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Theory and Research in Social Education Volume 8 t Number 4 t Winter 1981


Theory and Research in Social Education Volume 8 t Number 4 t Winter 1981 TRSE is the official journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Published quarterly, it is a general review open to all social educators, social scientists, historians and philosophers A general statement of purpose, and submission, subscription and advertising information may be found at the end of the journal € 1981 by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies All rights reserved i


Editor : Thomas S Popkewitz, University of Wisconsin-Madison Associate Editor : B Robert Tabachnick, University of Wisconsin-Madison Editorial Assistant : Paula M Bozoian, University of Wisconsin-Madison Accounts Executive : Donna Schleicher Book Review Editor : Jack Nelson, Rutgers State UniversityNew Brunswick Editorial Board : James Akenson Tennessee Tech University Beverly Armento Georgia State University Millard Clements New York University Catherine Cornbleth University of Pittsburgh Lee H Ehman Indiana University Carole L Hahn Emory University Robin McKeown University of California Murry Nelson Penn State University Richard F Newton Temple University Paul Robinson t ;, University of Arizona JoAnn Sweeney University of Texas Gary Wehlage University of Wisconsin-Madison Jane White University of Maryland-Baltimore County Foreign Consultant to Journal : Geoff Whitty University of Bath, England ii The College and University Faculty Assembly Executive Committee 1980-81 Chairperson : Beverly Armento Georgia State University Secretary : Allen Glenn University of Minnesota Treasurer € Murry Nelson Pennsylvania State University 1981 Program Co-Chairs : Jean Fair Wayne State University Tom Switzer University of Michigan Richard Diem University of Texas-San Antonio Janet Eyler Vanderbilt University Lynda Carl Falkenstein Portland State University Sharon Pray Muir Oklahoma State University John Napier University of Georgia Ann Stoddard University of North Florida Officers of the National Council for the Social Studies, 1980-81 President : Theodore Kaltsounis University of Washington President-Elect : James A Banks University of Washington Vice President : Carole Hahn Emory University


5 31 Contents Articles 1 Teacher Education Policy in Contemporary China : The Socio Political Context Jan L Tucker Education may well be the highest form of politics in the People's Republic of China (PRC) Given the vicissitudes of political life in the PRC, it is useful to learn how this social-political context has influenced policy development in teacher education, the quintessence of the education system in China The current goal of China is to modernize by the year 2000 With the 220 million Chinese students in school, in a nation that in 1949 was predominately illiterate, the responsibilities placed on teacher education and teacher educators are enormous The challenges and the opportunities of teacher education in the PRC reflect the dynamic and uncertain nature of Chinese political life itself Program Presentations and Journal Publications as Indications of Productivity in Social Studies Education Jack R Fraenkel Contributions to NCSS programs can be considered as one indication of the quantity of research and development in social studies education The institutional affiliations of different contributors to NCSS programs for the years 1975-1979 were compiled and compared, and then ranked in order of institutional productivity Contributions were analyzed in terms of quantity, consistency over time, increase in productivity over time, and evenness of distribution across and within groups Results indicate that a considerable amount of research and development in social studies education, as judged by such contributions, is occurring in the United States, but is not evenly distributed throughout the country, nor across or within different categories of institutions Furthermore, institutions which rank high in contributions to NCSS programs do not, as a rule, rank high in contributions to AERA programs, but they do rank high when other sorts of criteria are used to define productivity in social studies education Children's Sex-Role Knowledge and Behavior : An Ethnographic Study of First Graders in the Rural South Judith Preissle Goetz This ethnographic report examines the extent to which two classrooms of rural southern first graders shared common sex-role beliefs within an institutional setting that emphasized conflicting gender-specific expectations : traditional and egalitarian Data collected suggest that (a) the children shared certain expectations and attitudes typical of the traditional sex-role system in the United States ; (b) the children were tolerant of and, in some cases, supportive of cross-sex typed behaviors ; (c) the children applied their knowledge of traditional sex-role norms to their expectations of adults ; and (d) the boys and girls in these groups drew from the range of behaviors masculine, feminine, and neutral with few restrictions by gender indentity ill


55 t The Radical Reconstructionist Rationale for Social Education William B Stanley This is the first of two articles dealing with the reconstructionist rationale for social education The first article examines the development of the most "radical" reconstructionist proposals as they emerged in the writing of George Counts and Theodore Brameld This includes an examination of the reconstructionist criticisms of progressive education, and their views on ideology and indoctrination as they relate to social education The second article examines several dominant rationales for social education and compares and contrasts them with the reconstructionist rationale The discussion focuses on the relevance of radical reconstructionism and the extent to which it is reflected in modern social education Reaction/Response 81 A Reaction to "Why Schools Abandon New Social Studies Materials" Dianne L Common 89 Response to Common Gerald W Marker 95 Announcements iv


Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 1-13 €by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Teacher Education Policy in Contemporary China : The Socio-Political Context Jan L Tucker Florida International University The purpose of this paper is to examine teacher education policy development in The People's Republic of China (PRC) in the light of the changes in China's national goals following the death of Mao Tse-tung in 1976 There are at least three reasons why it is useful for teacher educators and social scientists to know about teacher education policy in contemporary China : first, the sheer size of the education enterprise in a nation with one-quarter of the world's population ; second, the influence of the PRC as a model among developing nations ; and third, the close relationship between politics and education in China In the PRC today, there are approximately 220 million primary, middle (secondary), and university students (NBC, 1979) The Chinese student population is almost 6 percent of the population of the world and is the approximate equivalent of the total population in the United States The magnitude of this enterprise causes us to be curious about education in the PRC, especially in light of the fact there is universal primary education in a nation that was 70-80 percent illiterate in 1949 (Pepper, 1978, p 847) The impact of Chinese teacher education policy during the Post-Mao era will be felt elsewhere as the Chinese strive to achieve their goal of modernization by the year 2000 Chinese education has a significant influence on developing nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America Abrupt shifts in educational policy in China, as happened following Mao Tse-tung's death, reverberate around the world 1


In China there is an especially close relationship between politics and education Politics in China is education, and education is politics If education may be considered the essence of understanding contemporary China, teacher education is the quintessence An understanding of teacher education in China is a bridge toward understanding the larger framework of Chinese life Conversely, it is necessary to know something of the social, economic, and political dimensions of China in order to understand teacher education In reading the following pages, it may be useful to think in human as well as in institutional terms For instance, what might it be like to be a teacher educator in the world's most populous nation where education has expanded at such an unprecedented rate? Where rapid ideological shifts have created changes in education? Where teacher educators have been cut off from much of the world for thirty years? Where the nature of education has a ripple effect far beyond China itself? And, where the national goal of modernization within two decades places great responsibilities and expectations upon teachers and teacher educators? In October 1978, the author spent seventeen days in The People's Republic of China as a member of a Friendship Tour sponsored by the United States-China Peoples Friendship Association The group had an opportunity to visit many formal educational institutions including preschools, kindergartens, primary and middle schools, children's palaces, and universities Our itinerary took us to major urban centers such as Beijing (Peking), Jinan (Tsinan), Quingdao (Tsingtao), Shanghai, and Guangzhou (Canton) Thus, with the exception of a primary school located in a production brigade on the outskirts of Jinan (Tsinan), all first-hand impressions were taken from education as it exists in urban China The Chinese will readily admit that education in urban China is superior at the present time to that found in the rural areas In terms of teacher education, the most useful experiences were visits to Middle School #16 in Quingdao (Tsingtao) and to Shanghai Teachers University (formerly called East China Normal University) *Generally, primary and junior middle school teachers graduate from normal schools which have a three-year curriculum Middle school teachers, on the other hand, are trained at normal universities with a four-year curriculum In 1965, there were nine such normal universities in China (Barendsen, 1973, p 52) By 1979, the Chinese had announced an expansion program for normal universities during the next three to five years (Ministry of Education, PRC, 1979) An extensive discussion at Beijing University was also very productive, even though the University is not considered to be a teacher education institution Additionally, one of our national guide-interpreters was a 1971 graduate of Beijing University, and our two local guides in Shanghai were both recent graduates of the English education program at Shanghai Teachers University Many useful insights were gained from them 2


At best, data collection on education in China is a severe problem There is a lack of written primary material available in either English or Chinese Rapid changes in China's national goals have created a time lag in the production of new materials and in the collection of data Consequently, face-to-face discussions and on-the-scene visits, although inadequate, are more important research procedures in China than in a more affluent or less dynamic society An additional problem is that some of the secondary reports from English language journals may distort certain data in order to discredit or to support a certain regime or a particular current national goal First hand observations are useful as a validity check on these secondary accounts Despite these short-comings, the combination of existing sources permits a sufficient public record regarding education policy in the PRC to gain useful insights into the impact of national goals in teacher education policy Teacher Education in China During the Cultural Revolution The period of Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) highlighted the fact that the function of education in the PRC is to serve the national goals and political-economic ideology that underpins the government While this interlocking relationship between education and national goals is implicit in every national political system, it is explicit and especially significant in China Since the founding of the PRC in 1949, the continuing ideological struggle between those who support the "red" line of socialist awareness and those who favor the "expert" line of national development has had a direct impact upon teacher education During periods when the "red" line of politics has been ascendant, formal teacher education as we know it in the United States has been de-emphasized in favor of more informal, action-oriented, political forms of training A major goal of the Cultural Revolution was to change the education system so that it would support a proletarian mass line favoring the poor and lower-middle peasants Teachers in China were asked to give up their conventional beliefs about education and adopt revolutionary attitudes and behaviors These new factors included : 1) devoting more attention to productive labor, less to academics ; 2) relaxing standards or sequential mastery of a subject, and giving more attention to real problems in the nation and local community ; 3) favoring ideological correctness over knowledge of content and pedagogical skills ; and 4) viewing the schools as only one educational institution, and maybe not even the most important one (Chen, 1978, p 73) Obviously, teachers were being asked to make great changes in their outlook Mao professed that in changing schools to serve better the purposes of the revolution, teachers had often been the main problem because their world outlook was based upon bourgeois ideology During the 3


Cultural Revolution, teachers were seen as obstacles and were a revisionist force to be overcome The harsh philosophy of the Cultural Revolution toward teachers is aptly expressed in the program for primary and secondary schools drafted in 1969 by the Revolutionary Committee of Lishu County, Jilin (Kirin) Province and widely circulated throughout China It read : Conscientously purify and strengthen the ranks of teachers in accordance with Chairman Mao's policy of uniting with educating and remoulding intellectuals Encourage the present teachers to serve the poor and lower-middlle peasants Clear out class enemies who sneaked into the ranks of the teachers, recommend poor and lower-middle peasants, demobilized soldiers, and educated young people having been tempered in manual labor for a certain period, who hold aloft the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung thought and are qualified to teach The appointment and dismissal of teachers should be discussed by the poor and lower-middle peasants, proposed by the revolutionary committee of the production brigade for endorsement by the revolutionary committee of the commune, and reporting to the revolutionary committee of the county (Hu and Seifman, 1976, p 233) The task of changing the schools was so important that the government decided to close them Universities and many middle schools shut their doors Millions of students traveled throughout the nation to visit and work in the communes and in the factories to learn from the peasants and the workers in order to refuel the ebbing vitality of the Revolution The Cultural Revolution was violent Many of the students battled, bullied, and destroyed Life throughout China was seriously disrupted Vital services were cut off Hunger raised its ugly head again in some provinces Formal education, including teacher education, came to a halt By the end of the 1960s, middle schools had reopened and many universities were again admitting students But education had indeed changed Schools were now being governed by a combination of peasants, workers, and soldiers Control of education had shifted from professionals to the people Workers, peasants, and soldiers became teachers in the schools and served as supervisors in the productive labor experiences ; former teachers were retrained Teacher Retraining During the Cultural Revolution A significant aspect of the Cultural Revolution was the attempt to retrain teachers completely in order to meet the needs of proletarian education The emphasis of teacher training shifted from subject matter and pedagogy to political ideology and social action The location of teacher training shifted from the existing normal universities to newly-created settings such as the May 7 Cadre Schools 4


The May 7 Cadre Schools (based on a famous directive by Mao Tsetung to Lin Piao issued on May 7, 1966) were organized to retrain professional cadres of all types along the lines of proletarian, revolutionary education combining ideological training with productive labor For example, the head of an agricultural bureau would become temporarily a pig-breeder ; the former secretary of the city Party Committee, a carpenter ; a department head, a cart driver ; an interpreter, a gandy dancer on a new railroad in Inner Mongolia ; a county head, a cook ; and a teacher, a brick layer (Hu and Seifman, 1976, p 283) Classroom teachers were rotated to the May 7 Cadre Schools from their regular jobs While at the Cadre School, they received their regular wages and other benefits The term was usually about six months, but could last two or three years Participants generally worked one-half of the day doing physical labor in the fields or in small workshops with the second half devoted to political study (Byrnside, 1977, p 7) The chairman of the revolutionary committee of one May 7 Cadre School outside Beijing described most of the students as "three-door cadres" : They came out of the family door into the school door, and thence into the office door They look down on physical labour at first When they come here they have to use a hoe, carry manure and stones ; they are faced with dirt and laborious work Through study and physical labor they learn that physical labour is the most glorious thing, because it has created everything (Mauger, 1974, p 72) Teaching in primary and middle-schools was redesigned to emphasize proletarian ideology and to combine theory with practice Teachers were required to develop teaching materials which drew upon local examples Teachers were to learn from students as well as students from teachers Part-time teachers were employed to emphasize the practical apsects of education Teachers and students were expected to undertake self-study and discussion, and "to use Mao Tse-tung thought to distinguish fragant flowers from poisonous weeds" (Hu and Seifman, 1976, p 235) In summary, the rights of the teacher were downplayed during the Cultural Revolution while the rights of the student were emphasized Teachers were on the receiving end of Mao's May 7th pointed directive that students "should also criticize the bourgeoisie . education should be revolutionzed, and the domination of our schools by bourgeois intellectuals should not be allowed to continue" (Hu and Seifman, 1976, p 201) Teacher education was taken from the universities and placed in the hands of revolutionary committee consisting of workers, peasants, and soldiers The primary characteristic of a good teacher became mastery of Mao Tse-tung's thought 5


Impact of the Cultural Revolution Upon Teachers The author was told by one of the teacher educators in Shanghai Teachers University that "it was a shame to be a teacher during the Cultural Revolution" (Ming, 1978) He meant that teachers had been uprooted from their schools and homes to work in factories and on communes, that they often been villified by students and revolutionary committees as "stinking bourgeois intellectuals," that some had been subjected to physical punishment, and that teachers had been stripped of their status The ultimate allegation was that the "contradiction between students and teachers was a contradiction between marxism and revisionism" (Beijing Review, September 22, 1978, p 18) The Cultural Revolution was characterized by vascillation in educational policy These rapid changes caused confusion For example, since no one knew for certain the party line at a given moment, creative teaching techniques favored in the context of one line were in disfavor in another line (Pepper, 1978, p 860) Rapid changes bred cynicism The Cultural Revolution stripped teachers of their perceived societal responsibility to convey to students their knowledge of the subject matter Instead, national goals were to be fulfilled through nontraditional education that de-emphasized academics and rewarded practice and political action By and large, teachers were not suited by training or temperament for the switch from classroom settings to work projects in the community even though they might agree with the ultimate purpose Pushed aside by changing priorities, classroom teachers no longer felt like vital, contributing members of the system Under the circumstances, most teachers tended to self-censor their attitudes and behaviors Many despaired Post-Mao Modernization and Teacher Education Modernization by the year 2000 is China's current national goal China is trying to "take advantage of every second, every minute to race to the year 2000 ." "Red" is being downgraded ; "expert" is being upgraded The May 7 Cadre Schools have been closed Teacher training in university settings has once again become a priority (Notes from the National Committee for U .S China Relations, Summer/Fall 1978, p 4) The traditionally important role and high status of teachers are being emphasized Recognizing the demoralization of teachers caused by the Cultural Revolution and the importance of teachers in the modernization of China, Vice Premier Deng Xiao-ping (Tseng Hisao-ping), at the National Educational Work Conference held in Spring 1978, urged : Great efforts must be made in the schools to improve teaching, strengthen revolutionary order and discipline and bring up a new generation with socialist consciousness We must respect the work of the teachers, and encourage an atmosphere of respect for teachers 6


and love for students which benefit both ("Who Are the Masters . t .?" 1978, pp 18-19) This conciliatory attitude of "respecting teachers" is a far cry from the epithet of "stinking bourgeois intellectuals" used against teachers during the Cultural Revolution Practical changes have been instituted Teacher salaries have increased and efforts are underway, for additional raises For instance, salaries of the faculty of Shanghai Teachers University ranged from 60 to 300 yuan per month ($36 to $180 American dollars equivalent) Professors and teachers are among the highest paid jobs in China today A twelve-point wage scale has been implemented in schools and universities, while the old eight-point scale is still being used in factories Academic ranks have been restored in universities, giving renewed status to those trained during the pre-Cultural Revolution period Education is viewed by the current leadership as vital to the successful modernization of China As Lawrence Cremin remarked after a visit to China in the spring of 1978, "What became clear to us as we talked with teachers and policy makers is that the four modernizations . namely agriculture, industry, defense, and science clearly imply a fifth : education" (Notes from the National Committee for U .S China Relations, Summer/Fall 1978, p .4) Teacher Education Programs Today Schools and universities, some greatly damaged during the Cultural Revolution and only recently reopened, are reorganizing to emphasize academics and research Chinese educators readily admit to serious problems in reviving teacher education Teaching techinques are out-dated and there is a great temptation to revert to pre-Cultural Revolution, even pre-1949 models Research is lacking, having been put aside for a decade The faculty are timorous, harboring unpleasant memories of the Cultural Revolution and not knowing which way the political wind will blow tomorrow Despite these problems, plans are underway to expand quickly both the quality and the quantity of teacher education ("Educating the Younger Generation . ." 1980, p 16) Severe teacher shortages exist in some subject areas, especially in foreign languages, science, and mathematics For primary and middle schools, pre-service education is being given greater priority than in-service teaching, although there is a major effort underway to improve in-service education through correspondence courses, radio and television training programs Some universities have developed refresher courses for experienced teachers who have access to the university In 1978, Peking University, although not a teacher training university, enrolled some 700 teachers from Peking middle schools in subject-matter refresher courses Shanghai Teachers University : One Example Founded in 1951, Shanghai Teachers University, was formerly called East China Normal University In October 1978, Shanghai Teachers University had 4,200 7


students enrolled in programs for teaching in middle schools Also enrolled were 200 post-graduates, akin to graduate students in American universities, who teach some undergraduate courses and engage in research while taking advanced courses In addition, thirty experienced teachers were taking refresher courses on campus There were 100 on the staff The library, established in 1951, contained 1,360,000 volumes including 1,500 periodicals and 1,400 foreign newspapers from thirty-nine different nations including the United Nations Important American journals such as Phi Delta Kappan, The School Review, the Harvard Educational Review, and Educational Leadership were in the reading room (Tucker, 1978) Teachers at Shanghai Teachers University are being trained in twelve programs : politics, geography, Chinese language, biology, chemistry, physics, mathematics, and foreign language programs in English, Japanese, French, German and Russian In addition, the University has three research units : Chinese coast and estuaries, foreign education (which may account for the extensive collection of foreign periodicals and newspapers), and foreign geography Recruitment and Selection of Teacher Trainees The recruitment and selection of teacher trainees is an important area of policy in teacher education in China In the United States, less attention is given to the recruitment and selection of candidates for teacher education programs and more attention is given to the curriculum and the methodology During the Cultural Revolution, two years of post-middle school work experience was a requirement for admission By contrast, in universities throughout China today, approximately one-third of the students come directly from middle schools The remainder, as before, come from farm, labor, and army occupations The upper-age limit is generally twenty-five Some applicants in their late twenties or early thirties who were "sent down" during the Cultural Revolution are admitted It is estimated that twelve million students were sent down from the cities to the farms during the late 1960s (Pepper, 1978, p 862) They are considered to be educationally "disadvantaged ." In order to ensure equality of opportunity for this group, the Chinese have instituted what is the equivalent of an affirmative action program for university admission The "sent down" students are given special consideration in the admission process The National College Admission Exam was introduced in 1977 The Exam contains both written and oral sections and continues over several days Subjects covered on the Exam are : Chinese language, history, geography, mathematics, politics, and science The particular emphasis of any Exam will depend upon the student's skills and interest There are basically two Exams : one for science students and one for non-science students At Shanghai Teachers University we were fortunate to have extensive discussions with its first class in the English education program to be ad8


mitted by4he newly-instituted National Exam system Taking their Exam in March 1977 and enrolling for the 1977-78 year, this class of about twenty-five students consisted of middle-school graduates about twentyyears old and students of around thirty years of age who had been "sent down" a decade earlier and who had entered the university from communes, factories, and the Peoples Liberation Army To initiate the admission process, prospective students must first indicate two or three subject preferences and universities ; then they must obtain the recommendation of the local party and school authorities Without the recommendation, a student cannot take the National Exam no matter how high his/her course grades in middle school (Howard, 1978, p 17) The local recommendation, however, is apparently not as important as it was during the early 1970s when it served as practically the sole criterion By contrast, the "Exam," as an admissions criterion during this earlier period, was a comparatively simple matter of correctly identifying the correct slogan or a selection from the writings of Mao (Tucker, 1978) Only one in twenty of those who take the National Exam is admitted to higher education Students from rural areas do not have to score as high on the Exam as students from the urban schools this is a frank acknowledgement that urban schools are generally superior to rural schools The highest scoring students go to the best universities, called "key" universities Beijing University is the most selective, requiring a score of 240 or better (Yang, 1978) Teacher training universities generally get lower-scoring students, but they are exceptionally talented since so few are admitted overall The ability of the students in the English language program at Shanghai Teachers University was impressive Content and Sequence of the Pre-service Teacher Training Program As soon as a student enters the University, he/she is placed in a content program such as politics, chemistry, biology, or physics Unlike many training programs in the United States, there is no lower-division general education program The length of a given training program depends upon the subject area For example, at Shanghai Teachers University, the English education program takes four years Other programs may take three years ; a few universities require five yars for some programs The current policy, however, is to shorten programs in order to compensate for the lack of training facilities and the critical need for teachers Throughout the program, a typical teacher in training will take content courses in his/her field Also, coursework in the foundations of education is required Of particular importance are courses in the history of education and in educational psychology Pedagogical instruction in general and specialigpd methodology courses were reinstituted at Shanghai Teachers University in 1976, after having been halted during the Cultural Revolution The pedagogical phase of the training program appeared to be combination of Cultural Revolution and pre-Cultural Revolution activities and ideas For exam9


ple, productive work, a concept with pre-Cultural Revolution origins but given great emphasis during the Cultural Revolution, is combined with study all students will have an opportunity to work on a farm or in a factory for four months of the four years at the University One interesting carry-over from the pre-Cultural Revolution period at Shanghai Teachers University is an independent study project called "new investigation ." A "new investigation" is an action research project conducted by the student under the supervision of a university faculty member and in cooperation with a technically-qualified person on the job For example, a teacher in training may wish to gain the opinions of factory workers or peasants on a commune about some planned education innovation The trainee will then spend time on the job learning from the masses Through the "new investigation" projects, the university cooperates with the peasants and the workers to produce the knowledge, skills, and attitudes which enable teachers to serve better the people Student teaching is conducted and evaluated much like it is in the United States The trainee spends about six weeks as a teaching apprentice in an actual school situation A university supervisor and the chief teacher (critic teacher) in the local school cooperatively assign the mark Letters of recommendation also play an important part in the evaluation Placement of Teachers Unlike graduates in the United States, new teachers in China do not have to worry about getting a job The Ministry of Planning in Beijing assigns teacher to jobs and to geographic areas where the needs are the greatest Current priorities affect placements For example, many recent graduates of the teacher education programs in foreign languages are being pressed into service as guides and interpreters to meet the demands created by the rapid increase in tourism and trade This policy does little to alleviate the teacher shortage A reasonable inference is that since most tourism and trade takes place in the cities, urban students will have greater opportunities for education in foreign languages than rural students hence more opportunities for career advancement Once a teacher has been placed in a position, his/her further education and retraining becomes more irregular and less systematic In-service education for primary and middle-school teachers does not appear to be receiving the same priority as is pre-service education Study groups are frequently organized by teachers in schools for the purpose of conducting "research" regarding teaching and for sharing with one another ideas concerning teaching techniques and materials In some schools, these groups meet on a weekly basis Masters programs do not exist But local universities offer some course work and post-graduate training Workshops are sometimes conducted on trends, issues, and innovations in education By and large, Chinese universities influence primary and middle school education more through pre-service training and research than through in-service programs 1 0


