Theory and research in social education

Theory and research in social education

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Theory and research in social education
National Council for the Social Studies -- College and University Faculty Assembly
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Theory and research in social education.
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In This Issue . Linda S Levstik Christine C Pappas Patricia O Avery Karen Bird Sandra Johnstone John L Sullivan Kristina Thalhammer Steven L Cobb William H Foeller Jere Brophy Bruce A VanSledright Nancy Bredin Nancy Fichtman Dana Interviewing as Qualitative Research REACTION AND RESPONSE Reaction by Walter C Parker to James S Leming's "Ideological Perspectives Within the Social Studies Profession," followed by Leming's response New Directions for Studying Historical Understanding Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents An Organizational Analysis of Teacher Attitudes About Teaching High School Economics Fifth-Graders Ideas About History Expressed Before and After Their Introduction to the Subject BOOK REVIEW


Theory and Research in Social Education Volume XX Number 4 Fall, 1992 The Official Journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies TRSE is the official journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for Social Studies Published quarterly, it is a general review open to all social studies educators, social scientists, historians, and philosophers A general statement of purpose, and submission, subscription and advertising information may be found at the end of the journal €1992 by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies All Rights reserved


THEORY AND RESEARCH IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Volume XX(4), Fall, 1992 Editor : Jack R Fraenkel Assistant Editor : Mary V Grant Book Review Editor : Perry Marker Editorial Assistant : Jean Cheng Theory and Research in Social Education (ISSN 0093-3104) is published quarterly by the College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies Membership is $20 .00 per year $15 .00 of the dues are allocated for subscription to TRSE Institutional and non-CUFA subscriptions are $35 .00 per year Second class postage paid at Washington, D .C and additional offices Back issues may be obtained for $10 .00 each, when available Postmaster : Send address changes to Theory and Research in Social Education, 3501 Newark St ., NW, Washington, D .C 20016 Address manuscripts and letters to the editor to : Dr Jack R Fraenkel Research and Development Center Burk Hall 238 San Francisco State University San Francisco, CA 94132 Address other correspondence to : Dr Jane Bernard-Powers Department of Elementary Education San Francisco State University San Francisco, CA 94132 Address book reviews to : Dr Perry Marker School of Education Sonoma State University Rohnert Park, CA 94928 Address correspondence related to permissions, subscription and membership, back issues, and change of address to : Membership Department National Council for the Social Studies 3501 Newark Street, NW Washington, D .C 20016 Address correspondence about advertising to : Peter Stavros, Meetings and Marketing, at the above address


Reviewer Acknowledgment The editors would like to thank the following individuals for their time and for the attention they gave to the manuscripts they reviewed for this and future issues of TRSE Janet Alleman Patricia Avery Allan Brandhorst Margaret Branson Ambrose Clegg Jeffery Cornett 0 L Davis Lee Ehman Ron Evans Jean Fair Patrick Ferguson Jeffrey Fouts Jesus Garcia Pamela Joseph Marilyn Johnston Nancy King Gloria Ladson-Billings Margaret Laughlin Guy Larkins Andra Makler Gerald Marker Peter Martorella Mary McFarland Merry Merryfield Steven Miller Murry Nelson Stuart Palonsky Walter Parker Jeff Passe Wayne Ross Enoch Sawin Don Schneider Robert Stahl Steve Thornton Jan Tucker Norm Wallen Angene Wilson Jack Zevin


Volume XX Number 4 Fall, 1992 IN THIS ISSUE . Editorial 367 Linda S Levstik Christine C Pappas FEATURES New Directions for Studying Historical Understanding 369 Patricia G Avery Karen Bird Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents 386 Sandra Johnstone John L Sullivan Kristina Thalhammer Steven L Cobb William Foeller An Organizational Analysis of Teacher Attitudes About Teaching High School Economics 421 Jere Brophy Bruce A VanSledright Nancy Bredin Fifth-Graders' Ideas About History Expressed Before and After Their Introduction to the Subject 440 Nancy Fichtman Dana BOOK REVIEW Interviewing as Qualitative Research 490 REACTION AND RESPONSE 493 Reaction by Walter C Parker to James S Leming's "Ideological Perspectives Within the Social Studies Profession," published in the Summer 1992 issue, followed by Leming's response Information for Authors 507


Editorial : A Few Comments About Tests of Statistical Significance We continue to receive a number of manuscripts describing quantitative studies in which the authors used a test of statistical significance inappropriately (or even incorrectly) Accordingly, I would like to offer a few comments as to when the use of such tests are appropriate and when they are not The three most common ways that authors present the results of a quantitative study are either (a) a difference between the means of two (or more) groups compared on one or more dependent variables ; (b) a correlation coefficient to indicate the degree of relationship that exists between two measured variables ; or (c) a crossbreak table to display the number of cases in certain categories The appropriate statistical inference test in each case, depending on the nature of the variables involved, can differ, but often involves one of the following : a t-test for independent means, an F-test (analysis of variance or analysis of covariance), a t-test for the correlation coefficient, or a chi-square test Many of the authors who submit manuscripts to TRSE continue to imply that statistically significant results are important in their own right The authors of one experimental study that we received, for example, found that a one-semester course in "inquiry teaching" had a statistically significant effect (p= .05) on the conceptual learning of students in 9th grade geography classes Using analysis of covariance, these authors found that the experimental group (those students taught by the inquiry method) showed greater "understanding" of a number of geographic concepts The actual mean difference between the experimental and control groups on the posttest, however, was only two points (on a 50-point exam), with both groups showing a standard deviation of seven points Caution is in order here Common sense ought to have warned these researchers to think things through a bit more The authors' statistical analysis only tells us that the two-point difference is very hard to explain as occurring by chance But this fact does not in any way indicate that such a difference is educationally important The same logic applies to correlational studies We continue to receive descriptions of studies in which the authors report trivial (i .e ., quite small) correlation coefficients (e .g ., lower than .25) as being statistically significant One author, for example, reported a correlation of .15 between two variables he was studying A correlation of this magnitude, however, yields a coefficient of determination (i .e ., r 2 ) of only .02, indicating that the scores on these two variables have only two 3 6 7


percent of their variance in common The author called attention to this small correlation because it was statistically significant It is difficult to see such a small correlation as indicating any sort of educational significance, however (Sometimes the reverse occurs Potentially important results are overlooked by researchers because they are not statistically significant!) Examination of many of the studies submitted to us for consideration suggests that many members of the social studies research community do not understand the assumptions on which statistical inference tests are based Some of these assumptions (e .g ., that the dependent variable is normally distributed within the population) can be foregone if the researcher has a sufficiently large sample There is one assumption, however, that is crucial : that the sample has been randomly selected If the sample has not been randomly selected, any test of statistical significance is inappropriate, for valid generalizations cannot be made to the population of interest The purpose of doing a statistical test in the first place, therefore, is defeated Unfortunately, many studies conducted by social studies researchers are not done with random samples, because it often is not feasible (or sometimes even possible) to select the sample randomly There are some alternatives to statistical significance testing that we would encourage more social studies researchers to consider Sample characteristics (e .g ., age, gender, ethnicity, etc .) might be described in much more detail than is presently done Frequency polygons and scatterplots might, whenever possible, be provided so that the distribution of the data involved in a particular study can be seen (Means and correlation coefficients are accurate descriptions of data only in some instances ; they may be misleading in others .) Authors might also comment on the magnitude of the results they obtain by reporting effect sizes The magnitude of an obtained effect might be compared with the magnitude of results obtained on the same dependent variable(s) by other groups (especially extreme groups) known to the researcher or reported in the literature Finally, previous or related studies might be replicated Since I took over the editorship of TRSE some 14 months ago, only one replication of a previous study has been submitted to us for consideration Tests of statistical significance do have a place in social studies research, but it is only in attempting to generalize results to a larger group All that such tests can do is eliminate chance as a plausible alternative explanation for an obtained result They cannot tell us whether a result is important Jack R Fraenkel September, 1992 3 6 8


Theory and Research in Social Education Fall, 1992, Volume XX, Number 4, pp 369-385 € by The College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies NEW DIRECTIONS FOR STUDYING HISTORICAL UNDERSTANDING Linda S Levstik University of Kentucky Christine C Pappas University of Illinois at Chicagol Abstract Much of the research on historical understanding has been based on the Piagetian concept of global stage constraints on learning Such research has led to arguments against teaching history at the elementary level and lent support to the traditional "expanding environments" curriculum This paper contrasts Piagetian-based research with psychological work in the areas of script knowledge-based and domain-specific knowledge restructuring theories of development Drawing on ideas from interpretive anthropology and semiotics, the authors then place this primarily psychological work in a cultural framework, and give consideration to the relevance of theories of narrative for studying historical understanding Using this approach, the authors suggest both new directions for studying the development of historical understanding and implications for history instruction in the elementary years Introduction Many studies of the development of historical understanding have investigated its connection to Piagetian stages of development (Hallam, 1974, 1979 ; Laville & Rosenzweig, 1982 ; Peel, 1967) Results of these studies have generally indicated that historical understanding is a formal operation developed in later adolescence (Watts, 1972 ; Zaccaria, 1978) English researchers, Peel (1967) and 3 6 9


Levstik & Pappas Hallam (1972, 1974, 1975), used Piaget's theory of development as the criterion by which to measure historical thinking Initially, Hallam selected three "historical" passages to elicit student response One hundred students aged eleven to sixteen answered ten questions about each passage : responses that were fragmentary, inconsistent, or indicated that students completely missed the point of the question were categorized as pre-operational ; responses that were limited but indicated that the question was understood were coded as concrete operational ; and responses that were "correct" and showed a judgment between alternatives were considered to be formal operational The underlying assumptions of this model include a definition of history congruent with history as it is taught in most schools--as an essentially non-observable content area learned through the abstractions of a particular form of discourse, chronological essays The model also assumes that historical thinking is characterized by the same stage progression Piaget posited for logico-mathematical constructs and that important concepts related to understanding history, including ideas about chronology, the past, and change over time, come later in cognitive development Such conclusions have led to arguments against teaching history at the elementary level and support for the traditional "expanding horizons" curriculum However, recent approaches that characterize cognitive development in terms of the restructuring of prior knowledge or "schemata" in specific domains (Carey, 1985a, 1991 ; Gelman & Baillargeon, 1983 ; Keil, 1984, 1991 ; Mandler, 1983) raise questions about whether a global knowledge restructuring perspective--such as Piaget's--is an appropriate cognitive framework for viewing conceptual change in the domain of history The purpose of this article is to outline and describe these more recent areas of primarily psychologically-based research, and then to locate them in a cultural framework in order to suggest new directions for studying the development of historical understanding in elementary-age children New Theories in Cognition During the past decade, Piaget's theory has been seriously criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds (Carey, 1985a ; Gelman & Baillargeon, 1983 ; Mandler, 1983) Many of these criticisms stem from current knowledge-based conceptions that emphasize the role of prior knowledge in learning and thinking In a Piagetian perspective, prior knowledge is a factor in learning only in a general way-learning occurs either by being incorporated within prior knowledge (assimilation) or by modifying prior knowledge (accommodation) Through these two ill-defined processes, along with the process of equilibration (Karmiloff-Smith, 1991), developmental change is seen 3 7 0


Studying Historical Understanding as global knowledge restructuring or stages (Carey, 1985a ; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1987) ; that is, knowledge restructuring constitutes a change in the structures or set of operations that influences how a child processes and acquires information in all domains Consequently, in this view children in one of the stages of development (i .e ., sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete-operational, or formal-operational) apply the same kind of thinking processes in activities or tasks no matter what the domain or topic is The procedures or routines that children employ in each stage are independent of the content of the knowledge they operate on because it is assumed that their mental structures vary little across different domains (Keil, 1984) Since the global knowledge restructuring view is a domain-neutral one, the process of learning is affected only slightly, or not at all, by which concepts are contained in a learner's structures in each of the domains Children's thinking processes, which are different from those of adults (except for those in the formal-operational stage perhaps), are constrained and determined by which stage they are in Children change procedures and routines only when they enter a new stage, when these general global knowledge structures are modified A different view of developmental change has been offered that challenges this global knowledge restructuring one--an approach based on domain-specific knowledge restructuring (Carey, 1985a, Keil, 1984 ; Mandler, 1983) This kind of knowledge restructuring is seen as the product of the child's knowledge of a particular domain ; that is, properties or concepts in particular domains affect the thinking processes, routines, strategies, and procedures that children apply in their experience Consequently, unlike the global knowledge restructuring view, the topic or conceptual domain that the child is involved with or trying to figure out does matter, and is significant In the domain-specific knowledge restructuring view, inferences by a learner at any time are based more on what and how concepts are structured and organized in particular domains--specific content--than they are on the age of the learner For example, if children have many experiences with clay--perhaps because their parents are potters, or because they live in a place where the ground is clay-like, or because they regularly play with the leftover dough when their parents make pies--then very young preschoolers are likely to understand that a particular ball of clay is the same amount even if it is rolled into a long "snake ." In Piagetian terms, these children can conserve mass They realize that the quantity of the clay is the same despite its transformation in shape The reason these children have developed these understandings at age three or four (instead of seven or eight, according Piaget's theory), is because they have a schema in the particular domain of clay and its properties and transformations In this view, children can be "experts" in a particular area in which 3 7 1


Levstik & Pappas adults may function as novices, as five-year-old dinosaur experts, eight-year-old Star-Trek or space whizzes, and teenage computer hackers illustrate Cognitive development, then, is dependent on the acquisition of frameworks of specific concepts and integrations between these concepts (Novak, 1977) These frameworks or representations of organized prior knowledge usually have been termed "schemata" (Glaser, 1984 ; Rumelhart, 1980) As Rumelhart (1980) defines them, "schemata" are embedded knowledge units or structures-they are the building blocks of cognition Although domain specificity figures powerfully in most of the recent work in cognition, much debate exists about how more precisely to depict and explain conceptual development within this view Two different interpretations have been offered to describe domain-specific knowledge acquisition during development (Carey, 1985a, 1991 ; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1987) The first position is described as a "weak" knowledge restructuring view This perspective has frequently been used by those who have investigated the novice-expert shift in problem-solving tasks (e .g ., Chi, Glaser, & Rees, 1982 ; Voss, Greene, Post, & Penner, 1983) According to this view, the knowledge of novices and experts is organized differently Experts' conceptual systems or schemata include more and different relations between concepts than those of novices The knowledge of novices is organized more literally ; that is, around the specific objects in the problem at hand In contrast, the knowledge of experts is organized in terms of principles or abstractions which subsume these objects (Glaser, 1984) The problemsolving difficulties of novices, in this view, are not the result of their processing capabilities per se but are attributed more to the inadequacies of their knowledge bases They cannot infer further knowledge from the literal cues in the problem at hand that the experts easily generate because the expert's knowledge involves "tightly connected" schema Development for novices, then, would involve restructuring their knowledge by "enriching" their present conceptual schemata (Carey, 1991) The other type of knowledge restructuring, exemplified by the work of diSessa (1982), McCloskey (1983), and Wiser & Carey (1983), is termed "radical" knowledge restructuring (Vosniadou & Brewer, 1987) In this view, novice/expert shifts reflect theory changes similar to those described by historians of science (Kuhn, 1962) Here, knowledge restructuring is considered to be stronger, more fundamental, because the novice or expert has a different theory or paradigm--different in terms of its structure, in terms of the particular domain concerned, and in terms of its individual concepts (Carey, 1985a ; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1987) ; that is, the conceptual change found in radical knowledge restructuring consists of both differentiations and coalescences of certain categories or 3 7 2


Studying Historical Understanding concepts This radical view claims that completely new theories/paradigms emerge from existing structures, not just different relations among the same concepts (Carey, 1985a ; 1985b ; 1991) It is important to note that both domain-specific versions are constructivist approaches Each version frequently includes reference to cyclical phases that can reoccur at different ages, both in different domains (Karmiloff-Smith, 1986 ; Keil, 1986 ; Mounoud, 1986) and in fundamental, domain-specific knowledge reorganizations (Carey, 1985a ; Brown, 1990) Thus, these two views are not seen as either-or accounts of developmental change ; they both may be implicated in the whole developmental picture In fact, it may even be possible that certain domain-general (or global) mechanisms, though they would be articulated and refigured quite differently from the accounts operating in Piaget's view--may also end up being involved in full developmental descriptions (Karmiloff-Smith, 1991) Despite this present uncertainty, and even though our description of these two positions here has been admittedly sketchy, the domain-specific restructuring view permeates most of the recent developmental literature and therefore has prominent significance for explanations of cognitive change The research described above is closely related to the research done by Nelson and her colleagues (1986) on preschool children's acquisition of the schema of knowledge of familiar events, or scripts The findings of this research also have questioned certain aspects of earlier views of cognitive development Using the script model proposed by Shank and Abelson (1977), Nelson has investigated the content, structure, and function of event knowledge of young children in order to gain insights into the child's cognitive system and its development In Nelson's research, a script is conceived of as an event schema that is a type of generalized event representation Scripts are like the schematic organizations discussed in the previous section The script, like other schemata, is a general, hierarchically organized body of knowledge where a part implies the whole and the whole is more than the sum of the parts, thereby providing inferential power ; however, the script structure is different from other schematic structures in terms of its basic elements--actions A script is an ordered sequence of actions organized around a goal and appropriate to a particular spatial-temporal context ; that is, scripts for everyday experiences (for example, getting-dressed scripts, birthday party scripts, restaurant scripts, and so forth) specify obligatory and optional actors, actions, and props relevant to particular goals and circumstances Thus, what is "domain-specific" here are the various particular scripts of event knowledge, and a major finding of script research is that preschool children, when talking about familiar experiences, show an understanding of a range of logical relationships-hypothetical and conditional relations, causal relations, temporal 3 7 3


Levstik & Pappas relations, and adversative relations much earlier than previously thought (e .g ., Fraisse, 1963 ; Piaget, 1969) By the time they become five to seven years old, children appear to be able to use their knowledge about events flexibly and explicitly (Fivush & Slackman, 1986) In sum, in many theories of cognitive development, including most domain-specific knowledge restructuring accounts described in the beginning of this section, knowledge of the physical world and knowledge of the social world are separated In a script view, however, the child's knowledge representational system integrates social knowledge and physical knowledge For this reason, it seems to us that the work done from the domain-specific perspective can be incorporated into the script knowledge conceptualization by elaborating on the specific aspects, properties, relations, and so forth, of the persons, objects, and actions that make up scripts What is appealing about such a script view is how it enables us to consider social action in a broader way--in a cultural framework Towards a Cultural Framework for Studying Historical Understanding We have outlined recent psychological research on cognitive development to show that many Piagetian notions about cognitive change have to be challenged This means that a new conceptualization for studying historical understanding is required, since much of the work on the topic has relied so heavily on Piagetian tenets However, what kind of a framework is appropriate for guiding future research on this topic? We believe that a cultural framework that incorporates and is consistent with the script/domain-specific ideas we have summarized here could serve such a purpose Of course the distinctiveness of the nature of historical understanding has been alluded to before ; e .g ., in his attempt to assess the Piaget-Peel-Hallam model of historical cognition, Kennedy (1983) explored the relationships between developmental level, information processing capacity, and historical understanding, and found only very weak relationships among the three kinds of measures He argued that the construct of information-processing capacity (at least as it was operationalized for the study) defined by Pascual-Leone (1970) did not appear to be a useful notion to tap levels of historical understanding Moreover, although previous research on historical cognition has been largely based on the significance of a relationship between developmental level and historical understanding (and, as has already discussed, has indicated that such understanding appears late in development), Kennedy suggested that developmental measures and traditional historical understanding measures may have been assessing different constructs ; that is, logical structures from one domain such as science or mathematics may not have analogies in history Jurd (1973) 3 7 4


Studying Historical Understanding and Mink (1966) have also argued that the search for evidence to construct laws in science and mathematics is not characteristic of history None of these claims, however, provided an alternative basis on which to challenge the Piagetian perspective of global stage development, nor were they very specific about the grounds on which the distinctiveness of history could be argued We think that ideas from interpretive anthropology and semiotics might provide a framework within which disciplinary distinctiveness can be explicated To begin with, Geertz's (1983) ideas on disciplines offer a way to integrate "thought in the head" from a psychological point of view with "thought in the world" that is culturally coded and historically constructed According to Geertz, modern thought consists of various disciplines and quasi-disciplines that should be seen as social activities in a social world In his words, disciplines "are cultural frames in terms of which attitudes are formed and lives conducted . . [F]or their practitioners they support particular modes of engagement with life, and for the rest of us they illustrate them (p 14) Given this conceptualization, we want to argue that history, as a discipline/cultural frame, is a specific domain of knowledge It considers specific scripts or schemata of particular event knowledge Moreover, 'the "thought in the head" that represents the modes of engagement Geertz mentions are expressed in relatively stable types of texts in particular genres (Bakhtin, 1986) In other words, in development, we learn how to "mean" in a variety of social contexts, and we learn how to express what we mean through various symbolic forms What is involved is a semiotic disciplinary matrix where historical ideas are seen as a cultural artifact, where knowledge is characterized through its expressions in ways that sustain the activities pertaining to the domain of history History, as a discipline, then, is not just "in the head," but is enacted in a particular discourse community (Bakhtin, 1986 ; Halliday, 1978 ; Pappas, forthcoming ; Swales, 1990 ; Todorov, 1990) Within this community, then, learning would involve children's developing an understanding of its particular semiotics "[T]hinking in this view is a matter of trafficking in the symbolic forms available . ." (Geertz, 1983, p 153) Although a number of different genres are used in the history community, various forms of narrative have played a major role in forming for historians and illustrating for others historical understandings For this reason, narrative provides an important avenue in considering the development of historical understanding 3 7 5


Levstik & Pappas The Relevance of Theories of Narrative for Studying Historical Understanding in a Cultural Framework For the purposes of this discussion, we define "narrative" according to Traugott & Pratt (1980) as a way of linguistically representing past experience, whether real or imagined Narrative is perceived by the reader as a sequence of non-randomly connected events, and the connectedness is taken to be both motivated and significant Within narrative, subgenres employ or embody more specific purposes for expressing historical content It is not our purpose to distinguish all the specific aims and their corresponding linguistic patterns, but because narrative genres are so prominent in the domain of history, our intention is to suggest why narrative is such an important avenue in studying the development of historical understanding, especially at the elementary level In doing so, we will cover several points, including why narrative might be more accessible to young children than texts used in previous research on historical understanding, the nature of narrative that affords that accessibility, and why narrative is such a salient genre for expressing historical thought Historians have long used narrative as a way of structuring historical accounts Nevertheless, traditional research on historical understanding has generally required students to use and understand non-narrative genres (Wishart & Smith, 1983), or experimentally constructed texts such as those used by Hallam (1975) and more recently by Knight (1989) This presents several problems in interpreting the results of such studies and may account, in part, for why there has not been much evidence for historical understanding prior to adolescence Since these are not texts from naturally occurring genres, nor are they ones used by historians, there is no reason for children to be familiar with them As such, they tell us little about the development of children's historical understanding Children are, however, familiar with a narrative framework that remains powerful well into adolescence, and is both part of many children's cultural milieu and a genre used by historians (Meek, Warlow & Barton, 1978) In her study of the relationship between historical response and narrative in a sixth-grade classroom, Levstik (1986), for instance, found that history embedded in literary narrative (historical fiction, biography, and autobiography) elicited strong interest among students, and could be channeled into study using other genres (informational texts and primary source documents) Blake (1981) also noted student interest in historical literary narratives Given a historical fiction format, children engaged in interpretation and analysis more readily than previous studies would suggest Our study (Levstik & Pappas, 1987, 1988) with second, fourth, and sixth-graders indicated that children as 3 7 6


Studying Historical Understanding young as seven and eight were able to respond to history in a literary narrative, and had concepts for "history" and "the past" that included distinguishing between history and the past on the basis of significance (i .e ., history is that part of the past designated as important) So, what is the structure of narrative that makes it particularly useful in looking at how children become meaning-makers in the cultural frame labeled "history?" To begin with, narrative involves the depiction of events that may be spatially and temporally remote from both teller and audience (Toolan, 1988) The reader understands these experiences both as events that have already happened, and as events that are logically and chronologically related The discourse through which these events are related transforms them from chronology--a list of temporally related events, to history--an interpretation of events In doing so, narrative shapes events, assigns significance to some events over others, and embeds them all in a culture (Toolan, 1988 ; White 1980) At the same time, the discourse itself is a cultural form, a "social activity in a social world" (Geertz, 1983, p 14) Narrative is a formalized way to express interpersonal meanings and as White (1980) notes, to transmit "transcultural messages about the nature of shared reality" (p .6 ) It is also a forum where it is possible for people who inhabit quite different worlds to come to have some understanding of other times, places, people, and events--concepts inherent to historical understanding (Geertz, 1983) Bruner (1986) explicates some of the ways in which narrative approximates the structures of history Narrative, he notes, is a form of interpretation that makes experience comprehensible It deals with intention and action, with the consequences of both, and as with history, narrative deals with the particular--not any person, but this person at this time and place, and given this set of circumstances Both narrative and history are more than a recount or collection of "facts," a sequence of events They involve the description and interpretation-the causes--that account for these "facts ." One of the ways these causal relationships are realized is through a narrative convention, the rule of temporal causation (Rabinowitz 1987) Specifically, "it is appropriate to assume that temporally connected events are causally connected unless there is a signal to the contrary . ." (p 108) Inherent in learning to "read" narrative texts, then, is learning to apply this rule with increasing sensitivity Similarly, causation is inherent in the process of reading and interpreting history as this process includes recognizing and ordering salient historical data Thus, in the narrative genres in the domain or discipline of history, such as historical fiction, biography, autobiography, and memoir, the task is to use these kinds of narrative conventions to make sense of historical data Because the ideas and conventions used in history and narrative are social constructions, history as a discipline and the genres within it 3 7 7


Levstik & Pappas are cultural artifacts As such, they also represent "truth" in particular ways While Kermode (1980) terms this an "arbitrary imposition of truth," in a cultural framework, this truth construction cannot be arbitrary Instead, it is both an intellectual vantage point and a way of being in the world In other words, the sense that can be made of the narrative is constructed within (or in opposition to) a cultural milieu that provides both the linguistic forms of expression and the social ethic for interpretation of the narrative It becomes part of our consciousness, shaped as Geertz (1983) argues, "at least as much by how things supposedly look to others, somewhere else in the lifeline of the world as by how they look here, where we are, now to us" (p 9) In the genre of historical fiction, for instance, readers encounter the human capacity for both good and evil in a framework that generally invites them to sympathize with, or at least understand a particular point of view In several studies conducted by Levstik (1986 ; 1989, in press), children seemed to find this a compelling satisfaction of such narratives One of the most striking features of children's response to the narratives in each of these studies was the frequency with which they explained their interest in historical topics in terms of "needing to know," searching for "the truth," or seeking "what really happened ." In effect, narrative holds history up against a social system that is, as White (1980) suggests, "the source of any morality that we can imagine" (p 18) For all of these reasons, then, the use of narrative may be especially useful in investigations of the historical understanding of elementary age children Of course, this does not exclude the use of nonnarrative genres ; instead, in a cultural view, they too are critically important, as we explain in the next section New Directions Much of previous research on historical understanding has relied upon a Piagetian cognitive framework to examine when historical cognition develops Its findings have indicated that elementary-age children lack such understanding As a result, it has been argued by some that only at adolescence can we expect students to benefit from instruction in history This article has reviewed more recent research in script/domain-specific, knowledge-based approaches to cognitive development that challenge major tenets of the Piagetian perspective with respect to how knowledge is acquired We have placed this primarily psychologically-based research in a cultural framework that incorporates important features of this research that cannot be dismissed In particular, a cultural framework helps better to explain the domain or discipline of history as a "social" study In addition, a semiotic interpretation shows how the role of narrative genres is implicated in both the expression of historical thought and in 3 7 8


Studying Historical Understanding children's developing historical understanding Within this framework we suggest two broad avenues that might be explored in both research on historical understanding and classroom instruction in history, the texts that are used, and issues in multicultural inquiry To begin with, it seems clear that the use of experimentally constructed texts is not going to be very useful in tapping children's developing understandings of history Because history as a mode of thought is realized by specific genres, using texts that are instances of those genres would be more likely to lead to ecologically valid insights into children's thinking about history How could children's responses to an "artificial" text that is not like those typically employed by practitioners in the discipline ever reveal children's developing competence in employing the symbolic forms of the domain of history? In contrast, we have argued that narrative genres in particular could and should be employed instead Narrative discourse may provide a critical window into children's patterns of meaning-making when confronted by historical data First, it is a naturally occurring expression of the cultural frame called "history ." Second, narrative is an accessible literary form for children because of its prominence within the culture at large Thus, asking children to respond to and create various historical narratives (fiction, biography, autobiography, and so forth), and at an early age during the elementary years, for example, might be one avenue to explore, both in research and instruction Of course, such inquiry and instruction should not be limited to the use of narrative genres Since there are other non-narrative historical genres, it would also be important to compare and contrast the ways in which they influence children's developing historical understanding In doing so, we would want to caution against any ideology that would assume that these non-narrative texts might not be ones that children could use or learn from As Pappas (1991) notes, young children have both interest and ability in using informational, non-narrative texts Future research could explore the strategies that children employ in understanding history in non-narrative genres Another broad area to investigate regarding children's historical understanding involves multicultural inquiry Acknowledging that history and the genres for expressing historical thinking exist in cultural frames is more likely to enable us to examine multicultural issues in a more thoughtful way, both in research and in the classroom "Minding out how others across the sea or down the corridor, organize their significant world" (Geertz, 1983, p 151) is basic to understanding history as it is valued and explicated in various cultures This process provides an opportunity for children to really scrutinize the puzzles of translation whereby meaning in one culture is expressed in another Narrative, then, can play a particularly cultural role that is relevant to this inquiry Most cultures include collective stories dealing with 3 7 9


Levstik & Pappas such questions as "Who are we?" and "Where did we come from?" (Van Dongen, 1987) These stories take on different degrees of significance in different cultures so that in some communities, historical stories are part of daily life, included in rituals and traditions, and form the basis for developing a view of "the good life ." In others, stories may be used to transmit values without necessarily being quite so central to community rituals Other cultures may include historical stories with a cultural purpose, but tend to emphasize their function as entertainment Thus the silences in one culture may be the exuberances in another, and vice versa (Becker, 1991), and how children make sense of these differences would be a revealing enterprise, both from a researcher's perspective and in classroom practice Another dimension of this multicultural inquiry would be exploring cross-cultural concepts of time Notions of past, present, and future are central to how we think and talk about events and experiences In a Western model of time, past and future are categories that are ordered in relation to a continually shifting "present" reference (Harner, 1982) Research on the acquisition of young children's event knowledge described above and recent research on language development in general (e .g ., Wells, 1981, 1985) indicate that children appear to master these important distinctions during the early childhood years There is evidence, however, that there are cultural influences on our orientations and interpretations of these conceptions of time, and that some cultures may be more influenced by past events in terms of what they think and talk about (Harner,1982) Studying how children create explanations of the relations between particular events for particular purposes in particular places in time might shed light on how children fix meaning in the flow of events and as expressed in various cultures We have sketched out only two broad areas for studying the development of historical understanding Certainly other directions are available and necessary to answer theory-based questions regarding the teaching and learning of history However, we believe that a cultural perspective is a more powerful way to address concerns about history as it is being taught, and how it is and could be investigated In this perspective, emphasis shifts from a focus on the accumulation of historical information and facts to a focus on what Geertz (1983) calls the central problem of the integration of cultural life In Geertz's words : The problem . .becomes one of making it possible for people inhabiting different worlds to have a genuine, and reciprocal, impact upon one another . . [T]he vitality of that consciousness depends upon creating the conditions under which such interplay will occur And for that, the first step is surely to accept the depth of 3 8 0


