is a helper (a) and one of whom is a helpee (b) 2 The manifest purpose of the clinical dyad is a directed and marked change in the present state of the helpee (party b)-a change from now to later which is defined as some degree of betterment 3 The achievement of the basic purpose of the dyad invariably involves (among other elements, of course) the application or transfer of generalized or generalizable knowledge to a single instance (case) 4 The "problem" addressed by the relationship is considered to be a "live" problem, i .e ., to arise from and be embedded in some natural settings, even though subsequently the problem is discovered not to be "real" or is redefined (Snyder, 1974, p 5) The clinical approach represents one model of how the profession might structure collaborative relationships with others There, of course, may be several others The clinical approach has the merit of involving individuals and groups with educational problems as agenda-setting participants in the process of citizenship education CONCEPTUALIZATION Howard Mehlinger has noted that a "special weakness" in the field is "the absence of powerful conceptualizations that link the various contributors to citizen education and that respond to current social concerns" (Mehlinger, 1976) Successfully expanding the scope and domain of the field's interest in citizenship education would require social studies educators to work seriously on conceptual development As things now stand the field is certainly open to the criticism that it is a loose collectivity of people doing a widely varying number of things under the symbol of "citizenship ." Putting empirically based, systematized, generalizable conceptual content into that symbol may be the highest order of business for social studies educators today Such conceptualization would have to go beyond efforts to "define the field" in terms of positions which are never operationalized or empirically tested In the same vein, the acceptance or rejection of conceptualizations 5 6


should notbe based on personalities Rather, serious conceptualization would require the operationalization of middle-range concepts and hypotheses about citizenship in curriculum and research designs which can be empirically verified or rejected This kind of theory-building does not seem like a task which can wait while "we get on with the day-to-day business of social studies education ." Indeed, it hardly seems responsible to continue indefinitely with "traditions" or "factions" in the field which compete primarily on an ideological, personality and/or political basis Such laissez-faire pluralism is only likely to perpetuate a situation akin to a group of doctors saying to a sick patient-"We don't know what disease is but how can we help you?" The development of clinical, helping relationships with others as well as disciplined research and curriculum development will be greatly enhanced by thorough and systematic conceptualization of the social, cultural and political process of central concern to the field To summarize : The four conditions we have identified-legitimacy, identification of opportunities, building relationships and conceptualization-would seem to be necessary conditions for expanding the field's interest in citizenship education Yet, they may not be sufficient conditions for such expansion Successfully redefining the boundaries of the field is a complicated process and many other factors could be involved However, it may be difficult to identify these factors until efforts to implement the redefinition are actually undertaken and evaluated There is an opportunity for social studies educators to redefine the scope of their interest in citizenship education This would require the field to move beyond a focus on schools and schooling to a concern with citizenship education in all of the institutional sectors of our complex society Expanding the scope of the field's interest in the manner described here would not be easy There are no real precedents to follow and no ready-made captive audiences such as are found in the schools Yet, given our analysis, expanding the field's interest would seem to deserve significant consideration FOOTNOTES 'See also Brubaker, Simon and Williams (1977) There would also seem to be a reasonable consensus within the field that four attributes are associated with citizenship education These are knowledge, skills, attitudes and participation experiences These attributes have been described as follows 5 7


1 Knowledge about what is called in the liberal arts tradition, the human condition, including knowledge about past, present and future 2 Skills necessary to process information 3 Development of values and beliefs 4 Some way of applying what has been learned in active social participation (Barr, Barth and Shermis, 1977, pp 68-69) 'In human societies basic values such as enlightenment are shaped and distributed by institutions By non-school shaping forces I have in mind both formal, complex organizations, and established and structured patterns of behavior and relationships accepted as the way of doing things in any culture See Herman and Herman (1977) The typology of sectors used in the present paper is a first approximation and intended to be illustrative rather than definitive 'For a discussion of competence see Newmann (1975, Chapter 1) 4 Several Mershon Center documents describe the elements of a clinical approach See Muth and Slonaker (1976, Chapter 1) ; Gore, Redfield and Bolland (1976) ; and Ripley (1977) REFERENCES Barr, Robert D ., James L Barth and S Samuel Shermis, Defining the Social Studies, Bulletin 51 (Arlington, Virginia : National Council for the Social Studies, 1977) Brubaker, Dale L ., Laurence H Simon and Jo Watts Williams, "A Conceptual Framework for Social Studies Curriculum and Instruction," Social Education (March, 1977), 201-5 Claugus, Jean Tilford, Report of the President to the Board of Directors and the House of Delegates of the National Council for the Social Studies, Atlanta, November, 1975 Cutler, Neal E ., "Toward a Generational Conception of Political Socialization," in S Renshon (ed .), Handbook of Political Socialization Research (New York : The Free Press, 1977), pp 254-89 Dawson, Richard E ., Kenneth Prewitt and Karen S Dawson, Political Socialization, 2nd ed (Boston : Little, Brown, 1977) Ehman, Lee H ., Howard D Mehlinger and John J Patrick, Toward Effective Instruction in Secondary Social Studies (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1974) Gore, William, Kent Redfield and John Bolland, "Overview of a Clinical Strategy for the Facilitation of Development Program Change ." Unpublished paper, Mershon Center, August 1976 5 8


Hermann, Charles F and Margaret G Hermann, "Global Appraisal of Institutional Impacts ." Mershon Center Quarterly Report 2 (Spring, 1977) Hunkins, Francis, Lee Ehman, Carole Hahn, Peter Martorella and Jan Tucker, Review of Research in Social Studies Education : 1970-1975 (Arlington, Virginia : National Council for the Social Studies, 1977) Mehlinger, Howard D ., "How Can We Improve the Citizen Education of American Youth," Unpublished paper, September, 1976 Mehlinger, Howard D and John J Patrick, "The Status of Citizen Education ." Unpublished paper, U .S .O .E Task Force on Citizenship Education, August, 1977 Muth, Rodney and Larry Slonaker, "Toward a More Comprehensive Strategy for Strengthening Educational Leadership and Policy-Making : A Design for Clinical Education, Research and Service," Unpublished paper, Mershon Center, July, 1976 National Council for the Social Studies, "Toward a Reconceptualization of Citizenship Education : Preliminary Report for a Conference on Citizenship Education," March, 1976 Newmann, Fred M ., Education for Citizen Action (Berkeley, California : McCutchan, 1975) Patrick, John J ., "Political Socialization and Political Educationin Schools," in S Renshon (ed .), Handbook of Political Socialization Research (New York : The Free Press, 1977), pp 206-22 Renshon, Stanley (ed .), Handbook of Political Socialization Research (New York : The Free Press, 1977) Ripley, Randall B ., Project Research and the Clinical Relationship (Columbus, Ohio : Mershon Center Position Paper in the Policy Sciences, January, 1977) Rosenau, Norah, "The Sources of Children's Political Concepts : An Application of Piaget's Theory," in S Renshon (ed .), Handbook of Political Socialization Research (New York : The Free Press, 1977), pp 163-88 Shaver, James P in R Barr, J Barth and S Shermis, Defining the Social Studies, Bulletin 51 (Arlington, Virginia : National Council for the Social Studies, 1977) (a) Shaver, James P ., "A Critical View of the Social Studies Profession," Social Education (April, 1977) (b) Snyder, Richard C ., "Some Thoughts of the Search for the Clinical ." Unpublished paper, Mershon Center, September, 1974 Weissberg, Robert, Political Learning, Political Choice and Democratic Citizenship (Englewood Cliffs, N .J : Prentice-Hall, 1974) 5 9