The early retirement policy keeps fresh blood flowing into the schools Like other workers in China, teachers retire at the age of sixty with a benefit of 70 percent of their most recent pay However, because of the extreme shortage of trained personnel, some teachers older than sixty still teach This is true more at the university than at the lower levels Summary and Conclusions The current direction and scope of teacher education in China can be summarized by the 1978 goals statement of Shanghai Teachers University These goals are to : 1) raise the educational level of the middle school teachers and of the workers and peasants ; 2) become a center of education for science and technology and to train more people as soon as possible ; 3) research problems of science and technology which are given to the University by the state, and others which the faculty choose ; 4) recruit the best students for teaching since the University suffered much during the Cultural Revolution ; and 5) give greater attention to theory and practice in order to improve basic language, mathematical, and science skills in middle schools Modernization by the year 2000 requires the rapid development of teacher education programs Severe problems exist Many are a direct result of the ascendance of the `red" line and the de-emphasis of expertise and formal education during the Cultural Revolution With 180€ turn to modernization, teacher educators, often having been outcasts, now find themselves suddenly elevated to positions of leadership They tend to lack the research, the resources, and understandably the self-confidence to develop the programs necessary to comply with the new national goals and expectations Given the national need and the lack of material and human resources to meet the need, it is conceivable that the so-called "Great Leap Outward" will find Chinese educators increasingly interested in teacher education models in Japan, Western Europe, and the United States Shanghai Teachers University indicated in October 1978 that it was making plans to send some of its faculty and students abroad "Sister schools" arrangements are being made between universities in China and in other nations Increasing numbers of Chinese students and professors are going overseas to study At the same time, Chinese universities have record numbers of foreign students enrolled The eventual success of teacher education in the PRC, indeed the very nature of its teacher education, depends more upon the clarity and consistency of China's national goals over a period of time than upon models imported from abroad While these national goals are apparently solidified behind modernization into the foreseeable future, history provides the proper caution that the foreseeable future in China can be very short period of time Teacher education in Post-Mao China, like the society at large, is fluid and dynamic It is a reasonable assumption that the struggle over education policy is far from complete The dialectic continues 1 1


References Barendsen, Robert D The Educational Revolution in China (Washington, D .C : U .S Government Printing Office, 1973) Bonavia, David, "China : A Softening of Class Conflict," Far Eastern Economic Review, 98 :20 (November 11, 1977), 20-23 Byrnside, O .J ., Jr ., "Education in China : A Study Tour Report," Business Education Forum, 31 :8 (May 1977), 3-10 Chen, Theodore H .E ., "Changes in Chinese Education," Current History, 75 (September 1978), 73-81 "Educating the Younger Generation is a Great Task," Beijing Review, 24 (June 16, 1980), 14-16 "For a Breakthrough in Education," Beijing Review, 26 (June 30, 1980), 5-6 Gamberg, Ruth and Herb Gamberg, "About Teaching in China," China Reconstructs, 29 :6 (June 1980), 70-73 Godwin, Paul H .B ., "The Goals of Citizenship Training : A Chinese Perspective," Studies in Comparative Communism, 10 :3 (Autumn 1977), 315-327 Howard, Pat, "Will More Exams Mean Better Students?" New China, 4 :4 (Winter 1978), 17-21 Hu, Shi Ming and Eli Seifman, Toward a New World Outlook : A Documentary History of Education in the People's Republic of China, 1949-1976 (New York : AMS Press, 1976) Kirst, Michael W ., "Reflections on Education in China," Phi Delta Kappan, 60 :2 (October 1978), 124-125 Mauger, Peter et al ., Education in China (London : Anglo-Chinese Educational Institute, 1974) Ming, King-yu Interview at Shanghai Teachers University, October 17, 1978 Ministry of Education, People's Republic of China, "Report on Education," Presented at the 37th Session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva, Switzerland, July 1979 National Broadcassting Corporation, Education in China, NBC-TV Special, Narrator : Jack Reynolds, January 11, 1979 National Committee on United States China Relations, Inc ., Notes From the National Committee, 8 :2/3 (Summer/Fall, 1978) Pepper, Suzanne, "An Interview on Changes in Chinese Education After the `Gang of Four,' The China Quarterly, 72 (December 1977), 815-824 Pepper, Suzanne, "Education and Revolution : The `Chinese Model' Revised," Asian Survey, 18 :9 (September 1978), 847-890 Shirk, Susan, "The 1963 Temporary Work Regulations for Full-time Middle and Primary Schools : Commentary and Translation," The China Quarterly, 58(1973), 511-512 Tucker, Jan L ., "Personal Notes Recorded During Trip to PRC," October 1978 1 2


Tyler, Ralph W ., "Some Observations on Chinese Education," Phi Delta Kappan, 60 :1 (September 1978), 26-29 "Who Are Masters of the School?" Beijing Review, 38 (September 22, 1978), 18-19 Yang, Ju-chi, Interview at Peking University, October 21, 1978 Zuo, He, "China's Education : The Type of People it Brings Up," Beijing Review, 1 (January 7, 1980), 17-27 *Changed back to East China Normal University in September, 1980 1 3


Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 15-30 € by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Program Presentations and Journal Publications as Indications of Productivity in Social Studies Education Jack R Fraenkel San Francisco State University Productivity among professional educators takes many forms Curricula are developed, research is conducted, papers are written, articles and books are published, presentations are given, to name but a few of many examples which come to mind In recent years, researchers have begun to compile statistics of various sorts to gain some impressions of where such activities are taking place, and by whom they are being conducted To do this, they usually have turned to the most typical outlets for such activities, the presentations made at the annual meetings of professional associations and the authorship of articles in professional journals Cox and Catt (1977), for example, counted the institutional affiliations of authors contributing to the journals of the American Psychological Association, while West (1978) counted the institutional affiliations of authors contributing to the journals of the American Educational Research Association (AERA) Schubert (1979), on the other hand, counted the institutional affiliations of contributors to the annual meetings of AERA More inclusively, Guba and Clark (1978) counted the contributions of schools, colleges, and departments of education to a wide variety of sources, incuding education journals, ERIC books in education, education convention programs, foundation grants, and federal and other public agency grants No compilations along this line, however, have been done in social studies education Yet such compilations would serve a useful purpose They would provide social studies educators with at least some indication 1 5


of where professional activity in their field is occurring, who is doing it, and how various parts of the profession compare in terms of productivity They would provide at least a partial indication of the output in social studies education emanating from various institutions and areas of the country This information in turn would help to facilitate communication among social studies educators as to possible "focal points" or "centers" of productivity to which scholars and/or other professionals interested in new and continuing developments in the field might be directed It would suggest places to observe in order to identify possible factors which might contribute to professional productivity It might serve as a stimulus to administrators in some institutions to encourage more of their social studies faculty to present their ideas at social studies meetings and/or to try to publish them in social studies journals If we accept the assumption that productivity is related, at least in part, to the advancement of knowledge in the field, then this latter outcome is particularly to be desired A profession needs all the ideas it can get, and the social studies profession is no exception The present study was conducted as an initial effort to provide some information about productivity in social studies education The institutional affiliations of contributors to the programs of the annual meetings of the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) and the special interest group (SIG) in social studies at AERA, as well as the institutional affiliations of authors in NCSS journals for the years 1975-1979, were compiled These compilations can be considered as at least some indication of the comparative quantity of institutional productivity in social studies education, as evidenced by the number of contributions emanating from different institutions Method Each time an individual was listed on an NCSS or SIG program as a presenter or reactor, his or her institution was given one point No adjustment was made for the nature of the presentation (i .e ., whether it was a paper, a demonstration, participation on a panel, etc .) when there was more than one presenter-or a presenter's position, in the listing of the presentation on the program (whether his or her name was listed first, second, etc .)-as this seemed impossible to rank or rate on any defensible basis Nor was any effort made to compare the quality of one presentation against another, for the same reason In some (very few) cases, as many of four or five presenters were listed for a single presentation Rather than viewing this as being an unduly large (and thus perhaps unfair) credit given an institution, the alternative assumption was made that all presenters contributed equally to the presentation and its preparation Accordingly, the institution received credit for the total number of individuals involved in the presentation Individuals listed as chairper1 6


sons, committee members, or facilitators were not counted, since their activities at the annual meetings do not usually consititute a part of a presentation Compilations were also made of the institutional affiliations of contributors to NCSS journals (Social Education and Theory and Research in Social Education) for this same period, 1975-1979 Each time an individual was listed as an author or co-author of a journal article or book review, his or her institution again received one point As before, and for the same reason, no adjustment was made in this listing for the nature of the article, or' an author's position, when there were co-authors Nor was any effort made to compare the quality of one article against another In those cases where two or more co-authors of an article were from the same institution, the institution received as many points as there were coauthors The institutions listed in the tables which follow were recorded as written in the annual NCSS or AERA programs, or the NCSS publications If a particular campus of a university was identified, it is listed separately ; otherwise, only the main campus is listed Results and Commentary Table 1 lists all colleges and universities having five or more contributions (an average of one per meeting) to NCSS programs from 1975-1979 and ranks them according to the total number of their contributions Eighty-eight colleges and universities made a total of at least five contributions during this period Universities or colleges having a total of one to four contributions, of which there were over 100, were excluded from the listing TABLE 1 : Total Contributions by All Colleges and Universities Having Five or More Contributions to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979, Listed in Rank Order 1 7 Institution NCSS Contributions 1 Indiana University 93 2 University of Georgia 49 3 University of Houston 33 4 University of Texas at Austin 29 4 Michigan State University 29 6 University of Washington 26 7 Florida State University 25 8 Stanford University 23 9 University of Denver 22 9 Rutgers University 22 11 Ohio State University 21 11 State University of New York at Geneseo 21 11 University of Maryland 21 14 Georgia State University 19 15 Miami University of Ohio 18


Institution NCSS Contributions 15 University of Cinncinnati 18 15 University of Colorado 18 18 Kent State University 17 18 University of Wisconsin 17 20 University of Utah 16 21 Arizona State University 15 21 Northwestern University 15 21 Purdue University 15 21 University of Michigan 15 25 Carnegie-Mellon University 14 25 University of Minnesota 14 25 University of Texas at San Antonio 14 28 Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University 13 28 Texas A and M 13 28 Florida International University 13 31 Temple University 11 31 San Francisco State University 11 31 George Peabody College for Teachers 11 31 University of Connecticut 11 31 Illinois State University 11 31 University of Virginia 11 31 Miami-Dade Community College 11 31 University of Illinois 11 39 Northern Illinois University 10 39 Pennsylvania State University 10 39 Queens College 10 39 University of Northern Iowa 10 43 The American University 9 43 Ball State University 9 43 Auburn University 9 43 North Texas State University 9 43 Southern Methodist University 9 43 Syracuse University 9 43 University of Western Kentucky 9 50 Wayne State University 8 50 University of North Florida 8 50 Emory University 8 50 Memphis State University 8 50 University of South Carolina 8 50 New York University 8 56 Boston University 7 56 University of the Pacific 7 56 University of British Columbia 7 56 University of California at Riverside 7 56 University of Iowa 7 56 University of West Virginia 7 56 Wright State University 7 56 University of Delaware 7 18


Table 2 presents rankings, 1975-1979, of total contributions to NCSS programs by school districts in terms of the state in which they are located Although it was initially desired to list school district contributions by the city in which the district or districts were located, this proved impossible to do, since in many instances only the county or the state in which the district was to be found was given Table 2 reveals 29 states which had a total of five or more contributions by school districts within the states (Another seven states had a total of one to four contributions by their school districts ; these were excluded from the listing .) Fourteen states did not have any of the school districts in their state contributing to NCSS programs during this period Table 3 lists rankings, 1975-1979, of contributions by governmental agencies, private organizations, and state departments of education Sixteen governmental or private agencies and organizations made a total of five or more contributions during this period, the most being 40 (Another 94 made from one to four contributions ; as before, these were not listed .) Nine state departments of education contributed at least five times, the most being 10 (Twenty-five others made from one to four contributions but are not listed .) Sixteen state departments of education made no contributions to NCSS programs during these years 1 9 Institution NCSS Contributions 64 University of North Carolina 6 64 Bowling Green State University 6 64 University of Pennsylvania 6 64 University of Toledo 6 64 Northeast Missouri State University 6 64 Trinity University 6 64 University of Alberta 6 64 University of Arkansas at Little Rock 6 64 University of Arkansas at Monticello 6 64 University of Nebraska at Omaha 6 64 University of Wyoming 6 64 Utah State University 6 76 San Jose State University 5 76 Brooklyn College 5 76 University of Pittsburg 5 76 University of Southern California 5 76 California State College at Northridge 5 76 Duquesne University 5 76 Eastern Kentucky University 5 76 Portland State University 5 76 Towson State University 5 76 University of Houston at Clear Lake 5 76 University of Nebraska, Lincoln 5 76 William Woods College 5 76 Oregon State University 5


TABLE 2 : Total Contributions by School Districts Having Five or More Contributions to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979, in Various States, Listed in Rank Order TABLE 3 : Total Contributions by All Governmental and Private Organizations, and State Departments of Education, Having Five or More Contributions, to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979, Listed in Rank Order 2 0 State NCSS Contributions 1 Illinois 76 2 Ohio 74 3 New York 61 4 Texas 52 5 Virginia 51 6 Maryland 39 6 Oregon 39 8 Massachusetts 38 9 California 37 10 Michigan 36 11 Georgia 33 12 Washington 28 13 Indiana 25 13 New Jersey 25 15 Pennsylvania 22 15 Colorado 22 17 Connecticut 21 18 Minnesota 19 19 Wisconsin 16 20 Kentucky 14 21 North Carolina 10 21 Washington, D .C 10 21 Florida 10 24 Missouri 7 24 Nebraska 7 26 Tennessee 5 26 Utah 5 26 Iowa 5 26 Arizona 5 Governmental and Private Organizations NCSS Contributions 1 Social Science Education Consortium 40 2 U .S Office of Education 13 2 American Bar Association 13 4 Constitutional Rights Foundation 12 4 Center for Global Perspectives 12 6 National Council for the Social Studies 9 6 Anti-Defamation League 9 6 Educational Development Corporation 9 9 Joint Council on Economic Education 8 9 Far West Laboratory for Educational Research and Development 8


There is not an even distribution with regard to contributions by different types of institutions More than 347 institutions, excluding school districts (colleges and universities, governmental and private agencies and organizations, and state departments of education considered together) were listed on NCSS programs for the years 1975-1979 Of these approximately 59% were colleges and universities, 31% governmental and private agencies and organizations, and 10% state departments of education If we restrict our comparison to those institutions contributing at least five times, however, then colleges and universities predominate In this group, 78% are colleges and universities, 14% governmental and private agencies and organizations, and 8% state departments of education Do some institutions contribute far more than others? The answer here is an emphatic yes! Of the more than 347 contributors during this period, 49 contributed 10 or more times, for a total of 916 contributions The three highest contributors, 6% of all those contributing a total of 10 times or more, account for almost 20% of the contributions (This includes the first two entries in Table 1 and the first entry in Table 3 .) The top 14 contributors, or roughly 30% of those contributing a total of 10 or more times, account for 454 contributions, that is, almost 50% The institution making the most contributions (the university listed first in Table 1) accounted for 93 contributions, 10% of the total, by itself It might also be remembered that another 57 institutions totaled between five to nine contributions and another 234, not listed, totaled between one to four contributions during these same five years Do contributors to NCSS programs come from all states? No, they do not Table 4 lists the total contributions to NCSS programs, 1975-1979, by all institutions (colleges and universities, governmental agencies, private organizations, state departments of education, and 2 1 Governmental and Private Organizations NCSS Contributions 11 Population Reference Bureau 7 11 Law Related Program for the Schools of Maryland 7 13 Law in a Free Society 6 13 National Street Law Institute 6 15 National Science Teachers Association 5 15 Law in a Changing Society 5 1 State Departments of Education New York 10 1 Wisconsin 10 3 Illinois 8 3 Texas 8 3 Virginia 8 6 Georgia 7 6 West Virginia 7 8 Indiana 5 8 North Carolina 5


school districts) in various states Thirty-four states had a total of 10 or more contributions during this period (The contributions of another 11 states totaled less than 10 .) Eight states had a total of 100 or more contributions during the period (an average of 20 or more per meeting), with the highest being 192 (and the second highest being 191) Six states did not have any contributions by a college or university within the state, a school district or state department of education, or any government or private agency, to any NCSS program during these years TABLE 4 : Total Contributions of All Institutions to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979, in Various States 1 Ohio 192 2 Texas 191 3 Indiana 172 4 New York 167 5 California 159 6 Georgia 135 7 Colorado 113 8 'Michigan 102 9 Florida 98 9 Pennsylvania 98 11 Virginia 92 12 Maryland 81 13 Washington 76 14 Massachusetts 66 15 New Jersey 58 16 Oregon 57 17 Wisconsin 55 18 Washington, D .C 48 19 Minnesota 46 20 Kentucky 38 21 North Carolina 35 22 Tennessee 34 23 Connecticut 33 24 Iowa 29 25 Utah 28 26 Missouri 27 27 West Virginia 22 28 Nebraska 21 28 Arizona 21 30 Alabama 17 31 South Carolina 15 32 Arkansas 13 33 Delaware 11 34 Wyoming 10 35 Kansas 9 35 Oklahoma 9 36 Hawaii 7 37 Rhode Island 6 38 Vermont 5 38 New Mexico 5 38 Louisiana 5 22


Do institutions which rank high in contributions at one time continue to do so at another? Some do and some do not Table 5 indicates the number of total contributions to NCSS programs for each year of the 1975-1979 period made by the top 20 contributors It reveals that whereas some institutions continue to contribute at a fairly consistent pace from year to year, others owe their place in the overall ranking for the period to one or two especially productive years, or are sufficiently productive in most years to compensate for another year of zero productivity Table 5 also reveals the effect which location can have, since in many years states near the meeting site were high contributors TABLE 5 : Total Contributions of Top Twenty Contributors to NCSS Programs for Each Year, 1975-1979 (The annual meetings were held in the following cities : 1975, Atlanta, Georgia ; 1976, Washington, D .C ; 1977, Cincinnati, Ohio ; 1978, Houston, Texas ; and, 1979, Portland, Oregon .) To correct somewhat for the location effect revealed in Table 5, Table 6 presents a rearranged listing of the top twenty contributors after the number of their contributions in their most productive year have been reduced to equal the average number of contributions for the other four years before adding up the five-year total Thus, the 20 contribu2 3 Institution 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 Total 1 Indiana 11 16 29 22 15 93 2 Georgia 9 9 10 12 9 49 3 Soc Sci Education 9 Consortium 1 3 5 22 40 4 Houston 1 0 5 20 7 33 5 Texas at Austin 1 6 9 11 2 29 5 Michigan State 5 4 6 10 4 29 7 Washington 6 3 0 7 10 26 8 Florida State 9 2 3 6 5 25 9 Stanford 2 2 7 9 3 23 10 Denver 5 3 7 5 2 22 10 Rutgers 6 5 4 5 2 22 12 Ohio State 2 4 6 5 4 21 12 SUNY Geneseo 5 6 3 5 2 21 12 Maryland 5 8 3 2 3 21 15 Georgia State 6 3 3 7 0 -19 16 Miami of Ohio 2 1 3 9 3 18 16 Cinncinati 8 1 6 3 0 18 16 Colorado 4 3 2 5 4 18 19 Kent State 1 5 6 4 1 17 19 Wisconsin 5 3 2 .2 5 17 41 Mississippi t 3 41 New Hampshire t 3 41 Nevada t 3 44 North Dakota t 1


tions of the University of Houston, which were made in the year 1978 (when the annual meeting was held in Houston), were reduced to three (the average number for the other four years) This revised number was then added to the totals for the other four years to produce a "corrected" total of 16 TABLE 6 : Total Contributions of Top Twenty Contributors to NCSS Programs for 1975-1979, Corrected for Location Effect Another revealing index is the increase in productivity which institutions evidence Increase in productivity was determined by comparing the 1975-1976 total contributions to the 1978-1979 total contributions for all institutions contributing a total of five or more times Table 7 reveals that 59 institutions increased in productivity during this period, with 40 at least doubling their output, and five increasing their contributions by 10 times or more The greatest increase was 26 more contributions during the 1978-1979 years than during 1975-1976 In some cases, it is likely that increase in productivity was due, at least in part, to location effect TABLE 7 : Growth in Productivity of All Institutions Contributing a Total of Five or More Times to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979, Based on Comparing Total Contributions for 1975-1976 with Those for 1978-1979, in Terms of Increases in 2 4 Institution Corrected Total 1 Indiana 80 2 Georgia 45 3 Michigan State 24 4 Social Science Education Consortium 22 4 Texas at Austin 22 6 Washington 20 6 Florida State 20 6 Rutgers 20 9 Denver 19 9 Ohio State 19 9 SUNY Geneseo 19 12 Stanford 17 13 Houston 16 13 Maryland 16 13 Colorado 16 16 Georgia State 15 17 Kent State 14 17 Wisconsin 14 19 Cincinnati 12 20 Miami of Ohio the Actual Number of Contributions Institution 1975-1976 1978-1979 Increase 1 Univ of Houston 1 27 26 2 Soc Sci Educ Consortium 10 27 17 3 Arizona State Univ 0 14 14 4 Indiana Univ 27 37 10