Studying Historical Understanding the differences ; the second to understand what these differences are, and the third to construct some sort of vocabulary in which they can be publicly formulatedone in which [various members of particular disciplines] can give a credible account of themselves to one another (p 161) On this basis, children can understand and distinguish history as a way of knowing from the other social studies as well as other areas in the curriculum Making these distinctions is at the root of rich interdisciplinary and integrated teaching and learning It also underlies a multicultural perspective that recognizes the power and richness of cross-disciplinary inquiry Such implementation would give children authentic reasons for studying history and researchers new directions for understanding historical thinking Endnote 1 This is a fully coauthored article Authors' names are listed in alphabetical order References Bakhtin, M M (1986) Speech genres and other late essays Translated by V W McGee Austin : University of Texas Press Becker, A L (1991) A short essay on languaging In F Steier (Ed .) Research and reflexivity London : Sage Blake, D (1981) Observing children learning history History Teacher, 14, pp 533-549 Brown, A .C (1990) Domain-specific priciples affect learning Cognitive science 14, (pp 107-133) Bruner, J (1986) Actual minds, possible worlds Cambridge : Harvard University Press Carey, S (1985a) Conceptual change in childhood Cambridge : The MIT Press Carey, S (1985b) Are children fundamentally different kinds of thinkers and learners than adults? In S F Chipman, J W Segal, & R Glaser (Eds .) Thinking and learning skills : Research and open questions, Vol 2 (pp 485-517) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Carey, S (1991) Knowledge acquisition : enrichment or conceptual change? In S Carey and R Gelman (Eds .) The epigenesis of mind : essays on biology and cognition (pp 257-291) Hillsdale, New Jersey : Lawrence Erlbaum Chi, M ., Glaser, R ., & Rees, E (1982) Expertise in problem solving In R Sternberg (Ed .) Advances in the psychology of human intelligence, Vol 1 (pp 7-75) 3 8 1


Levstik & Pappas di Sessa, A (1982) Unlearning Aristotelian physics : A study of knowledge-based learning Cognitive Science, 6, 3-1 Fraisse, P (1963) The psychology of time New York : Harper and Row Fivush, R ., & Slackman, E (1986) The acquisition and development of scripts In K Nelson (Ed .) Event knowledge : Structure and function in development (pp 71-96) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Geertz, C (1983) Local knowledge : Further essays in interpretive anthroplogy New York : Basic Books Gelman, R ., & Baillargeon, R (1983) A review of some Piagetian concepts In J H Flavell & E M Markman (Eds .) Cognitive development (Vol 3, pp 167-230) of P H Mussen (Gen Ed .) Handbook of child psychology New York : Wiley Glaser, R (1984) Education and thinking : The role of knowledge American Psychologist, 39, 93-104 Hallam, R N (1972) Thinking and learning in history Teaching History, 2, 337-346 Hallam, R N (1974) Piaget and thinking in history In M Ballard (Ed .) New movements in the study of history (pp 162-178) Bloomington, IN : University of Indiana Press Hallam, R N (1975) A study of the effect of teaching method on the growth of logical thought with special reference to the teaching of history Unpublished doctoral dissertation Leeds University, Leeds Hallam, R N (1979) Attempting to improve logical thinking in school history Research in Education, 21, 1-23 Halliday, M A K (1978) Language as social semiotic : The social interpretation of language and meaning London : Edward Arnold Harner, L (1982) Talking about the past and the future In W J Friedman (Ed .) The developmental psychology of time (pp 141169) New York : Academic Press Jurd, M (1973) Adolescent thinking in history-type material The Australian Journal of Education, 17, 2-17 Karmiloff-Smith, A (1986) From meta-processes to conscious access : Evidence from children's metalinguistic and repair data Cognition 93,95-147 Karmiloff-Smith, A (1991) Beyond modularity : Innate constraints and developmental change In S Carey and R Gelman (Eds .) The epigenesis o f mind : essays on biology and cognition (pp 171-197) Hillsdale, New Jersey : Lawrence Erlbaum Keil, F C (1984) Mechanisms of cognitive development and the structure of knowledge In W Demopoulos & A Marras (Eds .) Language learning and concept acquisition (pp 81-99) Norwood, NJ : Ablex 3 8 2


Studying Historical Understanding Keil, F .C (1986) On the struture-dependent nature of stages of cognitive development In I Levin (Ed .) State and structure : Reopening the debate (pp 147-163) Norwood, New Jersey : Ablex Keil, F C (1991) The emergence of theoretical beliefs as constraints on concepts In S Carey and R Gelman .(Eds .) The epigenesis of mind : essays on biology and cognition (pp 237-256) Hillsdale, New Jersey : Lawrence Erlbaum Kennedy, K J (1983) Assessing the relationship between information processing capacity and historical understanding Theory and Research in Social Education, 1 1, pp 1-22 Kermode, F (1980) Secrets and narrative sequence Critical Inquiry, 7, (1), 83-101 Knight, P (1989) A study of children's understanding of people in the past Educational Review, 41, (3), 207-219 Kuhn, T S (1962) The structure of scientific revolution Chicago : Chicago University Press Laville, C ., & Rosenzweig, L (1982) Teaching and learning history : Developmental perspectives In Developmental perspectives on the social studies (pp 54-66) Bulletin 66 Washington, DC : National Council for the Social Studies Levstik, L S (1986) The relationship between historical response and narrative in a sixth-grade classroom Theory and Research in Social Education, 14, 1-15 Levstik, L S (1989) Historical narrative and the young reader Theory Into Practice, 28, (2), 114-119 Levstik, L S (in press) Building a sense of history in a first-grade class In J Brophy (Ed .) Advances in Research on Teaching, Vol 4 N .Y : JAI Press Levstik, L S ., & Pappas, C C (1987) Exploring the development of historical understanding Journal of Research and Development in Education, 21, 1-15 Levstik, L S ., & Pappas, C C (1988, April) Cognitive change in history : A preliminary study of developmental responses Paper presented at the meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orleans, LA Mandler, J M (1983) Representation In J H Flavell & E M Markman (Eds .) Cognitive development (Vol 3, pp 420-494) of P H Mussen (Gen Ed .), Handbook of child psychology New York : Wiley McCloskey, M (1983) Naive theories of motion In D Gentner & A L Stevens (Eds .) Mental models (pp 299-324) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Meek, M ., Warlow, A ., & Barton, G (Eds .) (1978) The cool web New York : Atheneum Mink, L O (1966) The autonomy of historical understanding History and Theory : Studies in the Philosophy of History, 15, 40, 43, 45 3 8 3


Levstik & Pappas Mounoud, P (1986) Similarities between developmental sequences at different age periods In I Levin (Ed .) State and structure : Reopening the debate (pp 40-58) Norwood, New Jersey : Ablex Nelson, K (1986) Event knowledge : Structure and function in development Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Novak, J D (1977) An alternative to Piagetian psychology for science and mathematics education Science Education, 61, 453-477 Pappas, C C (1991) Fostering full access to literacy by including information books Language Arts, 68, 449-462 Pappas, C C (Forthcoming) Learning written genres : A socio-semiotic perspective Cresskill, N J : Hampton Press Pascual-Leone, J (1970) A mathematical model for the transition rule in Piaget's developmental stages Acta Psychologia, 63, 301-345 Peel, E A (1967) Some problems in the psychology of history teaching In W H Burston & 0 Thompson (Eds .) Studies in the nature and teaching of history (pp 159-190) New York : Humanities Press Piaget, J (1969) The child's conception of time London : Routledge & Kegan Paul Rabinowitz, P J (1987) Before reading : Narrative conventions and the politics of interpretation Ithaca : Cornell University Press Rosch, E (1983) Prototype classification and logical classification : The two systems In E K Scholnick (Ed .) New Trends in conceptual representation : Challenges to Piaget's theory? (pp 73-86) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Rumelhart, D E (1980) Schemata : The building blocks of cognition In R J Spiro, B C Bruce, & W F Brewer (Eds .) Theoretical issues in reading comprehension : Perspective from cognitive psychology, linguistics, artificial intelligence, and education (pp 33-58) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Shank, R C ., & Abelson, R P (1977) Scripts, plans, goals and understanding Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Smith, R N ., & Tomilson, P (1977) The development of children's construction of historical duration : A new approach and some findings Educational Research, 19, 163-170 Stein, N L ., & Glenn, C G (1979) An analysis of story comprehension in elementary school children In R 0 Freedle (Ed .) New directions in discourse processing : Multi-disciplinary perspectives (pp 53-120) Norwood, NJ : Ablex Stein, N L ., & Trabasso, T (1981) What's in a story : An approach to comprehension and instruction (Tech Rep No 200) Urbana : University of Illinois, Center for the Study of Reading Swales, J M (1990) Genre analysis : English in academic and research settings Cambridge : Cambridge University Press 3 8 4


Studying Historical Understanding Todorov, T (1982) Theories of the symbol Ithaca, N .Y : Cornell University Press Toolan, M J (1988) Narrative : A critical linguistic introduction London : Routledge Traugott, E ., & Pratt, M L (1980) Linguistics for students of literature N .Y : Harcourt, Brace, Javonovich Van Dongen, R (1987) Children's narrative thought at home and at school Language Arts, 64, 79-87 Vosniadou, S ., & Brewer, W F (1987) Theories of knowledge restructuring in development Review of Educational Research, 57, 51-67 Voss, J F ., Greene, T R ., Post, T A ., & Penner, B C (1983) Problemsolving skill in the social sciences In G H Bower (Ed .) The psychology of learning and motivation : Advances in research and theory, Vol 17 (pp 165-213) New York : Academic Press Watts, D G (1972) The learning of history London : Routledge and Kegan Wells, G (1981) Learning through interaction : The study of language development Cambridge : Cambridge University Press Wells, G (1985) Language development in the pre-school years Cambridge : Cambridge University Press White, H (1980) The value of narrativity in the representation of reality Critical Inquiry, 7, (1), 5-27 Wiser, M ., & Carey, S (1983) When heat and temperature were one In D Gentner & A L Stevens (Eds .) Mental models (pp 267-297) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Wishart, E ., & Smith, J L (1983) Understanding the logical connections in history Australian Journal of Reading, 6, 19-29 Zaccaria, M A (1978) The development of historical thinking : Implications for the teaching of history History Teacher, 11, 323339 Authors LINDA S LEVSTIK is a Professor in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction, College of Education, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0001 CHRISTINE C PAPPAS is an Associate Professor in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction, College of Education, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle, Chicago, IL 60680 3 8 5


Theory and Research in Social Education Fall, 1992, Volume XX, Number 4, pp 386-420 € by The College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies EXPLORING POLITICAL TOLERANCE WITH ADOLESCENTS' Patricia G Avery University of Minnesota Karen Bird University of Minnesota Sandra Johnstone University of Minnesota John L Sullivan University of Minnesota Kristina Thalhammer University of Minnesota Abstract Most research on political socialization has suggested that the traditional formal civics curriculum has limited impact on students' civic attitudes (Ehman, 1980) Political tolerance-the willingness to acknowledge the civil liberties of those with whom one disagrees-is no exception Although civics courses do emphasize abstract democratic norms, such as freedom of speech, they tend not to link them directly with everyday political situations in which these norms can be applied We have developed and tested a curriculum that encourages students to explore the linkages among democratic values and legal principles, and their application to unpopular groups in our society Our data suggest that increases in political tolerance are due to a greater awareness of individual rights ; decreases in tolerance may be attributed to heightened concern for public safety 3 8 6


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents Do All of the People Have All of the Rights All of the Time? Clearly the American civil liberties record has deep flaws in it, especially in social and racial justice and toleration of radical political expression, and clearly the record is not as pristine as American ideals are Yet it must also be remembered that the record would probably not be as good as it is if American ideals were not so high, for they act as a constant standard and constant challenge Further, the American record, it should be reiterated, compares favorably with the vast majority of countries in the world today (Goldstein, 1987, pp 451-452) There is a deep and abiding paradox in the American civil liberties record On the one hand, we enjoy some of the widest and deepest legal protections for our civil rights and liberties accorded citizens anywhere in the world On the other hand, we have often indulged in profound abrogations of these rights and liberties for substantial segments of our society, including, among others, the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II and the welldocumented abuses of the McCarthy era Surveys of the political attitudes and beliefs of American adults provide insight into our record Americans profess overwhelming support for democratic principles (McClosky & Zaller, 1984 ; Sullivan, Piereson, & Marcus, 1982) For example, when asked if they believe in free speech for everyone, about 90 percent of Americans will say yes (McClosky & Brill, 1983) Yet, studies show dishearteningly little support for the impartial application of these principles to groups that express unpopular ideas (Gibson, 1988, 1989 ; McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Sullivan, Piereson, & Marcus, 1982) When asked about a more specific situation, such as the Ku Klux Klan appearing on public television or the Communists marching in their neighborhood, less than 30 percent will support the rights of free speech and assembly (McClosky & Brill, 1983) One possible explanation for the disparity between support for civil liberties in the abstract and their application in concrete situations is that many people simply do not make the connection between the two When asked whether the American Nazi party should be given access to public television, for example, many people may not even consider the value of free speech ; rather, they tend to focus exclusively on their abhorrence of the group's political views Indeed, many citizens lack an understanding of how the abstract principles of freedom of speech and minority rights are embedded in a system of legal protections and rights (Sullivan, Piereson & Marcus, 3 8 7


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer 1982) Those interested in political education have suggested that traditional civics curricula perpetuate this disjuncture by failing to analyze rights within specific contexts (Corbett, 1991 ; Zellman, 1975) After a brief overview of the research related to political tolerance, we argue that adolescence is an ideal period for the exploration of issues related to individual rights and the public good We review literature which suggests that traditional civics curricula often fail to meet this challenge Results are presented from a study designed to explore the potential of a civics curriculum in developing a willingness to acknowledge the civil liberties of disliked or unpopular groups Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings for civic education and political theory Related Research Political Tolerance More than 35 years ago, two large national surveys indicated that large majorities of American adults were unwilling to extend procedural rights to nonconformist groups, particularly communists (Stouffer, 1955) For example, almost two-thirds of the respondents said they would deny an admitted American Communist the right to make a speech in their community At the same time, they professed strong support for freedom of expression in the abstract Since Stouffer's classic study, political scientists and educators have traced the limits of U .S tolerance, debated its practical and theoretical significance, and argued about the origins of intolerance Recent research suggests that dogmatism, perceptions of threat, support for abstract democratic values and norms, education, cognitive moral development, and self-esteem are important factors that affect levels of adult political tolerance (McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Sullivan, Piereson, & Marcus, 1982 ; Wagner, 1986) Perhaps the most important debate revolves around the conceptualization of political tolerance In the late 1970s, Sullivan, Marcus, Piereson, and Feldman (1978-79) suggested that tolerance involves "a willingness to apply these [democratic] norms without disfavor to those whose ideas or interests one opposes" [emphasis added] (p 116) Previous studies had conceptualized tolerance as a willingness to extend rights to political or social groups generally considered marginal or extremist within society, regardless of the respondent's perception of the groups According to Sullivan et al ., tolerance requires dislike or objection ; thus the measurement of political tolerance should take into account the individual's attitude toward specific groups Using a national sample of 1,509 adults, Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus (1982) initially identified the dissident or nonconformist group 3 8 8


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents that individuals found most repugnant Although respondents were presented with a list of potential "outcasts," they were also encouraged to name a group other than those listed if appropriate This was an important departure from previous studies, many of which focused on Communists, and to a lesser degree, atheists and socialists Using the respondents' least-liked group, Sullivan et al then presented them with concrete situations in which they were asked if they would extend basic civil liberties to the group For example, if a person's least-liked group was atheists, the person was asked to respond to statements such as, "Atheists should be allowed to hold public rallies in our city ." In this manner, the researchers believed they had devised a "contentcontrolled" measure Although not all researchers support Sullivan et al .'s methodology (see, for example, Sniderman, Tetlock, Glaser, Green & Hout, 1989), the research has renewed interest and debate about the nature and complexity of political tolerance In comparison with the research on adults, studies of political tolerance among children and adolescents are smaller in number and generally less rigorous, both conceptually and methodologically Still, the research offers some insight into the factors associated with tolerance during this age period The disparity between support for abstract democratic principles and their application to concrete situations among adolescents parallels that of older generations (Jones, 1980) Similar to adults, the more negatively adolescents perceive a group, the less likely they are to extend rights to the group (Avery, 1988 ; Owen & Dennis, 1987 ; Zellman & Sears, 1971) Tolerance seems to be associated with political experiences (Avery, 1988 ; Jones, 1980), divergent thinking, self-esteem (Zellman & Sears, 1971), and high levels of cognitive moral reasoning (Avery, 1988 ; Breslin, 1982 ; Eyler, 1980 ; Patterson, 1979) The dearth of research on adolescent political tolerance is somewhat perplexing, particularly given that much of the change that takes place during adolescence has direct and important implications for developing political orientations, attitudes, and behaviors (Adams, 1985 ; Sigel & Hoskin, 1981 ; Torney-Purta, 1990) In the next section, we describe research which indicates that this period may be critical to the development of civil liberties attitudes A Focus on Adolescence The emerging capacity for abstract thought during adolescence provides opportunities to explore the complexity of moral, social, and political issues, and to test competing ideological perspectives and beliefs (Adelson, 1971) Gallatin's (1985) interviews with students in grades 6 through 12, for example, suggested an increasing ability among older adolescents to link democratic principles to specific situations, and to appreciate the complex relationship between individual rights 3 8 9


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer and the public good Such understandings are fundamental to a sophisticated analysis of issues associated with political tolerance Zellman (1975) argued convincingly that adolescent political socialization must play a central role in the development of adult attitudes and behaviors on civil liberties issues By age 11, if not before, children exhibit attitudes about both the principles of democracy and about the application (or lack thereof) of these principles to unpopular groups These attitudes appear to be about as consistent as those of many adults in our society (Zellman, 1975 ; Zellman & Sears, 1971) Additional evidence for the potential importance of addressing tolerance during adolescence was provided by Dennis, Lindberg, McCrone, and Stiefbold (1968), who studied children from four nations Their U .S sample included children in fifth, eighth, and eleventh grades who were asked to agree or disagree with three statements about tolerance of dissenting minorities : (1) When most of the people want to do something, the rest of the people should not criticize ; (2) If a person wanted to make a speech in this city against churches and religion, he should not be allowed to speak ; (3) We should not allow people to make speeches against our kind of government In all three cases, the percentage disagreeing (the more tolerant response) increased substantially from fifth to eleventh grade The increase on the "not criticize" question was from 9 percent disagree to 33 percent disagree ; on the "against churches and religion" question, the increase was from 20 percent to 59 percent ; and on the "against our kind of government" the increase was from 33 percent to 64 percent The same age trends in tolerance for dissent were identified by Farnen and German (1972) in their study of five nations, including the United States Jones' (1980) secondary analysis of the 1976 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data also suggests that an appreciation of rights of expression increases during adolescence On each of five items related to freedom of expression, 17 year olds demonstrated more tolerant views than their 13 year-old counterparts For example, 40 percent of the younger students surveyed supported citizens' right to criticize the government ; 65 percent of the older adolescents expressed similar support When asked about specific groups, however, the 17year-olds were more reluctant to recognize rights of expression Although 63 percent felt dissidents ought to be allowed to hold public protests, fewer than one-third would allow a member of the Nazi Party to campaign on television (younger students were not asked similar questions) Research suggests that adolescence is a critical period during which students simultaneously develop support for democratic norms and negative attitudes toward nonconformist groups in society (Jones, 1980 ; Miller & Sears, 1986 ; Owen & Dennis, 1987) Thus, although most research on political tolerance and support for the Bill of Rights has 3 9 0


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents been conducted on adults, the development of civil liberties attitudes during adolescence has convinced us that the focus of efforts to increase recognition of unpopular groups' civil liberties ought to be on this age group The Civics Curriculum and Political Tolerance 2 National and international assessments of civics knowledge and attitudes, as well as professional statements and guidelines from the social studies community, reflect a concern for the development of political tolerance among our youth Recognition and support of constitutional rights, specifically the right to freedom of expression, have been major objectives assessed in national studies (NAEP, 1978, 1980) The twelfth grade version of the most recent national study of civics achievement included eight items directly related to rights of expression (NAEP, 1990) "Support for the right of citizens to express dissent" and "respect for political opposition" were among the objectives deemed important by educational institutions in all nine nations (including the United States) participating in the 1971 IEA study (Torney, Oppenheim & Farnen, 1975) In addition, the curriculum guidelines adopted by the National Council of the Social Studies (1989) state that free speech, religious freedom and democratic decision making are essential to human dignity Although professional educators seem to share the view that politicial tolerance is important to a democracy, research suggests that the traditional civics curriculum does not engender a strong commitment to tolerance, particularly as it applies to unpopular ideas and groups In a review of the empirical studies of schooling and political socialization, Ehman (1980) concluded that conventional civics courses have little if any impact on secondary students' political attitudes He cited a national survey of high school seniors conducted by Langton and Jennings (1968), in which only very weak correlations were found between the number of civics courses taken in grades 10-12 and variables such as political interest, efficacy, and civic tolerance 3 Scores on a three-item tolerance scale 4 were not affected by the number of civics courses taken by white students (beta= .06), although civics courses had an impact on tolerance scores among African-American students (beta= .22) The authors interpreted these findings in terms of "information redundancy" : White students were already exposed to most of the information presented in civics classes, but for AfricanAmerican students it was new information It is unclear whether a study of today's students would yield similar results When Jennings and Niemi (1981) conducted a follow-up panel study on the same students from the Langton and Jennings (1968) research, they found that educational stratification and achievement 3 9 1


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer played prominent roles in shaping many political attitudes and behaviors in later life In spite of the fact that civics education per se did not have a direct impact on students, the educational sorting process, which does have a powerful cumulative impact on citizens, had begun 5 Jennings and Niemi (1981) did find evidence that many differences among educational strata were prominent during adolescence, even before the college years began Jennings and Niemi's (1981) follow-up study also demonstrated that on all three tolerance issues, the effects of educational stratification increased after high school In fact, they discovered some of the largest differential rates of change between the more and less educated strata on these issues, suggesting a major role for socialization through post-secondary educational experiences 6 Zellman, noting the lack of connection between support for democratic principles and their application among secondary students, (1975) argued that : Civil liberties attitudes are taught mainly in slogan form, without concrete implications being discussed or deduced . Were the implications of the principles made apparent and the process of deduction presented and practiced, tolerance would likely increase (p 49) There is little evidence that the content of current secondary civics courses has changed much in recent years High school government and civics texts, which are generally good indicators of what is actually taught in civics classes (Patrick & Hawke, 1982), continue to emphasize isolated bits of information about governmental institutions and processes In-depth examinations of key constitutional issues are virtually nonexistent (Carroll et al ., 1987 ; Katz, 1985 ; Remy, 1981 ; Patrick, 1991) Patrick and Hoge (1991) suggested that students' tendency to attach greater significance to majority rule than minority rights may be due, in part, to the failure of most textbooks to address the latter issue In an effort to avoid potential controversy, most textbook publishers give such questions only superficial coverage It is doubtful, therefore, that current civics curricula can be expected to help young people develop a sophisticated understanding of democratic principles In a recent summary of the impact of civic education, Corbett (1991) concluded : While democratic political principles are taught, they are taught as slogans rather than as applications . Children are not taught to apply these principles to actual situations . . As a result . the typical American 3 9 2


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents adult is not very supportive of specific applications of democratic principles (p 213) These remarks are vividly reminiscent of Zellman's observations over 15 years ago There is some evidence that innovative curricula can increase support for civil liberties Goldenson (1978) examined the potential of curriculum materials specifically developed for civil liberties education He found statistically significant differences in the changes in attitudes and concern for civil liberties among students who studied this curriculum compared to a control group that studied economics The former were exposed to a three-week unit on civil liberties which was designed to "put more than the usual stress on the implications of abstract constitutional civil libertarian principles in concrete situations" (p 50) From a different analytic perspective, which entailed the use of cross-national survey research methods, Sullivan, Shamir, Walsh, and Roberts (1985) discovered that an understanding of the concrete legal basis of democratic principles had a greater impact on political tolerance than did support for the abstract norms themselves This research reinforces Zellman's suggestion that a curriculum designed to increase support for civil liberties in concrete situations should focus on how the legal and constitutional framework of our society directly embodies the norms of freedom of speech and minority rights, and how these norms and laws can be applied in specific situations that test our society's political tolerance In conjunction with a small number of secondary civics teachers, we have developed a curriculum that incorporates all of these suggestions In the following sections, we describe the curriculum, its impact on students' levels of political tolerance, and other variables which may contribute to adolescent tolerance Method Tolerance for Diversity of Belief : A Curriculum Tolerance for Diversity of Belief is a four-week curriculum unit designed to engage junior high students in the active exploration of issues associated with freedom of belief and expression .? Unlike many instructional materials, the lessons have been shaped by theory and research on political tolerance Particularly, we have attempted to respond to the weight of research suggesting that when people understand how the abstract principles of freedom of speech and minority rights are embedded in a system of legal protections and 3 9 3


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer rights, they are more likely to acknowledge the civil liberties of unpopular groups Throughout the curriculum, students systematically examine the ways in which the legal and constitutional framework of our society directly embodies the norms of freedom of speech and minority rights Students analyze the legal protections that have been accorded unpopular groups at the national level and the parallel principles that are embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the international level Case studies, role-playing, simulations, and mock interviews are used throughout the curriculum to examine the historical, psychological, and sociological dimensions of tolerance and intolerance Specifically, information from psychological studies helps students understand why some individuals are particularly intolerant of beliefs that differ from their own Descriptions of the Holocaust, the Cultural Revolution, and the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II direct students' attention toward the short and long-term consequences of intolerance for the victim, the perpetrator, and society Within the curriculum, students consider both the rights and responsibilities associated with freedom of expression For example, if one strongly disagrees with the beliefs of the Ku Klux Klan, does one have a both a right and a responsibility to express disagreement? What rights and responsibilities do members of unpopular groups have? A series of vignettes encourages students to decide for themselves what limits, if any, should be placed on freedom of expression in a democratic society Questions guide students toward differentiating between acknowledging an unpopular group's civil liberties and approving of the group's message, between beliefs that are abhorrent to the majority and behaviors that are violent and harmful (See the Appendix for a more detailed description of the curriculum .) The primary goal of the curriculum is to help students understand how the abstract principles of freedom of speech and minority rights are embedded in our legal framework If Zellman (1975) and Corbett (1991) are correct, the young people who participate in the curriculum will be more likely to acknowledge the civil liberties of unpopular groups As an educational tool, however, the curriculum is also designed to challenge intolerant and tolerant students' thinking about the role of freedom of expression in a democratic society Regardless of whether students choose to acknowledge the rights of dissidents or outcasts as a result of the curriculum, it is hoped that they will develop a more complex understanding of civil liberties issues .8 The Students, the Schools, and the Design In the spring of 1991, we conducted a comprehensive test of the effects of our tolerance curriculum A description of the students, 3 9 4


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents teachers, and schools involved in the study is shown in Table 1 We analyzed the effects of the curriculum on ninth grade students, all of whom were assigned to treatment groups based on intact classrooms The groups were as follows : -Curriculum Group 274 students completed the pretest, the fourweek curriculum, and immediately thereafter the posttest *Delayed Posttest Group 70 of these 274 students also completed a delayed posttest one month after they completed the curriculum and the first posttest N o Curriculum Group 168 students completed the pretest and, four weeks later, the posttest ; they did not study the curriculum-instead they studied their regular civics curriculum D elayed Curriculum Group 59 of these 168 students also served as their own control group : they took the pretest, studied their normal civics curriculum, took the posttest four weeks later, then studied the tolerance curriculum and took a second posttest immediately upon its completion This arrangement allowed us to examine the impact of the tolerance curriculum in several different ways First, we examined differences in levels of tolerance among all groups at the beginning of the study, as well as any changes that occurred over time Second, we wished to examine changes and differences in the levels of threat, wary that apparent increases in students' levels of tolerance may have been due to declining fear or dislike of their least-liked group Third, we were able to examine the impact of the curriculum by regressing posttest tolerance scores for the Curriculum Group on curriculum measures, such as a knowledge test, using pretest tolerance scores and other known independent variables as covariates Finally, responses to two open-ended questions were examined ; these items asked students to explain why they had adopted tolerant or intolerant stances With this multifaceted approach, we hoped to attenuate the problems caused by our lack of control over assignment of students to classrooms Measures During the pretest and various posttests, we collected data on a number of concepts The dependent variable in this analysis is political tolerance ; the independent variables include support for democratic norms, perceived threat, authoritarianism, knowledge of the curriculum, attitude toward the curriculum, and three standard demographic variables (race, gender, and grades in school) Political Tolerance We have adopted Sullivan and his colleagues' (1982) conceptualization of political tolerance, i .e ., individuals cannot be "tolerant" of those of whom they approve If 3 9 5


t Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer 396 . . . t : : . : : Characteristic School A School B School C Profile of School Urban Rural Rural Location city of 370,000 city of 11,000 city of 11,000 Grade levels Grades 9-12 Grades 7-9 Grades 7-9 Total number of students 1,848 681 677 Classroom composition People of color (in comparable population) statewide 9% 970 970 schoolwide 44% 1% 1% in curriculum group 46% 5% 5% in no curriculum group 22% 2% 7% Gender M t F M t F M t F statewide 51% t 49% 51% t 49% 51% t 49% schoolwide 57% t 43% 48% t 52% 51% t 49% in curriculum group 44% t 56% 45% t 55% 47% t 53% in no curriculum group 29% t 71% 29% t 71% 42% t 58% Students in Curriculum Group 38 75 161 Students in No Curriculum Group 45 91 32 Students in Delayed Posttest Group 0 70 0 Profile of Teachers White male, White male, White female, 29 years experience 15 years experience 17 years experience, and white male, 4 years experience


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents they approve of a group, they may "support" it but not "tolerate" it If they do not care about a group, they are "indifferent" but not "tolerant ." By this definition, political tolerance requires that persons recognize the civil liberties of groups with whom they disagree Thus, in order to assess tolerance, we asked students to evaluate (like-dislike) a number of potentially unpopular groups from both sides of the political spectrum using a five-point Likert scale Students performed this evaluation twice, once on the pretest and again on the posttest The students were then asked to specify which group they liked the least 9 About 72 percent of students chose the same least-liked group at both points in time 10 Once students had specified a group, each student was asked six questions concerning the rights that should be extended to his or her least-liked group The following questions compose the tolerance scale (we will use the Ku Klux Klan an example) : 1 Members of the [Ku Klux Klan] should not be able to run for president or other elected offices 2 Members of the [Ku Klux Klan] should be allowed to teach in public schools 3 The [Ku Klux Klan] should be against the law 4 Members of the [Ku Klux Klan] should be allowed to make a public speech 5 The government should be able to tap the phones of members of the [Ku Klux Klan] 6 .The [Ku Klux Klan] should be able to hold public demonstrations or rallies Each tolerance question had five possible responses, ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree The most tolerant response was assigned a 5 and the least tolerant response a 1 The tolerance scale therefore ranges in value from 6 to 30 Coefficient alpha on the pretest was .74 ; it was .79 on the posttest Support for Democratic Norms Previous research on democratic norms and values found that United States citizens were overwhelmingly supportive of freedom of speech and minority rights in the abstract, but not when applied to unpopular groups (McClosky, 1964 ; McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Prothro & Grigg, 1960 ; Sullivan et al ., 1982) The usual conclusion has been that although ordinary citizens endorse these norms, they rarely translate them into practice It is true, however, that there is a relationship between a strong endorsement of democratic values, and political tolerance toward one's least-liked group (Sullivan et al 1982) 3 9 7