CURRICULUM DESIGN AS A POLITICAL ACT : PROBLEMS AND CHOICES IN TEACHING SOCIAL JUSTICE* Cleo H Cherryholmes Michigan State University Social studies curriculum development is complex and demanding Its complexity arises from the need to balance a variety of competing tasks, which include presenting information, processing values, developing skills, building concepts and explanations, and forming attitudes and orientations It demands that the curriculum developer have a sufficiently wide range of knowledge and skills to cope with these questions The Tyler rationale (1950) for curriculum development has been an important influence, if not always an explicit guide, on those working on social studies curriculum in the 1960's and 1970's Tyler's four steps : (1) stating objectives, (2) selecting experiences appropriate to the objectives, (3) ordering the experiences, and (4) evaluating outcomes in terms of the objectives ; attempt to rationalize curriculum development as a linear process The Tyler formulation, if not actually able to reduce the complexity and demands of social studies curriculum development, at least seems to make the process more manageable The Tyler model for curriculum and course development is linear After one states objectives it is possible to proceed to learning experiences, then to evaluation and possibly to adjustments in the learning experiences This general procedure has been utilized in developing social studies materials (Gillespie and Patrick, 1974) and in the analysis of social studies materials (Morrissett, Stevens and Woodley, 1969) But appropriate objectives are of central importance if such a linear model is to work and considerable progress has been made in the area of behavioral objectives since Tyler's initial rationale (Mager, 1962 ; Popham, 1970 ; Davis, Alexander and Yelon, 1974) It is fair to say that the successful application of Tyler's approach depends upon objectives ; if objectives are not stated correctly or it it is not possible to state objectives appropriately, then it follows that one cannot proceed linearly through learning experiences to their evaluation *I would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments, Gary Manson, and especially Judy Gillespie But, obviously, I accept final responsibility for what follows 6 0


When clearly defined goals are lacking, it is impossible to evaluate .a course or program efficiently, and there is no sound basis for selecting appropriate materials, content, or instructional methods (Mager, 1962, p 3) Of the two impediments to clearly stated objectives, their incorrect statement or the impossibility of so stating them, curriculum specialists have often denied the latter and turned their attention to the former Alexander, Davis and Yelon (1974) offer the following definition of a learning objective : A learning objective is a description of the behavior expected of a learner after instruction (p 29) A learning objective consists of three components : (1) terminal behavior ; (2) test conditions ; and (3) standards Definition : Terminal behavior is the component of a learning objective that describes the behavior of a student after instruction (p 33) If the success of a linear curriculum model depends upon useful learning objectives, then it is also the case that useful learning objectives in turn depend upon the specification of terminal behavior If the curriculum developer can state appropriate terminal behavior, then it is possible to move through the other parts of the process in an orderly fashion This essay will question a basic assumption made by those who promote the use of learning objectives, that it is always possible to state terminal behavior ; an extended counter-example, the teaching of social justice, will be presented We will begin by inquiring into certain logical properties implied by the definition of a learning objective Is terminal behavior a necessary, a sufficient, or a necessary and sufficient condition for the attainment of a learning objective? But what are the formal properties of each of these conditions? Formally, a necessary condition is that the result will not occur if the condition is not fulfilled (Salmon, 1973, pp 44-45) --p --)--q Or, q "only if" p In learning objective terminology, a student attains objective q "only if" terminal behavior p is exhibited A sufficient condition is that the result will obtain "if" the condition does poq Or, "if" p, then q The learning objective e quivalent i s "if" a student performs terminal behavior p, then the objective, q, is achieved 6 1


A necessary and sufficient condition is the most restrictive (p -, q) € (q z p) Or, "if and only if" p, then q Students would achieve the desired objective "if and only if" a specified behavior were forthcoming Whether a terminal behavior is a necessary, sufficient, or necessary and sufficient condition for attaining a learning objective might appear at first glance to be a trivial question A curriculum developer might respond that, at a given time, one might write a terminal objective with any of these properties But this response does not withstand scrutiny because necessary conditions can only refer to requisites of terminal objectives, to enabling objectives, and not to terminal objectives themselves Terminal behavior is the end point of the learning or evaluation activity A necessary condition only indicates a required step along the way ; a sufficient condition indicates that the final step has been reached Necessary and sufficient conditions also indicate the achievement of the learning objective but the "if and only if" condition is very constraining It would appear that only in special situations, such as in highly technical applications, are necessary and sufficient conditions useful Therefore, a linear model of curriculum development rests upon learning objectives which are composed of terminal behaviors which are sufficient conditions for attaining an objective If terminal behaviors which are not sufficient conditions for attaining learning objectives cannot be stated, then a linear model of curriculum development cannot be employed An alternative model or reformulation of the linear model is required The remainder of this essay will show that it is not possible to state terminal objectives that are sufficient conditions for certain kinds of learning objectives Specifically these are terminal learning objectives in the area of social justice which makes substantive claims about just social institutions It will also be shown that a number of necessary conditions for enabling objectives can be stated but that they do not collectively constitute sufficient conditions for substantive terminal objectives about social justice Based on the extensive counter-example to be presented, the linear model as an approach to curriculum development is found to be wanting because sufficient conditions for attaining these substantive learning objectives cannot in principle be stated Following the discussion of social justice an additional assumption, the Plurality/Emergence assumption will be offered, which, when added to the more well known steps of linear curriculum development models, relaxes the need that terminal objectives be sufficient conditions Curriculum implications of the Plurality/ Emergence assumption will be developed in terms of classroom discourse and its evaluation Finally, it will be suggested that at a meta-level curriculum models should bear some rough correspondence to the subject 6 2