2 5 Institution 1975-1976 1978-1979 Increase 4 Texas A & M 1 11 t 10 4 Univ of Michigan 1 11 t 10 7 Miami Univ of Ohio 3 12 t 9 7 Univ of Minnesota 1 10 t 9 9 Univ of Washington 9 17 t 8 9 Stanford Univ 4 12 t 8 9 Univ of Virginia 1 9 t 8 12 Univ of Northern Iowa 1 8 t 7 12 Virginia State Dept of Ed 0 7 t 7 12 ; Law Related Program for the Schools of Maryland 0 7 t 7 15 Univ of Texas at Austin 7 13 t 6 15 Memphis State Univ 1 7 t 6 15 Bowling Green State Univ 0 6 t 6 15 Far West Lab for Educational Research and Development 0 6 t 6 19 Michigan State Univ 9 14 t 5 19 Univ of Texas, San Antonio 4 9 t 5 19 Carnegie-Mellon Univ 3 8 t 5 19 Auburn Univ 1 6 t 5 19 Univ of the Pacific 1 6 t 5 19 Texas State Dept of Ed 1 6 t 5 19 Univ of Houston, Clear Lake 0 5 t 5 19 Portland State Univ 0 5 t 5 27 Syracuse Univ 2 6 t 4 27 Univ of British Columbia 0 4 t 4 27 W Va State Dept of Ed 0 4 t 4 27 Indiana State Dept of Ed 0 4 t 4 31 Univ of Georgia 18 21 t 3 31 Ohio State Univ 6 9 t 3 31 Virginia Polytechinic Institute and State University 3 6 t 3 31 Pennsylvania State Univ 2 5 t 3 31 Univ of Toledo 1 4 t 3 31 Wright State Univ 0 3 t 3 31 Univ of Pittsburgh 0 3 t 3 38 Univ of Colorado 7 9 t 2 38 Wisconsin State Dept of Ed 3 5 t 2 38 Univ of Pennsylvania 1 3 t 2 38 Illinois State Dept of Ed 1 3 t 2 38 Univ of Nebraska at Omaha 1 3 t 2 38 Univ of Arkansas, Monticello 1 3 t 2 38 Northeast Missouri State Univ 1 3 t 2 38 Duquesne College 1 3 t 2 38 Univ of Arkansas, Little Rock 1 3 t 2 47 American Bar Association 5 6 t 1 47 Center for Global Perspectives 4 5 t 1 47 New York State Dept of Ed 4 5 t 1 47 George Peabody College for Teachers 3 4 t 1 47 Univ of North Florida 3 4 t 1 47 Univ of Utah 3 4 t 1


What institutions rank high in contributions to the SIG meetings of social studies educators at AERA? Since the SIG sessions are very few in number (ranging from one to four in different years), it is far more difficult to make a presentation at these sessions than it is at NCSS All institutions which had a total of two (rather than five) or more contributions during the 1975-1979 period, therefore, were listed Table 8 presents this information Ten institutions, nine of them universities, contributed at least twice during the period Institutions contributing only once, of which there were 20, were excluded from the listing TABLE 8 : Leading Contributors to AERA SIG Meetings in Social Studies Education, 1975-1979 What institutions rank high in contributions to NCSS publications? Table 9 presents rankings of total contributions by institutions to Social Education and Theory and Research in Social Education for the same period, 1975-1979 All institutions contributing a total of five or more times to Social Education, and two or more times to Theory and Research (since it publishes fewer issues each year) were listed Seventeen institutions had a total of five or more contributions to Social Education TABLE 9 : Leading Contributors to Social Education and Theory and Research in Social Education, 1975-1979 2 6 Institution 1975-1976 1978-1979 Increase 47 Univ of Wyoming 2 3 1 47 Utah State Univ 2 3 1 47 Trinity Univ 2 3 1 47 Northern Illinois Univ 2 3 1 47 Miami-Dade Community College 2 3 1 47 San Jose State Univ 1 2 1 47 North Carolina State Dept of Ed 1 2 1 Institution Total Contributions 1 University of Georgia 8 2 Temple University 4 2 Univ of Texas at Austin 4 4 Univ of California at Riverside 3 4 Simon Fraser University 3 4 Rutgers University 3 7 Kent State University 2 7 Florida State University 2 7 Educational Testing Service 2 7 Indiana University 2 Social Education 1 University of Washington 15 Theory and Research in Social Education 1 Carnegie-Mellon University 15 1 University of Georgia t 10 3 University of Maryland 14 2 Rutgers University t 6 4 University of Minnesota 13 2 Carnegie-Mellon University t 6 5 Indiana University 12 4 Purdue University t 5 6 Florida State University 10 4 Indiana University t 5 7 Michigan State University 9 6 University of Toledo t 4


for those years, the most being 15 (Another 79 made from one to four contributions ; these were excluded from the listing .) Seventeen institutions, some the same as and some different from those contributing to Social Education, had a total of two or more contributions to Theory and Research in Social Education, the most being 10 Those institutions which contributed only once, of which there' were 35, were not listed Do the same institutions rank high in productivity when rankings using these various criteria (contributions to NCSS programs, SIG sessions, and NCSS publications) are compared? Table 10 makes such a comparison TABLE 10 : How Leading Contributors to NCSS Programs, 1975-1979 Compare, Using Other Criteria 2 7 NCSS Programs Programs AREA SIG Sessions Social Education Theory and Research in Social Education Indiana 1 7 5 .4 Georgia 2 1 1 SSEC 3 12 Houston 4 Texas at Austin 5 3 Michigan State 5 7 8 Washington 7 1 Florida State 8 7 6 Stanford 9 6 Denver 10 Rutgers 10 4 2 Ohio State 12 12 SUNY Geneseo 12 8 Maryland 12 3 Georgia State 15 15 Miami of Ohio 16 Cincinnati 16 12 Colorado 16 Kent State 19 7 15 Wisconsin 19 8 Social Education 8 Theory and Research in Social Education 6 Stanford University t 4 8 State University of New York at Geneseo 8 State University of New York 8 8 University of Wisconsin t 3 8 Michigan State University t 3 at Cortland 10 Northwestern University 7 10 Simon Fraser University t 2 10 William and Mary University 7 10 North Carolina State University 2 12 University of Cincinnati 6 10 University of West Virginia t 2 12 Ohio State University 6 10 Emory University t 2 12 Social Science Education 10 Columbia University t 2 Consortium 6 10 University of Delaware t 2 15 Kent State University 5 10 Ontario Institute for Studies 15 Boston University 5 in Education t 2 15 Georgia State University 5 10 Wisconsin State Department of Education t 2


Eleven of the top 17 contributors to Social Education, 6 of the top 17 contributors to Theory and Research in Social Education, and 6 of the top 10 contributors to the AERA SIG sessions were also listed among the top 20 contributors to NCSS programs during this period This suggests that some institutions consistently rank high in productivity in social studies education, even when different criteria are used to define productivity Summary In sum, then, it appears that the largest percentage of contributions to NCSS programs is by colleges and universites, although other kinds of institutions do contribute a fairly large percent of the total Many school districts contribute, but it is impossible to say from the data in this study whether any particular school districts are heavy or consistent contributors Some states and some institutions contribute far more to the NCSS programs than do others A few states had no institutions of any sort within their borders contributing to an NCSS program during the years 1975-1979 And many institutions which rank high when contributions to NCSS programs are used as a criterion of productivity continue to do so when contributions to AERA SIG meetings or NCSS journals are used as a criterion Conclusion, Caveats, and Suggestions for Further Research The data analyzed in this study suggest that there may be a few "centers" or "focal points" that are especially productive in social studies education, and to which scholars and/or other professionals interested in new and continuing developments in the field should be directed This should be accepted only tentatively, however, since much more information needs to be collected before we can say with any certainty where these places are The data presented in this article, for example reveal nothing about how the presentations and publications emanating from different institutions and in different locations compare in terms of quality It is quite conceivable that a very large amount of output produced at a particular institution might be of inferior quality compared to a quite small amount produced at another institution Nor is anything revealed about the number of people engaged in social studies education at any of the institutions listed, or the effect which varying numbers of individuals might have on the quantity or quality of work produced It is obvious, for example, that an institution with a large commitment in staff and resources to social studies education would be able to have more contributions than an institution with a smaller commitment (This would not ipso facto be the case, but it is a strong possibility .) The above hesitations raise a number of questions for further investigation The quantity of output by institutions might be compared in light of the number of individuals involved in social studies education at those institutions Is there a positive correlation between output and 2 8


number of people engaged? Do some institutions with a small commitment in staff and resources to social studies education rank higher in productivity than other institutions with a larger commitment? If so, how can this be explained? A second possibility would be to compare the quantity of output (as measured by the number of contributions to NCSS programs or journals, say) against quality ratings of this output, using various criteria, such as ratings of presentations at NCSS meetings, number of times a journal article is cited by other researchers, number of presentations which become publications, etc Many other possibilities come to mind : What kinds of ideas appear to predominate at NCSS meetings? at AERA_SIG meetings? in NCSS journals? What subjects or topics are most frequently listed? What topics are consistently ignored? What changes in types of contributions occur over time? What types of institutions are the most productive? Where are they located? What factors seem to contribute to their productivity? As Schubert (1978) has remarked, this sort of research may have to occur along some differing lines of inquiry (such as citation analysis, the politics underlying funding, or the sociology of knowledge, to name but a few), but it seems quite germane for social studies educators to pursue By doing so, they should become not only more aware of the nature of the work being produced in their field, including where such work is being done and who is doing it, but also bring about a greater amount of analysis and evaluation of the quality of such work It is hoped that this article will encourage more description and analysis along these lines to be forthcoming This article is a revision of a paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, April 9, 1979 The author wishes to acknowledge the thoughtful suggestions made by the manuscript reviewers 2 9


References American Educational Research Association Annual Meeting Programs, Washington, D .C ., AERA, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979 Cox, W .M & Catt, V Productivity ratings of graduate programs in psychology based on publications in the journals of the American Psychological Association American Psychologist, 1977, 32, 793-813 Guba, E .G & Clark, D .L Levels of R & D productivity in schools of education Educational Researcher, 1978, 7(5),3-9 National Council for the Social Studies Annual Meeting Programs Washington, D .C : NCSS, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979 Schubert, W .H Contributions to AERA annual programs as an indicator of institutional productivity Educational Researcher, 1978, 8 (7), 13-17 Social Education, Volumes 39-43, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979 Theory and Research in Social Education, Volumes III-VII, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979 West, D .K Productivity ratings of institutions based on publications in journals of the American Educational Research Association : 1970-1976 Educational Researcher, 1978, 7 (2), 13-14 3 0


Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 31-54 € by The College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Children's Sex Role Knowledge and Behavior : An Ethnographic Study of First Graders in the Rural South' Judith Preissle Goetz The,University of Georgia The emphasis upon egalitarian values and the concern for problems of socioeconomic equity between the sexes in U .S society has been expressed during the past decade in disparate ways by the community of social studies educators Although sexism is omitted as one of the pervasive social problems requiring instructional focus, the Social Studies Curriculum Guidelines, published by the National Council for the Social Studies (1971a), does specify human dignity and the promotion of a pluralistic society as underlying values Standards for Social Studies Teachers (NCSS, 1971b), released simultaneously with the curriculum guidelines, provides more explicit direction : teachers are expected to value students . as worthy human beings regardless of race, sex, religion, ethnic origin, socioeconomic level, or level of achievement" (pp 849-850) 2 'Portions of this manuscript were presented in a field report delivered to the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, December 1977 Its development and revision have benefited from the contributions and suggestions of my colleagues : Andrew J Gordon, Carole L Hahn, Margaret D LeCompte, R Timothy Sieber, and Ronald L VanSickle 2 At the time of this writing, March 1980, both documents are being revised and updated by NCSS committees 3 1


During the past 10 years, public schooling has been identified as an experience which mandates traditional sex-role behaviors and attitudes from students and which lays the groundwork for an eventual disparity in skills and motivation (e .g ., Carl-Falkenstein, 1976 ; Frazier & Sadker, 1973 ; Guttentag & Bray, 1976 ; Harrison, 1973 ; National Education Association, 1977 ; Saario, Jacklin, & Tittle, 1973 ; Stacey, Bereaud, & Daniels, 1974) In a recent review, Carney (1980) outlines efforts by social studies educators to address sexism in schools through interventions in instructional materials, curriculum, classroom interaction, hidden curriculum, and professional organizations She notes the scarcity of research on sex-role socialization in classroom interaction and identifies the need for a data base of information on teachers, students, and the interactions between and within these two groups Here, she echoes the earlier statement of Hahn (1978) whose synthesis of research on sex roles and its implications for social studies research stands as the seminal review in this area Hahn specifies the need for research on sex differences in classroom behavior, on students' personal life goals, and on perceptions of sex roles among differing populations of students (c f ., e .g ., Goetz, 1978) This report examines the extent to which two classrooms of first graders shared common sex-role beliefs, within an institutional setting that emphasized conflicting gender-specific expectations, traditional and egalitarian (Goetz, in press, 1981) Data collected in this setting suggest that (a) the children shared expectations and attitudes typical of the traditional sex-role system in the United States ; (b) the children were tolerant of and, in some cases, supportive of cross-sex-typed behaviors ; (c) the children applied their knowledge of traditional sex-role norms to their expectations of adults ; and (d) the boys and girls in these groups drew from the range of behaviors masculine, feminine, and neutral with few restrictions by gender identity, involving aggression, romancing, and playground groups These findings, whose implications for elementary social studies instruction will be discussed below in the conclusion, deviate from the scant ethnographic literature on this topic Evidence for traditional sexrole socialization among both teachers and students has been cited from elementary school classrooms and settings (Eisenhart & Clement, 1979 ; Mulawka, 1972 ; Pivnick, 1974) as well as from a high school setting (Finkelstein, 1979) Only Nihlen's investigation (1976) of working-class urban first graders is consistent with the results reported below Due to the recency of widespread interest in researching sex-role socialization and the equally current increase in studying schools ethnographically, the literature combining these approaches is fragmentary and should be interpreted cautiously As one of so few, this ethnography should be regarded critically, in order to identify the variety of explanations that may account for the discrepant findings 3 2


Research Design This research is an ethnographic study of sex-role socialization and enculturation in a racially integrated, rural consolidated elementary school in the southern United States Preliminary data were collected between October of 1977 and June of 1978 in the school's two first-grade classrooms The two September 1978 entering classes of first graders were followed throughout their initial academic year, 1978-79 As a school ethnography (Wilson, 1977 ; Wolcott, 1975), this study is descriptive and analytic with an emphasis upon the generation of empirically grounded hypotheses rather than the rigorous testing of a priori explanations (Lofland, 1971) The principal data collection techniques used in the school were participant observation (McCall & Simmons, 1969), intensive, intermittant interviewing (Denzin, 1978), and document analysis (Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, & Sechrest, 1966) Supplementary data were drawn from U .S census and other demographic material, from interviews with and oral histories from community members, from an analysis of community media, and from participant observation within the area serviced by the school Data analysis strategies included analytic induction (Robinson, 1951) and the constant comparative method (Glaser, 1965 ; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) The two sociocultural theoretical perspectives which informed the research project are functionalism (Merton, 1967 ; Radcliffe-Brown, 1965) and symbolic interactionism (Blumer, 1969) They address the problem of sex-role systems in different, though complementary, ways The functionalist perspective directs the student of sex-role systems to the identification of the shared social structures and processes which communicate and maintain standard sex-role behaviors The means by which sex-role systems contribute to the stability of other group elements is a problem reflective of the functionalist traditions (e .g ., Rosaldo, 1974) Symbolic interactionism, with its_ emphasis upon interactive meanings and interpretations, addresses the manner in which sex-role systems are communicated through the exchange among members of a group (e .g ., Spradley & Mann, 1975) Composition of Student Population The school housing the two first-grade classrooms under investigation, Rose Elementary School,' is one of several elementary schools which service the population of Martin County This county of approximately 350 square miles, located in the southeastern United States, is predominantly rural, nonfarm working class Rose Elementary School is unique in that it is the county's only public school whose attendance lines include no incorporated areas 3 A11 names of places and people are pseudonyms in order to protect the privacy of the individuals and groups involved in this research project 3 3


The first graders of September 1978 comprised a group of 40 children, separated into two classes balanced for race, sex, and maturity as assessed by a Draw-Myself instrument The number of children fluctuated throughout the school year as students withdrew and enrolled Approximately 30% of the children were female, and about 20% were black Over one-third of the students were repeaters from 1977-78 The proportion of females and blacks among the repeaters was about the same as that for the group as a whole Relative to the 1977-78 classes, the ratio of males to females was somewhat different The 1977-78 group had been larger, containing approximately 48 children Blacks had composed 23% of the total, females 42% Relative to this group, the proportion of females among the 1978-79 repeaters was slightly underrepresented Two factors require comment here First, the number of repeaters was explained by the teachers as a function of the absence of a kindergarten facility and the use of a lower required age for first-grade enrollment prior to September 1978 The individuals who were retained were children who were considered to have been immature relative to their peers and who were unable to complete first grade in June of 1978 on grade level in measures of academic skills By January of 1979 all but two of the repeaters, a white male and a white female, had maintained average or above average positions academically with the 1978-79 group, and several had established positions of social leadership In considering the enculturative processes operative within this first-grade group, the influence of the repeaters, with their previous year of experience at Rose Elementary School, must be recognized Second, the ratio of males to females in both the 1977-78 and 1978-79 classes is atypical The unrepresentative proportion of females among the repeaters is insufficient to explain this imbalance since the addition of one more female repeater would have corrected the representation from the 1977-78 group ; coincidentally, a girl who enrolled late in the fall became the 16th repeater in the 1978-79 group In any event, of the 25 new students who enrolled in September of 1978, ratios of males to females and blacks to whites were consistent with those for the group as a whole The cause of the imbalance between boys and girls is undetermined ; both of the teachers claimed that underrepresentation of females had been a trend in their classes over the past several years This may have had consequences for the children's group behavior and should be considered as affecting some of the patterns discussed below Research Questions In order to focus the data collection process and to specify initial categories for data analysis (Goetz & LeCompte, in press, 1981), a set of questions was developed upon entry to the field to address the association between sex-role expectations and student enculturation, as manifested during the children's first-grade experience The formulation 3 4


of the questions derived from the orienting theoretical perspectives discussed above and from the assessments of needed research by Carney (1980) and Hahn (1978) Data addressing the questions were provided by observations of the children's school behavior, verbal and nonverbal, and by interviews with the children Because the data were drawn from a single school site, no claims for their generalizability to other sites are intended (1) To what extent do the first graders express a knowledge of traditional sex-role expectations? To what extent do they express a knowledge of emergent egalitarian values and expectations with respect to gender identity? (2) To what extent is such knowledge commonly held among identifiable groups of children in the classroom : males and females, blacks and whites? (3) What categories of human experience and behavior biological, economic, social does such knowledge address? (4) How does this knowledge compare or contrast with the children's classroom behaviors? (5) To what extent do children either appeal to or exhibit behavior based on such knowledge in their interactions with one another? (6) To what extent may this knowledge be attributed to home and parental influences, either through teacher and student verbal claims or through other inferential evidence? The Community Assuming that the community serviced by Rose Elementary School is typical of other working-class populations (Komarovsky, 1964 ; Rainwater, Coleman, & Handel, 1959 ; Yorburg, 1974) in adherence to traditional sex-role expectations, certain patterns of behavior and belief may be expected These factors are derived from the traditional sex-role system that accords male participation and knowledge to public spheres of action such as the marketplace and the political arena and female participation and knowledge to domestic spheres of action such as home and family (Kaplan & Bean, 1976 ; Rosaldo, 1974) Child rearing is regarded as the principal obligation of the female spouse Domestic responsibility excluding those traditionally American masculine areas of automobile maintenance, yard care, and barbecuing is her province Wage earning is the responsibility of the male spouse Children are expected to learn these distinctions and their traditional differentiations in acculturation, communication patterns, physical gestures, group affiliations, dress customs, cultural artifacts, roles, games and avocations, and competencies (Lee & Gropper, 1974) By the age of 6, children are expected to be able to verbalize these distinctions, spontaneously and upon request, and to practice modeling behavioral distinc3 5


tions in their own interactions (Guttentag & Bray, 1976 ; Minuchin, 1965 ; Williams, Bennett, & Best, 1975) This expected pattern emerges erratically from an analysis of data on Rose School first graders Most of the mothers, in what were overwhelmingly two-parent families, were themselves wage earners Nearly 75% held jobs in county extractive industries, in out-county manufacturing concerns to which they commuted, or in pink-collar positions (Howe, 1977) Only about 20% of these women could be considered to fit the traditional full-time housewife role This may be due to current economic conditions, which require two adult wage earners in order to support familes sufficiently, rather than individual choice Working-class women may possess less often the alternative of refusing employment outside the home that has been so common among middleand upper-class females throughout most of the decades of this century Black women in the working-class population have been expected traditionally to contribute to the financial support of their familes (Staples, 1973) Finally, the rural tradition of greater flexibility in the conduct of male and female roles is a significant factor here The differences between the Rose Elementary School population and others reported in the literature may be a function of any, or some combination, of these factors Sex-Role Modeling in School Context The faculty and staff at Rose Elementary School emphasized a common core of educational objectives which centered on basic skills : reading, writing, and mathematics The predominant view of the students was that they were a group who lacked the resources and readiness skills of middle-class children and that the school had a responsibility to provide the skills and motivation regarded as avenues to upward mobility and opportunities unavailable to the parent generation Due partially to the strength of this mission for upward mobility, socialization for traditional sex-role behaviors was relatively uncommon at Rose Elementary School (see Goetz, in press, 1981, for a documented discussion of adult sex-role systems in this setting) The incidental instruction in social niceties, involving traditional male and female roles that have been observed in other school contexts, was absent among the Rose faculty Rewards and punishments were distributed among students irrespective of gender identity No evidence exists of any special tracking by sex All children had access to all services, activities, and facilities excluding the separation of washrooms, deemed as supportive of privacy in American society The one feature of the school's social structure that did underscore assumptions of traditional sex-role expectations was the overwhelming presence of female faculty and female staff This was emphasized by their appearance : teachers and staff generally followed traditional clothing patterns, women wearing dresses and skirts to school Children 3 6