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Given these results-as well as the underlying premise of the curriculum we developed-support for abstract democratic norms was measured by responses to six standard items, including "I believe in free speech for everybody, no matter what their views might be," and "Society shouldn't have to put up with those who have political ideas that are extremely different than the majority ." The resulting scale had a reliability of .63 Perceived Threat Previous studies of political tolerance have suggested that perceived threat of a least-liked group is an important determinant of intolerance among adults (McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Stouffer 1955 ; Sullivan et al ., 1982 ; Sullivan et al ., 1985) and young people (Avery, 1988 ; Patterson, 1979 ; Zellman & Sears, 1971) We asked students to describe their least-liked group using a series of polar adjectives : safe-dangerous, good-bad, nonthreatening-threatening, can be trusted-cannot be trusted, and nonviolent-violent The polar terms were presented in a five-point scale with the terms anchoring the ends, giving students the opportunity to provide a self-calibrated response For each adjective pair, we assigned a score of 5 to the most threatening term and of 1 to the least threatening term, with the scale thus ranging from a low of 5 to a high of 25 Coefficient alpha was .86 on the pretest and .87 on the posttest Authoritarianism Past research on adults has suggested that psychological insecurity and authoritarianism have a strong impact on intolerance (McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Sniderman, 1975 ; Sullivan et al ., 1982) We developed a scale of authoritarianism that includes measures of submission to existing authority, authoritarian aggression, conventionalism, and dogmatism (Altemeyer, 1988 ; Rokeach, 1960) The full scale had an overall reliability of .59 Representative items include : "Anyone who is homosexual is sick," and "To keep society orderly we must all obey the police ." Self-Esteem Levels of self-esteem have been significantly related to levels of tolerance in adults (Sniderman, 1975 ; Sullivan et al ., 1982), but the literature linking tolerance and self-esteem in adolescents has produced mixed results (Zellman & Sears, 1971) In this research, we used Rosenberg's (1965) measure of self-esteem The measure includes eleven statements such as "I feel that I have a number of good qualities," and "I feel I do not have much to be proud of ." Students responded by indicating whether they strongly agreed, agreed, disagreed, or disagreed strongly with each statement Coefficient alpha for the scale resulting from this measure was .86 3 9 8


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents Knowledge of Curriculum Content We measured students' knowledge of the curriculum on the posttest by using nine true/false questions representative of the material covered in the curriculum ("The United States is the only country with a Constitution that protects the free expression of ideas ." "It is against the law to belong to a racist group like the Ku Klux Klan .") The alpha coefficient for this scale, which ranged from 0 to 9 (0 = all wrong answers and 9 = all correct answers), was .83 Attitude toward the Curriculum On the posttests, we used polar terms to have the students indicate their reaction to the curriculum The terms used were dull-interesting, fun-boring, and like-dislike The alpha coefficient for this scale was .89 Demographic Variables Research in the 1950s suggested that demographic variables were associated with political tolerance, finding that more highly educated people (with higher incomes generally) were more tolerant of outgroups such as communists and atheists and that men were more tolerant than women (Stouffer, 1955) However, after controlling for target group, gender differences virtually disappeared Sullivan et al (1982) suggested this occurred because women were more religious than men and were more intolerant of atheists Education continues to make a slight difference in levels of tolerance even in content-controlled studies (Sullivan et al ., 1982), but the differences are reduced Among adolescents, studies of the influence of demographic variables such as race and gender on political tolerance have produced mixed results When statistically significant differences have been noted, they are quite modest (Avery, 1988) In the present study, information regarding three demographic variables was collected : race, gender, and grades Students were asked to report the grades they "usually" receive in school : A to A-, B+ to B-, C+ to C-, D or below Results The Curriculum and Increases in Political Tolerance A primary question of interest to this study is whether students displayed increased levels of political tolerance after participating in the curriculum Contrary to the general finding that civics curricula do not affect adolescents' levels of tolerance, the curriculum does seem to increase students' levels of tolerance toward disliked political groups 11 Because we were unable to randomly assign students to classrooms, 3 9 9


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer we conducted the series of analyses mentioned earlier, designed to assess the impact of the tolerance curriculum First, we conducted oneway analyses of variance to determine whether there were statistically significant differences between the Curriculum Group and the No Curriculum Group on political tolerance and perceived threat scores The results as shown in Table 2, indicated no significant pretest differences between the groups (for tolerance, p= .877 ; for threat p= .993), despite our lack of random assignment 12 As a result of this lack of pretest differences, we will use analysis of variance to compare the Curriculum and the No Curriculum Groups Table 3 shows the results of this analysis for both political tolerance and perceived threat The most important finding about political tolerance is the significant interaction between condition (curriculum v no curriculum) and time (pretest v posttest) Time matters differently for the two groups of students-political tolerance scores increase more among students who studied the curriculum than among those who did not The effect size for time is .25 and for the interaction between time and curriculum condition it is .15 Both of these effects are modest, but highly statistically significant The mean for the Curriculum Group increased from 15 .35 to 17 .55, while the mean for the no Curriculum Group increased from 15 .28 to 15 .85 This effect is above and beyond the main effects of both condition and time Although both groups showed some increase in tolerance, this increase was small among the No Curriculum Group, and significantly greater among the Curriculum Group This suggests that the significantly increased tolerance of the Curriculum Group is a reflection of the curriculum intervention, rather than differences between the groups, or natural changes that may occur among these adolescents over time Score Curriculum Group No Curriculum Group Pretest Political Tolerance 15 .35 (5 .37) 15 .28 (5 .17) Posttest Political Tolerance 17 .55 (5 .47) 15 .85 (5 .69) Pretest Perceived Threat 22 .14 (3 .46) 22 .28 (3 .23) Posttest Perceived Threat 22 .19 (3 .75) 22 .27 (3 .61) (Standard deviations in parentheses) 400


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents The second test of the curriculum involves using the Delayed Curriculum Group as its own control Recall that these students completed the pretest measures, studied a regular civics unit for four weeks, and then took the posttest For the next four weeks, they studied the tolerance curriculum and took the posttest afterwards They were taught throughout the entire eight weeks by the same teacher Repeated measures analysis of variance for the Delayed Curriculum Group indicates no statistically significant change in tolerance during the control phase (p= .205), followed by a significant increase during the curriculum phase (p< .000) The mean scores of these students changed from 16 .29 to 17 .00 to 19 .70 across the three testing periods (see Table 4), and the effect size was a very robust .63 The results are strikingly similar to the comparison between the Curriculum and No Curriculum Groups : Both groups demonstrated statistically and substantively significant changes in levels of tolerance when participating in the tolerance curriculum, but not when studying the traditional civics curriculum Before studying the curriculum, the typical student scored almost two points below the midpoint of the political tolerance scale ; after studying the curriculum, such a student scored almost two points above the midpoint In other words, most students went from mild intolerance to mild tolerance, a substantively important change This adds credence to the claim that the tolerance curriculum does have an impact on students 4 0 1 Political Tolerance Perceived Threat Effect P Effect Size* P Effect Size Condition .058 .090 .703 .018 Time .000 .250 .897 .006 Condition x Time .002 .150 .871 .008 *Effect size = \ (t2/t2) + (n-2)


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Mean political tolerance scores for times 1, 2, and 3 were 16 .29,17 .00, and 19 .70 ; mean perceived threat scores were 21 .64, 21 .42, and 21 .65 ** Effect size = 4FAF + df in error term) The third test involves examining whether the curriculum has a brief impact due to increasing temporarily the salience of a set of "right answers," or whether it has a more lasting impact -due to learning Delayed posttest scores for the Delayed Posttest Group were collected and compared to pretest scores to examine any persistent effects of the curriculum Four weeks following the conclusion of the tolerance unit, the tolerance scores of these 70 students remained significantly higher than their pretest scores (p= .01) ; the mean scores of these students changed from 16 .61 to 19 .66 to 18 .50 Thus, it seems likely that the change is not entirely ephemeral, but may be due in part to learning that lasts beyond the curriculum experience itself All of these findings lend strong support to the conclusion that the curriculum does increase students' levels of tolerance toward disliked groups The Curriculum and Threat Perceptions In the pretest data, and in many other data sets, threat perceptions are among the strongest factors influencing tolerance To examine whether the curriculum increased tolerance among students in the Curriculum Group by reducing the extent to which they feel threatened by their least-liked group, we performed a second set of analyses of variance, this time on pretest and posttest levels of perceived threat Table 3 shows the results for a repeated measures 4 0 2 Variable Comparisons* P Effect Size** Political Mean (1) and Mean (2) .205 .177 Tolerance Mean (1) and Mean (2) with Mean(3) .000 .630 Perceived Mean (1) and Mean (2) .682 .058 Threat Mean (1) and Mean (2) with Mean (3) .755 .044


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents analysis of variance for threat scores of the Curriculum Group None of the differences are statistically significant, indicating that threat scores were stable for both groups, regardless of whether they studied the tolerance curriculum Table 4 shows the same results for the Delayed Curriculum Group, the group that served as its own control : levels of threat were constant over the two four-week periods for this group It is an important finding that while levels of tolerance increased, neither students' dislike of their least-liked group nor their threat perceptions changed significantly Levels of dislike were similar before and after studying the curriculum, with only one exception : Students disliked American Nazis more after studying about them 13 In terms of statistical significance, there were no other groups for which students' evaluations differed after studying the curriculum The findings on levels of threat are important because they suggest that students' increase in political tolerance is not primarily the result of declining dislike or fear of these groups Recalling the nature of many disliked political groups in our society--e .g ., the Ku Klux Klan, Nazis--we would view such an outcome with dismay Given our understanding of tolerance, we hoped that the curriculum would instead teach students to be tolerant given that they dislike a particular group Increased tolerance may be due to other factors such as an increased ability to show forbearance in the face of threat A Multivariate Analysis of Political Tolerance Having demonstrated that students' levels of tolerance increased is only part of the picture We explored the effects of the curriculum on different types of individuals, examining the effects of demographic variables (race, gender, and grades in school) on changes in tolerance We also examined the effects of variables such as knowledge and enjoyment of the curriculum, and level of perceived threat Two sets of regression analyses were run, the first to examine the causes of students' levels of political tolerance prior to curricular instruction, and the second to determine some of the effects of the curriculum (Table 5) Prior to students' participation in the curriculum, perceived threat was a significant predictor of political tolerance Support for democratic norms among these adolescents was a significant predictor of actual levels of political tolerance on the posttest, but falls just below significance on the pretest As support for democratic norms is measured at the pretest and not at the posttest phase, it is possible that students may have demonstrated an increase in their support for democratic norms which corresponded with their increase in tolerance This seems likely, given the curriculum's empha4 0 3


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Constant Adjusted R-Square Pretest 27 .53 .16 Posttest 14 .67 .43 *Significance < .05 *"Tests indicate no significant departure from linearity or homoscedasticity in either equation sis on the principles as well as the application of civil liberties, and would not contradict the repeated findings that support of democratic principles is seldom translated into their application to disliked groups A closer examination of the regression findings indicated little change in the regression coefficient or t-values from pretest to posttest Levels of perceived threat were strongly and negatively related to political tolerance prior to students' introduction to the curriculum If groups were perceived by students as very threatening, they tended to 4 0 4 Variable Unstandardized Coeffic Standardized Coeffic Unstandardized Coeffic Standardized Coeffic Gender .03 .00 .62 .06 Grades .59 .07 .26 .03 Perceived threat .59* .39* .36* .26* Authoritarianism .15 .11 .29* .23* Democratic norms .19 .12 .22* .14* Self-esteem .02 .02 .15* .12* Curriculum knowledge .37* .11* Enjoy curriculum .09 .05 Pretest tolerance .47* .46*


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents be denied most democratic rights While the relationship persists in the posttest results, it is much weaker The curriculum seems to attenuate the link between threat and tolerance ; although the perception of threat remains salient to students, there are a range of considerations that intervene between what has been demonstrated to be a striking cause and effect relation between threat and intolerance One of the strongest predictors of posttest tolerance levels (other than pretest levels) is students' knowledge of the curriculum material Simply put, knowledge of lesson content contributed substantially to higher levels of tolerance Grades and enjoyment of the curriculum, however, have little effect Authoritarianism is a strong predictor of posttest tolerance, but not (all else equal) pretest tolerance This was an intriguing finding, and led us to suspect that certain students may have been reacting against the curriculum To explore this further, we compared students who exhibited the highest increases in tolerance with those who showed the greatest decrease in political tolerance on many characteristics We found several significant quantitative differences between them, but most importantly, those who decreased in tolerance scored much higher on our measure of authoritarianism Interestingly, they were significantly less threatened on the pretest but significantly more threatened on the posttest than students who increased the most in terms of political tolerance At this point, our conjecture is that some adolescents are highly authoritarian and when they experience a curriculum designed to promote tolerance, they react against it, perhaps becoming more defensive, fearful, and thus less tolerant Finally, self-esteem is positively related to levels of posttest tolerance, but not to pretest tolerance These findings appear to demonstrate support for the suggestion that negative self-attitudes interfere with social learning (McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; McClosky & Zaller, 1984 ; Sniderman, 1975) Not surprisingly, self-esteem is positively correlated with students' grades in school (r = .18, p < .01) And, in correspondence with most research on adolescent self-esteem, girls in our sample have significantly more negative self attitudes than boys (r = .27, p < .01) Yet, the regression findings demonstrate the significant effect of self-esteem, even controlling for students' grades and gender We suggest that the effects of low self-esteem are similar to those of high authoritarianism among adolescents Negative selfesteem appears to impede upon students' ability, and possibly their motivation, to learn more tolerant behavior through the lessons of the curriculum Possibly such individuals are more defensive and fearful of information which challenges their ideas about social norms That pretest tolerance levels remain the strongest predictor of posttest tolerance is a matter which merits attention The attitudes students bring to their civics classes (and to the curriculum) are 4 0 5


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer informed by many broad factors of socialization which we have neither measured nor affected in the course of this project Many of these factors are related to attitudes that have been fostered in the home, particularly by parents and mass media as transmitters of general cultural views on topics of tolerance and intolerance We do not expect that our curriculum overcomes all of the entrenched and intolerant ideas that young people learn from adults and society more generally Although our findings leave much of the origins of tolerant and intolerant attitudes unexplored, the results of our initial study suggest changes important enough to warrant cautious optimism Students' Explanations for Tolerant/Intolerant Responses In an effort to better understand students' responses we included two open-ended questions on the pretest and posttest In this section, we report our analysis of a small sample of students' responses to the openended items Forty-four students' pre and posttests were selected for analysis on the basis of pretest political tolerance scores : 22 of the students had the lowest pretest tolerance scores of the sample who studied the curriculum, and 22 had the highest pretest tolerance scores Responses provide further insight into the nature of tolerance and intolerance ; in addition, they lend support to our interpretation of the quantitative analysis The open-ended items required students to explain their views on whether their least-liked group should be allowed to hold a public rally, and also to comment on what they thought would happen if the group did hold such a rally Table 6 provides an explanation of the coding categories We examined responses from four groups of students : (1) low pretest and posttest tolerance scores ; (2) low pretest and high/moderate posttest tolerance scores ; (3) high pretest and posttest tolerance scores ; and (4) high pretest and low/moderate posttest tolerance scores Recall that we originally selected equal numbers of extremely tolerant and intolerant students based on pretest scores (22 students in each group) The posttest scores of these students, however, were not similarly divided Because most students' tolerance scores increased after the curriculum, there were relatively few students whose tolerance scores declined from high to low Figure 1 shows the changes in explanations from pre to posttest Among the 22 students who had the lowest pretest tolerance scores, levels of tolerance remained low for 11 students and increased to the middle or top third of the possible range of scores for the other 11 students Among the 11 students whose levels of tolerance remained 4 0 6


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents Reason They are wrong Disliked group has no right, or should not be allowed, to hold rally because their reasoning or views are inappropriate Recruitment Concern that disliked group will influence people and increase its popular support Danger Disliked group would engage in dangerous activities, or violence would erupt between disliked group and protesters Rights Any mention of a constitutional or a fundamental right or privilege that should be granted to all people Exchange Views/Protest Potential for exchange of views or peaceful protest among competing groups or ideas Examples t T hey have no right to put down another race because they think they are better t N o group should be able to hold rallies to tell people : "Hate these people because they are not our color!" *They'll speak and more people will want to join in t I f they convinced people to join them, many more people will be hurt by their actions *It would get out of hand They would kill people who don't agree with them It would not be a nice sight  t I think it would be a mess A riot would probably start t T hey have every right to assembly, just as much as you or me t E veryone holds first amendment rights no matter what they believe t T here would be opposition but if it was peaceful it would go alright *If there would be one, there would be some peace rallies too 4 0 7


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer low, the majority of responses on the pre and posttests indicated a high level of concern for the potential danger posed by the disliked group Nine students on the pretest and eight on the posttest were willing to deny the right to hold a rally because of the fear of violence In comparison, only three students used the language of rights on either pre or posttest, and only one referred to the possibility of a peaceful exchange of views Students with low pretest tolerance scores also tended to deny the right to rally on the basis that their disliked group holds wrong or bad ideas However, the number of these responses declined to zero on the posttest ~' o y They are wrong High to High Tolerance 0 Danger RecruitRightExchange ment t Views High to Moderate/Low Tolerance M Danger RecruitRightExchange wrong t ment t Views Low to Moderate/High Tolerance They are Low to Low Tolerance Changes in Adolescents' Rationales for Tolerant/Intolerant Responses Figure 114 On the other hand, among the eleven whose posttest scores increased significantly, none used the language of rights on the pretest, while eight did so on the posttest Perceptions of danger remained fairly high for these students from pretest to posttest, despite their increase in tolerance This reinforces our earlier finding that learning about tolerance tends to decouple the issue of perceived threat from tolerance and makes perceived threat less salient when deciding 4 0 8


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents whether to extend certain rights to groups However, concerns about recruitment declined dramatically for students in this group Among the students who were initially lowest in tolerance, then, a new focus on "rights" (presumably gained from our curriculum) distinguishes those whose tolerance increases significantly from those whose tolerance remains relatively low We also analyzed the responses of the twenty-two students whose pretest tolerance scores were highest Among the sixteen whose scores remained high, eleven used the language of rights on the pretest while all sixteen did so on the posttest Also interesting is the number of high tolerance students who referred to the potential for exchange of views among groups Five students mentioned this on the pretest and six did so on the posttest The high tolerance students who remained high demonstrated somewhat less concern over the threat of danger and violence in their explanations than did those whose scores declined : only four highly tolerant students mentioned violence on the pretest and five cited violence on the posttest Among the six students whose tolerance scores decreased from high to low, there was an increase in references to danger or violence, with one student mentioning violence on the pretest and five students citing violence on the posttest There was also an increase in the "they are wrong" category, a corresponding decline in the number of students mentioning rights at the pretest stage (four) and at the posttest stage (one), and a decline in the number of students recognizing the possibility of exchanging views at a rally (three to none) This suggests that these students may have reacted against the curriculum They were not worried about danger or violence, or potential recruitment by the group before studying the curriculum and focused instead--as did the highhigh group--on "rights ." Studying the curriculum appears to have activated their fears about the group's danger and strength, thus diminishing their focus on the group's right to demonstrate Responses to the open-ended items on the surveys therefore give us greater insight into the nature of tolerance and intolerance, and why changes may occur in response to the curriculum In general, it appears that increases in tolerance levels are due to a greater focus on rights, whereas decreases in tolerance levels may be attributed to heightened concerns for safety Discussion and Implications Research on civics curricula as they are currently constituted suggests that they have little impact on the political attitudes of American youth (Ehman, 1980) However, one ought not conclude from this research that a reconstituted civics curriculum would be ineffective Our work suggests that such a reconstitution might engender a greater tolerance for diversity of beliefs A curriculum that helps 4 0 9


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer students comprehend the consequences of intolerance can increase students' willingness to extend rights to disliked groups In short, political tolerance can be taught Importantly, our testing of the curriculum seems to indicate that it is effective under vastly different classroom conditions Students' levels of tolerance increased at all three schools at about the same rate It might have been expected, given the findings of Langton and Jennings (1968), that tolerance would increase more at the urban school whose student population includes a larger proportion of students of color However, the information redundancy Langton and Jennings discovered among whites did not occur in our study The contents of the curriculum appear to have been sufficiently new to the students to have an effect across student populations, teachers, and school settings15 Of course our study has some limitations We do not know how the teachers involved in the project affected changes in tolerance Other research has suggested that an open and democratic classroom climate in which students feel free to express their opinions is related to the development of tolerance (Torney, Oppenheim & Farnen, 1975) Students' perception of the teacher's credibility has also been noted as an important variable (Goldenson, 1978) Our understanding of how the curriculum was taught is based on the teachers' descriptions of their experiences, as well as student responses to open-ended questions A more thorough study would include observations of the classes, with particular attention to the classroom climate The teachers in our studies were self-selected ; their very willingness to try an experimental curriculum suggests an openness to different teaching materials and strategies Most of the teachers were also quite experienced-three of the teachers had taught for more than fifteen years, while one had taught four years In the hands of more traditional, less experienced teachers, the curriculum might have had different effects on students' levels of tolerance Still, the effectiveness of this curriculum has important implications for educating the citizens of a democratic society Some empirical democratic theorists have cautioned against trusting ordinary citizens to make fundamental decisions about democratic rights (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, & McPhee, 1954 ; Schumpeter, 1943) Rather, they argue that political elites, who possess the requisite understanding of how democratic norms and values ought to be applied, should make the difficult choices about democratic rights Studies of tolerance generally show, as well, that so-called elites do perform with greater consistency when asked about concrete implementations of minority rights (e .g ., Barnum & Sullivan, 1989 ; McClosky, 1964 ; McClosky & Brill, 1983 ; Nunn, Crockett, & Williams, 1978 ; Prothro & Grigg, 1960 ; Stouffer, 1955) 16 4 1 0


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents Our study's results provide a glimmer of hope We believe that if civic education were to include a systematic examination of the role of dissent in a democratic society, young people might develop a commitment to protect civil liberties that would ultimately engender a more fully democratic citizenry Our study suggests that if tolerance of diverse beliefs is an important democratic ideal, it may be possible to realize this ideal through challenging and creative curricula We may be able to create the conditions for a democratic culture in which we need not fear the actions of an intolerant citizenry Endnotes 1 The authors wish to acknowledge the comments of Marcus Flathman, the cooperation and assistance of several public school teachers, and the financial and other support provided by the Center for Applied Research and Educational Improvement (CAREI) and the Center for Urban and Regional Affairs (CURA), both of the University of Minnesota 2 We have limited our discussion to the effects of the traditional civics curriculum It should be noted that some researchers have addressed other important instructional issues For example, studies have suggested that an open and democratic classroom climate (Torney, Oppenheim & Farnen, 1975), an instructional emphasis on causes and explanations as opposed to rote memorization in civics classes (Nielsen, 1977), and controversial issues discussions (Breslin, 1982 ; Grossman, 1974) are related to young people's civic tolerance 3 We are aware of important critiques of the Langton and Jennings (1968) study (see, for example, Hepburn, 1980) However, it remains the only national study which specifically examines the impact of the number of civics courses taken on civic tolerance 4 The three items were : (1) If a person wanted to make a speech in this community against religion, he should be allowed to speak ; (2) If a Communist were really elected to some public office around here, the people should allow him to take office ; (3) The American system of government is one that all nations should have 5 There is evidence that in Britain, civics curricula have an impact on political knowledge, sophistication, cynicism, and efficacy, but not on political tolerance (Denver & Hands, 1990) 6 Despite these findings with respect to students, others have shown that education and tolerance are correlated among adults (e .g ., Bobo & Licari, 1989 ; McClosky & Brill, 1983) and among young adults (Montero, 1975) These findings reinforce the suggestion that much civil liberties socialization occurs after high school, either through curriculum effects in college or, more likely, through a broader social (Endnotes continued next page) 4 1 1


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Endnotes (continued) learning process that occurs both in and outside of the college classroom Altemeyer (1988) provides evidence that college vitiates authoritarianism by providing a diversity of experience and exposure to ideas that does not occur as frequently or profoundly among citizens who do not attend college He finds little evidence to link authoritarianism among college students directly to the effects of curriculum 7 We do not claim that ours is the only curriculum that addresses these issues Many of the law-related education materials provide indepth analyses of civil liberties issues However, we are unaware of any studies that measure the impact of these curriculum materials on political tolerance 8 Critics may contend that the curriculum is indoctrination as opposed to education Indeed, this issue has prompted not a few lively discussions among us No curriculum is devoid of values, and our curriculum is no exception We do, in fact, believe that tolerance for diverse beliefs is critical to a democracy, and hence is an important area of inquiry within citizenship education On this point, we appear to be joined by governmental agencies and professional education organizations (NAEP, 1978, 1980 ; National Council for the Social Studies, 1989) It is also our belief, and the one tested here, that if students carefully examine the consequences of intolerance for the victim, the perpetrator, and society, they will be more likely to choose more tolerant stances Our curriculum, however, does not provide "right" answers ; rather, it poses questions that should be challenging to both tolerant and intolerant viewpoints Lessons do not condone violence, nor do they encourage students to approve of the beliefs of specific political groups (on the contrary, students are reminded of their right to express disagreement with groups whose ideas they find noxious) Further, at no point during the curriculum are students "graded" on their views with regard to civil liberties issues 9 For a more thorough discussion of this conceptualization and measurement of political tolerance, see Sullivan et al (1982) 10 Seventy-three percent of the students in the control group chose the same least-liked group at both points in time ; the fact that similar results were obtained among students in the experimental group indicates that the curriculum does not affect students' attitudes toward their least-liked group Among experimental and control groups, on both pretests and posttests, approximately two-thirds of the students chose the Ku Klux Klan as their least-liked political group American Nazis and Pro(Endnotes continued next page) 4 1 2


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents Endnotes (continued) Choice groups were selected by approximately 15% of the students Each of the other groups (American Communists, Peace Activists, ProLife groups, War Supporters, groups who support women's rights, and groups who want rights for people of color) were chosen by less than 10% of the students 11 The curriculum was initially piloted in the spring of 1990 with 271 eighth and ninth-grade students from three public junior high schools in the state of Minnesota (see Avery, Bird, Healy, Sullivan, & Thalhammer 1991) The 1990 study did not include a control group Results of the 1990 study, however, are quite similar to those found in the 1991 study, thereby increasing our confidence in the results reported here In 1990, students who participated in the curriculum demonstrated a statistically significant increase in political tolerance (t=-8 .81, p< .001) On the pretest regression analysis, political interest, perceived socioeconomic status and perceived threat were significant predictors of political tolerance On the posttest regression analysis, gender, grades, perceived threat, curriculum knowledge, and pretest tolerance were significant predictors of tolerance Measures of authoritarianism and support for democratic norms were not included in the earlier study 12 Chi square analyses were conducted to detect any differences between groups on independent variables This analysis revealed that students in the No Curriculum Group were significantly more likely to be younger, to be people of color, to be female, and to report higher grades and self-esteem than were students in the Curriculum Group 13 The curriculum has two case studies that involve the Nazis, their rights, and the victims of their intolerance 14 For comparison purposes, all scores have been standardized to an n of 16 Actual raw numbers are reported in the text For example, the actual number of students who had low tolerance scores on the pretest and posttest was eleven The actual number of students' responses coded in the "They are wrong" category on the pretest was six For the visual representation shown in Figure 1, the number of students was calculated as follows : actual number of responses x 16/actual number of students in low-low group 15 Student responses to an item on the posttest provide support for this conclusion When asked to describe the curriculum on a five-point scale with 1 as "ideas new to me" and 5 as "same old stuff," only four percent of the students marked the box assigned a score of 5 and 11 percent the box assigned a score of 4 16 For some exceptions, see Gibson and Duch (1991), Shamir (1991), and Sniderman, Fletcher, Russell, & Tetlock (1989) 4 1 3


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Appendix The curriculum Tolerance for Diversity of Beliefs consists of seven lessons which extend over a period of three to four weeks Each lesson includes a set of guiding questions and learner objectives Lesson 1 : Victims of Intolerance What is intolerance? Who are the victims of intolerance? Lesson 1 focuses on victims of intolerance Students define tolerance as a group and then categorize a number of concrete situations in terms of the degree to which they are deserving of tolerance In their journals, students record how important tolerance is to them on a scale of 1-10 and how important they think tolerance should be for the wellbeing of humanity Students then divide into three groups ; each group reads one case study-the Japanese-American internment during World War II, the Holocaust, or the Cultural Revolution in China Groups role play the case studies for the entire class Lesson 2 : Intolerance-From Whence It Comes Why are individuals/groups intolerant? Lesson 2 examines the roots of intolerance, helping students to explore conditions that create intolerance in people or groups Students are asked to write in their journals about behaviors that test their tolerance, people/groups of which they are sometimes intolerant, and a situation in which they behaved in an intolerant manner Volunteers share these instances with the class to see if any generalizations can be made Students read a fictional account of a class bully to develop an understanding of the origins of intolerance The "Bully Bulletin" provides information from psychological and sociological studies of bullies Lesson 3 : Basic Human Rights What are basic human rights? What is the relationship between rights, responsibilities and tolerance? Lesson 3 considers the question of basic human rights, focusing on the balance between rights and responsibilities Students list human rights and try to decide which of these they would term "basic ." Working in groups, the students choose the three rights considered most important ; they then compare the rights they selected with the rights protected by the constitutions of several nations Next, students consider 4 1 4


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents possible limitations to basic rights and how these rights are tied to responsibilities Finally, students view a 20-minute video, "I-Team Hate Mail," that focuses on the relationship between beliefs and actions and whether one is entitled to express one's beliefs if that action will hurt others Elroy Stock, the main character, wrote letters to people in racially or religiously "mixed" marriages telling them they were wrong In their journals, students react to Stock's actions, and what they might do if confronted with someone with similar views Lesson 4 : Case Studies How have issues of intolerance been addressed in the United States courts? Lesson 4 examines national case studies The first case involves high school students protesting the Vietnam War by wearing black armbands to school When the school officials objected, the students sued, taking their case all the way to the Supreme Court The second case involves the American Nazi Party's attempt to march in Skokie, Illinois, an area heavily populated by Jews who had escaped from Nazi Germany Students simulate the cases, playing the parts of attorneys for each side and judges or justices Lesson 5 : International Rights and Responsibilities What international standards address issues of intolerance? Lesson 5 extends the concept of tolerance to the international level Students read the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations in 1948, and compare it to the United States Bill of Rights Students analyze the disparity between principles and practice in news articles, and suggest reasons for the disjuncture Lesson 6 : Belief and Believers Who are the people, past and present, who followed their consciences and acted on their beliefs? Lesson 6 focuses on advocates for tolerance and victims of intolerance Students receive : (1) a list of the names of people who have acted on their beliefs, even when it was dangerous for them to do so, and (2) a list that describes each person's relationship to freedom of expression Students match the names to the descriptions by consulting reference materials in the school library In addition, two students previously selected by the teacher role-play a mock interview with 4 1 5


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Aryeh Neier to explore his beliefs about freedom of expression Neier, a Jew, defended the Nazis' right to march in Skokie in his position as a leader of the American Civil Liberties Union Lesson 7 : Taking Action to Increase Understanding of Rights of Expression What actions can be taken to increase understanding of rights of expression? The final section, Lesson 7, invites students to consider actions they might take to increase understanding of freedom of expression First, students explore the rights and responsibilities they believe they should have in the classroom Then, the students work in small groups to identify intolerance in their school, community, nation or world and offer suggestions as to actions they might take One possibility introduced to them is that of forming an Amnesty International group at the school To conclude the unit, students return to the exercise in Lesson 1 in which they were asked to rate the importance of tolerance to themselves and to the well-being of humanity They complete the ratings again, and discuss any changes in their views References Adams, G R (1985) Identity and political socialization In A S Waterman (Ed .), Identity in adolescence : Processes and contents (pp 61-77) San Francisco : Jossey Bass Adelson, J (1971) The political imagination of the young adolescent Developmental Psychology, 1, 1031-1051 Altemeyer, B (1988) Enemies of freedom San Francisco : Jossey-Bass Avery, P (1988) Political tolerance among adolescents Theory and Research in Social Education, 16, 183-201 Avery, P ., Bird, K ., Healy, S ., Sullivan, J ., L & Thalhammer, K (1991, April) Political tolerance among adolescents : The potential of curricular socialization Paper delivered at the meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL Barnum, D ., & Sullivan, J L (1989) Attitudinal tolerance in the United Kingdom : A comparison on members of Parliament with the mass public British Journal of Political Science, 19, 136-146 Berelson, B ., Lazarsfeld, P F & McPhee, W (1954) Voting Chicago : University of Chicago Press Bobo, L ., & Licari, F C (1989) Education and political tolerance Public Opinion Quarterly, 53, 285-308 Breslin, A (1982) Tolerance and moral reasoning among adolescents in Ireland Journal o f Moral Education, 11, 112-127 Carroll, J D ., Broadnex, W D ., Contreras, G Mann, T E ., Orenstein, N J ., & Steihm, J (1987) We the people : A review of U .S 4 1 6