i matter being taught It may be that different subject matters can accommodate objectives which specify behaviors which are only necessary, sufficient, or necessary and sufficient for attaining the objectives A final comment about behavioral objectives They have sometimes been criticized because they seem to "discourage students from expanding their horizons by encouraging them to confine their learning to specified objectives and as a result incidental learning is depressed", (Melton, 1978, p 291) Part of this criticism may be due to the fact that curriculum developers and course designers are only able to write terminal behaviors that are necessary but not sufficient for-achieving more complex, sophisticated, or judgmental learning objectives If this were the case, the learning experience would certainly be superficial and shallow when measured against the subject matter being taught What began as a seemingly innocuous and possibly irrelevant query into the logical relationship between a learning objective and its component terminal objective has uncovered the fact that terminal objectives must be sufficient conditions for attaining the learning objective if a linear model of curriculum development is to work It will now beshown that in the case of social justice substantive terminal behaviors, which are sufficient conditions for definitively determining the social justice of given social institutions and processes, cannot be stated In this instance, and possibly in others, conventional, linear models of curriculum development are inadequate Social justice is a subject with a complex and ancient past in the history € of ideas Our purpose is not to outline or recount these historical meanings of social justice or to provide an extensive explication of its contemporary meanings Nor will we consider views of social justice that derive from various religions or from Marxian or neo-Marxian theorists, although an analysis of such views of social justice would also be instructive for our purposes We will rather consider views of social justice represented in the work of three men, each representing a different philosophical perspective : John Harsanyi (1953, 1955, and 1974) on average utilitarianism, John Rawls (1971) on a contemporary version of the social contract or contractarianism, and Robert Nozick (1974) on libertarianism It is much more manageable to outline positions and trace arguments in the work of an individual than to characterize the work of an entire school, such as the neoMarxians JOHN HARSANYI ON UTILITARIANISM Historically utilitarianism has been associated with David Hume, Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, John 'Stuart Mill, John Austin, Henry Sidgwick, and F .Y Edgeworth The most widely known statement associated with utilitarianism is that society should be so arranged to provide "'the greatest 6 3


happiness of the greatest number" (Urmson, 1978, p 227) This phrasing was apparently invented by Francis Hutcheson and used by Joseph Priestly in whose work Bentham found it The classical utilitarian approach was to maximize the greatest good in a society This would be achieved by maximizing the absolute sum of expectations in a society Since each individual added to a society would also contribute to the total expectations, the absolute sum of expectations for a society would increase simply as a result of population growth, and even though the average expectation for each individual in that society might become worse off! To correct for this many including Harsanyi advocate average utilitarianism, "every person making a moral value judgment will evaluate any institutional arrangement in terms of the average utility it yields for the individual members of society" (Harsanyi, 1974, p 600) How does an individual go about making these judgments? Each individual has subjective preferences or utility functions These utility functions may be different for each individual One way to decide which social policy yields the highest average utility for a society is to estimate to what extent a given policy would satisfy the utility functions for all members of a society Individuals have utility functions which are their subjective preferences Individuals also have a social welfare function Now a social welfare function for an individual represents the utility functions for all individuals in the society Each of us, then, has subjective preferences and we also make estimates of the subjective preferences of others How does this work? Harsanyi argues that we learn what to prefer The learning process by which our utility functions are formed is governed by general psychological laws Thus, if two people had the same attributes and experiences they would have the same utility functions The problem of interpersonal comparisons of utility which is necessary in estimating a social welfare function reduces to intrapersonal comparisons of utility which are comparisons . between the utility level I myself do now enjoy, and the utility level I myself would enjoy under certain hypotheticals, namely if I were placed in your physical, economic, and social position, and also had my biological background replaced by yours (Harsanyi, 1974, p 601) The social welfare function "must express what this individual prefers (or, rather, would prefer) on the basis of impersonal social considerations alone" (Harsanyi, 1955, p 315) The utility function must express what he actually prefers, whether on the basis of his personal interests or on any other basis The former (the social welfare function) may be called his "ethical" preferences, the latter (the utility function) his "subjective" preferences (Harsanyi, 1955, p 315) 6 4


Harsanyi maintains that it is reasonable and appropriate 'in making moral judgments for an individual to estimate what an individual's utility would be if that individual were in the objective place of another with that other's subjective preferences Our individual social welfare functions may not correspond to the average utility function for a society due to a lack of several kinds of knowledge We may have insufficient knowledge of the general psychological laws by which individuals learn their preferences We may have incomplete or erroneous information about the attributes and experiences of others We also may not know how the utility functions of others are distributed in society But if such knowledge and information were widely held in society and if all individuals were concerned with maximizing their utility then Harsanyi argues there will be a convergence of the individual social welfare functions in the society To sum up, the more complete our factual information and the ,more completely individualistic our ethics, the more the different individuals' social welfare functions will converge toward the same objective quality, namely the unweighted sum (or rather the unweighted,arithmetic mean) of all individual utilities This follows both from (either of two alternative sets of) ethical postulates based on commonly accepted individualistic, ethical value judgments and from the mere logical analysis of a social welfare function (Harsanyi, 1955, p 320) Harsanyi formally proves that if certain conditions are met an individual's social welfare function will converge with the social welfare functions of others in society equal to "the arithmetical mean of the utilities of all individuals in the society," thus the term average utilitarianism (Harsanyi, 1955, p 316) It is instructive to consider a point made by Sen (1968) about Harsanyi's emphasis on impersonality or the convergence of all social welfare functions on the mean of the utility functions in society The impersonality criterion is that an individual would choose the average social situation if he did not know what position he would have in the society and had an equal chance of occupying any position Following Sen, let there be two states of nature and two individuals : Welfare of 1 t Welfare of 2 State x t 1 t 0 State y 6 5