encountered no male teachers until they reached the upper grades This reinforced the association of female with teacher, particularly teacher of young children As reported below, when asked to name a future occupational choice, none of the boys named teacher although it was a common choice among the girls Role divisions within this predominantly female structure were nontraditional The chief authority, the principal, was a female as was the physical education instructor Custodial duties were performed by a man and a woman, and there was sufficient sharing of tasks that these individuals provided students with models of employment that were irrelevant to gender assignment In general, the atmosphere of the school may be most accurately characterized as egalitarian, with occasional residues of traditional sex-role expectations This emphasis upon egalitarianism was particularly evident in the classrooms of the two first-grade teachers, Ms Webster and Ms Carr They operated what would be considered to be traditional elementary classrooms, initiating the focus on basic skills that permeated the school This was supplemented by instruction in the variety of other subject matter areas Instructional organization varied from individualized activity in learning centers to small group activity to whole classroom activity Behavioral norms for the children were clearly communicated and consistently enforced Children were expected to complete designated tasks independently or cooperatively within specified time periods, to work quietly in appropriate spaces, to, attend carefully to faculty communications, and to practice those behaviors typically subsumed under the student role Ms Webster and Ms Carr, in their instructional activities and in their interactions with children, reflected a concern for student achievement and equality of opportunity irrespective of gender identity This was evident in their careful choices of nonsexist student materials, in occasional exhortative messages, and in a variety of indirect messages which supported children's implementation of behaviors across the range of feminine to masculine categorizations In the variety of organizational decisions which these teachers made daily, there is little evidence of differential treatment of children by sex From the possible range of teacher behaviors that may influence children's expectations of and attitudes toward sex roles e .g ., exhortation, teacher modeling and identification, nontraditional instructional examples the most common strategy used by these two first-grade teachers was an indirect approach They interacted with their students on an egalitarian basis, expecting normative behavior, attitudes, and display of competencies from the children irrespective of gender identity They were aware of the nature of the sex-role socialization that these first graders received at home, and both teachers modified their instructional messages to elicit from students examples of equalitarian home patterns 3 7


while remaining noncommittal about spontaneous contributions emphasizing traditional patterns (see Goetz, in press, 1981, for documentation of the teachers' roles here as cultural brokers) Sex-Role Systems and First Graders The outstanding feature of an examination of the two groups of Rose School first graders for sex differences in social behavior is that few distinctions were observed and that those which were apparent were minor and occurred infrequently (see discussion below of traditional interactive patterns in aggression, romancing, and playground groupings) On the other hand, children's spontaneous and elicited comments indicate that they possessed a firm grasp of traditional sex-role expectations This phenomenon is particularly evident in children's comments on adult behavior The data indicate that these first graders used traditional sexrole differentiations for their own behavior only when making speculative statements about their eventual statuses as adults, when projecting themselves into fantasy situations, and when making categorical distinctions Children's Perceptions of Sex-Role Divisions at Home Whether it was a result of shared employment responsibilities, rural traditions, general cultural trends, or some combination of factors, domestic tasks were reported by some children to be shared among their family members However, the majority did report traditional sex-role differentiation between spouses in the domestic sphere This distinction was supported and reinforced for the children by such common patterns as mothers being the parent to negotiate business for their children at Rose Elementary School When asked, "What does your daddy do to help around the house?", children's responses included : Not much stuff Oh, Daddy jus' gets out of the way All he does is watch TV Fixes stuff Works on things Cuts the grass Works on cars and things Tells me what to do Nothin' He jus' pokes around He don't do nothin' A sizeable number of the children did report their fathers' participation in domestic chores traditionally regarded as women's work : Oh, he sweeps up and fixes our breakfast Washes [the dishes] and makes supper and sweeps up Sometimes my daddy washes the dishes, and my mom says, 3 8


"Don't do that I'll do it ." Washes [dishes and clothes], mops up, and cooks sometimes Sometimes she [the mother] makes my daddy cook But he helps my grandma, and he sews, quilts and things Remarks on fathers' contributions to household chores were observed in the children's spontaneous comments In a reading group discussion about a story in which the main characters were attempting to determine who stole a blueberry pie, the following remarks were observed Ann : "My daddy makes a bunch of pies ." The teacher responds, "Your father is very industrious ." John contributes, "My daddy was making some kind of pie one time, and he got it all over the oven But he cleaned it up ." Although the children reported several instances of male parents being engaged in cross-sex-typed domestic chores, none named yard work, car maintenance, or other traditionally male activities as commonly being performed by mothers Mothers' domestic tasks were uniformly sex typed : cooking, cleaning, laundering When asked what chores they and their siblings performed in the home, children responded with a variety of tasks, most frequently "washing up" and "picking up ." Although a few of the children reported traditionally sex-typed tasks, there appeared to be little distinction between the sexes in the kinds of household chores expected of these students and their siblings There was far less differentiation in tasks, as reported by the children, performed by youngsters than in tasks performed by adults A final element related to sex-role differentiation among children that is pertinent to their home situations concerns the first graders' regular playmates Because the school serviced a rural area, home tended to be isolated A few of the children did live in small trailer parks or in areas where two or three homes were clustered together, but these students did not have access to the density of peers available to children in urban and suburban neighborhoods When asked with whom they played the most at home, the majority of children named one or more siblings The second most common response referred to cousins A small minority named neighborhood peers The salient factor in choice of home playmates appeared to be proximity Children in these two first-grade classrooms played with those to whom they had access, regardless of age, sex, or race Boys, as often as girls, named younger siblings, for whom they did double duty as caretakers Spontaneous contributions observed among the children with regard to their, sibling playmates were frequent and positive : Tommy [to Ms Webster, concluding an anecdote about his younger sister] : "She's a cute little thing She measures about to here [indicating his belt] ." 3 9


The messages that these children received at home concerning sex-role expectations appeared to be mixed They were predominantly traditional with some admixture of egalitarian role modeling Significantly, the traditional messages concerned primarily adults Expectations for the behavior of children appeared far more egalitarian This distinction carried over into the behavior that children exhibited in the classroom and on the school grounds Several factors relevant to variations in sex-role expectations and behaviors emerge from this discussion of children's perceptions of patterns in the home The children's rural cultural environment possessed both traditional and egalitarian elements Rural conservatism may dictate an ideological support of traditional sex-role standards of behavior ; on the other hand, the roles of women in rural America have been diverse historically and have been more interchangeable with men's roles than is true for urban areas (Flora & Johnson, 1978) This role reality had been reinforced in the area by economic conditions which required that families have two wage earners Although the Rose School first graders heard a commitment to traditional sex-role expectations, what they saw was more complicated An interacting factor was the socioeconomic composition of the community ; working-class groups display stronger support for traditional beliefs than is found among middleand upper-class groups (Yorburg, 1974) As these children entered school, they brought a mixed orientation toward sex-role expectations, weighted toward traditional commitments Gender Identity in Grooming and Apparel One of the traditional sexrole distinctions between males and females is differentiation in clothing, grooming, and decorative apparel In U .S society, these distinctions have lessened during the past decade The first graders at Rose Elementary School were an exemplar of this general societal trend Despite the differentiation in dress between males and females among the adult personnel at this school, the majority of the first graders frequently wore some variation of a standard outfit : jeans, knit shirt, and Adidas-style shoes This constituted a unisex uniform 4 This consistency among the children in dress and appearance contrasts with patterns reported by Johnson (1977) In an ethnographic study of a midwestern elementary school, he found differentiations in dress and grooming among first graders by sex, by race, by socioeconomic class, and by academic status However, he was studying a population more heterogeneous than that attending Rose Elementary 4 The striking feature of grooming and clothing styles among these children is that gender differentiation is so minor One child, classified for this study during the 1977-78 research period as a boy, had to be correctly reclassified as a girl two months after the initiation of observation Terry possessed an ambiguous name, usually wore the unisex outfit, interacted as frequently with boys as with girls, and generally engaged in androgynous behavior One day she appeared in a dress ; even social researchers can be misled by stereotypic assumptions 4 0


School As a predominantly middle-class population, Johnson's community would be expected to possess more resources for expenditure on children than could be found in Martin County Finally, the classrooms investigated by Johnson were organized more rigidly into academic status groups than was the case in the first-grade classrooms at Rose Elementary School To the extent that variation in dress and grooming occurred among the first graders at Rose, it did so among the females One explanation for this phenomenon can be derived from Lee and Gropper's (1974) assessment of gender differentiation in the United States They claim that two sex-role cultures exist in this country : one male and one female While everyone 'is somewhat bicultural in knowing the content of both cultures, only females are allowed to exhibit behaviors associated with both cultures (cf, e .g ., Harrington, 1970) The first-grade girls at Rose Elementary School possessed more alternatives than did the boys, and this was evident in their choices of wearing apparel Classroom Behaviors and Interaction The lack of sex-role differentiation in dress customs corresponded with other behavioral and interaction patterns Children of both sexes engaged in the range of social actions and exchanges, nonsex-role typed, observed in the two first-grade classrooms Boys and girls generated and resolved conflict, reacted to stress, punished and rewarded each other, sought attention, modeled for one another, and sought and provided nurturance (see Goetz, 1976, for a typology of such behaviors) To the extent that children verbalized either approval or disapproval of one another's actions, sex-role expectations did not appear to be a salient standard of evaluation For example, the children seated around Charles one afternoon all enjoyed his blue crayon lipstick demonstration : no one indicated that this might be inappropriate modeling The one exception observed to this sharing of classroom behavior across sex was the handling of aggression in informal mock wrestling bouts These first graders frequently shadow boxed and sham wrestled with one another This was accompanied by smiles and a genial combination of joking and teasing Rarely a child would slip and precipitate a hostile reaction from the partner in the exchange ; in these instances, other children quickly intervened, and adult attention seldom was incurred Such interactions could be observed most frequently between boys, occasionally between a boy and girl, and never between girls When questioned about her perception of this pattern of differences, Ms Carr concurred, adding, "And if they [the girls] ever do [wrestle or box], it's because they're mad at each other ." This distinction in interactive styles invites explanatory speculation It may be an epiphenomenon of the documented differences between males and females in frequency of aggressive behaviors (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974) In any event, it stands as an anomaly in this situation Although 4 1


other behaviors varied in frequency among the boys and girls in these classrooms, no other observed interactive behavior was as restricted by gender identity as mock wrestling This scene was repeated throughout each school day The task varied The sex and identity of the helper and the helped varied Rarely did children refuse others' appeals for assistance Proximity as the major influence in assistance seeking was underscored by an informal survey Children were asked from whom (including the teacher) they would request either academic assistance or borrowed materials They usually named someone seated in their immediate vicinity Both cross-sex and same-sex helpers were chosen Only a minority of the children named favorite classroom playmates as helpers Because seating assignments and other uses of classroom space were determined by the teachers, their decisions affected children's choices of helpers (cf ., Sieber, 1979, for an analysis of these interaction patterns) No other significant variations were observed among these children in communicatory exchanges Children requested and provided assistance to those around them ; proximity was salient rather than sex or friendship choices : Dick is one of the children called to reading group In collecting his reading workbook and other materials, he dumps his box of school supplies on the floor Ms Webster chides ldm from across the room for being so slow Sally, who is seated next to Dick, quickly kneels down on the floor, helping him gather the spilled objects Finally, as part of the same informal survey on helpers, children were asked to specify their favorite classroom playmate Choices in this instance were same-sex individuals Observations in the classroom, however, indicated that during indoor recesses and during break time, a 15-minute interval in the morning for milk and a snack, children interacted with those in their immediate vicinity students whose desks clustered in an area of the classroom, groups which gathered around the water fountain or the trash can or the windows, and people who surrounded the teacher for informal chats Interactions such as the following were common : Jimmy, with milk and a snack, turns around in his desk and looks at Sandra who is seated behind him : "You didn't bring no snack, did you?" Sandra shakes her head Jimmy responds, "Want one of my carrots?" Sandra shakes her head again Jimmy : "Don't you like carrots?" Sandra smiles, shrugging her shoulders, and they talk for the next few minutes Rarely cross-sex interactions such as these developed into classroom romances A child would court someone of the opposite sex watching the other child at intervals, initiating conversations or play, and offering to share snacks or help in some task If there was an amiable response, 4 2


the two would refer to each other as "girlfriend" and "boyfriend" Although this resulted in little more than whispering and giggling together in a corner, the relationship often was recognized verbally by other children in the classroom who invariably emphasized their comments with a variety of giggles and titters Such romances constituted one of the few behavioral manifestations of traditional sex-role expectations in these classrooms Playground Interactions Playground interactions were more sex segregated and less determined by proximity than classroom behaviors They were more spontaneous, less well organized, and lacking in ekpected children's folklore games Outside, play associations were fluid and short timed In a 15-minute period, a child might slide alone, swing with another student, and join a larger group for fantasy play Organized games were rare The children used the playground equipment, wandered in pairs or clusters, or engaged in a variety of chasing games The larger play associations observed during recess were fantasy roleplay situations "Batman and Robin" was a favorite choice Participants in these groups were most frequently boys (cf ., e .g ., Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974) although girls were observed to join and were apparently not excluded because of their sex Other associations pairs and triples as well as solitary play could be observed among children of both sexes Although most pairings were same sex, cross-sex pairings were not' unusual These observations contrast with Lever's (1976) analysis of fifthgraders' play patterns during recess, due possibly to the differences in age groups and to the disparity in populations Lever studied children in a white middle-class suburban area This lack of organization and the absence of children's folklore games (e .g ., rope jumping and hopscotch) among Rose School first graders might have resulted from the outspread residential configuration that precluded groupings of same-age neighborhood children and from individual developmental patterns whereby skill in rule-bound games emerges only after age 7 (Smilansky, 1968) Normative Messages Although there was little sex-role differentiation among the children in their classroom behaviors and social interactions, these first graders made traditional sex-role distinctions in both spontaneous and elicited remarks These were restricted to two areas : statements of expectations directed toward adults, those who surrounded them as well as themselves projected several years forward, and general categorical statements, with certain associated descriptive qualifiers Occupational Aspirations Children's occupational choices, elicited by informal interviews with all the first graders, fit traditional gender-specific patterns The boys' most frequent responses, police officer and fire fighter, are typical of male occupational choices found elsewhere among preschoolers and elementary schoolchildren (Looft, 1971a, 1971b ; Papalia 4 3


& Tennent, 1975) As in other studies, boys' choices reflected a wider range of occupational goals : automobile mechanic, welder, racecar builder, bus driver, and lumberman Girls' choices were more limited, restricted almost entirely to nurse and teacher However, none of the girls chose domestic jobs, such as mother or housewife, as has been found by the other researchers Pertinent to the working-class perspective of these children was the nature of their choices Although some of the boys' choices might involve post-secondary training, only the girls' frequent responses involved occupations which require such preparation The exceptions to this pattern of working-class or, at the most, lower-middle-class occupational choices, were one boy who chose doctor and a boy and girl who chose dentist Two weeks prior to being questioned about occupational choices, the children had discussed a story in their basal reading series about a female dentist Following their open-ended choices, children were asked whether they would like to be doctors, nurses, racecar drivers, or dancers Students were adamant about nurses : "Boys can't be nurses" ; "They's womans ." On the other hand, both men and women could be doctors, race car drivers, and dancers One boy said he would like to be a dancer, "like John Travolta ." Nurse was the only category rejected by gender identity This informal survey indicated that the children perceived themselves as becoming adults in traditional sex-role occupations, that they held some occupational sex-role stereotypes rigidly, but that such conceptions were changing and becoming less gender specific Projections of themselves as adults transferred into images of themselves as fantasy figures A few days before Halloween, Ms Webster asked the students in her classroom to name the characters that they wanted to portray on Halloween night All of the girls chose identifiably female fantasy figures such as Superwoman and Tinkerbell As occurred with their occupational choices, the boys named a greater variety of identities Half of these were male ; the other half were nonsexspecific figures e .g ., animals, ghosts, and clowns (see Kropp, Halverson, Kropp and Martin, 1980, for a subsequent study among 174 children that confirms these patterns) Expectations of Adults These first graders occasionally emphasized traditional sex-role divisions in discussing their parents' activities, attitudes, and interactions In a lesson on identifying words that begin with the letter "d," Bruce volunteered the information that dishwashers clean dishes unsatisfactorily and that his mother washes dishes much better than any electric dishwasher Discussing his weekend plans with the researcher, Bill mentioned an upcoming football game, "If it rains, Mom says we can't go But Daddy will take me ." Such remarks suggest that these first graders did not merely categorize men and women into genderspecific roles but also attached traditional expectations to the performance of such roles While such expectations were grounded in the reali4 4


ty of the child's family context, these associations were transformed into general attributes that were attached to the categories, male and female Data collected in this study indicate that, upon entry to school, these first graders possessed such categories, that they applied the two gender groups to both children and adults, and that the students distinguished a variety of modifiers and designations on the basis of gender implications Categorical Distinctions Children appeared clearly aware of their own and others' gender identities because they corrected any categorical errors that they perceived : Ms Carr hands out activity cards to the children [these are normally accompanied by a record, narrated by a male voice] "This one doesn't have a record with it so I'll be the man ." Several children respond, "No, you'll be the woman ." Ms Carr smiles, "Okay ." Jane asks Steve to pick up something he has dropped on the floor Steve : "Yes, sir ." Jane frowns, "I ain't no sir ." He responds, "Yes, ma'am ." These students expected classificatory references to be precise and accurate They willingly took cross-sex parts in dramatic situations, such as during reading group activity, without objection This was imaginative role play However, they insisted upon correct identification of their real selves and of those around them They attempted to attach sex-appropriate descriptive modifiers to gender classification : Leslie reads to the class a sentence she has written for a spelling lesson, "The boys are beautiful ." Teddy reacts immediately, "Boys aren't beautiful ." Ms Carr : "Yes, they are For instance, boy babies are very beautiful ." Teddy : "Well . girls are more beautiful than boys ." When the school secretary arrives at the classroom door, carrying a visitor's infant child, the first graders crowd around to see Several children murmur, "That's a girl ." The baby is dressed in pink These distinctions differ from those discussed above concerning adult behavior They were applied across the range of ages They rarely connoted behavioral expectations They constituted a set of signals in the cases above, color of apparel and descriptive qualifier that indicate gender identity in traditional sex-role cultures Summary The children in Rose Elementary School's two first-grade classrooms showed few sex-role distinctions in behavior and interaction patterns All of the students drew from the same range of behaviors, with few exceptions The predominant form of dress was a unisex outfit shared by boys and girls ; however, girls did wear certain items never observed among the boys 4 5