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents government, and civics textbooks Washington, DC : People for the American Way Corbett, M (1991) American public opinion New York : Longman Dennis, J ., Lindberg, L ., McCrone, D ., & Stiefbold, R (1968) Political socialization to democratic orientations in four western systems Comparative Political Studies, 1, 71-101 Denver, D ., & Hands, G (1990) Does studying politics make a difference? The political knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions of school students British Journal of Political Science, 20, 263-288 Ehman, L H (1980) The American school in the political socialization process Review of Educational Research, 50(1), 99-119 Eyler, J (1980) Citizenship education for conflict : An empirical assessment of the relationship between principled thinking and tolerance for conflict and diversity Theory and Research in Social Education, 8 (2), 11-26 Farnen, R ., & German, D B (1972) Youth, politics, and education In B G Massialas (Ed .), Political youth, traditional schools, (pp 161177) Englewood Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall Gallatin, J E (1985) Democracy's children Ann Arbor, MI : Quode Publishing Company Gibson, J L (1988) Political intolerance and political repression during the McCarthy red scare American Political Science Review, 82, 511-529 Gibson, J L (1989) The structure of attitudinal tolerance in the United States British Journal of Political Science, 19, 562-570 Gibson, J L ., & Duch, R M (1991) Elitist theory and political tolerance in western Europe Unpublished manuscript Goldenson, D R (1978) An alternative view about the role of the secondary school in political socialization : A field-experimental study of the development of civil liberties attitudes Theory and Research in Social Education, 6, 44-72 Goldstein, R J (1987) The United States In J Donnelly & R E Howard (Eds .), International Handbook of Human Rights (pp 429456) New York : Greenwood Press Grossman, D L (1974) Educational climates and attitudes toward dissent : A study of political socialization of conflict norms in adolescents Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No ED 090 127) Hepburn, M A (1980) How do we know what they know? Teaching Political Science, 7 (4), 425-438 Jennings, M K ., & Niemi, R G (1981) Generations and politics Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press Jones, R S (1980) Democratic values and preadult virtues Youth and Society, 12, 189-220 4 1 7


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer Katz, E (1985) Federalism in secondary school American history and government textbooks In S L Schecter (Ed .), Teaching about American federal democracy (pp 91-98) Philadelphia, PA : Temple University Center for the Study of Federalism Langton, K P ., & Jennings, M K (1968) Political socialization and the high school civics curriculum in the United States American Political Science Review, 62, 852-867 McClosky, H (1964) Consensus and ideology in American politics American Political Science Review, 58, 361-382 McClosky, H ., & Brill, A (1983) The dimensions of tolerance New York : Russell Sage McClosky, H ., & Zaller, J (1984) The American ethos Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Miller, S D ., & Sears, D O (1986) Stability and change in social tolerance : A test of the persistence hypothesis American Journal of Political Science, 30, 214-236 Montero, D (1975) Support for civil liberties among a cohort of high school graduates and college students Journal of Social Issues, 31, 123-135 NAEP (National Assessment of Educational Programs) .' (1990) The civics report card Washington, DC : U .S Department of Education NAEP (National Assessment of Educational Progress) (1980) Citizenship and social studies objectives : 1981-82 Denver CO : Education Commission of the States (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No ED 186 330) NAEP (National Assessment of Educational Progress) (1978) Changes in political knowledge and attitudes, 1968-76 Denver, CO : Education Commission of the States (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No ED 166 123) NCSS (National Council of the Social Studies) Task Force on Scope and Sequence (1989) In search of a scope and sequence for social studies Social Education, 53, 376-385 Nielson, H D (1977) Tolerating political dissent Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell International Nunn, C A ., Crockett, H J ., & Williams, J A (1978) Tolerance for nonconformity San Francisco : Jossey Bass Owen, D ., & Dennis, J (1987) Preadult development of political tolerance Political Psychology, 8, 547-561 Patrick, J .J (1991) Teaching the Bill of Rights in secondary schools The Social Studies, 82, 227-31 Patrick, J J ., & Hawke, S D (1982) Curriculum materials In I Morrissett (Ed .) Social Studies in the 1980s : A Report of Project SPAN (pp 39-50) Arlington, VA : Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development Patrick, J J ., & Hoge, J D (1991) Teaching government, civics, and law 4 1 8


Exploring Political Tolerance With Adolescents In J P Shaver (Ed .) Handbook of research on social studies teaching and learning (pp 427-436) New York : MacMillan Patterson, J W (1979) Moral development and political thinking : The case of freedom of speech Western Political Quarterly, 32, 7-20 Prothro, J ., & Grigg, C (1960) Fundamental principles of democracy : Bases of agreement and disagreement Journal of Politics, 22, 276294 Remy, R C (1981) Treatment of the constitution in civics and government textbooks In H D Mehlinger (Ed .) Teaching about the constitution in American secondary schools (pp 107-128) Washington, DC : Project '87 of the American Historical Association and the American Political Science Association Rokeach, M (1960) The open and closed mind New York : Basic Books Rosenberg, M (1965) Society and the adolescent self-image Princeton : Princeton University Press Schumpeter, J A (1943) Capitalism, socialism, and democracy London : Allen and Unwin Shamir, M (1991) Political intolerance among masses and elites in Israel Journal of Politics, 53, 1018-1043 Sigel, R ., & Hoskin, M (1981) The political involvement of adolescents New Brunswick, NJ : Rutgers University Press Sniderman, P (1975) Personality and democratic politics Berkeley, CA : University of California Press Sniderman, P .M ., Fletcher, J .F ., Russell, P .H ., & Tetlock, P .E (1989, December) The fallacy of democratic elitism : Elite competition and commitment to civil liberties Paper delivered at the meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, GA Sniderman, P M ., Tetlock, P E ., Glaser, J M ., Green, P ., & Hout, M (1989) Principled tolerance and the American mass public British Journal of Political Science, 19, 25-45 Stouffer, S (1955) Communism, conformity, and civil liberties New York : Doubleday Sullivan, J L ., Marcus, G ., Piereson, J ., & Feldman, S (1978-1979) The development of political tolerance : The impact of social class, personality, and cognition International Journal o f Political Education, 2, 115-139 Sullivan, J L ., Piereson, J & Marcus, G E (1982) Political tolerance and American democracy Chicago, IL : University of Chicago Press Sullivan, J L ., Shamir, M ., Walsh, P &, Roberts, N S (1985) Political tolerance in context : Support for unpopular Minorities in Israel, New Zealand and the United States Boulder, CO : Westview Press Torney, J .V ., Oppenheim, A .N ., & Farnen, R F (1975) Civic education in ten countries New York : John Wiley & Sons Torney-Purta, J (1990) Youth in relation to social institutions In S Feldman & G Elliott (Eds .) At the threshold : The developing 4 1 9


Avery, Bird, Johnstone, Sullivan, & Thalhammer adolescent (pp 457-477) Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Wagner, J (1986) Political tolerance and stages of moral development : A conceptual and empirical alternative Political Behavior, 8, 4580 Zellman, G L (1975) Antidemocratic beliefs : A survey and some explanations Journal of Social Issues, 31, 31-53 Zellman, G L ., & Sears, D O (1971) Childhood origins of tolerance for dissent Journal of Social Issues, 27, 109-135 Authors PATRICIA G AVERY is Associate Professor of Education in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction in the School of Education ; KAREN BIRD, SANDRA JOHNSTONE, and KRISTINA THALHAMMER are Graduate Assistants in the Department of Political Science ; and JOHN L SULLIVAN is Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, 55455 4 2 0


Theory and Research in Social Education Fall 1992 Volume XX, Number 4, pp 421-439 € by The College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies AN ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS OF TEACHER ATTITUDES ABOUT TEACHING HIGH SCHOOL ECONOMICS' Steven L Cobb University of North Texas William H Foeller State University of New York College at Fredonia Abstract In this article, the authors utilize a general analysis of organizational behavior theory to construct and test s set of hypotheses concerning the determinants of teacher work attitudes The characteristics that influence worker satisfaction were divided into two sets : individual attributes and job characteristics Results of a probit analysis raise interesting questions about the impact of experience, autonomy, differences between teacher and student goals, and teaching aids from outside agencies on teacher attitudes about the teaching of high school economics Introduction At a press conference conducted during the 1988 American Economic Association meetings, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, Paul Volcker, made the statement that "economic education in the United States is not in the kind of shape we want it to be in ." He was commenting on the results of a recent examination of high school students concerning the basics of our economy On a 46question test, average scores ranged from 37 percent correct for social studies students to 52 percent correct for students who took basic 4 2 1


Cobb & Foeller There is a continual effort to study the factors which affect precollege economic literacy In fact, at that same convention, two papers examined the effects of gender and state-mandated programs on economic education in the high schools (Heath, 1989 ; Rhine, 1989) Improvement in economic literacy and an informed policy on economic education are the goals of this type of research Typical large-sample studies in economic education research, such as Walstad and Soper (1989, 1982) and Watts (1985), analyze teacher quality aspects of the economic education process including the effectiveness of teacher training, teaching methods, educational setting and other teacher variables The introduction of instruments to measure the impact of economics instruction on students' economic attitudes by Walstad and Soper (1983) and Ingels and O'Brien (1988) has increased interest in attitude assessment However, few of these studies examine specifically what may be a very significant factor in the process, teacher attitudes toward teaching economics Schober (1984), includes teacher/student opinions about the subject of economics and finds that teacher workshops have a significant impact on achievement scores of teachers and these in turn affect opinions about the subject But teacher attitudes about teaching are not specifically examined In a large sample study of high school seniors in economics courses, Foeller (1988) included a measure of teacher attitudes about teaching and found that such attitudes were positively and significantly related to student test scores--the way a teacher feels about teaching appears to matter Unexplored, however, are the factors which influence such attitudes Does a mandated program in economic education, for example, have a positive or negative impact on teacher attitudes about teaching the subject? Does economic education for teachers enhance teacher satisfaction? What types of teacher aids affect teacher attitudes? Are current programs and materials in economic education effective satisfiers? Do student/teacher interactions seriously affect teacher attitudes about teaching? The objectives of the authors in this study were to use the general analysis of organizational behavior theory to construct and test a set of hypotheses concerning the determinants of teacher work attitudes and to examine the possible policy implications for economic education in high schools Theories of Job Satisfaction The general hypothesis of this article is that satisfaction in teaching economics is derived from the same foundations as job satisfaction in other occupations and work situations In early analyses, job satisfaction was found to be dependent on the extent to which needs of an individual can be met through work (Schaffer, 1953) In more 4 2 2


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes recent analyses, job satisfaction was found to be a function of the feelings associated with a person's work This occurs in the form of positive or negative emotions associated with one's job (Bullock, 1984) Theories associated with job satisfaction can be grouped into two categories : Content theories and process theories (Chung, 1977) The content category includes the work of Maslow and Herzberg The process category includes discrepancy theory and valence theory Content Theories Much early research on job satisfaction was based on the organization behavior theory of Abraham Maslow (1943), who developed a worker needs hierarchy In his hypothesis, workers' satisfaction is based on a structure of needs which are consecutively satisfied from relatively basic physiological (or physical) needs to safety, love, esteem, and self-actualization needs In this hierarchy, a higher, less basic need does not provide motivation unless all lower, more basic needs are largely satisfied A more recent, competing theory of worker needs and satisfaction was developed by David McClelland (1961) In this theory, workers are hypothesized to have at least three major positive needs : achievement, power, and affiliation, and one negative need, the need to avoid failure Early researchers of job satisfaction utilized the Maslow and McClelland theories to construct hypotheses which suggested that a job was satisfying when there was a correlation between job characteristics and the needs of the individual Maslow and McClelland have been criticized, however, for not providing proof that the list of needs in their structures are indeed needs (Locke, 1976, p 1308) Two-factor theory is based on the work of Herzberg (1968) and Herzberg, Mausner, and Snyderman (1959) Herzberg constructs and verifies distinct sets of work "satisfiers" and "dissatisfiers ." Herzberg et al categorize those factors which satisfy workers as follows : Achievement, recognition, nature of the work, responsibility and advancement All of the "satisfiers" seem to describe workers' relationships to what they do These factors make people happy with their work because they serve a need for psychological growth "Dissatisfiers" include institutional policy, supervision, salary, interpersonal relations, and working conditions These seem to describe the worker's environment rather than job content and meet the need to avoid unpleasantness Herzberg's analysis seems to be relevant for research on teacher attitudes Johnson (1967), for example, surveyed high school teachers in Alabama specifically to test the applicability of Herzberg's satisfiers and dissatisfiers He found the general categories to be relevant, but his 4 2 3


Cobb & Foeller particular characteristics for teachers differ somewhat from the earlier Herzberg list for engineers and accountants (Herzberg et al ., 1959) A study of college faculty by Hill (1987) also demonstrated the relevance of two-factor theory for research on teacher attitudes Hill found that intrinsic factors leading to higher faculty satisfaction were related to teaching, convenience, and recognition The extrinsic factors in the analysis of faculty satisfaction were related to economics, administration, and colleagues Process Theories While the two-factor theory appears to provide a theoretical model for the analysis of teacher attitudes, many questions remain about the way workers consider the different factors in determining their level of satisfaction The process theories help to complete the organizational behavior framework by concentrating on the interaction between the needs and expectations of the employees and their work environment (Hopkins, 1983) Discrepancy Theory Discrepancy theory compares what employees receive with what they expect to receive from their jobs The notion behind this theory is that if an employee receives less than the perceived equitable level, that employee will be dissatisfied If an employee receives rewards equal to or more than the (perceived) expectation, that employee will be satisfied (Chung, 1977) This equity-inequity theory is based on the notion that employees will be satisfied if they perceive their input-outcome ratio (how much an individual employee puts into his job versus how much he gets from it) to be equal or comparable to his perception of other employees' input-outcome ratio (Bullock, 1984, p .1) Researchers using this approach apply a social comparison measurement and suggest that employee satisfaction will result if there is equity between an individual's perceived input-outcome ratio balance when compared to another's equivalent ratio Valence Theory Those who favor valence theory define job satisfaction in terms of an individual's anticipation of receiving valued outcomes The anticipated value of rewards serves as a motivator and increases the level of search behavior (Chung, 1977, p 116) Proponents of valence theory also point out that a state of dissatisfaction is necessary because it arouses search behavior In order to understand job satisfaction, researchers have tended to group it into facets The most studied facets which researchers believe influence employees' satisfaction include work in current job, attitudes 4 2 4


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes toward co-workers, compensation, pay and benefits, and attitudes towards supervision, administration/management, work environment, organization, and work in general While organizational behavior theories tend to vary in their focus, they combine to provide a coherent structure for an analysis of teacher attitudes As presented by Miller (1980) : Job satisfaction or dissatisfaction can thus be the product of individual social and psychological attributes as well as objective assessment of job conditions If the cognitive aspects of judgments about work are emphasized, attention is focused on the objective features of the work environment that explain variation in job satisfaction If, on the other hand, differences in values are viewed as the critical determinants of job satisfaction, individual characteristics are emphasized In the analysis that follows, the relative importance of job conditions and individual attributes on teacher attitudes will be examined to discern implications useful in the construction of economic education paradigms Hypotheses, Variables, and Research Method The hypotheses tested in this study were limited by the data available on individual and job characteristics The development and dissemination of new data from the joint Council on Economic Education's National Assessment of Economic Education Survey (NAEE) gathered for high school seniors during the 1986-87 school year (Baumol & Highsmith, 1988), provided the opportunity for a large sample analysis of the organizational behavior hypotheses applied to economic teacher attitudes The NAEE survey, consisting of four questionnaires, correlates student economic achievement test scores (Test of Economic Literacy [TEL], Form B) with other student, teacher, and school district data The survey was based on a national sample of high schools such that a representative random sample of twelfth-grade students was included The total unadjusted sample size for the number of students surveyed was 3,266 At all schools in the sample, survey data were solicited from the district superintendent (district survey), the principal, (school survey), and one or more teachers The teachers were asked to complete self-administered questionnaires about the teaching of economics and teaching aids and materials that they considered helpful Additional survey data were solicited from students concerning their attitudes 4 2 5


Cobb & Foeller about the study of economics and their exposure to economic issues All of the students had taken the Test of Economic Literacy intended to measure economic understanding and reasoning Each student's test score was then coded so that in each case, student, teacher, school, and district responses to the survey instruments were directly matched across four sets of survey data Survey questions were carefully screened and pre-tested All NAEE activity is under the review of an advisory committee of distinguished practitioners and scholars who oversee its activities Since much of the survey data were student-oriented, we used the student as the unit of observation Thus, multiple observations (students) may have the same teachers, school or district data Furthermore, in this analysis, any observation with missing data in any variable was removed from the data subsample This reduced the subsample for analysis to 1,059 observations However, an examination of variable means before and after removing missing data did not indicate any significant bias in the subsample From the teacher survey of the NAEE data, a dichotomous, 0-1 variable, TATT, was constructed for teacher attitudes about teaching economics The value of TATT is 1 if the teacher is very enthusiastic about teaching economics (and presumably very satisfied) and 0 if the teacher is less enthusiastic The survey data consisted of a teacher selfrating that did not provide useful multiple categories of satisfaction to be analyzed and precluded the construction of a more detailed attitude measure The possibility that teacher views of enthusiasm may differ provided an additional concern in the construction of a more detailed measure Our analysis, therefore, only concentrated on a comparison of highly satisfied teachers and less satisfied teachers Thus, TATT is the dependent variable involving a qualitative response of zero or one-in this case, a favorable attitude toward teaching economics versus absence of a favorable attitude The probit model of analysis which estimates the probability of an event's occurrence or absence of occurrence, given a qualitative dependent variable, uses a maximum likelihood estimate of that probability and is appropriate for this investigation (Spector & Mazzeo, 1980) The organizational behavior literature provides two major sets of characteristics that influence worker satisfaction The first set of characteristics are the worker's individual attributes These characteristics are often said to be intrinsic and related to differences in values The second category of characteristics are related to job conditions These characteristics are termed extrinsic and relate to working conditions such as degree of self-direction, job pressures, organizational structure, job uncertainties, and the rewards/protections of the job (Miller, 1980) 4 2 6


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes Individual Attributes NHEC--number of hours of formal economic instruction The social studies or economics teacher who has more hours of economics instruction will better understand the subject and material to be taught If the hypothesis that there is a strong correlation between performance and job satisfaction is valid (Petty et al ., 1984), then the better grasp of the material that comes with additional courses would appear to be a natural satisfier for a teacher The variable is entered into the analysis as the total undergraduate and graduate credit hours in economic courses completed by the teacher and is hypothesized to be positively related to teacher attitude RETYR--the ratio of years teaching economics to the total number of years of teaching experience Again from the Petty et al (1984) analysis, to the extent that it increases performance, experience is thought to have a strong positive impact on attitudes But as Herzberg (1968) noted, the sign could be negative and misleading since job attitude data show that new entrants to a job have very high levels of satisfaction which may mask the experience effect in cross-section studies The use of the ratio of experience in economics to total experience is designed to examine the differences associated with the portion of teaching experience accumulated in economics It is expected that teachers who have only taught economics may differ from those with a substantial portion of their teaching experience outside economics The rigorous retooling that may have been required to move from another discipline into economics leads to a hypothesized positive coefficient sign for this variable SEX-the gender of the instructor as a dummy variable, F=1 M=O As pointed out by Miller (1980), men's and women's orientations to work may be different The differences in orientation may be related to socialization before entry into the labor force, dissimilar parental and conjugal roles, or reactions to the systematic differences in occupational expectations This variable is therefore entered to control for gender effects on teacher attitudes EXPT--the teacher's expectation of class performance This variable is considered to be one of the measures of the social and psychological attributes associated with teaching EXPT is included to test the hypothesis that teachers will be more enthusiastic about teaching a group of students who are perceived to be highly motivated This variable is constructed as a dummy variable from the survey which includes a categorical variable on perceived ability High anticipated ability=1, 0 otherwise 4 2 7


Cobb & Foeller Job Characteristics Miller's (1980) division of working conditions into five areas was intended for an analysis of a variety of different occupations The concentration on teachers reduces the applicability of measures of organizational structure and job uncertainties and leaves three subdivisions Occupational self-direction is defined as the use of initiative, thought, and independent judgment in work (Miller, 1980) The two components of self-direction in this analysis are teacher autonomy (AUTON) and the availability of support material (AID) AUTON-the instructor's autonomy in the determination of topics and coverage of material As pointed out by Miller (1980), selfdirection is considered to be one of the major focus points of working conditions The variable is entered as a categorical variable directly from the survey where 1=mandated curriculum and material, 2=mandated curriculum only, 3=mandated materials only and 4= no mandate While there is certainly the possibility that mandating the use of certain materials could be as restrictive as mandating the entire curriculum, the general progression from mandated curriculum and materials through no mandate seems to represent successive increases in the teacher's autonomy Instructors are thought to prefer autonomy ; however, the guidance provided by the curriculum and policy support could also improve the nature of the work and could lead this variable to have a positive impact on teacher's attitude The hypothesized sign on this variable is uncertain and left for empirical confirmation AID--An additional variable is constructed to determine the significance of curricular and/or teaching and materials aid provided to the teacher of economics Five specific sources of aid are surveyed in the NAEE data : local Centers for Economic Education, the Joint Council on Economic Education (JCEE), the Foundation for Teaching Economics, Junior Achievement, and state Councils on Economic Education Additional data were available to identify a school district as a member of the JCEE's Developmental Economic Education Program and to identify teachers who had inservice training in economics Since there may be much duplication in aid sources, a dummy variable was initially constructed to identify a teacher who receives any type of aid from any of the five sources When aid is received, the variable is one Otherwise, the variable is entered as zero Job pressures may be intrinsic to the nature of the tasks performed or imposed by worker or management (Miller, 1980) In this study, job pressures are represented by class size (SIZE), student attitudes toward economics (SAT), and differences between the goals of students and the instructor (GDIF) 4 2 8


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes SIZE--the number of students in the class relative to the average class size in the sample The process theories suggested that the amount of work a particular worker performs relative to other workers is a potentially sensitive aspect of working conditions It is expected that teachers with larger than average classes will be less satisfied and the hypothesized coefficient sign is negative SAT--the student's attitude about the subject Again, the hypothesis is that the teacher is better satisfied with students receptive to the subject The variable is entered as a categorical variable 1-5, where 5 indicates a strong enjoyment of economics GDIF-a proxy index variable constructed to capture differences in goal agreement between student and teacher Vredeveld and Jeong (1990) analyzed the impact of goal differences on student choice and found that when the teacher's goals for an economics class closely matched those of the student, the student would place a greater value on the course Charkins, O'Toole and Wetzel (1985) found that when student learning styles and teacher teaching styles differ, economics test scores are negatively affected In a similar way, if the student's reasons for studying differ from the teacher's goals in teaching, teacher attitudes about teaching economics may likewise be negatively affected as the teacher anticipates adjustments in teaching goals and styles On the other hand, a variety of goals and efforts by students and teachers may stimulate the teacher's interest in the class Since the purpose of including this variable is to test the broad hypothesis that goal differences in general affect teacher attitudes as an extension of earlier works, a broad proxy goal difference index is constructed In the survey, both teacher and students were asked six coincident questions concerning the reasons for studying economics (see Appendix A, Table 2) The index variable is constructed by summing the absolute value of the difference between matched responses for each of the six goal questions Since the categorical values for each response in the survey range from 1, not significant, to 3, very important, the maximum absolute value of goal differences for any one question is 2, and the maximum summed difference across all six questions is 12 With this formulation, higher scores represent greater divergences in teacher and student goals While the Vredeveld and Jeong (1990) results might lead one to expect a negative coefficient sign, the possibility that the goal differences may actually stimulate the teacher's interest suggests that the expected sign is not clear and will have to be empirically determined The final subset of job characteristics is related to the rewards/protections of the job These extrinsic rewards of work include varied measures of job income and job protection In the absence of specific salary and benefit data, worker rewards are provided by relative district expenditures (DXPEN) and school location (RURAL) 4 2 9


Cobb & Foeller DXPEN-the difference between the average district expenditure per student and the individual teacher's district expenditure As pointed out in the process theories, workers tend to concentrate on comparisons of their conditions relative to those of other workers This variable is entered as a measure of the ability of the school districts to provide facilities (and perhaps salary level) relative to the average expenditures of the districts Below average expenditures (represented by a positive difference) are hypothesized to have a negative impact on teacher attitudes RURAL --a dummy variable to control for the location of the school in an urban or rural area, R=1, U=O This variable is entered to test the hypothesis that rural districts are less conducive to a satisfying teaching environment for economics education Empirical Results The following single equation probit model was evaluated on 1,059 matched student/teacher observations of the NAEE data : TATT = f (NHEC, RETYR, SEX, EXPT, AUTON, AID, SIZE, GDIF, SAT, DXPEN, RURAL) Table 1 lists the empirical results The chi-square significance level is respectable and the actual and predicted frequencies are acceptable Two of the four individual attributes (NHEC, EXPT) exhibited a positive impact on teacher attitudes In terms of job characteristics, the provision of aid had a positive impact on the attitudes of the teachers, but greater autonomy did not have a positive impact The job pressure measures suggest that larger than average classes negatively impact teacher attitudes and positive student attitudes contribute to greater teacher enthusiasm As discussed in greater detail below, goal differences between teachers and students did not decrease teacher enthusiasm As expected, below-average expenditures and teaching in rural areas had negative impacts on the probability of the teachers being enthusiastic about their work Conclusions The results appear to indicate that an organizational behavior analysis is appropriate for developing hypotheses in research designs involving attitudes of high school economics instructors Except for the variable, RETYR, the independent variables constructed for this study have the expected signs and show significant effects on the dependent variable, TATT 4 3 0


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes Dependent Variable=TATT ; N=1059 Chi-square (11)=608 .67 Significance Level= .32173E-13 In constructing objectives for this study, current research left unanswered such questions as : Does economic education for teachers enhance teacher satisfaction? What types of instructional aids affect teacher attitudes? What work related or individual attributes affect teacher attitudes about teaching economics? Data limitations and the nature of self-assessment surveys limit the generalization of some of the results, but several exploratory and tentative observations can be made First, with respect to the effects of economic education on attitudes, the results for the variables describing individual attributes--hours of economics instruction (NHEC), the ratio of years of teaching economics to total years teaching (RETYR), and teacher 4 3 1 Variable Coefficient Std Error t-ratio p CONST 3 .3598 .4311 4 .493 .00000 NHEC 0 .4906E-01 .9438E-02 5 .198 .00000 RETYR -1 .1981 .1896 -6 .320 .00000 SEX -1 .1182 .1382 -8 .093 .00000 EXPT 0 .6532 .1534 4 .258 .00002 AUTON -0 .8412 .9667E-01 -8 .703 .00000 AID 0 .1167 .1624 2 .052 .04018 SIZE -0 .2681E-01 .5244E-02 -5 .113 .00000 GDIF 0 .7320E-01 .2416E-01 3 .030 .00244 SAT 0 .1167 .5042E-01 2 .315 .02063 DXPND -0 .9171E-04 .4251E-04 -2 .157 .03097 RURAL -1 .4684 .2055 -7 .146 .00000 Frequencies of actual and predicted outcomes Predicted outcome has maximum probability Predicted Actual Total 0 1 Total 1,059 380 679 0 373 288 85 1 686 92 594


Cobb & Foeller expectations of student performance (EXPT) all significantly affect the enthusiasm for teaching in this study Instruction and higher anticipated student performance enhance teacher enthusiasm The experience ratio variable, RETYR, however, hypothesized to improve attitudes because of the retooling associated with a change in the subject taught, shows a negative effect on teacher enthusiasm The negative coefficient on RETYR is a rather interesting result The average length of total teaching experience in the survey is 14 .78 years and the average ratio of economics to total is .55 One possible interpretation of the negative result is that the transition to a new subject area after years of teaching in a different discipline may contribute to a greater enthusiasm for the subject While this particular study is much too narrow to allow broad generalizations, further research into the impact on teacher attitudes of a change in subject (or course) taught is needed It is also conceivable that teachers with a high concentration of experience in economics may not be as enthusiastic or satisfied with their work The present sample consisted of a large segment of teachers with less than seven years of experience in teaching economics This suggests that experienced teachers moving into economics are more likely to be enthusiastic than newer teachers with all their experience in economics With respect to the question of teaching aids and teacher enthusiasm, the agency aid variable (AID), demonstrating a positive impact in the analysis, was constructed for joint aid across official agencies and registered as 1 when a teacher received aid from any of the agencies, and 0 otherwise The general observation is that aid enhances teacher enthusiasm for teaching But the data are too sparse to identify exactly what type of aid has significant effects Although a teacher may receive aid from several sources simultaneously which could confound the assumption of independent effects, a further probit analysis was conducted with five agencies entered separately The results are listed in Table 3 (see Appendix B) Three of the AID coefficients representing assistance from the joint Council on Economic Education (A2), the Foundation for Teaching Economics (A3), and Junior Achievement (A4) remain positive, although the coefficient on the junior Achievement variable is not statistically significant However, the coefficients representing aid from local centers and state councils were negative This indicates not that those agencies provide unsatisfactory services, but that these aids are not increasing enthusiasm in this teacher sample Caution in interpreting these results is warranted The data do not indicate the nature of the aid nor the experience of the teachers using this aid Longitudinal analysis would better illustrate the possible significance of the effects of any aid programs on attitudes 4 3 2


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes A further test of types of aid was conducted substituting dummy variables for DEEP districts and inservice training The DEEP variable=1 if the district participates in the joint Council's program of curriculum development and zero otherwise The IN variable is a dummy with 1 assigned when a teacher has participated in inservice training and zero otherwise A probit analysis was conducted with these variables substituted for the AID variables The results are listed in Table 4 (see Appendix C) and confirm the conclusion that aid from the Joint Council on Economic Education in the form of the DEEP program has a positive impact on teacher attitudes, but no conclusions can be drawn concerning the inservice variable The general conclusion is that aid, whether in the form of materials or other services, appears to have some positive impact on teacher attitudes, but also that further research is needed in this regard The results for the variables concerning goal differences and degree of autonomy in teaching should be of some interest to those involved with curriculum development In reference to differences in the goals between teachers and students, the results deserve some additional discussion Vredeveld and Jeong (1990) found that divergences between student and teacher goals had a negative impact on students' feelings about the course and their plans to take another course The positive and statistically significant coefficients on goal differences in all three teacher attitude models suggest that the divergences do not have a similar impact on teacher attitudes As stated earlier, these differences may actually stimulate the teacher's interest in the class The differences in the impact of goal differences on teachers and students certainly deserves some additional attention Future studies need to move beyond the NAEE data in an attempt to provide results of a more general nature Future analysis of the impact of goal differences may also seek to replicate Vredeveld and Jeong's distinction between teacher overestimation and student overestimation Second, in contrast to the organizational behavior literature's emphasis on self-direction, teachers seem to be more satisfied with some form of curriculum structure since the sign on the AUTON variable is negative and statistically significant The suggestion that mandated curriculum or materials would not decrease enthusiasm for the economics teachers is instructive Finally, several policy issues emerge from this analysis First, in the consideration of individual attributes, factors such as additional hours of economics coursework and expectation of motivated students appear to increase teacher enthusiasm The two remaining attributes, however, are sources of concern As stated above, further research is necessary to examine the differences between teachers with a high concentration of experience in economics and those that change subjects 4 3 3