Given the impersonality criterion, an individual would be indifferent between choosing state x or state y because each has the expected average utility, '/2 But if someone values equality as such, then state y will clearly be preferred It would appear that in social choices we are interested not only in the mathematical expectation of welfare with impersonality, but also with the exact distribution of that welfare over individuals (Sen, 1968, p 143) In statistical terminology the concern stated by Sen is not only with the mean utility in a society but also with the variance in the distribution of utilities and, possibly, with other moments of the distribution as well Our concern is not just with the average social welfare function in the society on which the individual social welfare functions should converge, but also with the distribution of social welfare functions for different groups (or possibly individuals) in the society Up to now average utilitarianism has not incorporated postulates that would constrain these distributions Given social justice defined in terms of average utilitarianism, what objectives and experiences might a curriculum designer consider if the Tyler rationale and Bloom hierarchy were followed? Cognitively, students should learn Harsanyi's position Students should be able to state the premises, arguments, and conclusions including the key theorem that each individual ignorant of their status in society would choose the average utility function of society Students should also be able to interpret Harsanyi's argument for themselves and apply it in their society This means they should be able to state unambiguously their subjective preferences or utility functions and accurately estimate the mean utility function for society The first would require increased self-awareness and might be achieved through experiences such as value clarification and reflective inquiry Estimating the mean utility function for society is more involved Harsanyi notes that we have two indicators of the utility others attach to different situations : (1) their choices, and (2) their expressions of satisfaction or dissatisfaction as a result of each choice (Harsanyi, 1955, p 317) Students, then, should learn about the social choices of individuals and groups in society and the extent to which they are satisfied or dissatisfied with their choices Young men growing up in eastern Kentucky may choose to go down into the mines, but they also may not express satisfaction with that choice Some senior citizens retire to Arizona or Florida and appear to be quite satisfied ; others live close to subsistence levels and are very dissatisfied with their lot The disadvantaged, whether due to ethnicity, race, sex, religion, or handicap, often find certain choices foreclosed to them due to various forms of discrimination Students need information about situations like these They need actual information 6 6


about the status, expectations, and degree of satisfaction of others in order to estimate accurately a social welfare function At a more general level, following Harsanyi, students should have some knowledge of the psychological principles by which all individuals learn preferences Thus material about socialization, the inter-generational transmission of values, and the effects of peers on preferences should also be part of teaching social justice In this fashion students should learn something about the processes by which they and others learn their utility functions In order to learn about average utilitarianism and apply its ideas to themselves and their society students will necessarily attend and respond to its central ideas Attending and responding, of course, are low level affective objectives according to Bloom et al (1956) Commitment to social justice as average utilitarianism is a higher level affective outcome If students are committed to average utilitarianism, then they should be psychologically disposed to empathize with others in their society This suggests role reversal activities, reading the literature of other groups and of their experiences, and the inclusion of any experiences that would increase the connectedness between, students and others who do not share their situation in society Since the goal is to estimate the mean utility function in society and because average utilitarianism is not concerned with questions of social distribution, it is not necessary for students to empathize with individuals at the social extremes This relaxes the extent to which students should be able to empathize with others Since empathy is a rather elusive quality this less demanding requirement may have a realistic chance of being achieved JOHN RAWLS ON THE SOCIAL CONTRACT John Rawls' A Theory of Justice is a brilliant and complex attempt to develop a social contractual view of justice As noted by Rawls himself, utilitarianism, mainly in the writings of economists, has been the dominant school of thought on this subject in recent times What Rawls has attempted to do "is to generate and carry to a higher order of abstraction the traditional theory of the social contract as represented by Locke, Rousseau and Kant" (Rawls, 1971, p 11) Some -highlights of Rawls' argument will be discussed, but the position in its entirety goes far beyond our present purposes Since Rawls sets out to develop a theory of justice on the basis of a social contract, what do the members of Rawls' society contract among themselves? The contract concerns the selection of principles of justice that provides the basis upon which social institutions will be chosen These principles of justice are selected in the original position behind a veil of 6 7


ignorance where members of society are ignorant of their actual positions in that society The original position is understood as a purely hypothetical situation characterized so as to lead to a certain conception of justice Among the essential features of this situation is that no one knows his place in society, his class position or social status, nor does anyone know his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, his intelligence, strength and the like I shall even assume that parties do not know their conceptions of the good or their special psychological propensities The principles of justice are chosen behind a veil of ignorance (Rawls, 1971, p 12) The veil of ignorance is, of course, similar to but more demanding than Harsanyi's impersonality criterion Because everyone is treated equally and in ignorance of their actual status in the original position the principles of justice so chosen are fair Thus the origin of the term, justice as fairness Once in the original position, how does one go about selecting principles of justice? According to Rawls, one would choose two principles that are in effect a maximin solution to the problem of social justice The maximin rule tells us to rank alternatives by their worst possible outcomes : we are to adopt the alternative the worst outcome of which is superior to the worst outcomes of others (Rawls, 1971, pp 152-53) Because in the original position we have no idea of our position in society and no way to calculate the likelihood that we will end up with any given status or characteristics, it is, then, rational to base our choice of principles on the maximin principle The two principles of justice so chosen are : First Principle : Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberties for all Second Principle : Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both : (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity (Rawls, 1971, p 302) It is obvious that the two principles, unqualified, may lead to contradictory preferences Rawls offers some priority rules to solve these conflicts First, these principles are lexicographically ordered, the first principle must always be chosen and take precedence over the second Second, the second or difference principle, is prior to other parts of his system, such as the principle of maximum efficiency Together these principles combine to provide a general conception of justice 6 8


All social primary goods-liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the bases of self-respect-are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these goods is to the advantage of the least favored (Rawls, 1971, p 303) Assuming that this exceedingly brief summary sufficiently distinguishes Rawls' thought from that of Harsanyi, a word is in order concerning some of the criticisms that have been directed to Rawls Much has been made of his use of the maximin rule for choice under uncertainty in the original position Consider Sen's illustration of two situations x and y, and two individuals, A and B : Welfare of A t Welfare of B State x t 10 t 1 State y t 20 t 1 The maximin criterion is indifferent between situations x and y although state y is preferred under average utilitarianism This suggests that the maximin criterion is insensitive to certain distributional characteristics This is indeed the case Consider a second illustration of Sen's : The maximin rule leads us to choose y even though C is only made slightly better off and B is made much worse off In the first example the maximin criterion only led us to be indifferent between two situations with different average utilities ; in the latter case the maximin criterion leads us to choose the situation with the lowest average utility Our values about inequality cannot be adequately reflected in the maximin rule, because an exclusive concern with the well-being of the worstoff individual, or the worst-off group of individuals hides various other issues related to equality (Sen, 1970, p 139) Thus, Rawls behooves us to look at institutions which look out for the least advantaged while ignoring other aspects of the social distribution of goods 6 9 Welfare of A Welfare of B Welfare of C State x 100 80 60 State y 100 61 61