Distinctions in interactive behavior were rare and relatively minor Girls never engaged one another in mock wrestling bouts Playground associations tended to form in same-sex groups Boys formed larger outside play groups than did girls Despite their sharing of classroom behavior across sexes, these first graders were aware of traditional sex-role differentiations and applied them in certain contexts Expectations of adults and adult behavior often were expressed in traditionally gender-specific ways Categorical distinctions between males and females were used across the age groups, child to adult These rarely were applied to expectations of differences among themselves and with respect to their own behaviors These first graders did not consider traditional gender appropriateness in evaluating one another's actions and reactions Discussion This ethnography of a group of primary-level students focuses on a set of questions investigating sex-role expectations among these children as they entered first grade and their initial experience with formal schooling Although the ethnographic data provides certain answers, these conclusions concern the children at a particular level of experience By the time these youngsters complete a second or third year of schooling, their concepts and their definitions of situations will have changed, the interactions upon which they form perceptions and expectations will have expanded, and the following conclusions will have to modified correspondingly To what extent did entering Rose School first graders express a knowledge of traditional sex-role expectations? Children's verbal messages, spontaneous and elicited, indicate that differential expectations had been formed for males and females in this society These differential expectations followed the lines of traditional sex-role cultures in the United States (Lee & Gropper, 1974) To what extent did they express a knowledge of emergent egalitarian values and expectations with respect to gender? The data are more equivocal on this question Individual children did report family behavior and self behavior that contradicted the strictures of traditional sex-role cultures Such reports rarely were phrased in normative generalities, as were statements supporting traditional views of gender assignment They were usually anecdotes about an individual parent or child What may be inferred from this is a narrowing of traditional sex-role expectations and a broadening of behaviors and attitudes considered to be shared across the sexes To what extent was such knowledge commonly held among identifiable groups of children in the classroom : males and females, blacks and white? No differential patterns of knowledge among the classroom groups emerge from an analysis of the ethnographic data If such dif4 6


ferences did exist, they are not inducible from the data collected Patterns that have Peen identified were observed among both males and females and among both racial groups This similarity may be attributable to the socioeconomic homogeneity of Martin County, as discussed above The failure to find patterns of differences between the black and white children may be due to the small representation, 2010, of blacks in the two classrooms Existing differences may have been masked by the overwhelming numbers of the majority racial group What categories of human experience were addressed by children's knowledge of traditional or egalitarian sex-role systems? Children restricted their knowledge of the traditional sex-role cultures to expectations of adult behavior and situations and to gender-typed categorical statements Occupational concepts were somewhat sex stereotyped Fantasy projections frequently were sex stereotyped : this is evident in the children's practice romancing and in such choices as Halloween character and apparel Gender identity was irrelevant to other areas of the students' experience This can be interpreted as evidence of the operation of egalitarian perspectives ; the ethnographic data, however, indicate that this was an unconscious normative pattern held by children How did the children's knowledge of traditional or egalitarian sex-role systems compare or contrast with their classroom behaviors? Gender identity and the expectations and attitudes that are attached to such identity were not salient in these two classrooms The range of behaviors observed in the classrooms were exhibited by both boys and girls To what extent did children appeal to or exhibit behavior based upon knowledge of either traditional or egalitarian sex-role systems in their interactions with one another? Minimal evidence was found of the influence of the traditional sex-role cultures in children's social exchanges Gender identity was not a major factor either in the nature of classroom interactions or in the choice of classroom interactants Children did name same-sex individuals as favorite school playmates, but this did not reflect their interactive patterns in the classroom These first graders might have been socialized by agents such as family and media to believe that best friends are the same sex If these children did have a spontaneous preference for same-sex playmates, the teacher-manipulated classroom organization might have masked this preference The tendency for children to gather more frequently in same-sex groups on the playground supports the latter interpretation To what extent might the children's knowledge of either traditional or egalitarian sex-role systems be attributed to home and parental influences, either through teacher and student verbal claims or through other inferential evidence? The ethnographic data collected in this study are insufficient for sorting home factors that might have influenced the children's knowledge of sex-role systems upon entry to school ; the following inferences should be interpreted cautiously, recognizing their 4 7


limited data base Observational and interview data indicate that the children's parents modeled both traditional and egalitarian sex-role behaviors Children's accounts of parents' statements indicate that traditional behaviors often were accompanied by normative expressions designed to influence children's beliefs Families appeared to differ in their positions on a hypothetical continuum of traditional to egalitarian patterns Conclusions and Implications Data from this study indicate that these first graders compartmentalized their knowledge of sex-role systems When making categorical distinctions between males and females or when verbalizing expectations of adult behavior, students applied assumptions derived from the traditional sex-role cultures Within the classroom and in their interactions with one another, such assumptions were suspended, and egalitarian perspectives became more evident If this phenomenon were demonstrated to generalize to other populations of primary-age children, then researchers studying youngsters' attitudes toward sex-role behaviors should account for it by distinguishing between children's views of their own and their peers' behaviors and children's views of adult behaviors : research designs which include observational protocols as well as interview and questionnaire instruments are mandated in order to register these effects Primary-level social studies instruction, aimed at reducing sexism and promoting equality of opportunity, should focus on equalitarian adult roles, building rationale from egalitarianism displayed by children among themselves Children's abilities to supply socially desirable responses by the age of 5 is a well-established phenomenon in the literature (Cruse, 1963) Whether this is indicative of an ability to implement socially desirable behaviors or to make active choices among behaviors that are approved is an open question As discussed above, Rose Elementary School first graders were able to verbalize the normative strictures of the traditional sex-role cultures although comparable statements supportive of an egalitarian sex-role perspective were rare In this particular case, the ability to verbalize a socially desirable response traditional sex-role norms had little correspondence with the children's actual school behavior and with the evaluative basis upon which they spontaneously judged one anothers' behaviors Primary-level social studies instructors should be alert to these discrepancies, using them as the basis for inquiry and value-analysis strategies that promote children's sensitivity to contradictions in social and personal standards of judgment Third, what appeared as egalitarian behavior on the part of the children might have been a response by students to an environment shaped by their teachers' commitments to egalitarian objectives The classroom organizational decisions made by these women promoted the 4 8


interaction of children across age, sex, and racial groups The emphasis on task achievement, especially in the basic skills areas, reduced students' opportunities to engage in the fantasy role play which appeared to elicit these first graders' stereotypic notions of male and female behavior An alternative explanation for the absence of student behavior revealing traditional sex-role expectations must be that such behavior was minimized in the classrooms of their particular teachers Studies of comparable student populations in first-grade classrooms whose teachers are neutral or negative toward the increasing egalitarianism between the sexes may illuminate this question of teacher influence Should this be established as a legitimate causal factor in children's classroom behaviors, it would strengthen the rationale for teacher efforts to promote egalitarianism and reduce sexism Data from the Rose Elementary School ethnography suggest that forces effecting a shift from traditional to egalitarian views of sex-role expectations may be operating among children of 6 or 7 One study (Iglitzin, 1973) has demonstrated that students whose parents both work hold more egalitarian attitudes toward sex-role behaviors The extent to which children who hold such positions may influence their more traditionally minded peers is a phenomenon yet to be investigated Observations among the Rose Elementary School first graders established that children did exchange messages on the subject This sharing may be facilitated or obstructed by classroom teachers, whose decisions may affect students' views indirectly The strength of the traditional sex-role cultures normally found among working-class groups, as discussed earlier, was less evident in the community serviced by Rose Elementary School This might have been due to changes in social climate and economic conditions which the recency of this study has tapped It might have been due to the rural background of this particular population ; other studies of working-class groups have been conducted almost exclusively in urban settings In any event, the operation of sex-role systems among rural-transitional populations is a topic requiring further investigation Primary-level social studies instructors whose students include such children should be urged to investigate patterns of student attitudes and behaviors within their own classrooms Such investigations not only serve diagnostic functions but also reveal sources of student and parent role modeling that may promote egalitarian goals The sex-role knowledge and behavior of the Rose Elementary School first graders, with its contradictory applications to adults and children and its compartmentalization, may be explained through the interactive effects of a number of factors The socialization received by these children in rural, working-class families was contradictory : normative messages and much adult behavior reflected traditional sex-role expectations but egalitarian role models were increasingly available The general school atmosphere, while revealing traces of the traditional sex-role 4 9


cultures, was primarily equalitarian ; this might have been due as much to the emphasis on facilitating student upward mobility as to a commitment to equality between the sexes Finally, the influence of the first graders' teachers, who verbalized egalitarian objectives, cannot be ignored It is undoubtedly the combination of all of these elements, further modified by such influences as the mass media, that accounts for the patterns of sex-role knowledge and behavior observed in this setting As these students progress through the grades, acquire more interactive skills, become more aware of status differentials, and begin to approach puberty, this may change The conclusions from this ethnographic study of the first-grade classrooms in a rural consolidated elementary school should be interpreted cautiously Their generalizability across settings is a problem that can be addressed only by research methodologies designed for verification However, the detailed delineation of population characteristics of the Rose Elementary School community should establish its typicality (Wolcott, 1973) and thereby allow for some comparison with other ethnographic and case study sites 5 0


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Harrington, Charles C ., Errors in Sex-Role Behavior in Teen-Age Boys (New York : Teachers College Press, 1970) Harrison, Barbara Grizzuti, Unlearning the Lie : Sexism in School (New York : William Morrow, 1973) Howe, Louise Kapp, Pink Collar Workers : Inside the World of Women's Work (New York : G P Putnam's, 1977) Iglitzen, Lynne B ., "A Child's-Eye View of Sex Roles," in National Education Association (ed .), Sex Role Stereotyping in the Schools, rev ed (Washington : Editor, 1973) Johnson, Norris Brock, "Patterns of Student Dress, Body Decoration, and Appearance : Aspects of Resegregation in Desegregated Elementary School Classrooms," paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, November 1977 Kaplan, Alexandra G ., and Bean, Joan P ., "From Traditional to Alternative Conceptions of Sex Roles," in Alexandra G Kaplan and Joan P Bean (eds .), Beyond Sex-Role Stereotypes : Readings Toward a Psychology of Androgyny (Boston : Little, Brown, 1976) Komarovsky, Mirra, Blue Collar Marriage (New York : Random House, 1964) Kropp, Jerri Jandon, Halverson, Charles F ., Jr ., Kropp, Joseph P ., and Martin, Carol L ., "Darth Vader Versus Tinkerbell : Correlates of Boys' and Girls' Choices of Halloween Costumes," paper presented at the Southeastern Conference on Human Development, April 1980 Lee, Patrick, C ., and Gropper, Nancy B ., "Sex-Role Culture and Educational Practice," Harvard Educational Review, 44 (August 1974), 369-410 Lever, Janet, "Sex Differences in the Games Children Play," Social Problems, 23 (April 1976), 478-487 Lofland, John, Analyzing Social Settings : A Guide to Qualitative Observation and Analysis (Belmont, CA : Wadsworth, 1971) Looft, William R ., "Sex Differences in the Expression of Vocational Aspirations by Elementary School Children," Developmental Psychology, 5 (September 1971), 366 (a) Looft, William R ., "Vocational Aspirations of Second-Grade Girls," Psychology Reports, 28 (February 1971), 241-242 (b) Maccoby, Eleanor Emmons, and Jacklin, Carol Nagy, The Psychology of Sex Differences (Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press, 1974) McCall, George J ., and Simmons, J L (eds .), Issues in Participant Observation : A Text ar .4 Reader (Reading, MA : Addison-Wesley, 1969) Merton, Robert K ., On Theoretical Sociology : Five Essays, Old and New (New York : The Free Press, 1967) Minuchin, Patricia, "Sex-Role Concepts and Sex Typing in Childhood as a Function of School and Home Environments," Child Development, 36 (December 1965), 1033-1048 Mulawka, Edward J ., Sex Role Typing in the Elementary School Classroom as Reinforcement of Sex Role Stereotypes Learned at Home, unpublished doc5 2


toral dissertation (Wayne State University, 1972), Dissertation Abstracts International, 33, 6472A National Council for the Social Studies, "Social Studies Curriculum Guidelines," Social Education, 35 (December 1971), 853-869 (a) National Council for the Social Studies, "Standards for Social Studies Teachers," Social Education, 35 (December 1971), 845-852 (b) National Education Association (ed .), Sex Role Stereotypng in the Schools, rev ed (Washington : Editor, 1977) Nihlen, Ann Sigrid, The White Working-Class in Schoo : A Study of First-Grade Girls and Their Parents, unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of New Mexico, 1974), Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 6158A Papalia, Diane E ., and Tennent, Susan Salverson, "Vocational Aspirations in Preschools : A Manifestation of Early Sex Role Stereotyping," Sex Roles, 1 (June 1975), 197-199 Pivnick, Patricia T ., Sex Role Socialization : Observations in a First Grade Classroom (It's Hard to Change Your Image Once You're Type-Cast), unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of Rochester, 1974), Dissertation Abstracts International, 35, 1358A Radcliffe-Brown, A R ., Structure and Function in Primitive Society : Essays and Addresses (New York : The Free Press, 1965) Rainwater, Lee, Coleman, Richard P ., and Handel, Gerald, Working Man's Wife (Chicago : Oceana, 1959) Robinson, W S ., "The Logical Structure of Analytic Induction," American Sociological Review, 16 (December 1951), 812-818 Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist, "Women, Culture, and Society : A Theoretical Overview," in Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (eds .), Women, Culture, and Society (Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press, 1974) Saario, Terry N ., Jacklin, Carol Nagy, and Tittle, Carol Kehr, "Sex Role Stereotyping in the Public Schools," Harvard Educational Review, 43 (August 1973), 386-415 Sieber, R Timothy, "Classmates as Workmates : Informal Peer Activity in the Elementary School," Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 10 (Winter 1979), 207-235 Smilansky, Sara, The Effects of Sociodramatic Play on Disadvantaged Preschool Children (New York : John Wiley, 1975) Spradley, James P ., and Mann, Brenda J ., The Cocktail Waitress : Women's Work in a Man's World (New York : John Wiley, 1975) Stacey, Judith, Bereaud, Susan, and Daniels, Joan (eds .), And Jill Came Tumbling After : Sexism in American Education (New York : Dell, 1974) Staples, Robert, The Black Woman in America : Sex, Marriage, and the Family (Chicago : Nelson Hall, 1973) Webb, Eugene J ., Campbell, Donald T ., Schwartz, Richard D ., and Sechrest, Lee, Unobtrusive Measures : Nonreactive Research in the Social Sciences (Chicago : Rand McNally, 1966) 5 3


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Theory and Reseach in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 55-79 € by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies The Radical Reconstructionist Rationale for Social Education William B Stanley Louisiana State University The depression, which began in 1929, wrought many changes in the American intellectual community The apparent collapse of the economic system, with all its concommitant social misery, caused many to wonder if the existing political and economic institutions would ever be capable of reviving prosperity Several prominent members of the educational community also shared these concerns Their debates over how to respond to the crisis of the depression resulted in some advocating a new rationale for social education, i .e ., social reconstructionism The reconstructionist rationale actually began to emerge in the decade after World War I, but was more fully articulated during the depression decade Its early development can be traced in the writing of George Counts and Harold Rugg Theodore Brameld joined their efforts in 1935 and went on to expand reconstructionism as an alternative philosophy of education The reconstructionists were more specifically a very small faction within the much larger progressive education movement In spite of their small numbers they seem to have been taken seriously by conservative and radical groups (Bowers, 1970, p 221) Yet they seem to have had little influence on classroom teachers They were not the most radical critics of the period and in fact were bitterly attacked by American communists as apologists for capitalism (pp 22-53) Still, they were clearly on the left in terms of the traditional American political spectrum 5 5


Many different educators have been labeled reconstructionists and social reconstructionism has been given various interpretations .' However, the views of Counts, Rugg and Brameld are different in several significant ways Thus they constitute the nucleus of a unique and radical approach to social education This is evident in the reactions they aroused on the part of educators like Dewey, Kilpatrick, Raup, Childs and others often referred to as reconstructionists And although Counts, Rugg and Brameld often had disagreed among themselves, they were more alike than different ; and, each differed considerably with contemporaries in the broader progressive education movement 2 The social reconstructionist position was not entirely new The concern over whether the schools should function to transmit or transform society has deep roots in the history of education In America, progressive educators had long been concerned with the creation of the "good society ." According to Lawrence Cremin (1961), "Progressive education began as progressivism in education : a many-sided effort to use the schools to improve the lives of individuals" (p viii) However, the progressive vision lacked specific content and direction Progressive educators tended to focus their attention on the needs of the child and avoided the development of a social program The president of the Progressive Education Association in 1930 explained that the PEA had never promulgated anything like a social program However, members did agree that the child . should be the center of all educational effort and that a scientific attitude toward new educational ideas is the best guarantee of progress" (Fowler, 1939, p 159) The activities and goals of the radical reconstructionists posed a direct challenge to the child-centered progressives who exercised considerable influence in the PEA at the start of the depression The reconstructionist challenge was facilitated by an earlier split in the PEA Many progressive educators felt that the emphasis on the child as the center of all educational efforts illustrated a growing disparity between Dewey's educational philosophy and its application in the schools Dewey spoke at the 1928 PEA convention and criticized some of his followers for maintaining a pedagogical approach which seems to regard the "orderly organization of subject matter [as] hostile to the needs of students" (1928) He also considered the schools to be an embryonic 'See for example, Lawrence Cremin in The Transformation of the Schools, New York : Vantage Books, 1961 ; and C A Bowers, The Progressive Educator and the Depression New York : Random House, 1969 2 Because most of Rugg's more moderate views are subsumed within the works of Counts and Brameld, this paper will focus on the views of the latter two men This is in no way intended to minimize Rugg's contribution to reconstructionism He was the author or co-author of at least 35 books and many more articles Also, Rugg is the only reconstructionist to publish a successful social studies textbook series Ironically, although he was less radical than Counts or Brameld, his popularity made him the target of numerous reactionary attacks prior to our involvement in World War II (Winters, 1968) 5 6


community whose activities and occupations reflected the life of the general society (1962, p 29) He proposed the study of a wide range of social problems which child-centered classrooms tended to ignore even in the midst of our worst depression Early Reconstructionism : George Counts The social reconstructionists shared Dewey's concern that the schools help improve society by removing undesirable social values from classrooms But their emphasis on social reform and change often went well beyond that of Dewey and his followers The individual most responsible for developing the early views of the reconstructionists was George Sylvester Counts In 1932 Counts appeared before the annual PEA convention in Baltimore His speech "Dare Progressive Education Be Progressive?" caused immediate controversy and concern Counts maintained that the focus of the PEA had become too narrow, specifically that they had not developed any theory of social welfare -Counts urged members to do so and also to lessen their fear of imposition and indoctrination He criticized the capitalist economic system and the ideology of rugged individualism He went on to note that indoctrination will take place regardless of what teachers do Therefore, it should be used by them to check the power of less enlightened or more selfish groups Counts (1932a) noted the often naive belief Americans held of education as a solution to almost all social problems They maintained this faith even in the face of the worst depression in our nation's history The effects of the depression, however, seemed to suggest that our schools "are themselves driven by the very forces that are transforming the rest of the social order" (p 32) Counts believed that under certain conditions our schools might be as effective as we suppose But the creation of the proper conditions would not be easy, and as yet, no program existed to accomplish this task He recognized that the progressive movement in education offered many suggestions for the improvement of social welfare For example, they have helped to focus our attention on the needs of the child and the relevance of Activity and life situations in the learning process (1932a, pp 5-6) This was an excellent start, in Count's view, but not a sufficient program for social education To be truly progressive, an educational movement must have an orientation and a clearly defined purpose (p 6) The chief weakness of progressive education was its failure to elaborate a theory of social welfare, "unless it be that of anarchy or extreme individualism" (Counts, 1932, p 7) This emphasis on individuality reflected the view of the upper middle class, many of whom sent their children to progressive schools The members of this class, according to Counts, "have shown themselves entirely incapable of dealing with any of the great crises of our time" (p 8) Progressive education must : 5 7


emancipate itself from the influence of this class . develop a realistic and comprehensive theory of welfare, fashion a compelling and challenging vision of human destiny, and become less frightened than it is today at the bogies of imposition and indoctrination (pp 9-10) Counts advanced an educational program which he believed would promote the fullest understanding of the world He opposed any attempt at distortion or suppression of facts, but he also defended the thesis : . .that all education contains a large element of imposition, that in the very nature of the case this is inevitable, that the existence and evolution of society depend upon it, that it is consequently eminently desirable, and that the frank acceptance of this fact by the educator is a major professional obligation (p 12) Over the years American progressive educators had developed a strong rationale to oppose imposition and indoctrination This was understandable in relation to the imposed, rigid, formalistic, and traditional education they had rallied against for so long Yet Counts believed that there were a number of widespread fallacies which underlay the theoretical opposition to imposition in education Among the more important were : . the fallacy that man is born free As a matter of fact, he is born helpless He achieves freedom, as a race and as an individual, through the medium of culture . The individual is at once imposed upon and liberated (pp 13-15) Counts also noted that it is assumed that education should be divorced from politics But the schools have always been politicized and in general functioned as agents of the state (Counts, 1932a, p 18) Nor would the schools, as some supposed, ever be neutral This is impossible because schools . must share attitudes and develop tastes . ." and this requires selection and imposition (p 19) The related fallacy also exists that education should seek to develop individuals who hold agnostic attitudes toward social issues, i .e ., a person . who sees all sides to every question and never commits himself to any . action until the facts are in . ." (pp 20-21) But Counts claimed that this was self defeating because for every social problem there may be scores of solutions The resolution of any social problem requires decisions and . the selection or rejection of values" (p 21) The progressives generally favored exposing students to a multiplicity of life experiences and allowing them to develop their own life philosophy (Counts, 1935a, p 8) Counts (1934) claimed this was an unrealistic view Because all education involved indoctrination and imposition, some type of criterion must always be involved in the process of selecting among curricula In fact, it is impossible for schools to main5 8


tain a position of complete neutrality and simultaneously function as a concrete reality To begin with, argued Counts (1932b), the schools should impose the democratic ideal on youth (p 4) Educators would probably not object to this or to the function the school performed by helping to socialize youth Yet the very process of socialization in any particular society was indoctrination of the highest order (Counts, 1932c, p 70) As he put it : The real question therefore is not whether some tradition will be imposed by intent or circumstance upon the coming generation (we may rest assured that this will be done), but rather what particular tradition will be imposed To refuse to face the task of the selection or the fashioning of this tradition is to evade the most crucial, difficult, and important educational responsibility (p 249) A final fallacy holds that given our rapidly changing society we should prepare individuals to be able to adjust to an uncertain future .This would require training in skilled thinking, but such a person should not be bound by firm loyalties He/she should be willing and able to make fundamental shifts in outlook and philosophy (1932c, p 27) Counts condemned this view as anarchistic and irrational He noted that it "makes of security an individual rather than a social goal . ." (p 27) This results in a vicious cycle of competition and amounts to imposition with a vengeance, i .e ., "the imposition of the chaos and cruelty and ugliness produced by the brutish struggle for existence and advantage" (p 27) Teachers must expose these fallcies for what they are They could not remain neutral in the face of social and economic crises and should seek political power in the interest of the masses (p 29) Counts believed that teachers, with their professional role as intellectual leaders in society, were in a unique position to accomplish this task The new society the teachers would help create would be significantly different from that which existed in 1932 : If the benefits of industrialism are to accrue fully to the people . If the machine is to serve all, and serve all equally, it cannot be the property of the few . . With the present concentration of economic power in the hands of a small class . . the survival or development of a society that could in any sense be called democratic is unthinkable (1932c, p 46) In order to diffuse property rights in an industrialized society, Counts argued that "natural resources and all important forms of capital will have to be collectively owned" (pp 44-45) The present economic system of capitalism would . either have to be displaced altogether or changed so radically in form and spirit that its identity will be completely lost" (p 47) Counts believed that the capitalistic emphasis on profit had had a debasing effect on man 5 9


Counts' clear identification with some form of socialism seemed a radical approach to many American educators At that time many people had raised objections concerning the possibility of restrictions on personal freedom in a socialized economy and society According to Counts : . in such an economy the individual would not be permitted to do many things that he has customarily done in the past He would not be permitted to carve a fortune out of the natural resources of the nation, to organize a business purely for the purpose of making money, to build a new factory or railroad whenever and wherever he pleased, to throw the economic system out of gear for the protection of his own private interests . [to] control . the organs of opinion (1932c, pp 49-50) Such measures, argued Counts, would actually preserve and expand democratic freedoms, not restrict them Counts also drew attention to several other educational problems The cult of scientific education, for one, had resulted in the overemphasis on objective and mechanical methods of analysis (1930, pp 124-125) This approach tends to begin and end with a study of the present social situation, and hence, to reify the status quo In their attempt to objectify and reduce the study of educational problems to simple formulae, scientific educators ignored a critical educational issue, the selection and rejection of values By excluding value questions from their "scientific" approach, these educators also appeared to support the dominant forces in the status quo The belief in the desirability of efficiency and utility also tended to shape the school along the contours of industrial institutions (Counts, 1930, pp 138-139, 156-162) Thus schools have become preoccupied with measuring output, developing hierarchial administrative organization, vocational training and scientific management Both efficiency and utility therefore tend to thwart attempts to reconstruct educational theory to meet current social needs Finally, our strong nationalistic tendencies resulted in the biased presentation of much of our social studies curriculum (Counts, 1930, pp 114-116) Frequently the emphasis given to patriotism in our schools results in serving special interest groups and intolerance for racial and cultural minorities (pp 104-107) Even when motivated by high interests, the teaching of patriotism tends to dwell primarily on the nation's history, thus largely ignoring the need for radical changes in the present (p 117) Counts (1938) was also aware that the major problems of this century were no longer simply national in scope It was becoming more evident that many economic and social issues were global in nature and thus could not be resolved by any nation acting alone (pp 210-214) (This theme would become increasingly significant in the latter writing of the reconstructionists, especially the work of Theodore Brameld .) 6 0