Cobb & Foeller The SEX variable is also a source of concern The consistently negative coefficients suggest that being female decreases the probability of being very enthusiastic about teaching economics While this result supports Miller's (1980) belief that men and women have different orientations toward work, it also suggests that additional research is necessary to learn more about these orientational differences and their influence on teacher attitudes The analysis of the job characteristics appears to support the contention of the organizational behavior literature concerning the tendency of employees to compare their position relative to that of their peers Economics teachers with larger than average classes and those in districts with below average expenditures per student are less likely to be enthusiastic about their work This result has some interesting implications for economic education funding Data limitations preclude further analysis of this issue here, but the issue of educational funding and teacher attitude is a rich area for future research Furthermore, an examination of the result on the student attitude variable (SAT), indicates that the reduction in job pressure that appears to be associated with positive student attitudes about studying economics, can increase the probability of teacher enthusiasm for teaching economics If this result is a general condition of student/teacher interaction, programs that condition students for the study of economics would appear to enhance teacher enthusiasm for teaching economics as well Further analysis of the relationships between student attitudes and teacher attitudes would be beneficial Endnotes 1 This research was partially sponsored by the Joint Council on Economic Education through funding provided by the J Howard Pew Freedom Trust The authors would like to thank four anonymous reviewers of this article for their helpful comments and suggestions 2 The set of parameter coefficients reflect the impact of changes in the independent variables on the probability of the teacher being very enthusiastic (TATT=1) See Greene (1990) for more details about the interpretation of a probit analysis 4 3 4


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes Appendix A Make intelligent decisions as workers, consumers, and voters Understand American economy Understand alternative economic systems Learn practical skills (e .g ., balance a checkbook) Understand current economic issues Understand basic economic concepts and principles 4 3 5


Cobb & Foeller *Dependent Variable=TATT ; N=059 Chi-square (15)=675 .19 Significance Level= 32173E-13 Appendix B t 436 . . . . . . . . . Variable Coefficient Std Error t-ratio Probability CONST 2 .9008 .4415 6 .569 .00000 NHEC 0 .4122E-01 .9876E-02 4 .174 .00003 RETYR -0 .6175 .2477 -2 .493 .01266 Al -1 .3170 .2543 -5 .180 .00000 A2 1 .0735 .2061 5 .208 .00000 A3 0 .4952 .1711 2 .894 .00381 A4 0 .198E-01 .1346 0 .147 .88293 A5 -0 .3761 .2132 -1 .147 .00000 EXPT 0 .5814 .1810 3 .2132 .00131 SAT 0 .1585 .5353E-01 2 .962 .00306 RURAL -1 .368 .1857 -7 .124 .00000 DXPND -010391E-01 .5781E-02 -4 .458 .00436 SEX -1 .141 .1602 -7 .124 .00000 SIZE -0 .2576E-01 .5781E-02 -4 .458 .00001 GDIF 0 .9537E-01 .2547E-01 3 .744 .00018 AUTON -0 .7651 .1030 -7 .430 .00000 Frequencies of actual and predicted outcomes Predicted outcome has maximum probability Predicted Actual Total 0 1 Total 1,059 387 672 0 373 286 87 1 686 101 585


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes Appendix C Frequencies of actual and predicted outcomes Predicted outcome has maximum probability Predicted *Dependent Variable=TATT ; N=1059 Chi-square (12)=750 .59 Significance Level= .32173E-13 4 3 7 Variable Coefficient Std Error t-ratio Probability CONST 4 .732 .5554 8 .520 .00000 NHEC 0 .7787E-01 .1324E-01 5 .805 .00000 RETYR -1 .3616 .2337 -5 .827 .00000 DEEP 1 .9337 .1832 10 .554 .00000 IN -0 .7293E-01 .1694 -0 .431 .66678 EXPT 0 .8869 .1741 5 .094 .00000 SAT 0 .8869 .5597E-01 2 .506 .01222 RURAL -1 .3743 .2766 -4 .969 .00000 DXPND -0 .1798E-04 .6610E-04 -0 .272 .78549 SEX -1 .6952 .1755 -9 .661 .00000 SIZE -0 .1615E-01 .6407E-02 -2 .522 .01168 GDIF 0 .5636E-01 .2700E-0 2 .088 .03682 AUTON -1 .4972 .1403 -10 .673 .00000 Actual Total 0 1 Total 1,059 356 703 0 373 293 80 1 686 63 623


Cobb & Foeller References Baumol, W J ., & Highsmith, R J (1988) Variables affecting success in economic education : Preliminary findings from a new data base American Economic Review 78, 257-262 Bullock, R T (1984) Improving job satisfaction New York : Pergamon Press Charkins, R J ., O'Toole, D M ., & Wetzel, J H (1985) Linking teacher and student learning styles with student achievement and attitudes Journal of Economic Education, 16, 111-120 Chung, K H (1977) Motivational theories and practices Columbus, Ohio : Grid Press Foeller, W H (1988, March) Student/teacher interactions and their effects on pre-college economic literacy Paper presented at a meeting of the Eastern Economics Association Boston, MA ERIC ED#310047 Greene, W H (1990) Econometric analysis New York : Macmillan Heath, J A (1989) An econometric model of the role of gender In economic education American Economic Review, 79, 226-230 Herzberg, F (1968) Work and nature o f man Cleveland : World Publishing Co Herzberg, F ., Mausner, B ., & Snyderman, B (1959) The motivation to work New York : John Wiley and Sons Hill, M D (1987) A theoretical analysis of faculty job satisfaction/dissatisfaction Educational Research Quarterly, 10, 36-44 Hopkins, A H (1964) The motivation-hygiene concept and problems manpower, Personnel Administration, 27, 3-7 Hopkins, A H (1983) Work and job satisfaction in the public sector Lanham, MD : Rowman and Allanheld, Inc Ingels, S J ., & O'Brien, M U (1988) The effects of economics instruction in early adolescence, Theory and Research in Social Education, 16, 279-294 Johnson, E D (1967) An analysis of factors related to teacher satisfaction-dissatisfaction Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Auburn University Locke, E (1976) The nature and causes of job satisfaction In Marvin D Dunneth (Ed .) Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology Chicago : Rand McNally Maslow, A (1943) A theory of motivation, Psychological Bulletin, 50, 370-96 McClelland, D (1961) The achieving society Princeton : Van Nostrand 4 3 8


An Organizational Behavior Analysis of Teacher Attitudes Miller, J (1980) Individual and occupational determinants of job satisfaction : A focus on gender differences .Sociology of Work and Occupations, 7, 337-65 Petty, M M ., McGee, G W ., & Cavendar, J W (1984) A meta-analysis of the relationships between individual job satisfaction and individual performance, Academy of Management Review, 9, 71221 Rhine, S L W (1989) The effects of state mandates on student performance American Economic Review, 79, 231-235 Schaffer, R H (1953) job satisfaction as related to need satisfaction in work Psychological Monograph, 67(14), 19 Schober, H M (1984) The effects of inservice training on participating teachers and students in their economics classes Journal of Economic Education, 15, 282-295 Spector, L C ., & Mazzeo, M (1980) Probit analysis and economic education Journal of Economic Education, 11, 37-44 Vredeveld, G M ., & Jeong, j H (1990) Market efficiency and studentteacher goal agreement in the high school economics course : A simultaneous choice modeling approach Journal of Economic Education, 21, 317-35 Walstad, W B ., & Soper, J C (1982) A model of economics learning in the high schools Journal of Economic Education 13, 40-54 Walstad, W B ., & Soper, J C (1983) Measuring economic attitudes in high school Theory and Research in Social Education 11, 41-54 Walstad, W B ., & Soper, J C (1989) What is high school economics? Factors contributing to student achievement and attitudes Journal of Economic Education 20, 139-152 Watts, M (1985) A statewide assessment of precollege economic understanding and DEEP Journal of Economic Education, 16, 225-235 Authors STEVEN L COBB is Assistant Professor of Economics, University of North Texas, Denton, TX 76203 WILLIAM H FOELLER is Professor of Economics, State University of New York, College at Fredonia, Fredonia, NY 14063 4 3 9


Theory and Research in Social Education Fall, 1992, Volume XX, Number 4, pp 440-489 € by The College and University Faculty Assembly of the National Council for the Social Studies FIFTH GRADERS' IDEAS ABOUT HISTORY EXPRESSED BEFORE AND AFTER THEIR INTRODUCTION TO THE SUBJECT' Jere Brophy Michigan State University Bruce A VanSledright University of Maryland, College Park Nancy Bredin Holt, Michigan School District Abstract Prior to their first curriculum unit (on history and the work of historians) in a U .S history course, three classes of fifth graders stated what they knew (or thought was true) about history and what they wanted to learn about it After the unit, they reported what they had learned In addition, a stratified sample of ten students was interviewed concerning the details of their thinking about several key subtopics Following the unit, the students' knowledge and thinking about history had become notably more sophisticated Even so, certain misconceptions still persisted in some of the students and all of them still had difficulty undertanding how they might use historical knowledge in their lives outside of school Introduction Current theory and research on subject-matter teaching emphasize the importance of teaching school subjects for understanding, appreciation, and application, not just knowledge memorization and skills practice Drawing on neo-Vygotskian theorizing and work on knowledge construction, conceptual change, and situated learning, 440


F t Graders' Ideas About H story educators ave been develop n met ods o teac n sc ool subjects n ways t at connect w t students' ex st n knowled e and exper ence and en a e t em n act vely construct n new knowled e and correct n ex st n m sconcept ons Pro ress s most ev dent n mat emat cs and sc ence, w ere r c l teratures ave developed descr b n w at c ldren typ cally know (or t nk t ey know) about t e content tau t at t e r respect ve rade levels Curr culum developers can t en use t s n ormat on as a bas s or develop n nstruct on t at bot bu lds on students' ex st n val d knowled e and con ronts and corrects t e r m sconcept ons T e potent al or apply n s m lar concepts and met ods to curr culum development appears to be at least as reat n soc al stud es as n ot er sc ool subjects, but real zat on o t s potent al cannot occur unt l more s learned about c ldren's knowled e and m sconcept ons about t e soc al stud es content commonly tau t at eac rade level T e aut ors ave n t ated a pro ram o researc des ned to address t s ssue by nterv ew n elementary students be ore and a ter eac o t e r soc al stud es un ts Procedures T e nterv ews are constructed n consultat on w t t e students' teac ers so t at t ey address not only t e major deas typ cally emp as zed n teac n t e top cs commonly tau t at eac rade level but also t e key deas t at t ese part cular teac ers emp as ze n eac o t e r soc al stud es un ts T e preun t nterv ews develop n ormat on about w at students know (or t nk t ey know) about a top c v a n ormat on acqu red n earl er rades or t rou read n or out-o -sc ool exper ences T e postun t data s ow ow t e students' knowled e and t nk n ave c an ed n response to nstruct on and learn n act v t es F t raders usually ave not been exposed to susta ned, c ronolo cally or an zed nstruct on n story pr or to t e r t rade U .S story course T ey possess b ts and p eces o knowled e about t e past (Nat ve Amer cans, t e P l r ms and t e rst T anks v n Columbus, pres dents and ot er amous Amer cans, and smatter n s o state story), but t ey usually ave not yet stud ed systemat c, c ronolo cal story T us, alt ou t ey are relat vely sop st cated learners, t raders usually enter t e r U .S story course w t very l ttle systemat c pr or knowled e Our nterv ewees were typ cal n t s respect T e r sc ool d str ct's curr culum u del nes and adopted elementary soc al stud es ser es bot ollowed t e expand n commun t es ramework t at ocuses on t e sel n k nder arten, t e am ly n rst rade, t e ne bor ood n second rade, t e commun ty n t rd rade, t e state 4 4 1


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n and re on n ourt rade, and t e Un ted States n t rade T e teac ers d d not always rely eav ly on t e adopted textbooks and accompany n works eets and act v t es su est ons, but t ey d d ollow t e d str ct u del nes and teac t e top cs trad t onally emp as zed w t n t e expand n commun t es ramework T e nterv ewees were a strat ed sample o t raders w o attended an elementary sc ool located n a work n -class/lower m ddle-class suburb o Lans n M c an All o t e students were w te, as were t e vast major ty o t e r classmates T e sample ncluded ve boys and ve rls W t n eac ender roup t ere were two ac evers, two avera e ac evers, and one low ac ever, based on academ c ac evement n ourt rade Because we could nterv ew no more t an ten students due to resource l m tat ons, we we ted t e sample toward er ac evers n t e expectat on t at t s would y eld more substant ve responses Students were nterv ewed nd v dually or teen to t rty m nutes n qu et rooms outs de o t e r classrooms Interv ew tapes were transcr bed or analys s, us n pseudonyms to dent y t e students T e preun t nterv ew was done n t e spr n o 1990 w en t e students were st ll n ourt rade, and t e postun t nterv ew was done n t e all, ollow n t e rst t rade un t on story and t e work o stor ans In develop n quest ons or t e nterv ews, we ocused on two overlapp n sets o deas : (1) T e un t top cs and assoc ated key deas trad t onally tau t n t rade U .S story courses, and (2) t e major oals and key deas emp as zed by t s part cular t rade teac er T e teac er's ntended oals and content emp ases were taken nto account n select n quest ons to be ncluded n t e nterv ew, and er knowled e o w at transp red as t e un t pro ressed was ncluded n nterpret n t e nd n s In t s case, t e teac er's ntended oals and content emp ases were well matc ed to (alt ou t ey went somew at beyond) t ose t at typ y t e t rade textbooks t at t e lead n market-s are publ s ers ave o ered n recent years In t ese texts, t e ocus s on U .S ., rat er t an lobal or even more enerally Nort Amer can, story T ey o er trad t onal accounts developed w t emp as s on t e En l s colon es, t e Amer can Revolut on, t e establ s ment and rowt o t e nat on, and t e C v l War It s assumed t at t s s t e students' rst systemat c story course, so t e texts m n m ze re erence to back round knowled e and attempt to be co erent n develop n n t al understand n s o t s body o n ormat on (not always success ully, as Beck & McKeown, 1988, ave s own) Many texts be n by ntroduc n students to story as a eld o study, seek n to convey bas c n ormat on about stor cal nqu ry, t e process o synt es z n 4 4 2


F t Graders' Ideas About H story accounts rom d verse sources, and t e nterpret ve nature o t e d sc pl ne T e students' t rade teac er's approac to teac n U .S story was notewort y or er use o c ldren's l terature and er own storytell n and explanat ons, rat er t an a textbook, as t e major source o content or students ; er emp as s on dept o development o key deas rat er t an breadt o covera e n select n and represent n content ; er use o several dev ces des ned to elp students ocus on key deas and structure t e r learn n around t em (e ., ntroduc n and clos n un ts w t KWL exerc ses ; d splay n key terms, or an zed w t n "people," "places, and "events" cate or es, on a story bullet n board ; and creat n rev ew n and t en post n story maps t at summar ze and connect t e key deta ls o mportant stor cal ep sodes) ; and emp as z n cooperat ve learn n act v t es and extended wr t n ass nments over works eets and s ort-answer tests Her major soc al stud es content oal or t e year was to teac students about t e establ s ment and development o t e Un ted States as a nat on In add t on to prov d n n ormat on t rou stor es and explanat ons, t s ncluded keep n track o developments by locat n t em on t mel nes and maps Her rst un t was des ned to ntroduce students to story and t e work o stor ans Key concepts ncluded pr mary and secondary sources, art acts (examples rom eac per od), t e work o stor ans, t mel nes and c ronolo cal order, t e students' personal stor es, and Un ted States story ( elp n t e students to real ze t at, just as t ey ave stor es as nd v duals, t e Un ted States as a story as a country t at t ey would be learn n about dur n t e year) Students appl ed t ese concepts by develop n n ormat on about t e r own personal stor es T ey nterv ewed t e r parents and ot er relat ves, collected art acts (b rt cert cates, p otos, baby books, newspapers rom t e r b rt dates, etc .), and t en or an zed t e r n ormat on by creat n a t mel ne t at dent ed notewort y events n t e r l ves and llustrated t em w t documents and art acts T s d rect exper ence n act n as stor ans was ntended to elp students understand t e reconstruct ve and nterpret ve nature o story as a d sc pl ne, t e process o trac n developments t rou t me, and t e uses o n ormat on sources and t mel nes KWL F nd n s We be n our presentat on o nd n s w t t e KWL data collected at t e be nn n and end o t e un t KWL s a tec n que or elp n learners to retr eve relevant back round knowled e and learn w t metaco n t ve awareness o purpose and accompl s ment (O le, 1986) Learners ll out KWL s eets n two steps As t ey be n study o 4 4 3


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n a top c, t ey wr te down w at t ey already Know (or t nk t ey know) about t e top c and w at t ey Want to learn about t A ter complet on o t e un t, t ey descr be w at t ey Learned For t s rst un t, t e KWL s eet nstructed students to tell w at t ey knew about story and w at t ey wanted to learn about t T ese KWL data were ava lable or t ree classes total n 80 students (all tau t U .S story by t e same teac er) W at t e Students Knew About H story Table 1 summar zes responses to t e rst sect on o t e KWL s eet, n w c students stated w at t ey knew (or t ou t t ey knew) about story Sect on A o t e table nd cates t at 75 o t e 80 students ave enerally acceptable responses de n n and/or v n examples o story O t ese 75 students, 20 con ned t emselves to a eneral de n t on, 27 ave bot a de n t on and some examples, and 28 ave only examples T e latter response s less developmentally advanced t an responses t at nclude eneral de n t ons (Estvan & Estvan, 1959) It was made by 18 boys but only 10 rls In add t on, our boys but only one rl d d not know or ave rrelevant or ncorrect answers T us, most students conveyed a enerally accurate sense o w at story means, alt ou t e rls commun cated more accurate knowled e T e most typ cal de n t ons equated story w t t e past ("H story s a part o t me--t e past, not t e present"), somet mes add n examples ("H story s l ke n t e past, l ke C r stop er Columbus") Somet mes t s core dea was stated mprec sely ("It s stu t at already as been done"), and somet mes t was elaborated w t notewort y prec s on ("H story means yesterday or back to w en d nosaurs l ved H story w ll add on every t me a day passes H story means everyt n t at appened n t e past") Sect on B o Table 1 nd cates t at only 16 students (20%) con ned t emselves to unqual ed de n t ons o story as t e past or t e study o t e past More typ cally, students qual ed t e r de n t ons by spec y n t at story re ers to people or events t at were part cularly mportant and/or rom lon a o Levst k and Pappas (1987) also ound t at ourt raders tended to d st n u s story" rom t e past n eneral by spec y n t at story re ers to mportant events t at appened lon a o T ese nd n s nd cate t at most c ldren enter t rade know n t at story s about t e past However, t ey tend to project a myt c qual ty to t, v ew n t pr mar ly as stor es about amous people n t e very d stant past (E an, 1989) Most do not yet real ze t at story also ncludes t e very recent past and t e everyday l ves o ord nary people 4 4 4


F t Graders' Ideas About H story Bow (n=44) A How t ey de ned story 1 Gave eneral de n t on only 2 Gave eneral de n t on plus examples 3 Gave examples only 4 D dn't know or ave rrelevant or ncorrect answer B W et er t ey d st n u s ed story" rom t e past enerally 1 No qual cat ons : story as (study o ) t e past 2 T me qual cat on : story as events t at appened lon a o 3 Importance qual cat on : story as amous or notewort y people or events C T e examples t ey c ted 1 Ind ans/Nat ve Amer cans 2 Geor e Was n ton/ rst pres dent 3 Famous people (k n s, pres dents) 4 Wars (unspec ed) 5 P l r ms 6 Columbus 7 Part cular wars (C v l, WWI, WWII, Frenc and Ind an) 8 L ncoln 9 How people l ved pr or to electr c ty, en ne power, etc 11 11 18 4 8 8 11 10 6 6 5 6 2 3 4 1 G rls Kn=36 9 16 10 1 8 9 12 8 9 7 8 4 5 3 1 3 Total 1n=800 20 27 28 5 16 17 23 18 15 13 13 10 7 6 5 4 4 4 5


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n Sect on C o Table 1 l sts t e more common examples o w at story s about Levst k and Pappas (1987) reported a tendency amon ourt raders to c te wars, tra ed es, or d sasters, but t s was less not ceable n our KWL responses T rteen students d d ment on wars (unspec ed) ; s x ot ers ment oned part cular wars ; several ment oned L ncoln's assass nat on ; and nd v duals ment oned t e atom c bomb, Custer, and H tler Surpr s n ly, rls ment oned wars more o ten t an boys d d However, boys were more l kely to ment on nd v duals or events assoc ated w t wars (Paul Revere, Custer, H tler, t e atom c bomb) T e major ty o t e responses concerned events n early U .S story t at ad been emp as zed n soc al stud es un ts n earl er rades on Nat ve Amer cans, t e rst T anks v n p oneer l e, or Columbus Day Also, many o t e responses concerned nvent ons (cars, baseball) or nd v duals w o atta ned prom nence or nonm l tary accompl s ments (Betsy Ross, Ben Frankl n) G rls were more l kely to ment on t emes connected w t everyday am ly l v n or stor cal people or events o part cular relevance to women Amon spec c nd v duals named, Betsy Ross was t e only woman--ment oned by t ree rls but no boys In add t on, t ree rls but only one boy spoke o story as be n about ow people l ved t e r everyday l ves pr or to key nvent ons ; one rl ment oned women ett n t e r t to vote as a key stor cal event ; anot er rl ment oned t e In alls am ly ; and anot er rl ment oned am ly story as an aspect o story Most responses were convent onal de n t ons or l sts o examples T e ollow n responses were unusual but wort not n because o w at t ey reveal about t e m nd sets o t raders : Boys t T e Ind ans d dn't ave stereos and CD players and stu l ke t at  t I know about t e name Pont ac, a ort T ey were play n a ame and t ey let t e Ind ans n F amous pres dents w o nvented t n s (Note con lat on o pres dents w t nventors as cate or es o amous people .) G rls t I t was a lon t me a o T e Nat ve Amer cans ad to ve up some o t e r land 4 4 6


F t Graders' Ideas About H story t L on t me a o Cars and trucks and o-carts People d dn't ave lots o money t H story s about Amer ca and w at appened n t e past It's about Geor e Was n ton and t e way to Geor e Bus W at t e Students Wanted to Learn Table 2 summar zes students' statements about w at t ey wanted to learn about story Most students named one or more spec c t n s, alt ou several d d not respond and 15 sa d only t at t ey wanted to learn "everyt n ," "a lot," or "all about" story Amon students w o d d ment on spec cs, 21 wanted to know more about wars and 18 more about pres dents Ot er popular top cs were Ind ans, dates o spec ed events, ow people l ved n t e past, explorers, and nventors G ven t e r l m ted back round knowled e, many students ad d culty answer n t s quest on In add t on to t e ones w o a led to respond or w o ave ener c "I want to know everyt n responses, many students s mply ment oned stor cal top cs t at t ey ad been exposed to n earl er rades (Ind ans, P l r ms, pres dents, explorers, nventors), w t out dent y n new top cs t at t ey wanted to learn about Some ment oned only a s n le, very spec c tem o n ormat on (w at year Geor e Was n ton became pres dent, w o sewed t e rst Amer can la ) T e major ty o t e most nterest n and t ou t ul deas are ncluded amon t e less convent onal responses quoted on t e next pa e Boys t H ow d d story start? W y do we ave story? W y d d t ey call story story? t W at was t e rst sc ool ever made and w o made t? t I would l ke to know more about sunken s ps  t I want to learn more about d nosaurs and Mot er Nature t H story about Cal orn a W at made t e Grand Canyon? W en d d Cal orn a become a state? t W en d d t ey put t e aces on t e mounta n and a co n? t W at started t e wars? W y d d people take pr soners? t W y d d people ave war? W y d d H tler ave so muc power over people? 4 4 7


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n G rls W o was t e rst man n Amer ca? Was t ere really cave men and d nosaurs? W en was story rst d scovered? t H ow people surv ved w en $15 .00 was a lot o money Could t ey make peace just by talk n t out? P eople w o l ved lon a o W o were t e pres dents? W at k nd o t n s appened? How d d t ey run bus nesses? How d d t e people arm? I would l ke to know you ad to do somet n amous or nterest n to be n story or t s just t e way people l ved and d d t n s a lon t me a o Or bot ? I'd l ke to learn about amous people t H ow people l ved W at people ate or ood How people traveled t W y t ere were wars and w y people are osta es W y men ad to be n t e army And women can't ave jobs W y d d t ey t at t e t me? W at d d t e Ind ans do to t e P l r ms t at made t em mad? W y t ey nvented t e museum Most students' nterests ran to acts rat er t an explanat ons A ew ment oned "w y" quest ons (mostly about war), but none expressed cur os ty about ow stor ans at er and nterpret n ormat on Most top cs were rom U .S story and t us s tuated w t n t e last our centur es A ew students ment oned pre stor cal t mes or t e dawn o story, but none ment oned anc ent c v l zat ons, t e Greeks or Romans, or any aspect o med eval or rel ous story T e nd n s su est add t onal ender d erences t at complement t ose already descr bed T e rls tended to ment on more ener c cate or es o stor cal top cs and to express more nterest n t e everyday l ves o ord nary people In contrast, t e boys expressed more nterest n part cular events and n learn n about t e accompl s ments o amous (male) pres dents, explorers, and nventors 4 4 8


F t Graders' Ideas About H story W at t e Students Reported Learn n At t e complet on o t e un t, a ew students stated t at t ey ad learned "all about story" or t at story s about top cs suc as Ind ans or nventors, but most responded w t one or more o t e elements summar zed n Table 3 (data are ven on 76 students, not 80, because our students were absent) Many students responded by look n at t e story bullet n board w ere t e key words or t e un t ad been posted and t en copy n t ese words on t e r KWL s eets, e t er l st n t e words alone or add n de n t ons T s accounts or t e totals n Sect on A o Table 3 Typ cal responses resembled t e ollow n : 4 4 9 Boys (n=44) G rls (n=36 Total (n=80) A General Cate or es 1 Wars 12 9 21 2 Pres dents 10 8 18 3 Everyt n /a lot/all about story 8 7 15 4 Ind ans 2 10 12 5 Dates (o spec ed events) 7 3 10 6 How people l ved n t e past 3 7 10 7 Explorers/d scover es 6 0 6 8 Inventors/ nvent ons 3 1 4 9 P l r ms 0 3 3 B Spec c vs Unspec ed Wars and Pres dents 1 Ment ons wars n eneral 5 5 10 2 Spec es a part cular war 7 4 11 3 Ment ons pres dents n eneral 3 7 10 5 Spec es a part cular pres dent 7 1 8


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n I learned about a t mel ne I learned w at oral story s, nterv ew, story, art act, arc eolo st, secondary source, pr mary source, stor an I learned t at an art act s an object rom a lon t me a o And I learned more about my own story I also learned t at a pr mary source s a rstand exper ence and a secondary source s a secondand exper ence to somet n T e responses l sted n Sect on B were more spontaneous Many students ment oned learn n about t e r own personal stor es and/or collect n art acts rom t e r c ld oods G rls were more l kely t an boys to ment on t s aspect o t e un t, alt ou n eneral, t e boys' and rls' responses to t s part o t e KWL s eet were muc more s m lar t an d erent A ew responses were notewort y or t e r completeness or t e qual ty o t e r ns ts : t I learned t at t ere's a lot more to story t an just wars and amous people I learned story s more t an w at I t ou t It can be about you, t can be told n oral orm w c s out loud or c ronolo cal order It's also about wars, Ind ans, explorers, pres dents H story sn't just amous people because I'm not amous but t can be about amous people I learned many vocabulary words l ke t mel ne and art act I also know w at t ey mean I learned about my personal story and du some neat art acts I also ot to use a computer w c was un I also learned about pr mary and secondary sources I also learned w at a t mel ne s and ow to make one I ad a un t me n soc al stud es t s lesson I learned about t mel nes I learned t at story can br n back memor es and t n s t at you d d not even know I learned t at story can be un I learned more about arc eolo sts I learned about oral story and pr mary and secondary sources and I learned about ot er peoples and art acts I also learned t at I want to be an arc eolo st! I learned about art acts, t mel nes We learned t at art acts are somet n t at you nd rom a lon t me a o l ke bones, pans, plates, parts o maps, and t n s l ke t at 4 5 0


F t Graders' Ideas About H story -We made a t mel ne rom t e day we were born to 1990 We learned t at a pr mary source s somet n t at you saw and you wr te about We learned t at a secondary source s w en I wr te about Geor e Was n ton Ot er responses were less sat s y n Some were umorous, del berately or ot erw se (oral story s "somet n passed down rom t e mout ; oral story s story told to someone w t vocal c ords" ; "we learned a lot o words t at I can't spell ;" "I learned t at you don't turn n your work, you w ll et n trouble") Several responses nd cated con us on n d st n u s n t e work o stor ans rom t e 4 5 1 Boys (n=42) G rls (n=34 Total (n=76) A Responses Re lect n Teac er's Key Words 1 T mel nes/c ronolo cal order 26 19 45 2 Art acts 20 25 45 3 .'Pr mary and secondary sources 16 18 34 4 Arc eolo sts 12 8 20 5 H stor ans 7 8 15 6 Oral story 8 7 15 B Ot er Responses, 1 I learned about my own story 5 8 13 2 I enjoy story/class s un 3 5 8 3 H story s about t e past 3 4 7 4 I collected art acts rom my own story 1 4 5 5 H story s appen n r t now 2 2 4 6 H story s not just amous people or wars 4 0 4 7 I learned about nterv ew n 2 0 2


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n work o arc eolo sts or pr mary rom secondary sources ("A pr mary source s somet n anded down A secondary source s somet n your parents saved or you rom w en you were a baby") F nally, a ew responses nd cated t at m sconcept ons ad pers sted ("I learned t at story s amous people and t e way people l ved a lon t me a o") In summary, most o t e students entered t rade w t va ue but enerally correct deas about story and some smatter n s o n ormat on about Columbus, t e rst T anks v n var ous amous Amer cans, and aspects o M c an story, but l ttle or no knowled e about story as a d sc pl ne and no systemat c, c ronolo cally or an zed knowled e o t e deta ls o U .S story Because so many students rel ed so eav ly on t e posted key words n respond n to t e "L" part o t e KWL exerc se, t e r responses cannot be used w t muc con dence as measures o ow muc t ey learned dur n t s rst un t However, t ese responses at least su est t at most students ad p cked up some use ul vocabulary, acqu red a clearer concept on o story as c ronolo cally or an zed narrat ve based on a var ety o sources and art acts, and learned t at story ncludes t e everyday l ves o ord nary people n t e recent past Interv ew F nd n s We now turn to t e nd n s rom t e nterv ew n o t e subsample o ten students Responses w ll be presented n pa rs or roups arran ed to contrast t e students' entry-level t nk n w t t e r t nk n a ter exposure to t e un t H l ts o t e nd n s are s own n Table 4, n w c t e students are rouped by ender, and w t n ender by ac evement level (see Append x A) T e ac evers (Jason, T m, Ten, and Sue) enerally spoke succ nctly and to t e po nt w en t ey knew or t ou t t ey knew an answer but sa d l ttle or not n beyond "I don't know" w en t ey d d not In contrast, t e avera e (Mark, Brad, Helen, and Kay) and low ac evers (Ned, R ta) tended to be more verbose Usually, owever, t e r len t er responses were not qual tat vely better t an t e ac evers' br e er ones T ey s mply took more words to say essent ally t e same t n t at t e ac evers sa d more econom cally T ese nd n s may be related to t ose o Estvan and Estvan (1959), w o noted a tendency or c ldren be n nterv ewed about soc al stud es top cs to take less t me to respond, speak w t more ac l ty, and use ewer words, yet produce a reater number o deas, w en talk n about am l ar rat er t an un am l ar top cs A second reason or t e len t er responses o t e avera e and low ac evers was t at t ey usually were more w ll n to speculate t ey were not sure o t e r answers 4 5 2