Given social justice as depicted by Rawls, what objectives and experiences might a curriculum designer choose following Tyler and Bloom? Cognitively, students should learn Rawls' position They should be able to describe the original position and the veil of ignorance and explain how this constitutes justice as fairness Students should be able to apply the principles of justice, especially the difference principle, in choosing among social institutions The more complicated objective, which has an affective component, involves developing the student's sense of justice Rawls works from an intuitive sense of justice in creating the original position and the veil of ignorance in constructing justice as fairness ; he begins with a notion of what is fair The task for the curriculum developer and teacher would be the reverse of this, working from justice as fairness to bringing the student's intuitive sense of justice in line with Rawls No experienced educator would consider this an easy task and it is not obvious what experiences except careful consideration of his arguments would be most productive along these lines The burden of providing factual information about individuals and groups in society is much less demanding with Rawls than with Harsanyi The focus in the present instance is with the least advantaged, therefore factual information should be provided about the least advantaged and social scientific explanations should be offered concerning processes leading to their deprivation It is through knowledge of this sort that students would apply justice as fairness in concrete situations It was noted that value clarification exercises were consistent with a study of average utilitarianism Value clarification would seem to have little place in teaching Rawls' theory of justice It simply does not matter what your utility function is The important values are specified in the principles of justice and it is the job of the educator to bring attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of students in line with them ROBERT NOZICK ON LIBERTARIANISM Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights) (Nozick, 1974, p ix) With this Robert Nozick sets out, in Anarchy, State and Utopia, to develop a political philosophy and view of social justice from a libertarian perspective The view of social justice promoted by Nozick is a form of distributive justice called entitlement theory If the world were wholly just the following principles would obtain : 1 A person who acquires a holding in accordance with the principle of justice in acquisition is entitled to that holding 7 0


2 A person who acquires a holding in accordance with the principle of justice in transfer, from someone else entitled to that holding, is entitled to that holding 3 No one is entitled to a holding except by (repeated) applications of 1 and 2 (Nozick, 1974, p 151) Because he is aware of injustice in acquisition, such as fraud, cheating, or stealing, an additional principle is put forth, the rectification of injustice in holdings When the rectification principle is in operation, one attempts to estimate what the distribution of holdings would be if the injustice had not occurred Nozick argues that a "current time-slice analysis" of the distribution of valuables or primary goods is excessively narrow and myopic, unlike Rawls who focuses on social institutions which would maximize the position of the least well off Nozick maintains that one cannot evaluate a distribution without knowing how things got that way Furthermore, if one chooses to maintain a given distribution, or minimum, as does Rawls, one is continuously forced to coerce individuals and limit their freedom of choice (Nozick, 1974, pp 153-66) Therefore, in order to determine whether a given distribution is just, one must look at how it came about ; one must look at its history Then the distribution, if justly conceived, should not be altered if such changes would violate the rights of any individual Arguments are frequently offered, such as those advanced by Rawls, attacking current distributions of goods and favoring various forms of equality or equality of opportunity Nozick does not find these compelling In the first place, he notes equality is hardly ever argued for, instead it is simply stated as the first postulate As for equality of opportunity, Nozick rejects the oft put forward analogy between life chances and a race We never start together and are not going for the same finish line Which seems oddly compatible with Harsanyi's assumption about the separate utility functions which each of us develop and carry with us Therefore, he argues, we cannot push some people back and others ahead to some imaginary starting line Furthermore, Nozick continues, consider some of the situations which are created when some of Rawls' arguments are taken seriously If the woman who later became my wife rejected another suitor (whom she otherwise would have married) for me, partially because (I leave aside my loveable nature) of my keen intelligence and good looks, neither of which did I earn, would the rejected less intelligent and less handsome suitor have a legitimate complaint about unfariness? Would my thus impeding the other suitor's winning the hand of fair lady justify taking some resources from others to pay for cosmetic surgery for him and special intellectual training, or to pay to develop in him 7 1


some sterling trait that I lack in order to equalize our chances of being chosen? . No such consequences follow (Against whom would the rejected suitor have a legitimate complaint? Against what?) (Nozick, 1974, p 237) The major objection Nozick raises against rights to equality of opportunity is that these "rights require a substructure of things and materials and actions ; and other people may have rights and entitlements over these" (Nozick, 1974, p 238) Needless to say Nozick's entitlement theory asserts a radically different view of social justice from either average utilitarianism or justice as fairness As brilliant as his attacks on Rawls and as engaging as his counterarguments are, Nozick's thought is probably the least developed of these three positions on social justice As Nozick claims about arguments for equality, his entitlement theory is more asserted than argued for The subject of justice in holdings consists of three major topics The first is the original acquisition of holdings, the appropriation of unheld things This includes the issues of how unheld things may come to be held, the process, or processes, by which unheld things may come to be held by these processes, the extent of what comes to be held by a particular process and so on We shall refer to the complicated truth about this topic, which we shall not formulate here, as the principle of justice in acquisition (Nozick, 1974, p 154 ; the latter emphasis added) Given Nozick's emphasis on the historical development or evolution of contemporary distributions, how can we evaluate the justice of current distributions if we have no theory of just acquisitions He does introduce the principle of rectification in holdings, but this is of little use if we do not know how to distinguish just from unjust holdings How is an injustice to be rectified if we have no framework from which to evaluate it? Entitlement theory does offer some guidelines to just social relations even though they may be incomplete It is interesting, for example, that Nozick and Rawls might advocate similar social policies in the name of justice but for different reasons Consider Rawls helping the least advantaged in society where the least advantaged ended up where they are through previous injustices which Nozick would rectify Black Ameicans and Native Americans might fit both conditions But several things are not clear about the principle of rectification How far into the past are we obligated to go in the search for injustices? Ten years? Fifty years? Two hundred years? Five hundred years? Against what standard are we to assess the injustices done to a group? How does one make the "best estimate of subjective information about what would have occurred . if the injustice had not taken place" (Nozick, 1974, pp 152-53) What calculus are we to use in assessing the consequences of these counterfactuals? 7 2


Given Nozick's discussion of entitlement theory and following Tyler and Bloom, what objectives and experiences would be selected in teaching social justice? Cognitively, students should be able to state the three key principles of entitlement theory Students should also be able to state criticisms of transfers that violate a person's rights and criticisms of arguments for equality and equality of opportunity Factual information and knowledge about historical developments is important in teaching applications of entitlement theory Students should be able to identify past injustices in acquisition on the basis of which current transfers might be made Of course this is a difficult matter How far back does one go? How does one calculate how much of current holdings are to be transferred according to the principle of rectification? Nevertheless, this is one way to social justice if transfers are involved Whereas Harsanyi and Rawls are interested with "current time-slice" estimates of one sort or another, Nozick has us look to the past It is likely that most of us can make some claim as a result of some past injustice of some sort, the question is how to evaluate these claims and weigh them against each other Students would become as moral philosophers looking at historical events This seems like a difficult task but it may be no more difficult than estimating the average utility function in society or estimating the minimum level of utilities on multiple dimensions It may be, however, that cognitive objectives are less important than affective outcomes in this case Affectively, students should develop a set of attitudes, beliefs, and dispositions that would include a strong sense of property rights, the inviolability of contracts, a disinclination to tamper with existing holdings or distributions, and a strong sense of individualism Some of these are attitudes ; others are an explicit commitment to a specific type of social order, one built on individual initiative and property It is not clear exactly what experiences would produce these attitudes, beliefs, and dispositions In fact, it seems easier to identify experiences that are not likely to lead to these outcomes For example, value clarification, role reversal activities, the development of empathy for others, the estimation of minimum or average utilities, and reflective inquiry, all would seem unrelated to this view of social justice What might be central is a social view that continually emphasizes the importance of the individual, individual initiative and rights, and the necessity to limit governmental activities to a minimum But this is more of an answer to a question than a guide for curriculum development One could possibly associate only positive sentiments with these positions and not provide an opportunity to explore alternative social arrangements 7 3