It was evident in The Prospects for American Democracy (1938) that Counts had moderated his earlier views but he still held to some form of collectivism as the best economic system It must be a collective economy fashioned in terms of the democratic ideal Consequently, . from the standpoint of civic and political liberties . the emerging collectivism must avoid in as far as possible the aggrandizement of the state" (p 95) He also noted somberly that this might not be possible but should be tried Otherwise democracy was doomed (p 95) Counts had grown more concerned, it seems, with the relationship of the state to education and the question of how to distribute power He realized that the existing system was defective and that educators would have to assume and wield more power to accomplish social change He also understood that the power of the state must be used in the interests of the people to help facilitate the necessary changes Yet he wanted to keep the schools independent of the state as far as possible and to insure that both the state and the schools functioned in response to the will of the people democratically exercised In an article in Frontiers of Democracy (1941) Counts compared his views at that time with those he held in 1934 He found himself in general agreement with his earlier positions, yet admitted that his total position had undergone considerable modification (p 231) For example, he had come to believe that means and ends cannot be separated The use of undemocratic means to achieve democratic ends, whenever democratic means are available, can only lead to disaster He also renewed his commitment to the "bourgeois virtues" of democracy, i .e ., the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, organization and petition : "The weakness of the term, of course, is not that these virtues are bourgeois, but that the bourgeoisie so often have failed to practice them" (p 232) After 1941, Counts added little to his reconstructionist views although he did not seem to abandon them In 1966 he reasserted his views on indoctrination but in most instances he seems to have avoided the controversies that marked his earlier career (Counts, 1966) Early Reconstructionism : Theodore Brameld Theodore Brameld's early work was clearly influenced by Marxism His first noticeable involvement with reconstructionism occurred in 1935 when he contributed the article "Karl Marx and the American Teacher" to the Social Frontier Brameld believed that a Marxist perspective had utility for educators, although he claimed that he did not take a position on the Marxist ideal (p 36) Teachers were, in his view, members of the working class and should seek to persuade their students of capitalism's weaknesses and of the superiority of the collectivist society (pp 53-56) The reaction to Brameld's article was swift and critical His views tended to increase the polarization of the moderate and leftist factions 6 1


among progressive educators R Bruce Raup (1936) considered Marxist principles to be "dangerous oversimplifications," and John Dewey (1936) was "most happy to associate himself with Raup's position ." Dewey rejected Marxist absolutism in which "class struggle determines of itself the course of events and their issue" (p 241) He preferred a social to a class viewpoint and accepted the "democratic idea as the frame of reference and the source of the directive ideas of educational action" (p 242) In responding to his critics, Brameld (1936a) noted that there are two basic aspects to the Marxian doctrine : "It is both a world-view, a system of philosophy, on the one hand, and a social methodology, a planned program of action, on the other" (p 7) While Raup's and Dewey's criticisms focused on the philosophic or world view of Marxism, Brameld had focused on the relevance of Marxian methodology Although Brameld (1936a) felt that Raup's criticisms were extreme, he did concede that at times the Marxian world view is absolutist (p 8) Dewey's rejection of the Marxian position is, according to Brameld, "an expression of loyalty to the premises of his entire operational philosophy" (p 8) But Brameld was not concerned with the soundness of the Marxian system or world view His concern was directed at "the significance of the Marxian concept of class struggle as a method . . for effecting basic changes which so many liberals agree should be made" (p 8) What was unique in Brameld's explanation was his attempt to demonstrate that the Marxian class concept . is simply an application in particular of what these educators [Kilpatrick, Dewey and Raup] may very well mean by the scientific method in general" (p 8) Brameld summarizes Dewey's scientific method as follows : . it consists of a continuous effort to achieve satisfying adjustments with the world through painstaking analysis of obstacles, the discovery and selection of hypotheses, and the testing of those hypotheses by determining actively whether they solve the problem at hand (1936a, p 8) Our present view of problems affects the kinds of hypotheses we select as solutions Brameld noted that the problem, application and solution always interact Therefore, "the more deep-rooted the social problem . ., the more thorough-going the suggested solution, and the more vigorous the means of correction" (p 8) Brameld speculates that Marx chose the hypotheses of the class struggle because it seemed to provide the best device for analyzing capitalism In addition, it also suggested a rational process for achieving a collectivist solution to our economic problems (p 8) Brameld did not see Marx's total commitment to a hypthesis not yet proven false as incompatible with Dewey's scientific, instrumentalist approach to education Furthermore, to argue that the class concept is an oversimplification is not an adequate cause for rejecting it methodologically All hypotheses 6 2


are, strictly speaking, oversimplifications in the sense of abstractions from the total situation within which the problem lies Brameld maintained that if we seek only to avoid oversimplification, we may fail to choose any hypothesis This approach could result in the paralysis of productive effort We should bear in mind that all hypotheses are factually inadequate by definition "though every good hypothesis is as little so as possible" (p 9) The class struggle concept can and does therefore serve as a hypothesis to analyze social problems and as a guide for establishing programs to correct them A collectivist society was such a program The evidence, as Brameld (1936a) noted, is not always clearly supportive of class conflict However, the general tendency does seem to be supported and he was critical of liberals, who : . in their plastic eagerness to learn all the facts and to shift their objectives in accordance with their welter of interests . are never likely to agree that any hypothesis is sound enough to try The gravest danger from the "objective" attitude, indeed, is that decisions, if they are reached at all, are reached too late (p 11) The final point considered by Brameld in his rebuttal was the question of indoctrination by teachers Indoctrination does not methodologically mean or require the exclusion of other points of view or distortion of facts According to Brameld, what indoctrination means . is the effort to establish the truth of a theory which one regards with a tentative though already enthusiastic respect The question which should be asked is whether the right of any expert in the natural sciences to gather evidence, to set up hypotheses on the basis of it, and to demonstrate their validity as far as possible, is a right which should be extended also the expert in social science (pp 15-16) Brameld (1936b) also argued for the need to create an educational philosophy with a unified view and commitment to both ends and means Commenting on the role of a philosophy in regard to the question of social change, he observed that our first task as educators is to evaluate existing social theories Secondly, we should be involved in the creation of new, more effective theories But the creation of future theories and goals required a toughmindedness that, according to Brameld, the liberals seemed to lack Although Marxist method was not absolutistic, one should not become trapped by an obsession with the tentativeness of all theories Indeed, the preoccupation with such an approach could be ultimately dysfunctional when : . out of a habit of fair consideration of every side of a question, we refuse to conclude that any side is sufficiently good to fight for or any side sufficiently bad to fight against Scientific method, 6 3


despite its glorification of action, becomes an apologist for inaction, when it cautiously weighs all possibilities ad infinitum ; and a devotee of reaction when meanwhile the evils of the status quo threaten to engulf the scientist himself (p 131) When Brameld (1938a) spoke of the role of the philosopher to create new theories for the future he was speaking at least in part for himself He seemed to realize that we must look beyond Marxism even though it would remain a valuable methodology and model for social change He recommended "contemporary naturalism" as the most likely source of new methods . to discover and measure the weakness of our present social, economic and political structure . ." (p 258) This new "social change" philosophy would use aggressive techniques and retain a collective commonwealth as an ideal It would differ from pragmatism as follows While both agree that human intelligence is basically derived from interaction with the environment, social change theory contends that human intelligence is restricted by environmental forces which are far more powerful than the pragmatists realize This is especially the case with regard to the influence of our political and economic institutions (Brameld, 1938, p 22) Marxism could serve to help develop a new improved philosophy of "social change" but Brameld never asserted that Marxism was that new philosophy Yet his vision of the new social order to be created by the "new philosophy" had much in common with the Marxian vision In 1941 Brameld expanded his views to include a public school program for workers' education He contended that the schools placed more of their emphasis on training the college preparatory student Students not going to college were mainly given vocational training and scant attention was paid to their ability to analyze social, political and economic problems (1941a, p 408) In his quest for a new philosophy of education Brameld (1921a) rejected both reactionary and extreme radical philosophies as inadequate The reactionaries were either elitist and saw no need for a workers' education program, or they assumed, in the tradition of American individualism, that anyone with the "intellect" and "initiative" could become economically successful (p 282) Extreme radicalism, on the other hand, maintained that education was of little or no value In some cases it might serve to help indoctrinate workers, but generally, because of the domination of the capitalist class, it functions only to maintain the status quo (Brameld, 1941a, pp 282-283) This, in Brameld's view, is a defeatist philosophy which would utlimately postpone needed change in our educational institutions until a post revolutionary period A final ingredient emphasized in Brameld's early educational philosophy was a concern with future planning In Brameld's estimation 6 4


the need for a democratic social plan for the future had become obvious Indeed such a design would be the best protection against the temptation of fascism (p 127) Brameld (1941b) believed that the educational philosophy of reconstructionism was concerned with furture planning and best suited to the development of such plans (pp 5-10) He suggested a wide variety of changes in the school curriculum to help construct the new plans for our future society His proposals were quite extensive and will only be summarized here t t The school curriculum would be politicized and students would be taught new attitutdes, including the value of world government, the tentative nature of our existing institutions and the impact of economic conditions on our thinking Also, skills would be taught to enable each individual to participate actively in a democratic society A considerable amount of subject content was also recommended in the social and natural sciences, as well as in the humanities and arts He believed this would broaden the individual's perspective and make him aware of the wide range of alternatives available in terms of life styles, institutions, and political and economic systems Finally, the schools would also function to provide basic social services for those unable to afford them (Brameld, 1942, pp 363-364) His recommendation was implemented to some degree in a special project he conducted with others at the Floodwood High School in Minnesota The basic goal of the project was to decide on a society which would best satisfy our human wants Eleven human wants were identified by the project, including : food, shelter, clothing, health, education, religion, family life, work, recreation, participation and recognition (Brameld, 1945, p 22) Democracy was settled upon as the best system for satisfying such wants and the degree to which they were satisfied was the basic test of the system's success (p 21) The greatest emphasis in the project was place on political and economic questions because Brameld believed that problems of economic planning are crucial and unless we are able to resolve the evils wrought by recurrent depressions, we will have little success with the other issues of concern to reconstructionists (p 39) Therefore, all the other content of the project, including science, humanities and the arts, was explored in terms of its political and economic dimensions (pp 59-60, 62-69) By 1945, social reconstructionism had ended its most radical phase The postwar decades would prove to be a most inhospitable environment for the radical reconstructionists, but they had succeeded-in developing a comprehensive rationale for social education Although Counts rejected most of Brameld's Marxist ideas, 3 the two writers shared many views regarding our culture, social problems, and 3 lnterview with Theodore Brameld by the author, April 19, 1976 Brameld contends that Counts had an emotional reaction to the purges in the U .S .S .R in the late 1930's He seemed to become increasingly anti-Marxist after this experience 6 5


the role of social education Both men believed that our culture was in a state of crisis and that radical changes were required to create their vision of the "good society ." The most serious problems seemed to be related to our economic system which Counts and Brameld believed functioned in the interests of a privileged few In a reconstructed society the economic system would be subject to democratic control and funtion in the interest of all social groups However, collective ownership would not be a prerequisite for democratic control More important, however, were the reconstructionist's views regarding education They assumed that the schools could and should play a key role in the reconstruction of society They also assumed that it was impossible to conduct a program for social education without indoctrinating students In addition, they believed that social educators were (possibly without their knowledge) functioning to help reify the status quo This was accomplished by transmitting an outmoded ideology which served to mask the worst aspects of the culture Progressives like Dewey would commit only to the method of intelligence (Dewey, 1933, p 32) If this method eventually led to social improvements (and he assumed it would) "so much the better" (p 72) But Dewey rejected all attempts to impose preconvceived conclusions or programs He accepted the fact that much indoctrination did take place in our schools, but this did "not prove that the right course is to seize upon the method of indoctrination and reverse its object" (Dewey, 1937, p 238) Thus a clear distinction can be drawn between the radical reconstructionists and their more liberal counterparts in the progressive education movement The outbreak of World War II served both to divert public attention from social and domestic issues, and eventually to end the depression that had provoked many of these issues As faith was gradually restored in our culture and institutions, the reconstructionists drew increasingly hostile reactions The censorship of Rugg's textbook series is perhaps the most extreme example of such reaction (Winters, 1968) As noted earlier, Counts ceased to be a significant spokesperson for radical reconstructionism after 1945 Consequently, we must focus on the works of Theodore Brameld to understand the development of radical reconstructionism in the postwar period Reconstructionism Since 1945 Brameld's views moderated in the post-war period As indicated earlier, he had qualified his position regarding the value of orthodox Marxism and he continued to do so He had never considered Marxism sufficient as a philosophy of education but it had seemed the best method for arriving at such a philosophy Brameld noted three significant weaknesses in the Marxist position First, it presented an oversimplified analysis of culture by . reducing 6 6


it to economic class alignments without sufficient regard for other relationships and structures" (Brameld, 1971, p 352) Second, it suffered from an ontology of natural historic laws that was partly absolutist But the most serious problem was the Marxist advocacy of a proletarian dictatorship . as an interim political-economic order under which democratic rights and processes are to be abridged indefinitely" (p 352) Yet, Brameld believed that Marxism provided an extremely valuable source of ideas which still held a special relevance for reconstructionists Brameld also altered his views somewhat on the issue of indoctrination In his early work, he had accepted indoctrination as inevitable and acceptable Originally he defined it as an attempt to persuade others of the truth of certain propositions However, this effort to persuade could never include attempts to distort or suppress alternative viewpoints In 1947, he changed his definition of indoctrination to mean . the attempt to inculcate one doctrine as absolutely true, by comparision with which all alternative doctrines are false . ." (p 137) Brameld, as in the past, rejected such a process in a democratic society But he added that this does not mean . education should be limited to innocuous consideration of all sides of the question" (p 138) Rather, teachers should strive for group consensus by a process of social consensus which would include an examination of as much evidence as possible and open communication regarding that evidence (Brameld, 1947, pp 137-138) It is not clear why Brameld chose to redefine indoctrinaiton and it does cause some confusion However, his original position regarding the need for imposition in education has not changed significantly In place of the term indoctrination he now uses the less inflamatory term "defensible partiality," i .e : partiality to crystallized ends which fuse at every point with the deepest cravings of the largest possible majority ; at the same time ends steadily exposed to the bright light of maximum evidence of continuous public inspection, of a free flow of communication Unlike the ends of dogmatic doctrine, therefore, they are defensible in the way that outcomes of scientific investigation are defensible Yet they are also definite and strong in the way that convictions should be definite and strong (Brameld, 1948, pp 333-334) Brameld felt that free and open inquiry was desirable as opposed to indoctrination Still, teachers were quite correct in making their firmly held beliefs or "defensible partialities" known to their pupils Indeed this was not only proper but a better form of pedagogy Students should have the opportunity to know and examine their teachers' beliefs and the reasoning involved in reaching these beliefs as part of the process of developing their own views on controversial issues (1950a, p 89) We must recall that reconstructionism takes sides : It encourages students, teachers, and lay members of the community to acquire knowledge about desperately pressing problems of our age 6 7


of crisis, to make up their minds about the most promising solutions ; and then to act concertedly to achieve those solutions (Brameld, 1971, p 468) The moderation in Brameld's views on Marxism and indoctrination are best understood when placed in the context of his evolving philosophy of reconstructionism Brameld came to believe that there were four fundamental approaches to a philosophy of education, conservative, reactionary, liberal and radical Brameld dismissed all reactionary and conservative philosophies as inadequate in the present age They tended to reify the status quo, or worse, intensify its worst features (Brameld, 1950c, pp 265-267) He was concerned with the liberal, reformist or progressivist orientation, however, because it appeared to offer solutions to our present educational problems But Brameld believed that in spite of its many useful insights, progressivism was not a fully adequate philosophy Many of his criticisms were noted earlier and he continued to elaborate them One central criticism of progressivism relates to the issue of ends and means Progressives emphasize a problem-solving methodology which is important and necessary, but one might question "whether the centrality of problem-solving as a process does not invite philosophic justification for lack of strong commitment to anything so much as the process itself (p 162) Brameld realized that many progressives, especially Dewey : recognize the need for positive, far sighted conclusions Not only does his fruitful concept of immediate experience as capable of becoming an intrinsically valued end provide an ontological basis for the view that intelligence mediates in behalf of such experiences but, we recall, the test of truth lies in the consequences of thinking Thus, to argue that ends are not important along with means would be an absurd distortion (1971, p 162) Still, a problem remains because attained ends "become subject to such further modification that often they seem to slip from our grasp" (p 162) The progressive, however, backs away from commitment to an end to retain flexibility and oppose dogmatism The progressive's emphasis on process is especially important because it "is strikingly congenial to twentieth-century American culture" (p 163) And in a culture oriented to movement, development, action and change, a problem solving process is important Yet of further importance is "the need for commitment to solutions that should result from problemsolving" (p 163) But Brameld warned against oversimplification of the issue : We reiterate that the choice strictly speaking is never between mutually exclusive alternatives, and . artificial issues are raised by critics who attempt to dichotomize ends and means What is not 6 8


artificial is the point of stress The stress of the progressivist is upon "how" rather than "what," upon process rather than product, upon hypothesis rather than commitment (1971, p 163) Reconstructionism was seen as an effective philosophy of education because it alone responded to the present crisis in our culture The early reconstructionists, writing during the depression, clearly had reason to see America in a state of crisis, but Brameld believed this to be the case as well in the modern period when our economic system was highly productive and relatively stable His concept of a crisis-culture is more extensive than the physical crises of depression and war, and involves cultural contradictions or bifurcations These create a critical imbalance in one or more of the basic aspects of the social structure The result is confusion, loss of purpose and the gradual disintegration of the social system One of the major problems of America was a cultural tradition of progress and optimism which tended to conceal the abnormality of our schizophrenic age (pp 23-24) What is desperately needed, in Brameld's view, is a philosophical orientation which provides (1) an accurate critical diagnosis of the present culture ; (2) the means to correct them ; and_ (3) the new goals which would stabilize the culture and fulfill its human potential In his view, only r econstructionism was equal to this challenge Brameld pointed to several significant bifurcations : individual versus social interest ; equality versus inequality ; planlessness versus planning ; nationalism versus globalism ; and absolutism versus experimentalism (Brameld, 1971, pp 24-33) The reconstructionists find our extant culture and institutions unable to cope with the present crisis and thus they call for a cultural transformation Brameld recognized the immense difficulties involved in transforming a culture, but he believed that humankind had the power to shape its destiny and was not subject to historic determinism (p 372) But to transform a culture we must develop new goals, and the reconstructionists gave considerable attention to this issue An understanding of humans as goal-seeking animals was important to Brameld (1950b), and in his view humans' wants were their goals and their quest .for these wants consumed most of their energy (p 347) Brameld looked "dubiously upon any fixed compulsions of human nature goals which man at all times endeavors to achieve because they are the inevitable ends of his very destiny" (p 346) Thus he concluded that culture could determine needs as strongly as needs may determine culture (Brameld, 1971, p 386) Here again he criticizes the progressivist approach to psychology which recognizes the reality of ends and means "but at no time does it allow either especially ends to crystallize or absolutize so as to become a criterion of the other" (p 385) The emphasis is on the process of goal selection and an experimental approach 6 9


which tends to reject an activist position during times of social crisis As a result the progressive-orientation tends to induce complacency in the sense that it encourages : man to test content with short-range, vaguely defined goals within the establishment of "containment and contentment" rather than to seek specifiable goals of the sort required by a revolutionary culture (1971, p 385) The connection between education and goal seeking, therefore, is quite strong Apparently humans learn in order to help achieve goals (Brameld, 1950b, p 349) The assertion that no goals are fixed does not prevent humans from ascertaining their most important wants for a given period of time, and therefore developing goals oriented in this direction In short we can attempt "to specify the ends of human nature" (p 387) Brameld (1971) assumed further that "most people in most contemporary cultures so passionately seek to achieve their own goals as expressed in their own ways that their lives are devoted to this effort whether or not clearly and consciously they recognize what they are doing" (p 388) Thus utopians have perceived a significant fact concerning humans, i .e ., "human beings must have goals in which to believe for which to struggle, if they are to be fully human beings" (p 388) Among the main factors which interfere with the goal-seeking process is ideology Brameld defines ideology as "the complex of attitudes, beliefs, ideas, purposes, and customs that expresses, more or less systematically and more or less accurately, the programs and practices of a culture" (p 395) Ideologies are historical in the sense that they are products of the past This frequently creates serious problems because "they do not always mirror the structures and practices of their cultures with equal accuracy" (p 395) Thus ideologies often represent a cultural lag as they "tend to move more slowly than the cultures they symbolize" (p 395) From a neo-Marxian viewpoint, therefore, the ideology of any culture may become "a device by which its institutions are preserved even when their effectiveness has declined" (p 395) Brameld assumed that our current ideology functioned to rationalize our culture and that the schools assist in this process possibly "unaware of the disparity between their ideological descriptions and cultural actualities" (p 396) Thus an understanding of the role ideology plays in society is crucial to a program of social education To help develop and implement new cultural goals, Brameld offered the process of "consensual validation ." He believed that consensus too often became the domination of a small group over a larger group . because it controls the instruments of power, or . because the rest are . too indifferent or ignorant to care" (1950b, p 354) Thus we need a new process for seeking truth and group consensus 7 0