F t Graders' Ideas About H story Sel -Report o W at Was Learned Post-quest on #1 : You recently n s ed a soc al stud es un t on story W at are t e most mportant t n s t at you learned n t at un t? Even t ou t e nterv ews were conducted outs de o t e classroom so t at students could not scan t e story bullet n board or t e posted key words, t e r answers to t s quest on were very s m lar to t e r responses to t e "L" sect on o t e KWL s eet ; t at s, t ey tended to enumerate t n s t at t ey ad learned, mostly t n s ncluded n t e key word l st T e and avera e ac evers all named several tems but t e two low ac evers only named one tem eac Brad : We learned words l ke stor ans and art acts and secondary resources and pr mary resources and w at t ey mean Sue : Well, about story and art acts, t n s arc eolo sts du up and nvent ons and t mel nes and stu Quest ons About H story and H stor ans Pre-quest on #1 : Next year n soc al stud es you w ll be learn n about story Do you know w at story s? (I students do not know or answer ncorrectly, prepare t em or t e next quest ons by tell n t em t at story s t e study o t e past--o w o were t e people w o came be ore us and ow t ey used to l ve back t en .) Ned made no response and Brad uessed t at story dealt w t nature or w ldl e T e ot er e t students ave enerally correct responses nd cat n t at story concerns people or events n t e past T m : It's stu t at appened a lon t me a o t at's real ood Sue : It's about w at people d d or our country a lon t me a o and t e wars and stu l ke t at O t e e t students w o responded enerally correctly, seven spec ed t at story re ers to events t at occurred lon a o and our spec ed t at story re ers to notewort y people or events Post-quest on #2 : How would you de ne story? W at s story? Follow n t e un t, all ten students nd cated t at story as to do w t t e past Also, all ten now ncluded eneral de n t ons, not just 4 5 3


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n examples T us, t e r responses were s orter, yet bot more prec se and at a er level o eneral ty (c Estvan & Estvan, 1959) Only t ree students st ll sa d t at story re ers to events occurr n lon a o Furt ermore, two ot ers sa d, n response to probes, t at story can re er to any t me n t e past No student st ll spec ed t at story re ers to notewort y people or events T us, t e students ad acqu red a more prec se not on o story and most ad cleared up some pr or m sconcept ons T m : Somet n t at appened n t e past (a lon t me a o?) It could be a second a o Sue : T n s t at appened n t e past Pre-quest on #2 : W at do stor ans do? (I students do not know or answer ncorrectly, prepare t em or t e next quest on by tell n t em t at stor ans study and wr te about story--t at t ey are t e ones w o wr te t e story books .) S x students could not answer t s quest on, one uessed amous people l ke Geor e Was n ton," one sa d people w o teac story, and two sa d people w o study story T us, alt ou most o t e students were am l ar w t story, most were not am l ar w t t e term stor an" pr or to t e un t Post-quest on #4 : W o are stor ans? W at do t ey do? Seven students ave correct or enerally correct answers to t s postquest on O t e rest, one knew t at stor ans dealt w t t e past but con used t em w t arc eolo sts ; one ad no response ; and one uessed "people t at ave d ed n t e past ." Two o t e t ree students w o a led to answer correctly were t e two low ac evers Jason : H stor ans study story T ey study art acts (W y? W at are t ey try n to do?) F nd out w at appened (W ere do t ey et t e r n ormat on?) From books Helen : H stor ans are t e people t at study story, not under round T ey nd t e stu t at's le t above t e round, l ke an arrow ead T ey look or art acts and pr mary sources t at t ey m t ave le t over n t e past Kay : T ey read and nd out about t e past 4 5 4


F t Graders' Ideas About H story R ta : T ey try to put t e puzzle back to et er . t ey take t e art acts and t ey ave more and t ey try to put t em to et er One d s and one puts t e t n to et er In talk n about ow stor ans do t e r work, our students sa d t at t ey read and study art acts ; our emp as zed p ys cal art acts and con used stor ans w t arc eolo sts ; and t e ot er two d dn't know Two mpl ed m sconcept ons were t at p ys cal art acts, rat er t an wr tten or pr nted mater als, are t e "stu o story and t at stor ans work by reconstruct n art act puzzles rat er t an by construct n accounts rom var ous (pr mar ly wr tten) sources T e teac er noted t at arc eolo y and t e concept o art acts appeal to students because o t e r concreteness--students can understand d n and look n or t n s Also, t e art acts t at t ey br n n or t e r personal story ass nment tend to be p ys cal art acts suc as baby toys and blankets, not books Even so, s e was surpr sed t at t e students ad not acqu red clearer not ons o ow stor ans work and ow t s d ers rom t e work o arc eolo sts S e was con dent t at t ese con us ons would clear up, owever, because more would be sa d about stor ans and t e r work as t e sc ool year pro ressed T e students' tendenc es to con use stor ans and arc eolo sts m t ave been exa erated by t e act t at t e ollow n quest on preceded t e quest on about stor ans n t e postun t nterv ews Post-quest on #3 : W o are arc eolo sts? W at do t ey do? All ten students stated t at arc eolo sts d or t n s t at tell us about t e past Four spec ed t at arc eolo sts look or art acts rom lon a o All ve o t e boys, but only one o t e rls, used tec n cal terms (art acts, oss ls) to descr be t e mater al du up by arc eolo sts Ned : T ey're sc ent sts and t ey study oss ls and stu t ey d up rom t e round Sue : People w o nd t n s rom a lon lon t me a o and t ey d t em up and look at t em and see ow lon a o t ey were Pre-quest on #3 : How do you t nk stor ans do t e r work-ow do t ey nd out about w at appened and dec de w at to wr te? N ne students (all but Ned) responded to t s quest on T e r answers were enerally sens ble but requently con used stor ans w t arc eolo sts T e er ac evers tended to emp as ze nterv ew n 4 5 5


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n and l brary researc w ereas t e lower ac evers tended to emp as ze p ys cal art acts and arc eolo cal d s Jason : Go look n or t w ere early people were (W ere would t ey look?) L brary T nk about t and wr te w at t ey t nk Sue : Maybe people back t en wrote books about t ese people t at saved t e r country or somet n so t ey read some o t e stu t at t e people wrote and t en wrote t n a book w t a w ole bunc o ot er people T ese answers urt er nd cate t at t e students d d not know muc about stor ans and tended to p cture t em work n by d n up p ys cal art acts rat er t an by nterv ew n w tnesses or read n wr tten records F ve students ment oned books as wr tten records, but none ment oned newspapers or d ar es T e rls enerally ad more to say t an t e boys, typ cally ment on n at least two n ormat on sources (usually l v n nterv ewees, books, or p ys cal art acts) Post-quest on #5 : How do stor ans do t e r work-ow do t ey nd out about w at appened and dec de w at to wr te? All but R ta responded to t s quest on T e students now s owed muc less con us on between stor ans and arc eolo sts E t nd cated t at stor ans et n ormat on rom wr tten sources, our ment oned nterv ew n l v n w tnesses, and only two ment oned arc eolo cal ev dence Answers to t s quest on were br e er t an n t e preun t nterv ews, and d erences by ac evement level or ender no lon er were ev dent Jason : T ey could look at t e books Sue : Maybe t n s t ey du up or t n s t ey stud ed rom ot er people Alt ou t e students now d st n u s ed more clearly between arc eolo sts and stor ans, t ey st ll tended to p cture stor ans as nterv ew n people and work n rom pr mary sources more t an t ey really do T ey were va ue about t e sources t at stor ans would use to learn about w at occurred pr or to t e 20t century Alt ou e t students ment oned books and two ment oned newspapers, none ment oned d ar es, letters, publ c records, or ot er wr tten sources o n ormat on Per aps t ey d d not yet real ze ow lon wr tten records 4 5 6


F t Graders' Ideas About H story ave ex sted or t e var ety o suc records t at are ava lable to stor ans Quest ons About Con l ct n Interpretat ons On bot sets o nterv ews, t e students were asked about ow stor ans m t resolve d sputes and ow t ey (t e students t emselves) m t dec de w at to bel eve w en t ey encountered con l ct n stor cal accounts Unsurpr s n ly, ven t e r va ueness about ow stor ans at er n ormat on, t e students ad d culty w t t ese quest ons Pre-quest on #4 : Somet mes stor ans d sa ree about w at appened n t e past, w y t appened, or w at t all means W en t ey d sa ree, ow can t ey dec de w at s r t? Jason : People t at wrote t, t ey look at t, t ey m t not ave enou equ pment so t en t e person reads t w t all t e equ pment, t ey m t t nk, "We ave more equ pment so we can t nk better ." Kay : T ey o explor n bot o t em, and s ow eac ot er w at t e r proo s and see w c one's r t, maybe R ta : T ey'd talk to ot er sc ent sts and try to see ow t ey t nk and t ey'd try to work t out . l ke t ey'd take t to a jud e or somet n a jud e t at's er t an t ese sc ent sts but t at's a sc ent st jud e Someone t at all o t em trust and t ey'd know t at e'd tell t e trut . e'd l sten to bot s des and try to work t out Most o t e students appeared to bel eve, at least mpl c tly, t at one could arr ve at a "r t answer ." In part, t s was because t ey were t nk n about "ex stence proo s" (suc as prov n t at K n Art ur actually ex sted) rat er t an about more subtle matters o nterpretat on o t e causes or mean n s o known events T s a a n nd cates some con us on o story w t arc eolo y, as well as a lack o knowled e about w at stor ans try to do and ow t ey work T e students' expectat on t at a r t answer could be reac ed also mpl ed a t e t er n an aut or ty ure w o knows everyt n about t e subject or n sc ence and sc ent c met ods (Note Jason's a t n better sc ent c equ pment to prov de better answers or at least elp one to t nk better) Related bel e s appeared n t e students' not ons about arc eolo y For example, t ey "knew" t at sc ent sts can use "mac nes" to date art acts, even t ou t ey knew not n about ow t s process works T e teac er reported t at t ese students are 4 5 7


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n "steeped n tec nolo y"--t at t ey are am l ar w t and accept n o t e not on t at t ere's a problem, et better mac nes to x t ." S e added t at students are st ll trust n o adults at t s a e G ven t at t ey bel eve t at adults control mac nes, s e d d not nd t surpr s n t at t e students would look to a benevolent aut or ty ure or a trustwort y mac ne or resolut on o con l ct n stor cal nterpretat ons R ta's response to t s quest on exempl es t e tendency or certa n students (espec ally Helen and R ta) to construct deta led narrat ves w en answer n some o our quest ons T ese narrat ves usually m xed accurate elements w t na ve m sconcept ons, con lat ons (e ., o story w t arc eolo y), or ma nat ve but anc ul elaborat ons 2 Post-quest on #6 : Somet mes stor ans d sa ree about w at appened n t e past, w y t appened, or w at t all means W en t ey d sa ree, ow can t ey dec de w at s r t? T s quest on produced a var ety o responses, most o t em correct or at least sens ble One student could not respond and one st ll spoke o tak n t e matter to an aut or ty ure or resolut on T e rest, owever, s owed more awareness o t e need or d alo ue, reason n and nterpretat on, as well as more reco n t on t at o ten t ere s no de n t ve r t answer to be ac eved Four spoke o ett n more or better n ormat on, one spoke o us n some k nd o debate or reason n process to develop a sens ble nterpretat on, and t ree ment oned attempts to reac an answer t rou vot n or some orm o comprom se T ese responses were more sop st cated t an t ose t at st ll assumed a de n t ve r t answer but less sop st cated t an responses t at reco n zed room or d er n nterpretat ons Jason : T ey wr te down w at t ey t nk s r t Kay : T ey can look t up or just prove t by o n w ere you ound t, t e n ormat on I you ound somet n n a d erent state you could maybe take people t ere and prove t R ta : T ey just put t to et er and t en t ey . just put t to et er Some stor ans ave d erent deas Pre-quest on #5 : W at about you--w at you were read n about somet n n story t at you were nterested n and ound t at d erent sources d sa reed? How could you dec de w at to bel eve? 4 5 8


F t Graders' Ideas About H story As w t Pre-quest on #4, t e students' answers ere were sens ble but tentat ve T ey ncluded look n t up n a de n t ve source ( mply n a r t answer), spl tt n t e d erence to reac a ballpark est mate, try n to dec de or onesel w at makes t e most sense, look n or a reement amon t e major ty o sources, or ask n a parent or teac er Brad : I could look n ot er books or I could dec de by mysel (How?) I'd see w at I t nk would be most real or bel evable Sue : I'd e t er ask my teac er or ask a person w o stud es story and stu and back w en t appened Kay : Well, maybe t e t n t at made more sense or t e book t at expla ned more about t or you could ask somebody w o really knew Seven students spoke o try n to dec de or t emselves a ter at er n add t onal ev dence and ve spoke ( n add t on or nstead) o consult n an aut or ty (an encycloped a or a parent or teac er) to et "t e" answer T e boys ment oned books but not people as n ormat on resources, but our o t e ve rls spoke o ask n a parent, a teac er, or "somebody w o really knew ." T s may be a man estat on o more eneral ender d erences n co n t ve styles and pre erences or nd v dual versus soc al problem-solv n contexts In add t on, t e teac er nterpreted t as part o a eneral tendency or rls to talk more about sc ool at ome t an boys do Post-quest on #7 : W at about you--w at you were read n about somet n n story t at you were nterested n and ound t at d erent sources d sa reed? How could you dec de w at to bel eve? Responses to t s quest on were just as var ed as t ey were pr or to t e un t and not muc more con dent However, more students now real zed t at you cannot necessar ly nd a de n t ve source or reac nal a reement on everyt n Also, none o t em now ment oned ask n parents or teac ers, alt ou several ment oned nd n more de n t ve re erence sources or l v n w tnesses Brad : I'd ask a survey I'd put t n a newspaper or somet n and I'd ask a lot more people and I'd see w at t comes to and I ot more o one t an t e ot er, I'd o w t t at 4 5 9


Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n Sue : I'd nd a ew more and see w at t ey say about t (W ere would you et t s n ormat on?) You could probably nd t n t e l brary or you could ask someone Responses to Post-quest ons #6 and #7 nd cated t at t e students ad become more sop st cated about stor cal sources but rema ned understandably unsure about w at t ey would personally do to resolve uncerta nty w en t ey encountered con l ct n accounts T s su ests l m ts to t e eas b l ty o try n to use or nal sources w t elementary students n ways t at attempt to et t em to en a e n sop st cated stor cal reason n Students would need n ormat on about some o t e dec s on rules t at stor ans use n est mat n t e cred b l ty o con l ct n accounts, ollowed by appl cat on act v t es us n documents t at ad been selected w t t e students' levels o back round knowled e and co n t ve development n m nd Quest ons About Personal H story and t e Country's H story Pre-quest on #6 : Do you ave your own personal story or l e story? W en does t be n? (W at was t e rst day o your l e story?) T m and R ta mmed ately answered "yes" to t s quest on and stated t at t e r personal story be an on t e day t at t ey were born T e ot er e t students n t ally sa d "no" or were unsure However, all but Helen (w o cont nued to be con used by er percept on t at story s about anc ent events) eventually ave at least partly correct responses ollow n prob n Several students seemed t rown by t e not on o someone wr t n a story o t em, and Jason n t ally m sunderstood t e quest on to be, "Has your personal l e story been wr tten?" Jason : No I just ave my work t at my mom saves (Stu rom sc ool?) Yea (T at's your l e story?) Yes (W en do you t nk t rst started?) W en I was born Sue : No (You don't? W y do you say no?) I don't know (I somebody wanted to wr te a story o Sue, could t ey wr te one?) I don't know (Is t ere anyt n to wr te?) I'm a sw mmer (I somebody was o n to wr te your story, w en would t be n?) Probably last year (How come last year?) T at's w en I started really do n stu and ett n nto sports (I somebody wanted to wr te your total, complete story, t ou even t wasn't nterest n w ere would t ey start?) Probably w en I was born 4 6 0

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story Helen : W at do you mean by t at? (I'll put t t s way Do you ave a l e story?) I'm not really nto t at muc I l ke story, but t's not my l e (Let me see I can rep rase t at You're ow old?) Ten (So rom ten years a o unt l now, t ere's all o t at t me Is t at l ke story, a story o your l e?) I wouldn't say so T at's ten years H story's otta be more t an t at T ree o t e our students w o answered Pre-quest on #1 by spec y n t at story re erred to notewort y events n t e past ad d culty w t Pre-quest on #6 Kay n t ally den ed t at s e ad a personal story because s e d dn't t nk t at anyt n n er l e was notewort y enou to qual y as story, and Helen ma nta ned t s percept on even a ter several probes Sue n t ally su ested t at a story o er l e would be n not on er b rt day but w en s e started accumulat n sports accompl s ments Helen's "I l ke story, but t's not my l e" s our avor te quote rom t ese nterv ews We are not sure w et er t s was an amb uously worded statement o t e dea t at not n n er l e as yet as been s n cant enou to qual y as story or, as we pre er to bel eve, t was a precoc ous express on o n de s ecle ennu Post-quest on #8 : Do you ave your own personal l e story? W en d d t be n? Most o t e earl er con us on ad d sappeared by t e postun t nterv ews E t students mmed ately answered "Yes" w en asked t ey ad a personal l e story and went on to note t at t be an on t e day t ey were born Jason was st ll con used n t e same way t at e was n t e preun t nterv ew Ter rema ned con used bot about t e not on o ersel as a subject o story and about w et er suc story would be n at b rt or would only c ron cle notewort y accompl s ments It s nterest n t at t e only two students st ll partly con used about t s quest on were ac evers Jason : No (W y don't you ave your own personal l e story?) I don't really l ke to wr te (You were born ten or eleven years a o and s nce you were born up unt l r t now, s k nd o l ke your story So w en d d t be n or you?) Ten years a o Ter : No (You don't ave anyt n t at went on or you n t e past?) No (W en d d your l e story be n?) W en I 4 6 1

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n made t e sc ool spell n bee (How about w en you were born?) I uess so Sue : Yes, n 1980 Helen : Yes (W en d d t be n?) 1980 w en I was born Pre-quest on #7 : W at about our country--does t e Un ted States ave a story? W en does t at story be n? (D d t e Un ted States ave a b rt day--a day t at was ts rst day as a country? W en was t at?) In contrast to t e r answers to Pre-quest on #6 concern n t e r personal stor es, all o t e students knew t at t e country as a story F ve stated and two ot ers mpl ed w at would ord nar ly be cons dered t e correct response (at least rom t e Eurocentr c po nt o v ew)--t at t e country's story started w en t e New World was d scovered by Europeans Two were con used or d dn't know, and one sa d "w en t e world was born ." From anot er po nt o v ew, t e latter s also correct T m : Yea (OK, w en does t at story be n?) W en t was ounded, w en people d scovered t (Does t e country ave a b rt day?) Yea (Do you know w at day t was?) No (W at appened t at day t at made t a country?) T e Const tut on . t's not t e Const tut on Let me t nk I t nk t e Br t s and t e En l s battled over t and t e En l s won . t was t e En l s colon es and t en t turned nto t e Un ted States Ter : I don't know . a lon t me a o . .I t nk t was n t e 1700s or somet n l ke t at (Does t e country ave a b rt day?) Yea but I don't know w en t s (Do you know w at appened t at made t a country?) I uess t was w en t ere was some people and I can't remember w at country t was called but t ey were try n to nd a s orter way to C na so t ey went a d erent way nstead and t ey ound Amer ca Helen : Yes ((Does t ave a b rt day?) Yes t does On Columbus Day (Tell me a l ttle b t about Columbus and w y we say t at .) People say t at Columbus rst landed n Amer ca and named t but really w at I t nk s anot er person, I can't remember s name, e ound t rst . .I t nk 4 6 2

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story e was a p rate or somet n and e sa led to Amer ca and named t t at A ter s name It ad Amer can n t . Surpr s n ly, no one ment oned t e Fourt o July as t e nat on's b rt day Elementary students learn about Columbus Day, T anks v n and ot er ol days, but apparently July 4t s not ncluded amon t ese ol day un ts because t occurs n t e summer In response to t e b rt day quest on, ve students d d not know, two sa d w en t e Const tut on was s ned, two sa d w en t e land _was d scovered (count n Helen's "Columbus Day" response ere), and one sa d Eart Day Alt ou t e Fourt o July s trad t onally called t e nat on's b rt day, t e "d scovery o t e land" and "s n n o t e Const tut on" responses are just as val d, not more so, rom ot er perspect ves Several answers d splayed b ts and p eces o (not always correct) story t at t e students p cked up elsew ere Mark and Ter knew t at t e land was d scovered by people look n or a s orter way to C na, but Mark t ou t t at t ey were Frenc T m knew t at t ere was a war (alt ou e t ou t t at t e En l s de eated t e Br t s ) and t at t e En l s colon es turned nto t e Un ted States Helen knew ( rom watc n an ep sode o t e "C pmunks" cartoon s ow) t at Columbus was not t e rst to d scover Amer ca and t at Amer ca was named a ter Amer o, but s e t ou t t at Amer o was "a p rate or somet n w o ot ere two years be ore Columbus In eneral, t e students knew t at t e country was part o a new world d scovered by Europeans, but not muc else T e students' va ueness and con us on about t e establ s ment o t e Un ted States as a nat on re lect t e trends t at McKeown and Beck (1990) ound n t raders w o ad stud ed U .S story t rou t e colon al un t but ad not yet stud ed t e Revolut on T ese t raders were va ue about t e colon es, t e r relat ons p w t En land, and ow t ey became an ndependent country I t ey ment oned t at a war was nvolved, t ey were l kely to be con used about t e combatants and to con late elements o t e Revolut onary War w t elements o ot er wars, espec ally t e Frenc and Ind an War T ey also d d not know muc about t e Declarat on o Independence or t e role o t e concept o reedom n mot vat n and expla n n t e Revolut on Post-quest on #9 : D d t e Un ted States ave a b rt day--a day t at was ts rst day as a country? 4 6 3

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n All students mmed ately answered yes and went on to name July 4t e t er mmed ately or a ter prob n T us, w ereas no student ment oned July 4t n response to Pre-quest on #7, all o t em suppl ed t e convent onal response concern n t e country's b rt day dur n t e postun t nterv ews Alt ou students now knew t e July 4t date, t ey d d not know t e year o t e Declarat on o Independence O seven students spec cally asked, our d d not know and t e ot ers uessed 150 years a o, 1792 and 1942 Post-quest on #10 : Do you know ow t ot to be a country? (Probe) T e teac er ad ntroduced a U .S story t mel ne t at stretc ed across t e ront o er classroom and made br e ment on o t e key events nvolved n establ s n t e country as an ndependent nat on, but s e ad not conducted susta ned nstruct on on t e Amer can Revolut on dur n er n t al un t Consequently, t e students' answers to Post-quest on #10 were almost as var ed as, and only somew at more n ormed t an, t e r answers to Pre-quest on #7 Jason : T at's t e day we became ree rom En land (W y d d we become ree on t at day? W at ad been o n on?) T ey were boss n us around so we dec ded to t t em (W o's we?) T e Amer cans (W at appened?) We won T m : It was w en we wrote t e Const tut on (W at was t at all about?) We ou t o t e En l s (W y?) T ey were l ke nvad n T ey wanted our country (W o won?) We won (W y were t e En l s try n to boss us around?) T ey wanted to et to C na and t ey ound t s and tr ed to take over Mark : I don't really know (W at were we be ore t s b rt day?) We were a ew states and t en t kept on row n (W y do we call t Independence Day?) Because t e Declarat on o Independence was s ned (From w om?) I'm not sure but t m t be t e people w o s ned t Brad : T ere was only a l ttle b t o t e Un ted States and most people l ved on t e east coast T e l ttle b t was t e U .S and anot er part o t n t e center, I or ot w at t at was called and t was d v ded by t e M ss ss pp R ver I t nk one o t em was called t e En l s C annel (W y do we ave Independence Day?) It's t e rst day Amer ca became Amer ca a ter t ey won t e war to w n all t e 4 6 4

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story land (W o were t e wars ou t w t ?) T e Br t s We were k nd o be n c eated Once we won t, all o our land, t at's ow t e Un ted States became t e Un ted States on t e Fourt o July Ned : I don't know (How d d we et to be t s country? W at were we be ore our b rt day?) Settlers (W o was n c ar e?) T emselves (W at appened on July 4?) T ey ad a War o Independence Sue : T e Europeans were look n or a s orter way to C na and t ey t ou t t ey'd just o t e ot er way and nd a s orter way (D d people l ve ere?) Yes (How d d t become t e Un ted States?) I don't know (We call Fourt o July Independence Day W y?) Everyone celebrates be n ree (Free rom w om?) Slavery Helen : (T e Un ted States became a country n 1776 W at was t be ore t at?) Just an sland Columbus came n 1942 (Actually Columbus came n 1492) I et t em m xed up (W at was o n on n t s country be ore Independence Day?) A war World War I I t nk t was t e Br t s and t e Frenc t n T e En l s and Amer cans ou t and t e Amer cans won T e colon sts lost because t ey ad a lot o people t at were slav n but t ey ot more slaves t an t ey ad and all o t em ot to et er and t ey beat t e colon sts Kay : We ad a war I t nk It was World War I, I t nk (Actually, we called t t e Revolut onary War We call t Independence Day Independence rom w at?) I don't know (W at were we be ore Independence Day?) Just a d scovered p ece o land (W o were t e Amer cans t n ?) T e Frenc I'm not sure (Do you know w o was n c ar e o t s country?) T e Ind ans R ta : (W y d d t e Un ted States ave a b rt day?) So t could become a state (W at was t be ore t at?) It was just t ere (W o was n c ar e?) Nobody T ey d d w at t ey wanted to do (W at appened on t e b rt day?) It became a state and t e overnment dec ded laws and stu Only Jason, Mark, and Ned prov ded responses t at were bot substant vely correct and ree o ncorrect elements Brad ad t e correct eneral dea but t ou t t at t e Un ted States won all o ts 4 6 5

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n land n t e or nal Revolut onary War He also located t e En l s C annel somew ere n Amer ca T m t ou t t at t e war was between En l s nvaders and Nat ve Amer cans w o were already l v n on t e land w en t e En l s d scovered t T e rls' responses were va ue or con used R ta reco n zed t e mpl cat ons o ormat on o overnment and laws but con used nat on w t state and really d d not know w o was ere or w at was appen n at t e t me Sue knew about Europeans d scover n Amer ca but not muc else Kay knew t at ndependence ad been ac eved t rou a war but not w o ou t t or w at was nvolved Helen made some correct statements (t e Un ted States became a country n 1776, t e En l s and Amer cans ou t and t e Amer cans won) but embedded t ese n a rambl n and mostly ncorrect explanat on t at ncluded re utat ons o t e parts t at were correct Ten could not respond to t s quest on One cons stent ender d erence n c ldren's l terary nterests s t at boys are more nterested t an rls n stor es o con l ct and war Per aps t s s w y t e boys were better n ormed t an t e rls about t e Revolut onary War We are not sure, owever, w y t s d erence appeared so clearly n responses to Post-quest on #10 but not n responses to Pre-quest on #7 T e quest ons were p rased d erently, and per aps Post-quest on #10 was p rased n ways t at "pulled" more war content t an Pre-quest on #7 Or per aps t e boys s mply noted and remembered more o t s n ormat on rom t e l ttle b t t at t e teac er sa d about t dur n t e rst un t Most students seemed va ue or con used about w o t e Amer cans were Ned knew t at t ey were settlers and Brad and R ta appeared to ave enerally correct deas W t t e ot ers t s arder to say, except or Kay, w o sa d t at t ey were Ind ans Con lat on w t n ormat on p cked up n ourt rade un ts on M c an story may expla n some o t ese responses T e n luence o res duals rom early ol day un ts and espec ally rom ourt rade M c an story un ts could be seen t rou out t e nterv ews Quest ons About H stor cal Art acts and Sources Quest ons n t e preun t and postun t nterv ews were not parallel n t s sect on because students ad not been exposed to t e terms "art acts" or "pr mary and secondary sources" pr or to t e un t We wanted to ask about t ese concepts, owever, because t ey are mportant n understand n t e work o stor ans and because t e teac er emp as zed t em Pr or to t e un t, t e students were s own an art act (an old candle older w t a carry n andle) and asked w at t was and w at t m t tell us about t e people w o used t T ey also were s own a t mel ne (mark n key events n a person's l e and n world a a rs between 1950 and 1985) to see t ey would understand ts 4 6 6

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story unct on and be able to read t correctly Follow n t e un t, t ey were asked about art acts and about pr mary and secondary sources Pre-quest on #8 : (S ow candle older) Do you know w at t s s? (Expla n or clar y or student as necessary .) W at does t s tell us about t e people w o used t? All 10 students mmed ately dent ed t e art act as a candle older and t en went on ( n response to prob n ) to expla n t at people needed t ese to carry candles around w t t em n t e days be ore electr c l t n T m : Candle older, candle, lantern . t ey took t w t t em so t ey could see w ere t ey were o n . because t was dark t ey couldn't see T ey d dn't ave electr c ty back t en R ta : A candle older . In t e olden days, t ey d dn't ave electr c ty T ey were smart but t ey weren't as smart as us because we can learn more t n s because we ave computers and stu T ey d dn't ave electr c ty so t ey ad to make somet n so t ey could see n t e dark so t ey made t s Post-quest on #12 : W at are art acts? (Probe or de n t on or examples) All 10 students nd cated t at art acts are p ys cal objects t at can be used to n er conclus ons about t e people w o used t em Bes des t e tems ment oned n t e ollow n response excerpts, examples ncluded bones, old books, baby cards, and statues or p eces o bu ld n s rom lon a o T m : Somet n t at was part o story and du up We ad to br n art acts l ke a blanket w en we were l ttle Stu l ke t at Brad : T ey are t n s t at were at t e scene l ke an arrow ead t at could be somet n t at was at t e war It was at t e war and t's an art act It's somet n t at was at t e place at t e t me Helen : Somet n you can old n your and, somet n I ad rom 1980 t at I could br n n to s ow somebody It 4 6 7

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n would be l ke t e bracelet t at as your name It's proo t at I was born on a certa n day Only t ree students spec ed t at art acts are du up rom under t e round, nd cat n t at most o t em now real zed t at most art acts never were under round n t e rst place Post-quest on #13 : W at can art acts tell us about t e people w o used t em? T ree students could not answer ; t e ot er seven sa d t at art acts can s ow us t at part cular people ex sted and tell us somet n about ow t ey l ved A ew reco n zed t at t e mean n s or uses o art acts must be nterpreted Jason : W at t ey used, ow t ey l ved Helen : Depends on w at t s L ke an arrow ead It tells us t at t ey ad arrows or weapons and t m t even tell you ow lon a o t ey were al ve Kay : It tells us w at t ey l ked and w at t ey d d Post-quest on #11 : H stor ans talk about pr mary and secondary sources Is t better to ave n ormat on rom pr mary sources or secondary sources? W y? E t students sa d pr mary sources ; Jason and Ned sa d secondary Ned could not respond to ollow-up prob n but Jason prov ded an nterest n rat onale : Secondary sources are better because t e n ormat on s wr tten down (presumably e t ou t t at pr mary sources were all oral) Iron cally, T m ave t e oppos te rat onale or avor n pr mary sources, observ n t at "people could just wr te down anyt n ." O t e e t students w o avored pr mary sources, only our unamb uously nd cated t at a rstand observer s pre erable to a second or t rdand source Helen ad t s same eneral dea, but s e t ou t o a pr mary source as a quote rom an observer t at s pr nted n a newspaper and a secondary source as just a rumor T m : Pr mary, because t's l ke somebody told t to you nstead o wr t n t down (W y s t at better?) People could just wr te down anyt n . .I don't know (Does t ave anyt n to do w t w et er people were t ere or not?) Yea somet mes people ave seen t and t ere's 4 6 8