THE PLURALITY/EMERGENCE ASSUMPTION Before proceeding, a summary of the argument to this point might be useful Linear models of curriculum and course development, whose origins can be traced to Tyler, have been influential in recent thinking about curriculum theory But the utility of linear models depend upon clearly stated learning objectives which rest upon terminal behaviors Learning objectives themselves can be divided into terminal or enabling objectives The terminal behavior of a terminal objective must be a sufficient condition for attaining that objective But because an enabling objective is only instrumental to attaining a terminal objective, it is the only necessary condition for a terminal objective A distinction is now in order The distinction is between a sufficient condition for curriculum development and a sufficient condition for student learning In the case of curriculum, a sufficient condition refers to the development of materials and experiences which capture key characteristics of the subject being taught, one hesitates to say structure Materials and experiences are adjudged sufficient to the extent they reflect the substance, findings, dilemmas, and mode of thought and investigation of a field of study ; the relevant comparison is between the curriculum and the content area A sufficient condition with respect to student learnings is quite different Whether a condition is sufficient for learning to occur depends on a match between the student as an organism and the materials and experiences that are processed Therefore, a sufficient condition for the development of materials and experiences essentially resides in a correspondence between curriculum materials and experiences and the subject matter A sufficient condition for learning, however, is a complex, applied problem in educational research The discussion of social justice in the work of Harsanyi, Rawls, and Nozick was presented to determine whether terminal behavior could be stated which is a sufficient condition for attaining a learning objective about the substantive meaning of social justice It is possible to state what such a learning objective might be, for example, On the basis of reading, discussing, or analyzing positions on social justice, students will be able to describe and defend a just social or political system An acceptable level of performance is the description of a system against which no counter-examples based on the values of greatest average utility, equality, or personal rights can be offered It is not possible to meet this level of performance These standards may be significantly relaxed and they still could not be met because the subject does not permit it This does not mean that social justice should not be studied, it only means that linear models that would push in the direction of this 7 4


objective are not appropriate to teaching social justice They do not do justice, as it were, to the topic Necessary conditions for the study of social justice can be stated, however, such as, describe Harsanyi's social welfare function, state Rawls' two principles of justice, or list the three principles in Nozick's entitlement theory It is also relatively easy to specify process behaviors, compare and contrast Rawls' theory of justice with Nozick's entitlement theory But necessary conditions and process behaviors side-step terminal substantive questions of justice Some of the current controversy in curriculum theory is almost certainly caused by confounding necessary and sufficient conditions in learning objectives Those who advocate the use of learning objectives must assume that sufficient conditions for attaining a learning objective can be specified But Pinar (1975) and those he refers to as the reconceptualists seem to argue that sufficient conditions cannot always be stated, although their arguments are couched in different, continental philosophical traditions It is hard for these debates to be joined because the two groups make different initial assumptions, ask different questions, work from philosophical positions that are quite removed from one another, and their questions admit radically different answers If the previous arguments are correct, then the simpler distinction between necessary and sufficient conditions for attaining a learning objective should explain to some degree (1) the widespread influence of linear curriculum models and major criticisms of them, and (2) the meta-theoretical interests of the reconceptualists Now it is time to return to our other major theme, social justice, and relate it to what has just been argued about curriculum theory If it is not possible to state sufficient conditions for attaining substantive social justice terminal learning objectives, then an additional curricular assumption must be made The Plurality/Emergence assumption is offered to increase the fit between an approach to curriculum design and the teaching of social justice, a fit that is lacking when linear models are considered The Plurality/Emergence Assumption : Given : (i) subject matter which focuses on questions of social value, (ii) lack of agreement on terminal behaviors, (iii) desire to avoid authoritarian advocacy of values, then a curriculum developer should explicitly present multiple value positions in materials and experiences and some subset of objectives and outcomes should emerge in classroom analysis and discussion Conditions (i) and (ii) reflect the nature of scholarly thinking about social justice that has already been described Condition (iii) originates from two sources First, it, like conditions (i) and (ii), corresponds to patterns of thought in the field of ethical philosophy itself Conceptions of social 7 5


justice, it has been shown, develop gradually from intuitive beginnings, are refined by example and counter-example, and are assessed against other points of view There is no clearly superior position although some conceptualizations may come out better than others on certain dimensions such as internal consistency, breadth of application, and so forth Therefore, condition (iii) parallels thought in this area itself The second argument for condition (iii) relates to broader social considerations This essay is written for education in open and pluralistic societies Questions of values are continuously being raised and resolved in innumerable settings Therefore, it is not appropriate to let curriculum developers arbitrarily explicate a narrow range of values to the exclusion of others In closed, totalitarian societies condition (iii) would not be acceptable, in fact it is almost certain to be unacceptable to both rightand left-wing authoritarians in open societies Objectives, experiences, and evaluations are emergent to the extent that students, teachers, and others are allowed to participate in their generation This is the only way to satisfy condition (iii) and the subject matter dictates of conditions (i) and (ii) Conversely, if the curriculum developer chooses authoritatively to dictate which values will be included in materials and experiences, then linear models can be followed straight off even though the subject matter content would be seriously distorted in the process The Plurality/Emergence assumption, in combination with Tyler's scheme, does not guarantee that a complete set of necessary and sufficient conditions are now satisfied but at least the matter of sufficiency has been addressed What is needed is a meta-theory of sufficient conditions for curriculum development so that one will recognize a set of sufficient conditions when they have been formulated Substantively, the Plurality/Emergence assumption has a number of general and specific implications for the teaching of social justice and values At a general level curriculum development can no longer be viewed as an activity remote from the classroom The sense of authority conferred on curriculum developers that is fostered by the physical, social, and intellectual distance between curriculum developers and students will be undermined by the Plurality/Emergence assumption Curriculum developments will now be encouraged in the classroom Secondly, with respect to matters of social value, the educational process can no longer be viewed as a set of linear, recursive activities going from the developer to the teacher to the student Henceforth, when deviations are made from models such as Tyler's model for certain kinds of materials students will be encouraged to differentiate among types of content For example, geographical information cannot be viewed in the same way as questions of value Specific implications of the Plurality/Emergence assumption for social justice include three kinds of interaction effects As objectives and 7 6