Brameld (1971) views consensual validation as perhaps "the most important single process within the subdiscipline of epistemology" (p 400) By this process knowledge may be "both safeguarded against false consensuses and guided to truer ones" (p 400) By the process of sharing and agreement "consensual validation becomes the expressed consent of one man (or many) that the testimony another has offered makes sense in that it articulates an experience that both recognize" (p 401) Brameld does not consider consensual validation a strange or unusual idea inasmuch as "the sciences, too, presuppose agreement about and, hence, the ability to communicate evidence germane to a given field of research" (p 401) The consensual validation process has several implications For one, no matter how scientific our methods, "a point arrives at which . we must either agree or disagree upon the testimony that has been offered as to the nature of our goals" (p 401) It may take some time before we arrive at such a "moment of validation" yet at some point we must conclude that "our goal seeking interests can be sharpened no further" (p 402) If we have proceeded carefully and considered the best available evidence, some conclusions must be drawn One might object and note the severe limitations on one person's ability ever to become fully aware of another's experience Therefore we could take the position that no standards exist by which the similarity of experiences can be proven This is similar to the anarchist argument in political philosophy which "denies the existence of any sound criterion of social order other than the judgment of the individual" (p 402) All this should give us just reason to proceed carefully Nevertheless, the limits of our ability to communicate and fully know each other's thoughts do not excuse us from the need to reach agreement on goal setting The question remains as to what criterion we might use to determine which experiences should be included in our educational program Brameld (1971) holds that the best criterion is the ultimate reconstructionist value, that is, "whether that experience contributes to social-selfrealization" (p 450) Social-self-realization connotes . the maximum satisfaction of the wants of individuals and of groups . ." (Brameld, 1956, p 119) Thus we must move beyond the traditional canons of "objectivity," which though useful as a device for gathering data is not sufficient as a criterion for judging educational experience But full understanding of the bearings upon education of socialself-realization also demands recognition of the fact not only that human beings are motivated by interwoven wants, but further that they should be so motivated In other words, integrated satisfaction of these wants is a supreme good It is the standard, moreover, by which, in the last analysis, we decide upon the worthiness of social institutions (including that of education itself) (p 451) 7 1


This brings us to an analysis of the structure and content of the social education program envisioned by Brameld Obviously the program would be designed to examine the culture critically via the process of consensual validation in an effort to establish consensus on new cultural goals These goals would be imposed as "defensible partialities" but always subject to further rigorous examination Teachers would select and indicate their preferences regarding the most important content for study and the goals on solutions to social issues that they wished to subject to the test of consensual validation One major focus of attention would be future studies Brameld had noted often that there exists an interaction among the past, present, and future and, while the past and present influence the future, the future in turn may determine the present and our interpretation of the past (Brameld, 1950b, p 343) As noted, Brameld did not assume that it is possible to ascertain what the future will be like : "But to know what the future should be like is essential to what it could be like ; and if we then implement our choices with power and strategy, we can determine what it will be like" (p 343) Brameld used the following analogy to make his point The construction of a building is determined in part by its future requirements as well as past and present trends in architecture and technology And it is possible that the future may exert as much or more influence as the past and present (Brameld, 1971, p 381) The analogy can be extended to economic, political, educational and social affairs These are affairs, as Brameld noted, "in which what we have done, and what we will do, affect at every moment what we do do" (p 381) If one accepts this line of reasoning, then utopian thinking can be seen as a most practical component of education Brameld uses the utopian concept in a somewhat different manner than is customary He does not refer to flights of fantasy or escapism Rather, relevant utopias may be described as "any world picture of attitudes, practices, ideas, and institutions that supports a conception of culture admittedly different from the prevailing one" (p 396) A utopian may look backwards and forwards for cultural designs Generally speaking most ideologies contain some utopian elements, either past or future oriented Furthermore, utopias of one historical period may become ideologies in the next The lines between ideology and utopia may be blurred in some historical periods or very sharp, as in our current crisis culture (p 397) When this situation develops there is a demand for new goals and institutional arrangements to resolve the problems . that old arrangements have generated and failed to resolve" (p 397) The problem facing our age is that we have yet to design a new utopia To accomplish this design requires that educators engage in a 7 2


careful analysis of our current ideologies and our economic and political forces as they operate on individuals and groups Some of Brameld's ideas regarding specific organization of content and courses was illustrated in the design of his Floodwood Minnesota project discussed previously In the process of expanding his ideas, Brameld proposed a possible curriculum design appropriate for the last two years of high school and the first two years of college Economics was to be the focus of the first year's study because in his view it was essential knowledge for evolving the kind of proposals necessary for the development of a reconstructed society (p 211) A partial list of the issues students would consider included the possible limits on private wealth, income distribution, the extent of the government's responsibility for providing social services to the impoverished, unemployed and infirm, and the use of consumer power in such ventures as cooperatives The program was to be multi-disciplinary but the disciplines other than economics were used to further an understanding of economic problems from new vantage points (p 213) A similar function would be played by courses as diverse as literature and mechanical drawing, as all were utilized in an effort ~to plan and introduce proposals designed to correct economic problems within a, democratic framework The second year of study would explore the function and structure of our political system, focusing especially on the issues of majority rule, minority rights, global policy and representative government The third year of the program explored the cultural facts of a reconstructed society Finally, the fourth year was devoted to an understanding of human psychology as it related to goal seeking and social change nad was capped by an attempt to synthesize the entire four year program Brameld also offered some normative designs for the reconstructed culture of the future These were . flexible structures and practices of institutions . that should serve as guides in building the future culture" (1971, p 435) Presumably these would be presented to the students as "defensible partialities ." The designs are divided into seven groups : the economic, political system, scientific order, esthetic pattern, educational system, humane order, and world order (pp 437-439) The following is an example : The economy will be designed to : (a) satisfy maximum wants of the consumer ; (b) assure full employment for all citizens in accordance with their abilities and interests, and under working conditions determined through their own organizations ; (c) guarantee income . sufficient to meet expertly determined standards . 7 3


(d) utilize all natural resources and all large-scale enterprises in the interest of the majority of the people, with these resources and enterprises under majority control (Brameld, 1971, p 437) Interestingly there is no mention of direct public ownership and control of the means of production But under designs for a political system Brameld does suggest . integrating and publicly controlling transportation and communication systems, utilities, health, and all other public services" (p 437) Brameld accepts the view that learners are only prepared to learn when motivated by goal seeking interests This is especially true when goal seeking is blocked, thus creating a problem to resolve (p 456) Problem solving alone, however, is not a sufficient approach We must also attempt to stimulate the child's awareness, creativity and participation in the affective domain This is necessary to facilitate the child's successful participation in the process of consensual validation To develop interpersonal and intergroup activities Brameld (1971) recommended educational experiences involving communication Students could write to each other and share their experiences to help solve problems Ultimately this approach would transform the traditional classroom The normal approach of "imparting indirect evidence from textbooks, pictures, or lectures," could be replaced or expanded to include "reciprocal expression among students and teachers" (p 459) The critical problem in these activities would be to remain sensitive to the distortions of contemporary ideology Finally, agreements reached by group interaction should be translated into group action as often as possible Brameld (1971) noted that often limits of time and facilities will thwart action but it still should be considered as the next logical step after groups arrive at a consensus on issues School programs of the future could and should be designed to better facilitate group action in the community Brameld retains most of the basic arguments of radical reconstructionism in his latter writing However, he has made some significant modifications which have expanded the philosophy and made it more relevant to the modern era Radical reconstructionism is distinguished by several characteristics First, it is critical of our present cultural and institutional arrangements ; and it suggests that the culture and some institutions should be radically transformed Second, the reconstructionists contend that, at present, social education functions to help transmit and reify the status quo Third, indoctrination is an inevitable component of education Thus, social educators must rationally determine what they will impose on students and to what extent they can remain objective Finally, social educators should play a leading role in the process of cultural transformation This would necessitate the cooperation and aid of other institu7 4


tions, but social educators could serve as the catalysts in this effort Brameld accepts these basic tenets of radical reconstructionism, however, the changes in his latter views are related to each of them Perhaps the most significant change has occurred with regard to his earlier Marxist beliefs Although he did not abandon the Marxian method as a useful tool for the critical analysis of our culture and institutions, it has become a more peripheral component of his philosophy He has Oso renewed his commitment (as did Counts) to the democratic process and basic freedoms, e .g ., speech, press, assembly, etc This is especially evident in his views regarding the importance of consensual validation as the best way to reach group consensus on public issues In terms of classroom practice, educators were still urged to involve their students actively in the critical analysis of the culture Social educators would also indicate their "defensible partialities" regarding the causes and best resolutions of social problems To insure that these teaching activities were conducted without the suppression or distortion of alternative viewpoints, the reconstructionists had always insisted on the need to use the techniques of reflective inquiry All knowledge, including "defensible partialities" and "blueprints" for preferred futures, was considered tentative and subject to revision in the light of new data Brameld's concept of consensual validation added a new dimension to the classroom process Stated simply, consensual validation involves a discussion process wherein each participant exchanges information until the largest possible number of the group concerned understands the views of the other participants and reaches a consensus on the issue involved Brameld believes that this process will help eliminate the potential for coercion which exists in most attempts to reach a majority decision Also, the increased emphasis on the communication and exchange of ideas might serve as a safeguard against false consciousness on the part of any of the participants This process could present difficulties for social educators because of its emphasis on taking time to resolve issues according to the guidelines of consensual validation In addition, Brameld recognized that consensual validation might not be possible or applicable in many situations Still, he felt that the advantages of the process far outweigh its limitations and that it should serve as a model of an ideal process for resolving social problems His commitment to consensual validation notwithstanding, Brameld has continued to argue that indoctrination is an inevitable part of social education Extending the earlier insights of George Counts, he has challenged social educators to devise a rational means for determining what they will impose on their students In addition, he has asked these educators to examine the extent to which they and the schools are presently functioning as agents of the status quo This requires a critical analysis of the ideology which rationalizes our culture and institutions, 7 5


thereby effectively masking the dysfunctional aspects of that culture To the extent that social educators failed to do this, Brameld believed they were evading their most important responsibility as educators Finally, it was evident that Brameld had come to appreciate the difficulties involved in using social education to help bring about cultural transformation He placed increased emphasis on the need to enlist the aid of other institutions and cultural forces However, he still believed that this should be a primary function of social education and that the possibility for success still existed The outlines of the "good society" the radical reconstructionists wished to create are somewhat vague As noted, the emphasis would be on democratic planning and control of economic resources in a effort to maximize the potential of all social groups Concentration of power in the hands of elite groups would not be acceptable Education would, of course, help to plan and critique the transformation process In essence, these reconstructionist proposals seem similar to the ideas of modern advocates of democratic socialism What is unique is the reconstructionist's use of education to facilitate this process in America Summary The reconstructionist rationale as outlined in this paper deals with several issues of importance to educators It focuses attention on the need for a philosophy of education to embody a theory of social criticism It emphasizes the importance of an interdisciplinary analysis of major social issues, especially in terms of their economic dimension It attempts to define the purpose and role of social education as it relates to the need for cultural transformation And finally, it deals directly with the issue of teacher neutrality and imposition These are important concerns and it can be argued that social educators have not paid them sufficient attention (Stanley, 1979) At the very least they are far from resolved Social education requires a comprehensive rationale which is relevant to extant social and cultural needs The reconstructionists have suggested their vision of such a rationale and have also provided a comprehensive critical analysis of some of the alternatives In a second article, we will consider the extent to which the ideas of radical reconstructionism are reflected in several dominant rationales for social education 7 6


References Bowers, C A The progressive educator and the depression New York : Random House, 1969 Bowers, C A Social reconstructionism : Views from the left and the right, 1932-1942 History of Education Quarterly, Spring 1970, 10 Brameld, T A philosophic approach to Communism Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1933 Brameld, T Karl Marx and the American teacher Social Frontier, November 1935, 2 Brameld, T American education and the social struggle Science and Society, Fall 1936 (a) Brameld, T The role of philosophy in a changing world Kadelpian Review, January 1936, 15 (b) Brameld, T A concluding perspective Social Frontier, May 1938, 4 (a) Brameld, T Shifting winds in education University Review, Autumn 1936, 5 (b) Brameld, T The need for an American plan Frontier of Democracy, January 15, 1940, 6 Brameld, T (Ed .) Workers' education in the United States New York : Harper and Brothers, 1941 (a) Brameld, T The relation of philosophy and science from the perspective of education Educational Trends, July 1914, 9 (b) Brameld, T ., et al New essentials for education in a world at war Progressive Education, November 1941, 19 Brameld, T The organized working people In E 0 Melby (Ed .) Mobilizing educational resources New York : Harper and Brothers, 1943 Brameld, T Design for America New York : Hinds, Hayden, Eldredge, 1945 Brameld, T Workers education in America Educational Administration and Supervision, March 1947, 33 Brameld, T The philosophy of education as philosophy of politics School and Society, November 13, 1948, 63 Brameld, T Ends and means in education A mid-century appraisal New York : Harper and Brothers, 1950 (a) Brameld, T Prolegomena to a future centered education In L Bryston, L Finkelstein, & R Maclver (Eds .), Goals for American education New York : Harper and Brothers, 1950 (b) Brameld, T Patterns of educational philosophy A democratic interpretation New York : World Book, 1950 (c) Brameld, T Philosophies of education in cultural perspective New York : Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1955 Brameld, T Toward a reconstructed philosophy of education New York : Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1956 Brameld, T What is indoctrination? School and Society, November 9, 1957, 85 7 7


Brameld, T The use of explosive ideas in education Pittsburgh, Pa : The University of Pittsburgh Press, 1965 Brameld, T Patterns of educational philosophy Divergence and convergence in culturological perspective New York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc ., 1971 Counts, G S The place of the schools in the social order National Education Association Proceedings, 1926, 64 Counts, G The social composition of boards of education Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1927 Counts, G The American road to culture New York : The John Day Company, 1930 Counts, G S Dare the schools build a new social order New York : Arno Press and New York Times, 1969 ; John Day Company, 1932 (a) Counts, G S Education for what? The ten fallacies of the educators New Republic, May 18, 1932, 71 (b) Counts, G S Theses on freedom, culture, social planning and leadership National Education Association Proceedings, 1932, 70 (c) Counts, G S The social foundations of education New York : Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934 (a) Counts, G S Educating for tomorrow The Social Frontier, 1934, 1 (b) Counts, G S Introductory remarks on indoctrination Social Frontier, 1935, 1 (a) Counts, G S The position of the social frontier Social Frontier, 1935, 1 (b) Counts, G S The prospects of American democracy New York : John Day Co ., 1938 Counts, G S A liberal looks at life Frontiers of Democarcy, May 15, 1941, 1 Counts, G S Should the teacher always be neutral? Phi Delta Kappan, 1969, 11 Cremin, L The transformation of the school New York : Alfred Knopf, Inc ., 1961 Dewey, J Progressive education and the science of education Progressive Education, July-August-September 1928 Dewey, J Education and social change The Social Frontier, May 1937, 3 (26) Dewey, J The school and society Chicago : Phoenix Books, The University of Chicago Press, 1962 Dewey, J ., et al The educational frontier New York : D Appleton-Century, Company, Inc ., 1933 Fowler, P President's message Progressive Education, May 1930, 7 Raup, R B Shall we use the class dynamic Social Frontier, January 1936, 2 Rugg, H Do social studies prepare pupils adequately for life activities? Social Studies II  The elementary and secondary school Twenty-second Yearbook of the National Council for the Study of Education, part II Bloomington, Ill : Public School Publishing Co ., 1923 (a) 7 8


Rugg, H The social studies Social Studies II .* The elementary and secondary school Twenty-second Yearbook of the National Council for the Study of Education, part II Bloomington, Ill : Public School Publishing Co ., 1923 (b) Rugg, H The great technology New York : John Day Co ., 1933 (a) Rugg, H Social reconstruction through education Progressive Education, December 1932, 9 ; January 1933, 10 (b) Rugg, H Teachers guide for building a science of society for the schools Boston : Ginn and Co ., 1932 Rugg, H The American scholar faces a social crisis The Social Frontier, March 1935, 1 Rugg, H ., Rugg, E ., & Schweppe, E The social science pamphlets The Lincoln School of Teachers College, 1923 Stanley, W B The philosophy of social reconstructionism and contemporary curriculum rationales in social education Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Rutgers University, 1979 Winters, E Harold Rugg and education for social reconstructionism Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1968 7 9


Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 81-88 € by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Reaction/Response A Reaction to "Why Schools Abandon New Social Studies Materials" Dianne L Common Simon Fraser University The optimism of the sixties and early seventies, the cheerful talk of innovation and change, we all remember it well So what happened? Where has the new Social Studies, our panacea, gone? Like the flowers, gone to graveyards everyone? Perhaps the imagery holds, for the reforms of the last two decades are gone, or are in the last stages of dieing Social Studies classrooms today look pretty much the way they did thirty years ago (Ponder, 1979) So much vision and energy what happened? Essentially, these are the issues addressed by Marker in his article titled "Why Schools Abandon `New Social Studies' Materials"in the Winter 1980 edition of this journal His article is premised on the assumption that educational research has focused on the adoption phase of the change process, at the expense of the final phase of the process, the abandonment of the once new and exciting "innovation ." His specific question is essentially that, while very few of the new Social Studies materials were adopted, some actually were used by teachers who are now in the process of abandoning them Marker wonders why the . . `retreat' has begun before the 'beachhead'was secure" (Marker, 1980, p .36) Is it because a new generation of innovations are now available? Educational change, like all natural processes, has new and youthful forms that are replacing the old, but once new forms? Or, is it more complex than that? Marker says there are no models that explain why innovation abandonment occurs In effect, there are no conceptual answers to his ques8 1


tion This state of affairs resulted in the formation of eight research hypotheses that are either accepted or rejected in his study, and which, if supported, are offered as answers to the question asking why abandonment occurs While I do not deny the importance of Marker's question, or the legitimacy of his attempt to answer, the significance of his findings are suspect due to serious conceptual confusion, theoretical misapplication, and methodological problems Conceptually, Marker's research is weak He acknowledges the lack of innovational abandonment models, and proposes that there is a distinct difference between abandonment and adopton as processes He then proceeds, however, to use an adoption conceptualization as a theoretical base for his hypotheses formation, namely Fullan and Pomfret's 1977 study which examines the implementation of curricular and instructional innovations, not the abandonment of innovations It seems to me there is a distinct difference between implementation, which implies use, and abandonment, which implies rejection In fact, my major criticism of Marker's study is that it is not an investigation into innovation abandonment, but is rather a study documenting innovation implementation failure When Marker uses the implementation literature as a source for abandonment hypotheses, there is a danger of severe misapplication of assumptions and propositions The theory is not plastic to be stretched and seal every jar containing research hypotheses Applying theory to situations other than those which it purports to explain will eventually weaken its explanatory power and credibility There are other ways to generate . hypotheses specifically derived from such situations" (p 39) The hypothesis must come from patient case studies describing the abandonment of used, hence implemented, innovations I am arguing for the source of research questions to come from the empirical reality and not from a theoretical reality once or even twice removed from the situation under investigation When a teacher receives a new Social Studies curriculum, the curriculum has already been adopted Adoption is the decision to use a curriculm and this decision is usually performed by someone higher in the hierarchy than the teacher Adoption is not implementation, which is not rejection .' Implementation is the planning and preparation for classroom 2 use of a new curriculum by a teacher who functions in a The confusion between implementation and adoption has been rampant in the educational literature Part of the problem has been an indiscriminant use of the term, but it is also due to the conceptual murkiness of the field in general Beauchamp (1975) has attempted to clarify by stating that implementation exists between a curriculum system and an instructional system and is the planning for instruction by curriculum engineers The University of Texas researchers have moved towards a more consistent use of the term implementation, which refers to degree of use of an innovation by a teacher, rather than adoption as was previously used 2 Classroom is used loosely to connote a teaching/learning situation which could occur in a laboratory, lecture hall, on a field trip, etc 8 2


greater social environment, the school (Common, 1978) It is up to the school principal to create a school climate that is conductive to change and receptive to and supportive of implementation efforts Implementation suggests no innovation use has occurred, but the school is gearing up for actual use of a new set of materials, or curricular units, by a teacher with students This implies a series of decisions and actions by teachers that are distinct from abandoning something already in use It seems to me that reasons for using something new, and the associated processes of use, are not the same as the processes of and reasons for rejection Marker does not debate this and, in fact, does not consider implementation as a necessary and prior condition for abandonment This is the major methodological problem of his study When is a curriculum or a set of materials implemented? There are no easy answers to that question Educators have been trying for years to determine a definition of "use" of an innovation The University of Texas research group has recognized and variety of levels of use ranging from simple mechanical use of bits of an innovation, to integrated use where bits and pieces are incorporated into daily or weekly learning activities, to adapted use where an innovation has been in fact re-developed to meet the needs of a using situation (Hall, Loucks, Rutherford, Newlove, 1975 ; Hall, Wallace, Dossett, 1973 ; Loucks & Hall, 1977) Much of the implementation research has dismissed fidelity in use as a realistic implementation goal (Berman & McLaughlin 1973 ; Shipman, 1974 ; Whiteside, 1978) Teachers are not simple consumers of a product, but are active and might modify, delete, or ignore parts or all of any innovation (House, 1974) My own research suggests that the realistic, and perhaps ideal, goal for implementation is adaptation rather than fidelity in use By implementation adaptation I mean a process in which the implementation elements or factors are changed during use teachers change materials and the materials, when used, may require teachers to alter planning and teaching behaviors For implementation efforts to be considered successful, the teachers must reach predetermined implementation goals The objectives of the materials integrated with teachers' personal goals for use and the school's expressed purposes and change norms result in what I consider to be implementation goals For example, consider a case where the materials are inquiry in nature, with social issues the theme It is expected that inquiry methods will make their appearance in classroom life The teachers may define inquiry differently on the basis of their personal experience and expertise, and those of their students What they can plan for and prepare for will be a combination of teacher present state and curricular intents and strategies If teachers lack the necessary pedagogical skills, then in-servicing or some other form of re-education is in order The teachers may introduce some local social issues into the curriculum and delete others This makes sense and should be expected However, basic concepts identified in the curriculum should be included in the added subject matter As long as everything is consistent with school organiza8 3


tional expectations and tolerations, then implementation as adaptation can happen When situatiion specific goals are reached, implementation has occurred Teachers, in this sense, are not simply consumers of a product, but are active producers of goals and means via the interpretation of adopted curriculum materials I will now examine some of Marker's data and conclusions in order to support my claim that the study is one of the implementation of centrally developed materials, not their abandonment Marker's second hypothesis, which he accepted, states, "The more unrealistic the user expectations of the innovation the more likely the innovation is to be abandoned" (p 42) From an interpretation of his data analysis, it is clear that no or little implementation had occurred in the situations he describes Can he talk about abandonment without any implementation? What he actually is describing is teacher perception of complexity of innovations The teachers found the materials to be more complex than they had originally believed and, when they started to implement, ran into difficulty and reaped little student payoff Consequently they ceased use No acceptable levels of implementation actually occurred Marker reports than boredom with materials had caused teachers to abandon them This is an interesting point, but again implementation is the problem It appears that the teachers in his study never achieved a high level of use For implementation adaptation as a goal to be achieved, the teachers should have been modifying or translating, or in other words "developing" the materials so that they would meet the changing needs and demands of themselves and their students One product of innovation should be determined in terms of how teachers grow professionally as developers Perhaps it is when new materials act as catalysts for professional as developers Perhaps it is when new materials act as catalysts for professional change we can say that implementation has been a success (Ben-Peretz, 1975 ; Dalin, 1975 ; Shipman, 1974) So, if boredom is the problem, perhaps implementation failure was the cause Marker did consider curriculum adaptation in his seventh hypothesis which was supported and stated "Innovations employed in a manner different from that intended by their developers are more likely to be abandoned than those which are implemented as their designers intended" (p 51) Again, the problem with the acceptability of this conclusion is my argument that abandonment is not the issue, but implementation is For instance, Marker acknowledges that the materials were sometimes inappropriately employed, most teachers had not received special training for use, some teachers worked the inquiry out of the materials, and others used different teaching strategies rather than inquiry methods It seems that the teachers effectively co-opted the materials into the same old things the new become the familiar and routine as it were (Berman & McLaughlin, 1976 ; Nicodemus, 1976) Implementation adaptation clearly 8 4