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story proo t at t ey've seen t, l ke p ctures and draw n s (Can you tell me t e d erence between pr mary and secondary?) One s wr tten down or drawn and one s l ke a p cture or somet n t at proves t at t appened Mark : Pr mary Pr mary source comes rom someone or somet n t at was t ere and secondary source m t be l ke a newspaper t at just eard about t T ey just wrote somet n about t Brad : Pr mary source . a pr mary source was at t e scene so t would know spec cally w at appened Ter : Pr mary because secondary m t exa erate and make up t n s (W at's a pr mary source?) It's true and w oever was tell n t was t ere Sue : Pr mary Pr mary s rstand account on w at appened Secondary source s l ke read n t n t e newspaper Helen : Pr mary source I don't know w at a secondary source s (W at do you t nk a pr mary source s?) L ke a newspaper tell n about somet n t e people t at were t ere and t ey could put t n t e newspaper and tell w at actually appened (W at s a secondary source?) You eard about t You weren't t ere It's l ke a rumor You eard t rom somebody else Kay : A pr mary source A pr mary source s somet n t at was rom t e past You could learn more about t at object or t n t at's rom t e past t an just read n a book t at you don't even know t's r t (Can you ve me an example o a pr mary source?) L ke a journal rom a pres dent (Journals aren't secondary sources, are t ey?) No A secondary source s somet n wr tten r t now R ta : Pr mary source . because t's rstand T e students ad p cked up t e dea t at some sources are more cred ble t an ot ers However, only our ave prec sely correct de n t ons T m, Helen, and Kay ave con used or contrad ctory responses T m n t ally sa d t at people could wr te "anyt n down, mply n t at verbal reports are accurate but wr tten reports are not Later e s ted to t e dea t at a secondary source s e t er wr tten or 4 6 9

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n drawn (but constructed by a person and t us open to b as or d stort on), w ereas a p cture or art act s object ve proo Helen ave a newspaper report as an example o a pr mary source and a verbal report (albe t one rom a person w o was just pass n on w at e or s e ad eard rat er t an seen d rectly) as an example o a secondary source Kay de ned a pr mary source as somet n contemporary rom t e t me nvolved and a secondary source as somet n wr tten n t e present about t e past Look n back, t e students were clearer about art acts t an about pr mary versus secondary sources T s was part o t e lar er pattern o be n clearer about t e work o arc eolo sts t an about t e work o stor ans Also, t e teac er noted t at s e s owed a number o art acts and ad students br n n art acts or t e r personal story ass nment, w ereas s e sa d less n t s n t al un t about pr mary and secondary sources S e reported t at art acts are concrete and appeal to t e students' sense o wonder, w ereas pr mary and secondary sources are more l ke abstract de n t ons t at t e students ave to learn as vocabulary words Pre-quest on #9 : (S ow t mel ne llustrat on) . T s s a k nd o llustrat on used n teac n story Do you know w at t s called? (I necessary, ve t e name t mel ne T en ask : W at n ormat on does a t mel ne ve?) None o t e students ad any trouble read n t e t mel ne or undertand n ts llustrat ve unct on, alt ou our called t a t mel ne, t ree a scale, one a l el ne, one a story l ne, and one a rap All t ree students w o called t e t mel ne a "scale" were rls Several students ment oned pr or exper ence w t t mel nes at sc ool, alt ou n read n rat er t an n soc al stud es A teac er ad ntroduced t mel nes as a way to elp t em keep track o events n read n stor es Ned : A rap . t ey keep track o ow story oes and stu (How can you tell?) Cause t's 1950 to 1985 Kay : A story l ne or . .I remember t s We d d t s n read n (It's called a t mel ne It could ave been called a story l ne too W at k nd o n ormat on does a t mel ne ve you?) It tells you parts o a year or parts o t e t me unt l t oes on w t your l e and tells you w at appens n eac year, maybe It tells w at appened Quest ons About t e Value o Learn n H story In bot nterv ews, students were asked w y t ey t ou t story was tau t n sc ools and ow t m t elp t em n l e 4 7 0

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story outs de o sc ool Most o t em ound t d cult to respond to bot quest ons on bot occas ons Pre-quest on #10 : W y do you t nk t ey teac story n sc ool-w y do t ey t nk you s ould study t e past? T e students d dn't know muc about story yet and so were rasp n at straws ere E t sa d t at story s tau t "so you w ll know w at appened n t e past," w t out say n muc anyt n about w y t s m t be mportant to know One su ested t at you m t need t e n ormat on or sc ool, and t ree t at you m t need t so you would not be embarrassed someone asked you or t Two t ou t t at learn n about story m t be ood preparat on or jobs, but w en probed about suc jobs, could ment on only be n a story teac er or a stor an T m : So you'll know more about yoursel Brad : So we could learn about w at appened . because you d dn't know w at appened n story, t'd be t e same t n as not know n w at would appen now You'd ave to know w at appened n story to know w at would appen n t e uture Sue : So you t e c ldren can know about t e mportant people back t en and w at t ey d d or our country and maybe ow amous t ey were because t ey were a pres dent or somet n (W y s t mportant to know t at?) Because somebody comes up and asks you w at's t e rst pres dent, you want to tell t em and you would want to know (W y would you want to know?) Because I'm sure t at t ose people t at were mportant back t en would want people to know now w at t ey d d or people Kay : So you know ow t e people n t e past, w at t ey d d, l ke t ey d dn't ave electr c ty or eat or anyt n . so you m t know a l ttle b t more about be ore you were born or be ore your parents were born and t tells us about a lon t me a o t at you d dn't know about and told w at you used Four students mpl ed more eneral reasons or learn n story t an s mply acqu r n t e spec c knowled e tau t Brad su ested t at t would elp you to understand current events and pred ct t e uture, and T m stated t at t would elp you to know more about 4 7 1

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n yoursel Helen and Kay mpl ed t s same dea n stat n t at t would be elp ul to know about t e s m lar t es and d erences between your l e now and your ancestors' l ves n t e past Also, Sue's last dea s nterest n and touc n : People w o d d reat t n s n t e past would want modern people to remember and onor t em or t, and we s ould Post-quest on #14 : W y s story tau t n sc ool--w y do t ey t nk you s ould study t e past? Even on t s Post-quest on, most students st ll talked only about learn n t e spec c n ormat on w t out v n ood reasons w y Four bas cally sa d, "T ey teac t so you w ll know t," two spoke o learn n t n order to et ood rades at sc ool, one to et a job as a stor an, and one to avo d embarrassment people ask you stor cal quest ons T m : I don't know Brad : I you know more about t e past you can probably project somet n about w at's o n to appen n t e uture because way back n 1950 t ey d dn't ave a lot o electr c ty and computers and as t ey row t ey a n more and n t e year 2,000 t ey're o n to ave a lot more computers and mac nes t at can do more t n s Sue : So you're d n somew ere and you nd somet n you m t want to know w at t s (Any ot er reasons?) I don't know Kay : So you know more about your past and t tells you about t e people w o ou t wars Because you know stu about your l e or your t mel ne (How does t elp you?) It just tells you w at your relat ves d d Many o t ese answers were d sappo nt n re ress ons rom answers to Pre-quest on #10 Brad st ll talked about t e value o stor cal knowled e or project n nto t e uture, and Kay at least nted about know n t e past as contr but n to sel -knowled e ; owever, T m now sa d t at e d dn't know, and Helen spoke only about pass n tests n sc ool T e only new dea was Sue's not on t at stor cal knowled e m t elp you to reco n ze art acts t at you d scovered on your own T e teac er d d not place muc emp as s on t e value o learn n story n er n t al un t, so we d d not expect responses to Post4 7 2

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story quest on #14 to be str k n ly better t an responses to Pre-quest on #10 Re ress ons were not expected, owever T ey are doubly troubl n because t e teac er s notable or er project on o ent us asm or story and er attempts to make t nterest n or t e students Per aps t ere s an nev table loss o ntr ns c nterest n an area o knowled e once students be n to study t as a sc ool subject Pre-quest on #11 : How m t learn n about story elp you n l e outs de o sc ool, e t er now or n t e uture? Students were t rown even more by t s preun t quest on t an t e prev ous one Four could not respond even a ter prob n T ree su ested t at story knowled e m t elp you n a job, at sc ool, or w en ot ers asked you quest ons Just t ree students dent ed more spec c reasons or study n story Brad and T m ave eneral knowled e/cultural l teracy responses, su est n t at know n about t e past m t elp you to understand or learn better today Sue su ested t at study n t e past m t elp you to reco n ze weaknesses or njust ces t at could be corrected by pass n new laws T m : I you were read n a book or somet n and you eard o t s one uy, you m t know about m Brad : I don't know . m t elp you know ow you ot ere and ow everyt n else ot ere Sue : Cause maybe someone wanted somet n back t en, maybe you could elp t em w t do n t today Maybe t was eas er . someone wanted a law n t e country and t's st ll not ere now, t en maybe someone could carry t on and ask t e people to make a law about t at . People t at were mportant back t en may ave done somet n or our country l ke slaves, t ere are not slaves anymore, so somebody m t ave wanted t e people not to be slaves so now t ere's no slaves Taken to et er, t e students' responses to Pre-quest ons #10 and 11 nd cated t at most o t em ound story nterest n and were look n orward to learn n about t but ad not yet come to understand t at stor cal knowled e could ve one perspect ve on personal dent ty or be use ul n l v n one's everyday l e or t nk n cr t cally as a c t zen T e typ cal purv ew was "I don't know w y we study t, but t must be mportant ." 4 7 3

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n Post-quest on #15 : How m t learn n about story elp you n l e outs de o sc ool, e t er now or n t e uture? Ned, Ter and R ta could not respond to t s postquest on, and t e ot er seven students once a a n ad trouble dent y n any uses or story outs de o sc ool Jason : Your k ds (W at do you mean?) I t ey ad a test to study or, you could elp t em (W at ot er reasons?) A job . a teac er Mark : L ke you went to some museum and you saw somet n and you m t wonder w at t was and you knew, you'd know and wouldn't ave to keep on look n or t (How else?) Maybe or n sc ool you ad a test on t Brad : I I know about story I can t nk o t n s and say, "T s was a couple o years a ter I was born, so t's about e t years old ." T at part I stud ed n story and t was ere, story can elp you know t n s and you see t n s you know w at t s Sue : Jobs I you ot a job as a stor an and you d dn't know anyt n about story, t en . people d dn't know w at story was, you could tell t em w at t meant Helen : I you ad a quest on or you ound an actual art act you could know t at t s arrow ead was rom t e Nat ve Amer cans and you know w at t e Nat ve Amer cans were (How would t elp you to know all t at?) I don't really know Kay : I don't know Some people t nk t's real nterest n to know about t e r l et me and t ey look t up and stu Anot er t n m t be mak n somet n or somebody and you m t want to make a t mel ne Mark, Brad, and Helen ave cultural l teracy responses nd cat n t at knowled e learned n sc ool would elp you to reco n ze and understand t n s encountered elsew ere (alt ou n two cases t e examples ven were arc eolo cal art acts) Brad and Kay saw at least nterest value n know n about mportant stor cal events t at were l nked to events n t e r own l et mes In a c ld-l ke 4 7 4

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story way, t ey may ave been rop n w t concepts suc as dent ty or s tuat n onesel n t me and place D scuss on Data or t s study came rom students attend n a m ddlencome suburban sc ool n t e m dwest t at serves a predom nantly An lo-Amer can populat on, and only ten students were nterv ewed n dept T ere ore, caut on s ould be observed n eneral z n t e nd n s Nevert eless, t e commun ty's soc oeconom c status nd cators and t e sc ool's adopt on o convent onal soc al stud es curr culum u del nes and mater als ( ollow n t e expand n commun t es model) make t ese students representat ve o a reat many ncom n t raders n contemporary Amer can sc ools T e students' responses commun cated an nterest n story and possess on o b ts and p eces o stor cal n ormat on T ey ad wellor an zed and mostly correct deas about d erences n t e cond t ons o everyday l e between t e "olden days" and t e present, alt ou most were va ue about t e reasons or t ese d erences Rat er t an talk n about ndustr al zat on o t e economy and accumulat on and d us on o nvent ons and cultural knowled e, t ey spoke o modern people be n smarter or r c er t an t e r ancestors Most o t em v ewed story as a collect on o acts t at m t be nterest n to know rat er t an as a subject or systemat c study or personal re lect on Except or t e ew w o ad be un to wonder w y people o to war or do some o t e t n s t at t ey do dur n wars, t e students ad not yet be un to apprec ate t e potent al o story or develop n personal w sdom or ns t nto t e uman cond t on Most o t e students entered t rade know n t at story as to do w t t e past, alt ou many arbored t e m sconcept ons t at story s l m ted to t e explo ts o amous or mportant people or to events t at occurred lon a o Partly or t s reason, some ad trouble apprec at n t e not on t at t ey t emselves ave personal stor es T e students d d not know muc about ow stor ans work, tend n to con use t em w t arc eolo sts and to p cture t em as work n w t excavated art acts rat er t an wr tten documents Many o t e students t ou t o story as an exact sc ence t at would establ s acts unequ vocally T ey d d not apprec ate t e de ree to w c story s nterpret ve, and t ey ad d culty ma n n ow e t er stor ans or t ey t emselves m t attempt to resolve con l ct n accounts T ey ad enerally accurate n ormat on about l e n t e "olden days" be ore electr c ty and en ne power, but only va ue not ons o t e t mel nes nvolved T ey knew t at t e country ad a story but d d not know muc about t Most were at a 4 7 5

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n loss w en asked w y t ey study story or ow story m t elp t em n t e r l ves outs de o sc ool A ter t ey exper enced t e ntroductory un t on story and t e work o stor ans, t e r knowled e and t nk n about story ad become notably more sop st cated Most now understood t at t e study o story encompasses everyt n about t e past, nclud n t e everyday l ves o ord nary people n t e recent past T ey knew t at t ey t emselves ad a personal story, av n portrayed key events n t e r l ves alon a t mel ne T ey were less prone to con use stor ans w t arc eolo sts, as well as more aware o t e ran e o sources t at stor ans use to develop t e r nterpretat ons W ereas none o t e students named July 4t as t e nat on's b rt day pr or to t e un t, all o t em d d so ollow n t e un t (alt ou none o t em correctly dent ed t e year n w c t e Declarat on o Independence was s ned) Alon w t t ese nd cat ons o learn n t e data ncluded nd n s t at prov de cause or concern T e students a led to enerate clear deas about w y t ey were learn n story or ow suc learn n m t elp t em n t e r l ves outs de o sc ool, and certa n con us ons or m sconcept ons pers sted n some students desp te t e nstruct on t ey ad rece ved Some st ll bel eved t at story re ers exclus vely to events t at occurred lon a o, con used arc eolo sts w t stor ans, a led to apprec ate t at story s nterpret ve, or could not d st n u s pr mary rom secondary sources adequately T e data su est t e need or teac ers to elp t e r students to apprec ate t e value o story as a subject o study In part cular, we recommend stress n two advanta es to stor cal study t at d d not even occur to most o t ese students F rst, alt ou t also as a soc al sc ence d mens on, story s one o t e uman t es and t us s wort y o study as suc : It can en ance one's qual ty o l e Learn n about and re lect n on story can en ance one's sense o dent ty by elp n one to "place onesel w t n t e broad sweep o uman exper ence Learn n n t s area can be power ul or nd v duals o all a es, but espec ally c ldren w o st ll ave a stron potent al or exper enc n awe and wonder at aspects o t e uman cond t on t at t ey become aware o or t e rst t me T ey also can learn to apprec ate t e story t at s all around t em and to enjoy read n about story and v s t n stor cal s tes A second major advanta e to study n story s ts value as c v c educat on A ood work n knowled e o story w ll nclude a reat deal o n ormat on about ow nd v duals and nat ons ave andled var ous dec s on-mak n s tuat ons t at recur per od cally because t ey are part o t e uman cond t on Armed w t knowled e about t e probable trade-o s nvolved n var ous courses o act on (based n part on knowled e about t e outcomes t at t ese courses o act on ave led 4 7 6

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story to n t e past), students w ll be better prepared to make ood personal, soc al, and c v c dec s ons I students are to a n t e bene ts o t ese two potent al advanta es o study n story, t ey w ll need to learn to apprec ate story's nterpret ve nature T s s a relat vely sop st cated concept t at t e students we nterv ewed ad d culty understand n However, we bel eve t at t ey can learn to understand t, at least at t e r level o co n t ve development L ke all umans, c ldren constantly nterpret t e events o t e r l ves as t ey attempt to make sense o t em T s ncludes stor cal events t at t ey encounter n learn n about t e past n t e classroom C ldren m t be made more apprec at ve o t e nterpret ve nature o story t rou act v t es t at en a e t em n stor cal nterpretat on For example, a ter study n n ormat on about story and w at stor ans do, c ldren m t be asked to wr te accounts o t e prev ous day's lesson and t en s are t ose accounts publ cly D erences n perspect ve, emp as s, and even ostens ble acts would be n to emer e as var ous accounts accumulated, prov d n opportun t es to d scuss w at s nvolved n nterpret n events Related concepts suc as b as, d stort on, or pr mary and secondary sources could be ntroduced n t e process o not n and seek n to resolve d screpanc es T e teac er could connect t s process w t accounts o ow stor ans do t e r work, t e d cult es t ey encounter w t con l ct n nterpretat ons, and t e dec s ons t ey must make n determ n n w at to nclude n t e r accounts and ow to c eck t e r accuracy T rou out t e rest o t e year, t e not on o nterpretat on (t e students', t e teac er's, and t e stor an's) could be nterwoven as a cons stent t eme o stor cal study In t s manner, students would be n to develop cr t cal t nk n ab l t es and a sense o re lect on about t e r own storytell n and t at o ot ers T s develop n re lect ve sense would connect w t students' develop n sense o t e processes nvolved n mak n dec s ons about personal and c v c pol cy ssues, and t ese ns ts could connect w t t e r row n awareness o t e jud ment respons b l t es o c t zens n a democracy (En le & Oc oa, 1988) Development o a d spos t on to be re lect ve n study n story would also elp students to be n to apprec ate and value ts nterpret ve nature (rat er t an cont nu n to be rustrated w en no clear-cut "r t answers" are ort com n ) and to use t as a source or develop n t e r own deas about t e nature o t e uman cond t on T e students t at we nterv ewed remembered acts and stor es better t an abstract concepts and de n t ons Memory support dev ces suc as t e post n o key words apparently elped t em to remember t ese words, but not necessar ly to rasp t e r mean n s w t understand n apprec ate t e r s n cance, or use t em n relevant 4 7 7

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Brop y, VanSledr t, & Bred n appl cat on s tuat ons Add t onal exper ence n act n as stor ans, or at least per od c exposure to con l ct n stor cal accounts ollowed by cr t cal d scuss on and dec s on mak n would make t ese concepts more concrete and appl cable or t e students F t raders can be n to understand and apprec ate t e nterpret ve nature o story by cons der n suc ssues as t e d sputes over w o d scovered Amer ca or t e contrast n v ews o K n Geor e and o t e Amer can rebels concern n t e events lead n up to t e Declarat on o Independence (see W nebur & W lson, 1991, on t s po nt) St ll, t e students would rema n l m ted n back round knowled e and read ness to act as stor ans n aut ent c ways w en con ronted w t d screpant accounts Consequently, act v t es requ r n t em to do so may be l m ted n eas b l ty and cost e ect veness or t raders, compared to act v t es t at ocus on develop n n t al deas about key stor cal t emes and events Alt ou t s mportant to ntroduce story as a subject o study and to teac t n ways t at ts d sc pl nary pract t oners would cons der val d, w t t raders t may be best to bu ld bas c knowled e and apprec at on o story and to concentrate on ts c v c educat on aspects rat er t an on ts knowled e enerat on aspects T e students tended to con late n ormat on learned n t e r ourt rade M c an story un t w t t e r t nk n about t e colon zat on o t e New World and t e development o t e Un ted States as a nat on T s ra ses quest ons about t e w sdom o study n state story n ourt rade pr or to study n U .S story n t rade For a d scuss on o t s ssue, see Brop y, VanSledr t, and Bred n (1991) Some nterest n ac evement level and ender trends appeared n t e nd n s H er ac ev n students enerally s owed bot more entry-level knowled e and more complete learn n about t e top cs addressed n our nterv ews, alt ou t ese d erences were not as lar e as t ey tend to be w t subjects t at students ave been study n or several years T ere also were occas onal nterest n except ons to t e eneral trend, suc as t e act t at t e two students w o rema ned somew at "t rown" by t e not on t at t ey ave t e r own personal stor es, even a ter nstruct on on t e top c, were two o t e our ac evers T e ender d erences were somew at more extens ve and su est ve o nstruct onal mpl cat ons t an were t e ac evement level d erences In t nk n about story, t e boys tended to ocus on reat men and events, w ereas t e rls tended to ocus more on am ly t emes and cond t ons o everyday l v n Students o bot enders need to develop better apprec at on o t e act t at story s not just about amous nd v duals and events but also about c an es n uman customs, culture, and cond t ons o everyday l v n t at ave resulted rom 4 7 8

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story d scover es, nvent ons, and d us on o knowled e T ey also need more exposure to t e accompl s ments o spec c emales Condus on Alon w t related data reported by Levst k and Pappas (1987) and McKeown and Beck (1990), our nd n s nd cate t at enter n t raders are nterested n story and already n possess on o some accurate knowled e o t e past However, suc c ldren are va ue about t e nterpret ve nature o story and about t e work o stor ans, and t ey need ass stance n develop n n t al deas about stor cal top cs and n correct n var ous con lat ons and m sconcept ons We bel eve t at t s poss ble to address t ese problems and teac U .S story to t raders n ways t at emp as ze understand n apprec at on, and appl cat on to l e outs de o sc ool, but t at do n so w ll requ re elp n t e students to see t e value o story as a uman ty and as preparat on or c t zens p, not just as m scellaneous acts to be memor zed n case someone ever asks Endnotes 1 T s work s sponsored n part by t e Center or t e Learn n and Teac n o Elementary Subjects, Inst tute or Researc on Teac n M c an State Un vers ty T e Center or t e Learn n and Teac n o Elementary Subjects s unded pr mar ly by t e O ce o Educat onal Researc and Improvement, U .S Department o Educat on T e op n ons expressed n t s publ cat on do not necessar ly re lect t e pos t on, pol cy, or endorsement o t e O ce or Department (Cooperat ve A reement No 00087C0226) 2 For analys s and add t onal examples o t ese p enomena, see VanSledr t and Brop y ( n press) 4 7 9

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Brop y, VanSledr t & Bred n Append x A : : . t : Jason T m Mark Brad Ned Ter Sue Helen Kay R ta Boys G rls Total Gender Ac evement Level M H M H M M M M M L F H F H F M F M F L Post 1 W at were t e most mportant t n s you learned? Pr mary and Secondary Sources 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 4 1 5 T me l nes/ c ronolo cal order 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 3 2 5 Art acts 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 3 2 5 Oral story/ nterv ews 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 3 4 Arc eolo sts 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 3 4 H stor ans 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 2 Invent ons 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1

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Append x A F t Graders' Ideas About H story Pre 1 W at s story? Re ers to t e past 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 3 5 8 Happened lon a o 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 5 7 Notewort y people or events 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 3 4 Post 2 W at s story? (Study o ) Past 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10 Happened lon a o 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 2 3 Pre 2 W at do stor ans do? Study or teac story 1 0 1 t 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 3 Post 4 W at do stor ans do? Study story/ nd out about t e Past I 1 1 1 t 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 I t 4 3 7

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Brop y, VanSledr t & Bred n Append x A Post 3 W at do arc eolo sts do? D or art acts/t n s rom lon a o 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10 Pre 3 How do stor ans &et n ormat on? Art acts/d s 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 2 4 6 Books 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 2 3 5 Interv ew l v n w tnesses 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 2 4 Post 5 How do stor ans et n ormat on? Books, newspapers 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 4 4 8 Interv ew l v n w tnesses 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 1 4 Art acts, d s 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 2

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Append x A F t Graders' Ideas About H story Pre 4 How do stor ans settle d sputes? Get more or better n ormat on 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 4 2 6 S t ev dence, t en dec de 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 3 4 Consult aut or ty 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 2 2 Post 6 How do stor ans settle d sputes? Get more or better ev dence 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 3 4 S t ev dence, t en dec de 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 3 Consult aut or ty 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Pre 5 How could you dec de w at to bel eve? S t ev dence, t en dec de 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 3 4 7 Consult aut or ty ure 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 4 5

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Brop y, VanSledr t & Bred n Append x A Ole Post 7 How could you dec de w at to bel eve? Get more or better n ormat on 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 3 4 S t ev dence, t en dec de 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 3 Consult aut or ty 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 Vote or survey 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 Pre 6 Do you ave your own personal story? Immed ate yes 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 Eventual yes 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 4 2 6 Unsure or no 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 2

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Append x A F t Graders' Ideas About H story Post 8 Do you ave your own personal l e story? Immed ate yes 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 4 4 8 Eventual yes 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 Unsure or no 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pre 7 Does t e country ave a story? Yes 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10 H story be an at d scovery 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 3 4 7 Country be an v a war or Const tut on 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 Post 9 D d t e Un ted States ave a b rt day? Yes, 4t o July 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10 Pre 8 W at s t s and w at does t tell us? Knows unct on o candlest ck 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10

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Brop y, VanSledr t & Bred n Append x A Post 12 W at are art acts? T n s rom t e past 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10 Spec es "du up" 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 1 3 Ment ons art acts rom own early l e t 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 3 4 Post 13 W at can art acts tell us? How people l ved, w at t ey d d or used 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 3 4 7 Post 11 Are pr mary or secondary sources better? Pr mary better t an secondary 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 3 5 8 Pr mary s rstand account 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 2 3 5 Pre 9 W at s t s and w at does t tell us? Knows unct on o t me l ne 1 1 1 J t 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 10

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Append x A F t Graders' Ideas About H story Pre 10 W y study story? For a job 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 So you w ll know t 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 5 8 Spec c l e appl cat on 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 2 2 4 Post 14 W y study story? For a job 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 So you w ll know t 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 2 3 5 Ment ons spec c l e appl cat on 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Pass tests n sc ool 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 2 Doesn't know 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2

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Brop y, VanSledr t & Bred n Append x A Pre 11 How could story elp you n l e? Doesn't know 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 2 2 4 So you w ll know t 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 2 3 Spec c l e appl cat on 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 1 3 Post 15 How could story elp you n l e? For a job 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 So you w ll know t 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 3 Ment ons spec c l e appl cat on 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 2 Pass tests n sc ool 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 Doesn't know 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 3

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F t Graders' Ideas About H story Re erences Beck, I ., & McKeown, M (1988) Toward mean n ul accounts n story texts or youn learners Educat onal Researc er, 17(6), 31-39 Brop y, J ., VanSledr t, B A ., & Bred n, N (1991) W at do enter n t raders know about Amer can story? (Elementary Subjects Center Ser es No 37) East Lans n : M c an State Un vers ty, Inst tute or Researc on Teac n Center or t e Learn n and Teac n o Elementary Subjects E an, K (1989) Layers o stor cal understand n T eory and Researc n Soc al Educat on, 17, 280-294 En le, S ., & Oc oa, A (1988) Educat on or democrat c c t zens p : Dec s on mak n n t e soc al stud es New York : Teac ers Colle e Press Estvan, F ., & Estvan, E (1959) T e c ld's world : H s soc al percept on New York : G P Putnam's Sons Levst k, L ., & Pappas, C (1987) Explor n t e development o stor cal understand n Journal o Researc and Development n Educat on, 21, 1-15 McKeown, M ., & Beck, I (1990) T e assessment and c aracter zat on o youn learners' knowled e o a top c n story Amer can Educat onal Researc journal, 27, 688-726 O le, D (1986) K-W-L : A teac n model t at develops act ve read n o expos tory text Read n Teac er, 39, 564-570 VanSledr t, B ., & Brop y, J ( n press) Storytell n ma nat on, and anc ul elaborat on n c ldren's stor cal reconstruct ons Amer can Educat onal Researc journal W nebur S ., & W lson, S (1991) Subject-matter knowled e n t e teac n o story In J Brop y (Ed .) Advances n Researc on Teac n (Vol 2, pp 303-345) Greenw c CT : JAI Press Aut ors JERE BROPHY s Un vers ty D st n u s ed Pro essor o Teac er Educat on and Co-D rector o t e Inst tute or Researc on Teac n at M c an State Un vers ty, East Lans n MI 48824-1034 BRUCE A VANSLEDRIGHT s Ass stant Pro essor o Educat on n t e Department o Curr culum and Instruct on, Un vers ty o Maryland, Colle e Park, MD NANCY BREDLIN s a t rade teac er n t e Holt Sc ool D str ct, Holt, MI 489

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Theory and Research in Social Education BOOK REVIEW Book Notes Seidman, I E (1991) Interviewing as Qualitative Research : A guide for researchers in education and the social sciences New York : Teachers College Press $17 .95 Softcover ISBN 0-8077-3074-2 Review by NANCY FICHTMAN DANA, The Pennsylvania State University, State College, PA Historically, educational research has been approached from a positivist paradigm This paradigm, largely behavioristic and experimental, drove the process-product studies that have dominated educational research in the past (Shulman, 1986) Dismayed by the widening gap between theory and practice, many educational researchers are adopting different, more intimate approaches to educational research by moving "inside classrooms to observe, participate, and discuss such phenomena with those who know it best, the teachers and student" (Cole, 1989) With the emergence of this alternative paradigm, generally referred to as interpretive, the role of the educational researcher is changing, with many educational researchers adopting qualitative methodologies to approach their work Qualitative interviewing is often considered a favorite methodological tool of qualitative researchers (Denzin, 1978) Although "the quality of the information obtained during an interview is largely dependent on the interviewer" (Patton, 1990, p 279), few methodological sources focusing on conducting qualitative interviewing in the field of education are available for novice interviewers seeking to improve their interviewing skills Seidman's Interviewing as Qualitative Research : A Guide for Researchers in Education and the Social Sciences ingeniously addresses this need by focusing not only on the skill of qualitative interviewing, but the issues inherent in the process of conducting an interview itself Seidman accomplishes this goal by speaking directly to those most likely to embark on qualitative interviewing for the first time -both doctoral candidates and those more experienced researchers who may be new to qualitative interviewing In so doing, Seidman offers one of the few texts written with teacher educators/researchers in mind Seidman's work will be of particular value to graduate students and their advisors who together are learning about qualitative research as Seidman cites numerous examples of interviewing from both his own work and those of his graduate students The reader's understanding of qualitative interviewing is enhanced as Seidman describes his own 4 9 0

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Nancy Fichtman Dana approaches to writing qualitative research proposals, gaining access to and selecting participants, affirming informed consent, conducting the actual interview, and gathering and analyzing interviewing data Yet, Interviewing as Qualitative Research reaches far beyond a "cookbook" or "how to" approach to interviewing Rather, it helps those new to qualitative inquiry understand the complexity of qualitative research and the interviewing process by placing the technique of interviewing in qualitative research into the larger historical context of educational research For example, as a preface to discussion on interviewing techniques presented later in the text, Seidman states, "those who advocate qualitative approaches are in danger of becoming as doctrinaire as those who once held the monopoly on educational research and advocated quantitative approaches What are needed are not formulaic approaches to enhancing either validity or trustworthiness but understanding and respect for the issues that underlie those terms We must grapple with them, doing our best to increase our ways of knowing and of avoiding ignorance, realizing that our efforts are quite small in the larger scale of things ." Seidman illustrates his continual grappling with the issues of qualitative interviewing by sharing his own narrative reflections on his past research In addition, he places qualitative interviewing into the social context in which it is always embedded by discussing the social forces of race, class, and gender A strength of the text is the invitation extended to the reader to continue grappling with the aforementioned issues through the inclusion of direction to other sources that offer differing theorists' perspectives on the interviewing process An additional strength of this book lies in Seidman's assertion that any student of qualitative inquiry must "understand something about the history of science, the development of positivism, and the critique of positivism as it is applied to the social sciences in general and in the field of education in particular Without this background, qualitative researchers do not know what they do not know about methodology Consequently, their rationale for choosing a qualitative over a quantitative approach may not be as well grounded as it could be ." While Seidman's point is well articulated, he fell short of a clear opportunity to remind doctoral candidates and their professors of the corollary argument--Without knowledge of the history of science, quantitative researches do not know what they do not know about method and consequently, their rationale for choosing quantitative over qualitative approach may not be as well grounded as it could be With this argument in mind, I recommend Seidman's Interviewing as Qualitative Research not only for his intended audience of doctoral students and educational researchers engaging in qualitative inquiry, but for doctoral students and their professors who engage in quantitative inquiry as well Seidman's work offers a 4 9 1