outcomes emerge in classroom discussions of social justice there will be interactions among : (1) social class, ethnic, racial, and sexual characteristics of students and their views on social justice ; (2) contemporary, social issues and what is said about _social values ; and (3) an interaction of the characteristics of (1) and the issues of (2) It is not empirically possible to consider questions of value behind a "veil of ignorance," even though Rawls posits this as a condition for fairness Student reaction to issues of social justice will obviously be conditioned and influenced by norms and values they have previously internalized and accepted Questions of entitlements and redistribution of goods will likewise produce reactions and comments that are context related Current social issues whether they are about matters of equality of opportunity, educational programs for the disadvantaged, or efforts to limit tax increases will channel and influence classroom discussions CLASSROOM DISCOURSE AS CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT With the addition of the Plurality/Emergence assumption, the Tyler scheme has been extended to include objectives and outcomes that emerge from classroom discussion Another way of conceptualizing this is to think of classroom discourse as curriculum development A discourse is not just a, discussion or series of discussions, but a series of discussions that involves a long, reasoned, reflective treatment of a subject This transcends the notion of simply discussing the pros and cons of an issue Discussions are confined to class periods or segments thereof but a discourse -continues and is re-engaged at later times and extended to other topics Because a classroom discussion can be defined and constrained its outcomes can be evaluated in a rather straightforward manner But a classroom discourse about social justice poses problems which the use of such well-known devices as terminal behaviors, tests, and criterion standards beg, at least with respect to emergent objectives, experiences, and evaluations How does one evaluate a discourse on social justice and value? Evaluations cannot be made without measurements All measurements are based on some underlying measurement model which in turn is based on a meta-theory which includes a conceptualization of what constitutes an appropriate measure To provide for a complete evaluation of discourse about social justice one needs, in descending order of generality : (1) a metatheory of reasoned discourse about social justice, (2) an appropriate measurement model(s), and (3) measurement instruments This is a tall order and its inherent complexity and attendant problems may be one factor in turning curriculum theorists and developers from the consideration of sufficient conditions To spell out features of the latter two steps goes beyond the curricular focus of this essay but a consideration of a metatheory of discourse about social justice is central to it ., 7 7


Toulmin (1950) argues that one engages in moral reasoning in either of two ways First, one may seek to justify a particular pattern of action by showing that it belongs to a class of actions that is subsumed under an acceptable moral rule or principle For example, one might show that Headstart programs for the educationally disadvantaged belong to a class of actions which are subsumed under Rawls' difference principle, that "social and economic institutions' inequalities are to be arranged so that they are . to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged ." Toulmin's second form of moral reasoning explores whether the consequences of accepting a rule or principle are compatible with the ultimate function of ethics, the harmonization of interests The last point, the harmonization of interests as the ultimate function of ethics, is quite controversial We offer an alternative, the consequences of particular actions should be consistent with other well developed ideas about social justice or well-reasoned exceptions should be provided Hare (1963) states that a moral principle is to be rejected if its deduced consequences are unacceptable Whether the outcome is acceptable is determined by the degree to which it conforms to our ideas about justice, fairness, and so on Thus moral reasoning for Hare is not a strictly linear, deductive process Instead, it involves a continual assessment of the outcome of a situation, the "facts of the matter," against different notions of what is just Moral reasoning is not like the proofs of formal logic or even scientific reasoning It is obvious that a search for a first principle of justice is doomed to fail because it would lead to an infinite regress One might always ask for a justification of the last principle upon which people agree This distinguishing characteristic of the research for principles of social justice requires that the Plurality/Emergence assumption, or something like it, be added to the Tyler model It is important to identify the general nature of the logic of ethical reasoning What we encounter is a circular investigation from a general principle to the policies and outcomes it subsumes and then to an assessment of these policies and outcomes against other principles There is a circularity here but it need not be a trivial tautology nor a vicious circularity Since a search for first principles seems to be ultimately unproductive we are left with intuitive ideas about justice and fairness as a starting place Information, knowledge, and logic are then used to develop these ideas which in turn must withstand the criticism of counter-examples and alternative conceptions The movement is continually between principles and outcomes The logic is not as well formulated as that of deductive proofs nor as free of general principles as induction by enumeration But any discourse on social justice and values, whether in the classroom or elsewhere, should also follow this pattern if it is to be true to the nature of the subject 7 8


Toulmin and Hare are concerned, for the most part, with meta-ethics, how ethical arguments should be put together, and not with ethics, which arguments are ethically correct, although Toulmin does slide into ethics when harmonization of interests, is advocated These approaches can be used to guide classroom discourse about social justice But more than an appreciation of meta-ethics is needed to evaluate classroom discourse, a rigorous view of discourse itself is needed How can we tell if a discourse on any subject is progressive and useful or degenerative These considerations should include germaneness of content, reflective use of examples and counter-examples, application of the rules of logic, reliance on accurate, factual information, use of corroborated explanations of social behavior, and so on But one should not be misled into thinking that a meta-ethic or a critical view of discourse provide a neutral vantage point from which to view the world The considerations just outlined may not 'contain the specific commitments of the normative -theories of Harsanyi, Rawls, or Nozick, but they do contain 'commitments 'to rationality, science, and a reliance upon the consideration of alternative, intuitive meanings of justice and fairness What we have then is a characterization of positive discourse and a meta-ethic of moral argument CLASSROOM DISCOURSE : AN OVERVIEW Given the fluid nature of discourse, how might it proceed and be evaluated? Following the presentation of basic ideas concerning social justice, a student and teacher may disagree about the "justice" of the graduated income tax One agrees with Nozick's libertarian view that one is entitled to keep what one earns or at the very least all should contribute an equal percentage of income to the government and that transfer payments through welfare should be drastically reduced The other agrees with Rawls that "just" social institutions should be designed with the welfare of the least advantaged in mind Not only should the graduated income tax and welfare transfers be maintained they should be increased to equalize further the distribution of wealth and its correlates How might this be evaluated? In the Tyler and Bloom traditions one might be satisfied to determine if the students can : (1) state Rawls' and Nozick's arguments, (2) state major criticisms and rebuttals of each, (3) identify social institutions and arrangements which exhibit these characteristics, and (4) suggest changes in existing institutions to make them conform to either position One might reasonably ask if these same objectives would be appropriate if Hitler's Mein Kampf were being studied The point is that the technology and metaethic of the Tyler formulation is blind to questions of substance and value This type of evaluation makes two clearly political commitments The first implication is an implicit acceptance of things-as-they-are, the status quo of 7 9