did not occur Marker wonders about "misimplementation" but has no criteria from which to judge and offers no real explanations (p 52) The fourth hypothesis, which was accepted, also examines implementation Marker writes that "Innovations are often adopted due to the efforts of a major advocate When that person no longer promotes the innovation, the innovation is likely to be abandoned" (p 48) On the assumption that implementation had occurred, his hypothesis might explain rejection However, the data he analyses suggest that in the situations researched, the only possible "real" use beyong a simple mechanical bits and pieces approach was the advocate her or himself Teacher statements Marker reports, such as "I'm sure that if Mr Jones were here we would adopt these materials again He could really make then work but somehow they just don't fit me," again suggest no real use had occurred (p 49) To find out about rejection, Marker should have investigated Mr Jones, if in fact Mr Jones has ceased using the materials One advocate not examined, who should have been, is the school principal The literature has taught us that one necessary individual in any implementation situation is the administrator Some go as far as to propose that the principal is more important than the teacher during the planning and proparation stage of innovation use (Goodlad, 1976 ; Gross, Glacquinta, & Bernstein, 1971 ; Roose, 1975) Teachers and principals as innovation implementors work within a larger school organization Each school has a particular social climate, history, status quo, norms, structures, and expectations which influence adoption decisions and implementation Only a school that is characterized by an adaptive and open organizational climate will be receptive to change Such an organization will legitimize change efforts and will provide the incentives necessary to foster and maintain innovation (Berman and McLaughlin, 1976 ; Boyd, 1979 ; Brickell, 1961 ; Common, 1980 ; Likert, 1968 ; Miles, 1974) Marker seems to recognize this and goes so far as to quote Brickell's 1961 findings that propose "The attention, encouragement and recognition given to teachers by people outside the classroom during the introduction of new programs are among the strongest causes of their success ." 3 However, on the grounds that, to teachers, students are a more powerful incentive to maintain change, Marker rejects his eighth hypothesis which asserted that "Innovations are abandoned because there are two few incentives in the culture of the school to sustain their continued use" (p 53) Marker's position on the question of the role of incentive is suspect for two reasons First, his conclusion contradicts a great body of past and current literature on the subject Second, his data suggest that once again implementation in some of his population studied has not occurred For example, one of Q-sorts cards that was selected by a considerable number of his respondents read : 3 Brickell, H Organizing New York State for Education Change Albany : The University of the State of New York, 1961 8 5


It's really tough to get new things started around here It's not that the superintendent and school board are opposed to new ideas, it's just that they don't much seem to care (p 54) It seems as if Marker is describing the adoption stage of change, the creating of a climate conducive to innovation Implementation clearly has not taken place, or is in its earliest stages His data seem to describe a change situation in which there has never existed a conducive innovation climate, just a bit of lip service to change Marker says that his research participants were puzzled by his questions about the noted incentives and none had thought much about it If the incentives were never there in the first place, how could they influence teacher deliberations? The only incentives the teachers had were from their students, so of course they would cite this Instead of concluding that incentives played no role in rejection of Social Studies materials, Marker should have observed that implementation, of any degree, had not existed prior to his study, and probably should have concluded that the absence of incentives was a fundamental reason for implementation failure His hypothesis, and its subsequent rejection, tell much about impediments to innovation, but little about innovation abandonment When any new materials are implemented, six, not mutually exclusive, qualities of the materials have direct bearing on implementation outcomes These are degree of change from the status quo, complexity, explicitness, practicality, adaptability, and the relative advantage of the materials over those presently in use The data collected by Marker to test his first hypothesis further our knowledge about adoption and implementation, not necessarily abandonment While he rejected this hypothesis, his data revealed that the "interestingness" of the materials played a role in their original selection by teachers Readability also functioned as a significant determinant The third most often cited characteristic influencing adoption decisions was that the materials had to "fit" the teacher's classroom style (p 42) Most of his research participants regarded the new Social Studies materials as too . .distinctive to be adaptable to a wide range of teacher abilities and backgrounds" (p 42) This last statement should tell Social Studies curriculum workers much about what kinds of materials teachers want Marker's observations, then, investigate three innovation qualities that influence adoption and ease of implementation : practicality, explicitness, and adaptability The nature of the materials under scrutiny by Marker were never analyzed rigorously He was examining three specific textbooks which were heavily inquiry oriented How teachers perceived these materials is difficult to determine from the data Marker presents Some of his anecdotes suggest that the materials were considered to be complex because of the inquiry thrust It is also possible that, in some situations, the texts required a considerable movement in practice away from the status quo, therefore making the degree of change quite high Some of his comments narrating a change-for-change-sake attitude on the part of teachers sug8 6


gest that the new materials were not seen as having much advantage over what was previously used Also the materials were regarded by teachers as somewhat inflexible All of this suggests, on the basis of what we know about curriculum implementation, that successful implementation was not in existence in many of the research situations As a result, abandonment is not the central issue, but the problems associated with use are Marker concludes his study by suggesting that abandonment of innovations is a normal part of the change cycle in schools Possibly he is right He also claims that abandonment is more complex than was originally thought Again, he is more than likely correct Abandonment could be viewed in the negatives sense meaning rejection and a return to what was, or it could mean adoption of different innovations that are more in tune with where the school is at presently The latter suggests developmental growth, professional as well as organizational,which seems to be a good thing It seems to be that abandonment could be the end result of a complex implementation process during which use of the materials was successful, the materials influenced the teachers and helped them develop new skills or perform new roles, they matured and functioned as more responsible or involved organizational members, and they, with their growing expertise, adapted the original materials to make them more sophisticated, more relevant, and more responsive to organizational needs If this is the case, then a point in time had to be reached when the original materials were altered possibly beyond their stated intent and spirit and, hence, were "abandoned" in favor of something newer and better Abandonment could be a desirable state However, Marker did not study abandonment, but the problems associated with implementation We still know little about how to institutionalize an innovation into a school In fact, we are still undecided whether centrally developed materials are better than those teachers design Marker does not give us clues abbut this question, but he does, through his data, share many perceptions some teachers held about the new "Social Studies" materials Inquiry was not a popular thing in the world of teaching practice and possibly caused what the research would now define as a bad case of implementation failure Marker's study should be added to the files that describe symptoms of this disease Perhaps, if his very valuable data were reinterpreted from the conceptual frame of implementation, we might further our understanding of some of the causes for this terrible malaise in the world of never, never used Social Studies materials 8 7


References Ben-Peretz, M The concept of curriculum potential Curriculum Theory Network,1975, 5(2), 151-159 Berman, P and McLaughlin, M Implementation of Educational Innovation The Educational Forum, March 1976, 40(3), 345-370 Boyd, W L The Politics of Curriculum Change and Stability Educational Researcher February 1979,80, 12-18 Common, D .L A Theoretical Model for Curriculum Implementation Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy thesis, University of Ottawa, 1978 Dalin, P Case Studies as an Approach to Analyzing Educational Change Paper presented for Decentralized Project No 4 (Special Activity), International Management Training for Educational Change (IMTEC), Oslo, 1975 Fullan, M and Pomfret, A Review of Research on Curriculum Implementation Toronto : Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1975 Goodlad, J Principals are the key to change The Education Digest November 1976, 32-36 Gross, N ., Giacquinta, J ., and Bernstein, M Implementing Organizational Innovations .New York : Basic Books Inc ., Publishers, 1971 Hall, G ., Wallace, Jr ., R and Dossett, W A Developmental Conceptualization of the Adoption Process Within Educational Institutions Austin : The University of Texas, Research and development Center for Teacher Education, 1973 Hall, G ., Loucks, S ., Rutherford, W Newlove, B Levels of Use of the Innovation : A Framework for Analyzing Innovation Adoption Journal of Teacher Education, Spring 1975, 26(1), 52-56 Liken, R The Profile of a School : A Resource for Improving School Administration Ann Arbor, Michigan : Rensis Likert Associates, 1978 Loucks, S F and Hall, G E Assessing and facilitating the implementation of innovations : a new approach Educational Technology, February 1977, 17(2), 18-21 Mahan, J M Frank observations on innovation in elementary schools Interchange, 1972, 3(2-3), 144-160 Marker, G Why schools abandon `New Social Studies' materials Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1980 VII(4), 35-57 Nicodemus, R .B Dissemination of information about educational innovation Educational Media International, 1976, 4, 21-23 Ponder, G The Status of Social Studies Educational Leadership, April 1979, 36, 515-518 Roose, C The Process of Implementing a Curriculum Innovation Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy dissertation, Kent State University, 1974 Shipman, M Inside a Curriculum Project London : Methuen and Company Limited, 1974 Whiteside, T The Sociology of Educational Innovation London :Methuen & Co .,Ltd 1978 8 8


Theory and Research in Social Education Winter 1981, Volume 8 Number 4, pp 89-92 € by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Response to Common Gerald Marker Indiana University I am pleased to have an opportunity to respond to Professor Common's reaction to my study of the abandonment of innovative social studies materials Rather than attempt to reply to each of the differencesbetween Common and myself over what the data mean, I have elected to focus my response upon what I consider to be the point on which we fundamentally differ and which serves as the basis for her belief that the study was based upon a faulty premise The central point of our disagreement involves a difference over what constitutes implementation If I understand Common's argument, it is that my study claimed to look at abandonment when, according to her definition, implementation had never occurred "Marker should have observed that implementation, of any degree, had not existed prior to his study . ." She also states, . .my major criticism of Marker's study is that it is not an ivestigation into innovation abandonment, but rather a study documenting innovation implementation failure ." This is indeed the crux of our disagreement Common contends that abandonment is impossible until after specific implementation goals have been reached, e .g ., "For implementation to be successful, the teachers must reach predetermined implementation goals ." These goals, she argues, are a combination of the teachers' personal goals and the school's expressed purposes and change norms She offers her own definition of implementation, which she says is . the planning and preparation for classroom use of a new curriculum by a teacher who 89


functions in a greater social environment, the school ." It is only after successful implementation has occurred that one can abandon the innovation It is, of course, impossible to "prove" a definition, but we can discuss its utility to the persons who must use it and the extent to which it is widely accepted To contend, as Common does, that teachers who have been using a textbook for five years have not properly implemented it, and thus by definition, cannot abandon it, will strike many as strange, especially those teachers who daily used the materials for five years One could -use the logic of Common's definition to explain away the rising divorce rate by asserting that divorces cannot have occurred since the marriages had never been properly implemented Since divorce cannot exist without a properly implemented marriage, we can declare all the studies of divorce conceptually weak and invalid because what was being studied was not divorce but failure to implement marriage properly I contend that the Common's definition of implementation is marginally useful unless one is a curriculum developer wishing to explain away the fact that schools are abandoning their innovation in favor of another In addition, her definition simply is out of touch with the real world of the schools, which is interesting since she argues that . the course of research questions [should] come from the empirical reality and not from a theoretical reality . ." The literature does not support Common's notion that adoption is not complete until the innovation has been properly implemented For example, in their recent study of innovation schools in the Chicago area, Daft and Becker (1978) have no requirement that an innovation be "properly implemented" before it is considered in use, or adopted In the study done by the Social Science Education Consortium (Supurka, 1977) an innovation is considered implemented when the respondent to a questionnaire indicates that they "use" a set of social studies curriculum materials In an exhaustive study of the linking agent role (Sieber, Louis, and Metzger,1972), an innovation was considered implemented when it was "in use" (p 515) While Sikorski and her colleagues (1976) indicate that implementation can encourage fidelity to what designers intended and/or encourage local adaptation, they do not contend that an innovation is not adopted until it has been properly implemented Nor does the recent study by the National Science Foundation of the impact of its curriculum reform efforts of the 1960's and 1970's require that innovative materials and programs be properly implemented before being considered adopted (NSF 80-3 and 80-9) Neither Switzer nor Turner (Hahn et al ., 1977) employed a definition like that proposed by Common when they conducted their studies of the extent of adoption of innovative social studies materials Likewise, Switzer, Walker, and Mitchell (1977) employed "reported use" as an indication that "new social studies materials" had been adopted 9 0


In short, the logic which forms the cornerstone of Common's critique of the study is neither useful nor in wide use in the field t For the sake of argument, let us say that adoption takes place when a user decides to use an innovation and that implementation occurs when that user actually begins to use the innovation Few of us would argue, myself included, that we should not strive for full or proper implementation, i .e ., as the designers intended and with further local adaptation But to go on and argue that implementation does not occur until the innovation is "properly" implemented ignores a major part of reality Most schools and teachers have not, do not, and will not fully or properly implement innovations before they are discarded, and to define away such abandonment decisions does not keep them from occurring Common can call a teacher's decision to discontinue using the major textbook of the course a "failure in implementation" if she prefers, but it looks like an abandonment decision to me! If adoption is the decision to use then abandonment is the decision to discontinue use What happens in between the two is implementation in all its various degrees I am not arguing that we should discount the importance of the implementation process for it is probable that typical problems during the implementation phase contribute to abandonment decisions In fact, that is exactly what I suggested with four of my eight hypotheses, i .e ., those I described as dealing with "strategies" (p 37) I did find that during the implementation phase, the activities of a major advocate (p 48) were crucial :I also found that misimplementation (Common would call it failure in the process leading to proper implementation) also contributed to the adandonment decision (p .51) Where major advocates continued to support the innovation and where innovations were used as their developers intended, abandonment was less likely to occur than when either or both did not occur If a teacher uses a textbook for five years and then decides to discontinue its use in favor of another Common would describe it as an implementation failure I continue to prefer to term it an abandonment decision even though the decision may have been partially explained by what occurred during the implementation phase of the innovation's life cycle Rogers and Shoemaker (1971) call the decision to cease use of an innovation after previously adopting it a decision to "discontinue" (p 115) I use both terms in the paper and see them as virtually synonymous On the other hand, I did find some evidence to support what I suspect Common would describe as components of a "proper" implementation Thus the innovations were being abandoned is spite of the fact that some local adaptation and its resulting "sense of ownership" had occurred (p 49) and even though the innovation had originated at what Daft and Becker (1978) would term its proper source (p 51) Common is simply wrong when she states that "When a teacher 9 1


receives a new Social Studies curriculum, the curriculum has already been adopted Adoption is the decision to use a curriculum and this decision is usually performed by someone higher in the hierarchy .than the teacher ." In not one of my cases did I find that the adoption decision was made at a level higher than the classroom teacher It is true that some of the teachers had inherited the materials from a teacher who had originally adopted them but that is very much a part of the real world and certainly is not an example of a decision made by someone above in the hierarchy I too was prepared to explain abandonment partially by finding that it resulted from imposed adoption decisions, but my data simply failed to support such an hypothesis Common is also wrong when she contends that "One advocate not examined, who should have been, is the school principal ." As explained on page 38 of my study, principals were interviewed at each of the seven sites The structured interview of persons in the role included questions dealing with their role in the implementation process In every case, the principal was supportive of but removed from both the adoption and the abandonment decisions : "Principals' leadership styles ranged from a tight, top-down control to a nearly collegial relationship . most had no knowledge of the specific discontinuance decisions which served as the focus of this study" (p 38) It is certainly possible that in administrative or system wide innovations (e .g ., merit evaluations or modular scheduling) principals are key actors However, in the seven situations I studied, an adoption decision was made and implementation undertaken without active assistance of the principal Perhaps it was the principal's lack of involvement in the implementation process which led to the abandonment decision (or as Common would contend, the failure to implement properly) but such again is the situation in the real world of the schools, despite admonitions in courses and texts in school administration I am eager for others to study situations where decisions were made to continue the use of innovation materials for there we may find that the support of the principal is what makes the differences between abandonment and continued use Common and I seem to agree that abandonment can be a desirable state But to Common desirable abandonment comes after materials are . altered . beyond their stated intent and spirit ." I agree that such would be one form of desirable abandonment, but I also believe that the decision to abandon because of dissatisfaction (for whatever reason) or because that context in which the innovation is used has changed, also constitutes reasonable grounds for abandonment and should be viewed as such rather than as implementation failure Perhaps Common's desire to shift attention from the abandonment decision to the implementation process is partly explained by her characterization of the current state of affairs as a "terible malaise," with the . .reforms of the last two decades . gone, or . in the last stages of dieing ." But, to define away death by calling it a failure to implement 9 2


life properly begs the question The reality of abandonment is there, whatever we choose to call it I think Common's greatest service has been to focus our attention on the question of when implementation occurs She contends that it does not take place until it has been "properly" done In my view, it occurs the moment the actual use, however imperfect, of the innovation begins and ends with the decision to discontinue use of the innovation Hopefully others in the field will join us in this discussion 9 3


References Daft, Richard L ., and Selwyn W Becker, The Innovative Organization : Innovation Adoption in School Organizations (New York : Elsiver, 1978) Hahn, Carole L ., and Gerald W Marker, Thomas J Switzer and Mary Jane Turner, Three Studies on Perception and Utilization of "New Social Studies" Materials, (Boulder, Colorado : Social Science Education Consortium, Inc ., 1977) National Science Foundation, Science Education Databook, #SE 80-9, (Washington, D .C : The Foundation, 1980) t What Are the Needs in Precollege Science, Mathematics, and Social Science Education? Views from the Field, #SE 80-9, (Washington, D .C : The Foundation, 1980) Rogers, Everett M ., and F Floyd Shoemaker, Communication of Innovations : A Cross-Cultural Approach (New York : The Free Press, 1971) Sieber, Sam D ., Karen Seashore Louis and Loya Metzger, The Use of Educational Knowledge, Vol I (New York : Columbia University, 1972) Sikorski, Linda, and Brenda J Turnbull, Loraine L Thorn, and Samuel R Bell, Factors Influencing School Change (San Francisco : The Far West Laboratory for Educational Research and Development, 1976) Supurka, Douglas P ., An Exploration of Social Studies Innovation in Secondary Schools (Boulder, Colorado : Social Science Education Consortium, Inc ., 1977) Switzer, Thomas J ., and Ed Walker and Gale Mitchell, Perceptions of Undergraduate Social Studies Methods Instructors on the Nature of the Social Studies, Knowledge and Utilization of National Curriculum Project Materials, National Versus Local Curriculum Development, and Impact of the National Project Movement, (Paper read at the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1977) 9 4


THEME ISSUE : THEORY AND RESEARCH IN SOCIAL EDUCATION It has been a curious fate of the Editors to have a journal named Theory and Research in Social Education, yet to have little discussion within the journal's pages about the nature or meaning of theory in educational research The lack of discussion occurs at a time when philosophers of science and social scientists are engaged in provocative debates about the nature, purpose and assumptions of theory These debates give attention not only to the traditional meaning of a theory of social, cultural and educational affairs There is also discussion of what theory means as it is discussed from different intellectual traditions or paradigms that exist within social and educational inquiry Each paradigm can be seen as giving different definitions to social affairs The discussions also give attention to the role of theory as a social phenomenon Theory, from this perspective, is viewed as a particular commodity of the intellectual in society Emerging from a particular occupational activity, that of an intellectual community, theory, it is argued, contains values and visions of social order that are not neutral in their social impact The debates and problematics of theory as an organizating concept of educational research make it imperative that TRSE give systematic attention to this issue We are inviting articles that give attention to the meaning and nature of theory in social education This collection of articles, we would hope, will give focus to a wide range of issues, such as the relationship of theory to purpose of inquiry, the different scholarly traditions that underlie theoretical developments, the quality of theory as language and metaphor, the social implications and assumptions of theory as it is used in educational practices Those individuals interested in contributing to this volume should contact the Editors of the journal Manuscripts are due 1 May 1981 If you have any questions, please write or call (608-263-7343) TSP BRT 1981 CUFA PROGRAM WHAT ARE THE KEY ISSUES? MAJOR CONCERNS? SIGNIFICANT PROBLEMS? for Social Studies Education Social Studies Educators CUFA Members The 1981 CUFA program planners would like to have your suggestions for key issues deserving consideration on general sessions of next year's program in Detroit Please send suggestion to Thomas J Switzer, 1022 School of Education, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48109 9 5


9 6 CALL FOR NOMINATIONS 1981 Exemplary Dissertation Award in Social Studies Education The National Council for the Social Studies is sponsoring an Exemplary Dissertation Award competition in order to recognize excellence in research conducted by doctoral candidates in areas related to social studies education The author of the selected disertation will receive a certificate of merit and $150 The award will be conferred on the basis of dissertation research in the pursuit of the doctoral degree Research is broadly defined to include experimental, conceptual, historical, philosophical, and other modes appropriate to the problem investigated Dissertations will be judged on the theoretical and methodological soundness of the research and on their significance to social studies education To be eligible for the 1981 award, the dissertation must have been completed between June 16, 1980 and June 15, 1981 Nominations should include three copies of an abstract, not more than three 8 1 /2 x 11" pages, typed, double-spaced, submitted to the Chairperson by June 15, 1981 The heading of each copy of the abstract must include the author's name, address, telephone number, name of institution where degree was completed, name of major advisor, and date of degree completion Include a self-addressed, stamped envelope for acknowledgement After reviewing the abstracts, the Subcommittee may ask for the submission of the completed dissertation by August 15, 1981 Send Materials to : Robert J Highsmith, Chairperson Dissertation Award Subcommittee 400 Golden Shore, Suite 218 Long Beach, CA 90802 800-3 M 1 A 101-81

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Theory and Research in Social Education Department of Curriculum and Instruction University of Wisconsin-Madison 225 North Mills Street Madison, WI 53706 Non-Profit Organization U .S Postage P A I D Permit No 658 Madison, Wisconsin

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