social institutions The second bias is the endorsement of ethical relativism, a perversion of liberalism that one opinion is as good as another The curriculum developer as technologist makes both of these commitments "But," one may respond, "we can simply restrict the values and positions that will be considered in the materials ." This response, however, fails to satisfy condition (iii) of the Pluralist/Emergence assumption and would reject those arguments in support of it If one were to use the characteristics of positive discourse and the metaethical ideas of Toulmin and Hare to evaluate the classroom discussion outlined above, one would ultimately ask quite different questions from Tyler/Bloom type First, it should be noted one would be interested in the quality of the discussion as a discussion before considering the ethical issues as such Are the necessary conditions for a consideration of social justice met? The quality of the discussion could be evaluated in the Tyler and Bloom manner suggested above Are the positions accurately stated? Are the facts describing the policies accurate and complete? Are the arguments logical and complete? Has attention been reflectively given to supporting examples and challenging counter-examples? But these only address the necessary conditions for a discussion of social justice and in themselves contain inappropriate political commitments for the study of social justice in an open, pluralistic society Following the evaluation of the discussion as a discussion one can use meta-ethical notions from Toulmin and Hare, among others, to evaluate the nature of the ethical argument Substantively one wants to know to what class of social policies does the graduated income tax belong and what principle(s) subsume these policies With which alternative conceptions of social justice are the consequences of the graduated income tax consistent? Would alternative taxation policies be more congruent with a particular view of social justice? What are the major alternatives with respect to taxation policy and which principles subsume each? Which principles support welfare transfer payments and what is their congruence with principles behind alternative taxation plans? Two observations are in order First, the answers to these questions are not necessarily determinate, therefore, an evaluation relying solely on behavioral objectives would be misguided Second, these questions are not value free Just as meta-ethical implications of the Tyler scheme contain certain political values, the meta-ethic behind these questions also contain value commitments But this meta-ethic is more appropriate to the study of social justice than is Tyler's because it comes from the study of ethical philosophy itself In curriculum development there is not a single meta-theory appropriate for all areas, but that is what the Tyler rationale implies 8 0


CONCLUSION The study of social justice requires, having accepted the Plurality/ Emergence assumption, the capacity to let unanticipated objectives and outcomes emerge as discourse continues along with a critical view of discourse and a meta-ethic which-allows one to evaluate the discourse Such a meta-ethic cannot be neutral but it need not be narrowly or unreflectively biased What we are left with is the notion of teachers and students as social philosophers with the freedom, ability, and inclination to think rationally and reflectively about social justice Linear curriculum models can capture some of the things philosophers do and think but if we are to avoid narrow social and political authoritarianism we must use them as a beginning and not the end of curriculum theory and development, concerning questions of social value A final comment is in order A linear approach ,to curriculum when matched against problems and issues in teaching social justice has been found to be lacking It fell short because the model did not conform to the subject matter For this reason the Plurality/Emergence assumption was put forward It was also argued that linear models only suggest necessary conditions for developing curriculum The addition of the Plurality/ Emergence assumption changed the meta-ethical base making it more appropriate for the study of social justice What is implied by this argument is that different models of curriculum development are -appropriate for different subject matters and that additional assumptions resting on different meta-theories or meta-ethics may be appropriate for different tasks Curriculum models should be complementary to the subject matter at some meta-level The search for additional assumptions is a philosophical, epistemological endeavor that is required if curriculum theorists are to continue the successful specification of sufficient conditions necessary for curriculum development REFERENCES Bloom, Benjamin S et al ., Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, The Classification of Educational Objectives, Handbook I € Cognitive Domain (New York : David McKay Co ., Inc ., 1956) Bloom, Benjamin S et al ., Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, The Classification of Educational Objectives, Handbook II : Affective Domain (New York : David McKay Co ., Inc ; 1956) Davis, Robert, Lawrence Alexander and Stephen Yelon, Learning System Design (New York : McGraw-Hill Book Co ., 1974) 8 1


Gillespie, Judith and John Patrick, Comparing Political Experiences (Washington, D .C : The American Political Science Association, 1974) Hare, Rom M ., Freedom and Reason (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1963) Harsanyi, John C ., "Cardinal Utility in Welfare Economics and in the Theory of Risk-Taking," Journal of Political Economy 61 (October, 1953), 434-35 Harsanyi, John C ., "Cardinal Welfare, Individualistic Ethics, and Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility," Journal of Political Economy 63 (August, 1955, 309-21) Harsanyi, John C ., "Can the Maximin Principle Serve as a Basis for Morality? A Critique of John Rawls' Theory," The American Political Science Review 69 (June, 1975), 594-606 Mager, Robert, Preparing Instructional Objectives (Palo Alto : Fearon Publishers, Inc ., 1962) Melton, Reginald, "Resolutions of Conflicting Claims Concerning the Effect of Behavioral Objectives on Student Learning," Review of Educational Research 48 (Spring, 1978, 291-302) Morrissett, Irving, W .W Stevens, Jr and Celeste P Woodley, "A Model for Analyzing Curriculum Materials and Classroom Transactions," in D Fraser (ed .), Social Studies Curriculum Development : Prospects and Problems (Washington, D .C : The National Council for the Social Studies, 1969) Nozick, Robert, Anarchy, State and Utopia (New York : Basic Books, 1974) Pinar, William (ed .), Curriculum Theorizing : The Reconceptualists (Berkeley : McCutchan Publishing Co ., 1975) Popham, W James and Eva L Baker, Systematic Instruction (Englewood Cliffs, N .J : Prentice-Hall, 1970) Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University Press, 1971) Salmon, Wesley C ., Logic (Englewood Cliffs, N .J : Prentice-Hall, Inc ., 1973) Sen, Amartya K ., Collective Choice and Social Welfare (San Francisco : Holden-Day, Inc ., 1970) Toulmin, Stephen, An Examination of the Place of Reason in Ethics (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1950) Tyler, Ralph, Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1950) Urmson, "Utilitarianism : The Philosophy," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences : Volume 16 (New York : The Macmillan Company and The Free Press, 1968), pp 224-228 8 2


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