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Theory and Research in Social Education comprehensive perspective of the nature of qualitative inquiry and the art of interviewing and serves as an excellent point of departure for the discussion of qualitative interviewing in the larger context of the educational research community References Cole, A J (1989) Researcher and teacher : Partners in theory building Journal of Education for Teaching, 15(3), 225-237 Denzin, N (1978) The research act : A theoretical introduction to sociological methods Chicago : Aldine Patton, M Q (1990) Qualitative evaluation and research methods Newbury Park, California : SAGE Publications Shulman, L (1986) Paradigms and research programs in the study of teaching : A contemporary perspective In M Wittrock (Ed .) Handbook of research on teaching (3rd ed ., pp 3-36) New York : Macmillan 4 9 2

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REACTION AND RESPONSE Editor's Note : James Leming's article, "Ideological Perspectives Within the Social Studies Profession : An Empircal Examination of the Two Cultures Thesis," which was published in the Summer 1992 issue of TRSE, was first presented as a paper at the annual meeting in Washington, D .C in November, 1991 Walter Parker was the reactor to Leming's paper at that time, and we therefore invited him to prepare his oral remarks for publication in print What follows is his reaction to the Leming article, followed by Leming's response BACK TO THE MELTING POT? A RESPONSE TO LEMING Walter C Parker University of Washington I James S Leming's paper is a welcome addition to the literature on the old and messy tension between town and gown It provokes reflection on our work as professors of social studies education, on the place of diversity among us and, more to the point, between us and other groups, namely, school teachers, the general public, and the political elite These are worthy topics Leming has given us two papers, really, one a political tract and the other an opinion poll The political tract suggests principles and strategies for increased influence by professors of social studies education on the conduct of social studies education in the nation's public schools On my reading, this is the main paper, the one that signals the author's project It is the conceptual centerpiece of the larger, combined paper, though it gets less space and then only at the beginning and end The other paper, longer yet subsumed by the first, is a Gallup-style, forced-choice political opinion poll of 58 percent of the 450 members of the College and University Faculty Assembly (CUFA) of the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) The opinions of this group, whom Leming calls the "intellectual leadership" of the social studies field, are compared to those of teachers in general, social studies teachers in particular, and the general public Together, Leming's two papers are a period piece (Of course, it could not be otherwise .) They reveal much of the present professional landscape : Intense popular frustration over social problems that are without solution or apparent strategy ; rising expectations that the school system will solve these problems ; attacks on teacher educators as a group ; competition for school time from other subject areas ; a perception among some that the social studies field is in "disarray" (a Theory and Research in Social Education 4 9 3

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Reaction and Response favored word of critics) ; and now, the capstone : The history lobby's revival and quick ascension to the White House Leming writes about these affairs at some points explicitly but at others only indirectly and unavoidably because they so suffuse the moment in which he writes Here I will summarize the papers, show how their combination in a single work led wrongly to the identification of liberalism as the cause of social studies' troubles, and suggest that the political solution Leming proposes is neither political nor desirable II This work is an extension of Professor Leming's Social Education article of a few years ago (1989), the thesis of which was that there are two groups, cultures really, of social studies professionals They are social studies teachers--doers, and college and university professors-theorists In the earlier article, the differences between the two cultures were characterized as an ideological gulf drawn along political lines Teachers are conservatives intent on socialization ; social studies professors are liberals or revolutionaries intent on countersocialization In the present work, Leming acknowledges the lack of evidence on the "nature and extent" of the gulf, and he sets out to gather it Using a composite questionnaire, he finds that the responding CUFA members are indeed different from teachers On the whole, they identify more with the Democratic party, consider themselves liberal, have little faith in the economic system or in religion as sources of solutions to social problems, pray less, have liberal positions on policy issues (e .g ., death penalty ; abortion), and rank citizenship as the most important goal of education So what? For Leming's answer, we must move into the other paper, the political tract Leming believes that social studies education, like education in general, has come under increasing public scrutiny because of the recent "decline in confidence in the product of our educational system ." This scrutiny has revealed what Leming believes his data now support : The current social studies leadership is a "collection of extreme liberals out of touch with contemporary society ." It has "marginalized" itself, particularly through its socially progressive citizenship-education agenda, effectively removing itself from influence over, even participation in, the making of curriculum policy Not only the term social studies, but the very idea of social studies has fallen out of favor with the political elite, which now regard social studies as the "great dismal swamp" of the school curriculum The remedy? Leming believes that the field's "intellectual leadership" should "redress those factors that have contributed to that state of affairs ." Specifically, it should articulate a statement of the goals of the field that will win the support of teachers, the public, and 4 9 4

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Theory and Research in Social Education the political elite This would rule out social studies' traditional goal of educating for citizenship because, on Leming's analysis, it is perceived by the public as a liberal, even revolutionary, political project Second, the leadership should come to grips with the fact that education, especially social studies education, is a conserving institution, not a progressive one Consequently, returning to the first remedy, the goal needs to be articulated in conservative terms, which Leming gives us : "in a word, knowledge . accurate knowledge of American history, traditions and the social world ." And what about civic competence? Leming advises that to the extent this goal even is mentioned it, too, must be defined in conservative terms Again, Leming supplies them : "developing loyalty and commitment to our nation and its core culture and democratic values ." III Numerous sparks fly up from these papers, each wanting a response that space here does not allow Let me just mention two of the work's lesser problems after which I will give greater space to what in my judgment are its more important problems First, a response surely is needed to the assumption that CUFA members compose the "intellectual leadership" of the social studies field Let it suffice for the moment just to note that the idea of "intellectual leadership" of a field is hugely problematic What does the term mean? And what particularly does it mean when the field is not a discipline but a profession? If by intellectual leadership (and this is a big if) Professor Leming means influence over the thinking and doing of others who also are in some way associated with the field, then let us recognize that such might be the case in a center-to-periphery Confucian society, but it is a weak assumption in this society in these times Indeed, Leming seems to acknowledge the point in his aside about ideological differences between town and gown making for funny cartoons in the New Yorker, but not much else The second concerns the validity of responses One wonders what sort of reception the social studies "leadership" gave a forced-choice political opinion poll that issued from someone already well known for his "ideological gulf" hypothesis The effect on responses cannot be known, but by way of analogy readers might imagine the reception artists would give a questionnaire from Senator Jesse Helms concerning their sexual preferences Furthermore, and regardless of its sponsor, what was the reception given such a question as "Do you ever pray to God?" followed by "Check one"--yes or no The question and its response options are incomprehensible for members whose metaphysics lie outside monotheism 4 9 5

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Reaction and Response IV Let me turn now to the work's greater difficulties, one concerning causes and the other concerning solutions The problem Leming identifies and for which he proposes solutions, as we have seen, is the decline of social studies The field is in "crisis ." Social studies has "fallen out of favor" in relation to pure history and geography, he tells us, and the primary cause is CUFA members' liberal political ideology But, wait How did we get from problem to cause? Remember that Leming has given us two papers, not one The combining of the two papers, especially the location of the opinion poll inside the political tract, creates an illusion of relation The empirical data Leming presents serve to specify his use of the term liberalism and more or less support the ideological gulf hypothesis But they do no more than this Only by some leap does the "intellectual leadership's" liberalism become the cause of the social studies' troubles Neither proof nor convincing argument is offered here for the causal relationship implied What we learn from these data is that those CUFA members who responded to the survey are more liberal, at least by this measure, than social studies teachers and the general public These are interesting data, for they tell us something about some of the people (an unrepresentative minority, to be sure) who are educating the nation's social studies teachers But the question remains, So what? There are, I think, two more likely causes of social studies' troubles The first can be found in an argument Leming himself made in his "two cultures" article (1989) The citizenship goal is too vague to do anybody any good, he argued It has so many meanings that, as another scholar put it, "it may be used to encourage whatever is happening in the curriculum to go on happening" (Longstreet, 1985, p .22) The complaint now, we should recognize, is not about the citizenship goal's alleged liberal social agenda but, on an entirely different front, its nebulous quality-the fact that no consensus has been reached on what sort of agenda it might require So, which is it? Is the citizenship goal liberal or is it too vague to tell? The vagueness complaint is a good one Its essence, as I have argued elsewhere (1990), is that the citizenship goal can mean anything to anybody ; consequently, this goal works reasonably well as a rhetorical device in the written curriculum-at the front of curriculum guides especially, but malfunctions in the taught curriculum, where its vague quality allows present practices to become ever more deeply entrenched This alone could cause the "wretched" situation that Chester Finn abhors (quoted in Leming) But, and here is my point, if the ubiquitous vagueness of its principal goal is indeed contributing to social studies' troubles, the remedy is not to abandon the goal but to clarify and specify it An invisible target is impossible for an archer to 4 9 6

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Theory and Research in Social Education hit, no matter how good her aim The remedy surely is not to ban archery or ridicule the archer, but to find the target Clarifying and specifying the citizenship goal is a consensual project The work needed is straightforward enough : A curriculum committee needs to have conversations about the goal, exploring alternative meanings, and working toward representations of the goal that are practical That is, they should (a) function fairly well as a guide for content selection ; (b) specify kinds of learning experiences that should prevail (hence, also the forums, climate, and types of instruction) ; and (c) make clear for students what it means to achieve the goal Not that this is easy work Conversations about issues that matter to people never are But it is an attractively direct response to the problem Leaving the problem of vague targets, let me turn to a second possible cause for social studies' troubles Leming tells us that CUFA members have located themselves on the liberal fringe of contemporary educational discourse, speaking a liberal fringe language, rather than at its center, speaking in a conservative mainstream voice On my reading, the fringe complaint has some validity but only if the adjective liberal is removed The fringe complaint, which is different from the liberal fringe complaint, can be justified on the grounds that one can observe a flight by the social studies professoriate It is a flight to the outlands from the central problems and concerns of the field It is not, to be sure, a mass migration or a total abandonment of the field ; nor is it so infrequent or subtle as to escape detection Flight is Joseph Schwab's (1969) term for detachment from the practical affairs of curriculum, that is, its problems, questions, and methods Flight, I am suggesting, not liberalism is the phenomenon that deserves our attention I should emphasize, as did Schwab, that flight is a problem to which all fields of inquiry are susceptible and, therefore, not a condition that warrants shame The members of any field of study bound by canons of inquiry sufficient to make its methods self-consciously reflective and disciplined are certain to run up against situations where they have learned enough to know that the old ways are inadequate Flight is a sign that a situation of this sort has obtained Let me suggest four varieties of flight from the social studies field I use Schwab's terms, adding my interpretation T ranslocation This is a flight from the field itself, a shift in the location of its problems and attempts to solve them to other fields, for example, to educational psychology, philosophy, history, the social sciences, global education, law-related education, and gender and ethnic heritage studies 4 9 7

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Reaction and Response U pward This is a flight from talk about the problems of the field to talk about that talk, from use to nonuse of the field's methods and principles, from grounded theory to models, metamodels, and metatheoretical talk about models S idelines This is a flight from the messy activity of the playing field to the tidy sidelines, to the ivory tower, to the role of bemused and aloof observer of the activity of others P erseveration This is another way to avoid the playing field, now by retreating to the analyses and discourses of a prior day, superimposing them on present problems While flights upward are not grounded at all, this flight is grounded, not in the present but in old habits Space does not permit the illustrations needed to elaborate my view that flights have occurred and are sufficiently numerous as to pose a threat to the vitality of the social studies field But before leaving the topic let me stress, with Schwab, that flights away from the field are not necessarily equally damaging Flights upward, for example, are threatening when they venture so far as to lose sight of the field In such cases, engaged problem finding and problem solving are abandoned for an exosphere so thoroughly removed from the concerns of the field that model building and category spinning become ends in themselves On the other hand, flights upward can be enormously helpful in breaking perseveration's grip Judicious flights upward permit us, in Freire's (1985) terms, to be both in the world and sufficiently disentangled from it to be with it--with it in a way that opens the possibility of acting on it, transforming it, seeing through it V I will end by turning from causes to solutions Leming believes, recall, that liberalism in the professoriate is the cause of social studies' troubles The solution he proposes is straightforward : remove the cause Accordingly, he asks CUFA members to become more mainstream, more conservative, to articulate "a view of the purposes of the field that can marshal the support of teachers, the general public and the political establishment ." Giving such political advice, let me be clear, is not a problem Indeed it is admirable--not so much the content of the advice but his casting social studies' troubles in political terms, and his willingness to offer political advice (This is, after all, the opposite of fleeing the field .) The problem, instead, is that the political advice he offers, remarkably, eschews politics! He asks social studies professors not to redouble their efforts to influence policy, not to argue more effectively their views and advance more forcefully 4 9 8

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Theory and Research in Social Education their visions, but to change their tune, reverse their values, and withhold their competence--in a phrase, to tow the line and shut up Why? So that the playing field will be left to a unitary voice--a mainstream voice, a voice that has been trimmed clean of opposition and annoyance Leming's solution, then, is yet another sort of flight He asks professors to play politics by fleeing politics He asks in one breath that CUFA members "reenter the national dialogue about the future of social studies education" but adds in the next that they should leave their voices at the door This is an anti-democratic solution It is founded on a politics and philosophy of homogeneity and thus cannot help but sponsor a oneparty system It is a step backward to "melting pot" ideology (colonialism dressed up for the industrial age) for it shuns the possibility that from pluralism can arise civic intelligence Limiting the widest possible articulation of ideas and exchange of views, let us be clear, leaves everyone ultimately dumber and not one person smarter : Not one teacher, one professor, one student, or one politician But I overstate my point I mean only to suggest that the proper course of action for the social studies professoriate is not to muzzle itself To the contrary, it should vigorously engage the field's problems and assert itself (itselves, really, for there is no need to to pretend we are of one voice) Troubled times tempt populations of all kinds to flee the clatter of democracy for martial law--presenting a common front, rounding up dissidents, and in general, eschewing the free interplay of ideas because some awful threat seems to justify it Yet it remains that good education is multicultural education, that good science includes criticism as a matter of course, that good politics seeks to comprehend diversity, not stamp it out ; that, in short, democracy is daily labor, fully engaged with differences of all sorts, not a relic passed whole from one generation to another Good curriculum policy is no different References Freire, P (1985) The politics of education New York : Bergin & Garvey Leming, J S (1989) The two cultures of social studies education Social Education 53, pp 404-408 Longstreet, W (1985) Citizenship : The phantom core of social studies Theory and Research in Social Education 13, pp 21-29 Parker, W .C (1990) Assessing citizenship Educational Leadership 48, pp 17-22 Schwab, J .J (1969) The practical : A language for curriculum School Review 77, pp 1-23 4 9 9

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Reaction and Response James S Leming responds : CORRECT, BUT NOT POLITICALLY CORRECT? A RESPONSE TO PARKER Parker's response to my article raises important questions about the quality of the research and the line of argument that follows the presentation of the data Parker is correct in noting that the article being discussed is really two papers under a single title The first paper is a survey research study ; the second an extension of a line of argument presented in my original "two cultures" article (Leming, 1989) It was this article that served as the basis for the survey research According to accepted canons of empirical research, one should not stray far from one's data when discussing the results of one's study Even though I labeled the final section "Commentary," I did consciously violate this canon in my article My reason for doing so was in anticipation of the very question trenchantly raised by Parker in his reaction : "So What?" Since the origins of this research arose from a political analysis of the problems besetting the social studies profession, and since the data collected partially supported some of my earlier speculations in this regard, it seemed appropriate to return to the earlier analysis and to extend the argument at this point Since the two papers can stand alone, and since Parker's analysis is organized roughly along the lines of the two parts of my article, I will turn to the questions raised in two sections Questions Regarding Research Design Parker's critique of the research restates limitations discussed in the article He questions whether the accessible population (members of CUFA) are representative of the target population--a group I have referred to as the intellectual leadership of the social studies profession He also questions if the term "intellectual leadership" is a meaningful one Finally, questions are raised regarding the nature of the questionnaire items To offer convincing evidence that the membership of CUFA is a representative sample of the intellectual leadership of the profession would require that it be shown that the most influential statements on the nature of the social studies have been authored by CUFA members I did not have the resources to conduct this inquiry when I wrote the original article, but in preparing this response I did conduct a quick analysis of whether the lead authors of the 53 chapters in the Handbook of Teaching and Learning in Social Studies Education (Shaver, 1991) were currently, or had been recently, CUFA members I 5 0 0

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Theory and Research in Social Education found that 37 of the lead authors (70%) had held CUFA membership during the past five years This is not the only possible test of this claim, but based on this evidence it is reasonable to conclude that CUFA members comprise a plurality of the most respected theorists and researchers in the field of social studies education One assumption made in this study was that within any professional group there exists a group of individuals who over time set the parameters and agenda for discussion regarding the nature of the profession and the important issues facing that group I agree with Parker that the precise identification of those who are, and those who are not, members of this group is a difficult task, and I would be hard pressed to come up with a rigorous definition of the group or an exhaustive list of individual members I assume that my inability to do so, however, does not mean that the group is fictive In Parker's response, he refers to a group of individuals as the political elite I would suggest that terms such as "political elite" and "intellectual leadership," although defying precise definition, do communicate a common, albeit general, understanding A final question raised by Parker about my research design was related to the reliability of the responses to the questions and of the forced-choice nature of the questionnaire items themselves Parker suspects that there may have been a tendency for the respondents to answer items dishonestly (or to not respond at all) because the source of the questionnaire was an individual who possessed a relatively wellknown and somewhat critical view of the accessible population I am puzzled as to what the pattern of these suspected unreliable responses might be Parker is not clear on this matter Let us imagine two CUFA members, Mr X and Ms Y Mr X, a naturally critical and conservative fellow, find himself in fundamental agreement with Leming's "two cultures" thesis Ms Y, on the other hand, a staunch believer in the power of social studies education to reshape American society, finds herself in fundamental disagreement How would they respond? Mr X would have no possible motivation to respond dishonestly, for he knows what the results of the research will be Ms Y could choose to answer the items honestly, or she could choose to answer the questions in such a way as to attempt to undermine Leming's thesis ; that is, fake conservative It is unlikely that Ms Y would fake liberal and thereby consciously attempt to support Leming's hypothesis If the CUFA membership is in aggregate liberal, and liberal respondents faked conservative, then the liberal pattern of the responses reported in the study is low It is possible that those who disagreed with Leming on the issue were more likely not to respond than those who agree This also would result in an under-reporting of liberal responses It would 5 0 1

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Reaction and Response appear that if there is a response bias it would result in an underreporting of liberal responses Parker correctly points out that the forced-choice nature of the questionnaire items restricts the respondents' range of response on some controversial and complex issues As I mentioned in the original article, this was a necessary limitation of the research design It was beyond the resources of the researcher to use an open-ended questionnaire format and to constitute new national samples for all of the populations reported One cannot ask one set of respondents one set of questions and another set of respondents a different set, and still expect to make valid comparisons between groups Differences in the precise wording of questionnaire items can, especially with regard to controversial and complex questions, produce very different responses from respondents I assumed that the incidence of individuals who found that the questionnaire items failed to assess adequately their own more complex opinions was distributed equally among the different samples I see no reason to assume that CUFA members had more complex positions on the issues than did the general public or social studies teachers or that the items somehow biased one groups' responses in a way that it did not for the other samples Questions Regarding the Political Analysis of the Social Studies Profession Parker found the argument presented in the "Commentary" section of the article lacking on two accounts First, he objected to the identification of liberalism as the source of the problems of the social studies profession Second, he found my proposed remedy for the situation unsatisfactory and even frightening He then offered up his own analysis of the primary problem facing the profession-clarity of the conception of citizenship-and proposed his own solution, achieving clarity through committee deliberation Parker found a lack of proof and/or convincing evidence with regard to my argument that liberalism is at the heart of the problems facing the profession today Let me briefly restate that position so that if it is not convincing, at least it is clearer The argument can be stated in the form of four propositions : 1 Conceptions of citizenship as an educational goal are shaped by the political ideology of the proponent(s) of that view 2 Those individuals who have been the most active with regard to the articulation of citizenship as the goal for the social studies hold positions that are consistent with 5 0 2

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Theory and Research in Social Education liberal ideological positions--see my discussion of Engle and Ochoa in Leming (1989) as an example of this phenomenon 3 Practitioners of social studies (i .e ., public and private school social studies teachers) do not generally share the socially progressive conception of citizenship and the goals of the social studies as espoused by the intellectual leadership of the profession 4 In a profession where the publicly presented goals of the field are not consistent with mainstream thought and practice, that profession is divided and thereby weakened The profession may seem to be at odds with itself or more fundamentally at odds with the political base that, in general, supports the current practice of the profession in the field I suspect, however, that the logic underlying my argument was not what exercised Parker so, but rather my failure to present evidence for the alleged link between liberalism and the current state of the profession In response to this call for evidence, I must fall back, at least in this brief response, on the well-known adage that data is the plural of anecdote Space prevents an extended presentation at this point, but I will mention two events that recently occurred within the profession that I feel are representative of the link between liberalism and professional weakness First is the incident, tellingly described by Evans and Nieto (1991), that occurred at the leadership dinner hosted by Procter and Gamble during the 1989 annual meeting of NCSS in St Louis It is hard to think of a more compelling example of how kneejerk liberal dogma could be applied in a thoughtless, rude, and politically unastute manner to the detriment of the organization I will not describe what happened at the dinner again here, but I urge those interested to read the account and ask themselves if the rationalizations offered by Evans and Nieto are any reasonable substitute for courtesy, common sense, or even the crudest level of political astuteness A second and related example of the deleterious impact of liberal ideology on the profession can be found in the current paranoia among some members of CUFA over the alleged hegemonic intentions of textbook publishers with regard to NCSS This concern is symptomatic of an attitude held by some members of NCSS and has resulted in ruthless attacks on any person who, or position that, does not toe the politically correct line I have witnessed numerous cases where teachers and influential national leaders have left encounters with some members of the social studies intellectual leadership either 5 0 3

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Reaction and Response bewildered by the use of obtuse jargon, or outraged over savage attacks on the expression of politically "incorrect" positions These incidents drive a wedge of misunderstanding between the organization and important groups with whom we need to work constructively It seems for some CUFA members, anyone who is pro big business or who represents middle class values is somehow suspect and has to be brought into the proper political consciousness I suggest that these two cases are typical of the effort by selected members of the intellectual leadership to control the organization in a manner consistent with a particular ideological position By discussing these examples in this response I do not intend to implicate Parker in either of these cases I raise the question merely to illustrate my claim (which Parker disputes) that the unfettered liberalism of certain selected and highly vocal members of the intellectual leadership, who voice their political views in a dogmatic and politically naive manner, is a significant source of the current malaise in the profession These incidents are not examples of a healthy debate, but rather, in my judgment, a formula for professional weakness I was surprised to find that when I called for the development of a "politically astute rationale for citizenship education" and "the articulation of a view (of citizenship) that can marshall support of teachers, general public, and the political establishment" that I had, according to Parker, suggested that the intellectual leadership "not redouble efforts to influence but to change our tune ;" "reverse their values and withhold competence ;" "toe the line and shut up ;" and, "leave the field to a single voice--trimmed clean of opposition and annoyance ." Finally, Parker suggests that I have proposed . .an undemocratic solution ." One of the many valuable things that I have learned over the years from my colleagues in CUFA has been to develop my sensitivity to the political dimensions of curriculum and schooling I must admit that I have questioned their perspective at times ; however, I have gradually come to appreciate the increased richness that this perspective provides in understanding questions of curriculum I have begun to ask questions such as : Whose interests are served by present arrangements? Who benefits from proposed changes? Who has power over whom? and so forth I have learned to view matters in a politically sensitive manner I find now that I have not learned my lesson well--my analysis of the professions' troubles may have been political but, according to Parker, they were not politically correct ; that is, I have not concluded that the interests served by present arrangements in the profession are the maintenance of current social and political positions and power, but rather I have concluded that the interests served by the present debate represent the hegenomy that 5 0 4

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Theory and Research in Social Education selected members of the intellectual leadership wish to exercise over the discourse about the profession After finding my analysis lacking, Parker offers up his own analysis and proposed solution to the problems of the profession He finds the major problem to be a lack of clarity regarding the conception of citizenship The solution he proposes is the negotiation of consensus through committee deliberation I agree with Parker that the vagueness of the conception of citizenship is an important issue facing the profession, but would argue that clarity would not necessarily be a solution to the problem I have posed unless this more clear conception were in some way a centrist position A more clear position, but one that is a fringe position, such as that of Engle and Ochoa (1989), is in my judgment no solution to what I interpret as a political problem facing the profession Parker's means for solving the problem of clarity lies in the model of the curriculum renewal committee (Parker, 1991) The problem with Parker's proposed solution is that it is a model appropriate for local needs applied to what I think is a much bigger and different problem From this perspective I would argue that Parker's solution in Schwabian terms represents a flight downward--a return to the subject matter in a state of innocence ; a new pristine look at the subject free of inherent and inexorable dilemmas I would argue that general agreement regarding the proper goals of social studies education can be found at the building or district level Debate does not rage on this matter in the field It is not that teachers, administrators and the public don't ever sit down and think carefully Thoughtfully developed social studies curricula exist in many schools These curricula are consistent with local ideology and values The problem as I see it is that the conception regarding the goals of social studies education held at the local level in this country are not shared by the intellectual leadership of the profession The second problem I have with Parker's analysis is that I don't think it will work at the national level Today there is within NCSS a frantic effort once again to define the social studies Such efforts have been a recurring aspect of the history of the field If calm deliberation alone could result in a clear definition of the field, the issue would have been resolved long ago I am still perplexed regarding the precise sources of the definitional difficulty faced by the field, but the solution, I am convinced, is as much political as it is deliberative One evening after rereading Parker's response, I turned on the television set and watched the apparent rebirth of the Democratic party at their national convention Here was a case where a political party, after decades of ideological excess, decided to seek out a platform and a candidate who could once again speak to the concerns of the middle class In so doing, the party apparently has abandoned old 5 0 5

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Reaction and Response fringe positions and policies, taken careful assessment of the political landscape, and positioned itself so that once again it has the potential to exercise increased political power by winning control of the executive branch of our government One does not have to be of any particular political stripe to recognize, at least judging from recent public opinion polls, that this has been a politically astute move Although the analogy I am proposing is not an exact one, what I am suggesting is little different : Find the center and begin to position oneself in order to be an effective voice within that venue If the struggle for the curriculum in America's schools is largely a political enterprise, then does it not make sense to participate in that struggle in a politically astute manner? I would like to be optimistic in this regard, but more likely, judging from Parker's reaction to my suggestion, I think that we will stand on the platform arguing about where we wish to go as the train for a new destination takes off without us References Engle, S H ., & Ochoa, A S (1988) Education for Democratic Citizenship New York : Teachers College Press Evans, R W & Nieto, J (1991) Power and discourse in a professional organization : Contexts and contradictions Social Education, (55), 223-224 Leming, J S (1989) The two cultures of social studies education Social Education, 53, 404-408 Parker W C (1991) Renewing the social studies curriculum Alexandria, VA : Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development Shaver, J P (Ed .) (1991) Handbook of research on social studies teaching and learning New York : Macmillan 5 0 6

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Fall, 1992 INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS Theory and Research in Social Education is designed to stimulate and communicate systematic research and thinking in social education The purpose is to foster the creation and exchange of ideas and research findings that will expand knowledge about purposes, conditions, and effects of schooling and education about society and social relations Conceptualizations and research from all of the social sciences, philosophy, history and the arts are needed in clarifying thinking and practice in social educaton Manuscripts are welcomed on topics such as those that follow : *Purposes of social education ; *Models, theories, and related frameworks concerning the development, diffusion, and adoption of curricular materials ; *Instructional strategies ; -The relation of the social sciences, philosophy, history and/or the arts to social education ; *Alternative social organizations and utilizations of the school for social education ; -Comparative studies of alternative models of social education ; *Models of and research on alternative schemas for student participation and social action ; -Relationship of different preand in-service patterns of teacher training to social education ; *Models of the utilization of objectives in social education and related research findings ; *Implications of learning theory, child development research, socialization and political socialization research for the purposes and practice of social education ; -The relationship of different independent, explanatory variables to educational achievements in the area of learning about society and social relations ; *The social climate and cohesion of schools and other school characteristics as independent, explanatory variables predicting general achievement In most cases, submissions will be reviewed blind by a panel of at least three reviewers When we send a manuscript out for review, we shall ask reviewers to judge the author's work in terms of six criteria : -significance (i .e ., the contribution of the manuscript to knowledge about the human condition) ; *scholarship (i .e ., the accuracy and thoroughness reflected) ; 5 0 7

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Fall, 1992 -methodological sophistication (the adequacy of the author's research design) ; -originality (i .e ., the uniqueness of the manuscript) ; *lucidity (i .e ., the clarity of the author's writing) ; -timeliness (i .e ., whether or not the manuscript is up-to-date) Submission of Manuscripts All manuscripts submitted will be considered for publication Manuscripts (five copies) should be addressed to : Dr Jack R Fraenkel, Editor Theory and Research in Social Education Research & Development Center School of Education (Burk Hall 238) San Francisco State University San Francisco, CA 94132 In addition, please send a 3 .5" disk containing your manuscript (including tables), formatted in Microsoft Word 4 .0 or 5 .0 ; the disk will be used in the final editing of your manuscript for publication Manuscripts are considered for publication with the understanding that they are original material and have not been submitted elsewhere for publication Ordinarily, manuscripts will not be returned TR S E is a refereed journal Manuscripts are sent to outside reviewers This is a time-consuming process Reviewers of individual manuscripts remain anonymous, although outside reviewers are identified in each issue of the journal Specifications for Manuscripts All material submitted for publication must conform to the style of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association : Third Edition (1983) Abstract All manuscripts should be sent with an abstract of 100-150 words Typescript Manuscripts should be typed on 8 1 /2 x 11-inch paper, upper and lower case, double-spaced, with 1 1 /2 inch margins on all sides Subheads should be used at reasonable intervals to break the monotony of lengthy texts Only words to be set in italics (according to the APA style manual) should be underlined ; sentence structure--not italics or quotation marks--must be used for emphasis Abbreviations and acronyms should be spelled out at first mention unless found as entries in their abbreviated form in Webster's Ninth Collegiate Dictionary (e .g ., IQ needs no explanation) Pages should be numbered consecutively 5 0 8

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Fall, 1992 Length Manuscripts should typically run between 12 and 30 pages in typed length Author Identification The complete title of the manuscript and the names of the author(s) should be typed on a separate sheet to assure anonymity in the review process The first text page of the article should have the complete title of the manuscript, but no list of the author(s) Subsequent pages should carry only a running head The first-named author or the coauthor who will be handling correspondence with the editor should submit a complete address and telephone number Footnotes and References Footnotes are explanations or amplifications of textual material They are distracting to readers and expensive to set ; accordingly, they should be avoided whenever possible When they must occur, they should be typed on a separate sheet and numbered consecutively throughout the manuscript A reference list contains only those references that are cited in the text Their accuracy and completeness are the responsibility of the author(s) Tables, Figures, and Illustrations The purpose of tables and figures is to present data to the reader in a clear and unambiguous manner Authors should not describe the data in the text in such detail that either illustrations or the text is redundant Figures and tables should be keyed to the text Tables should each be typed on a separate sheet and attached at the end of the manuscript Figure captions also should be typed on a separate sheet All figures and tables must be included on the Microsoft Word disk that accompanies the manuscript Photocopies may accompany the additional copies of the manuscript Book Reviews Book Reviews (five copies) should be sent to : Dr Perry Marker School of Education Sonoma State University 1801 E Cotati Avenue Rohnert Park, CA 94928 5 0 9

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Fall, 1992 The length may vary from 500 to 3500 words The format for the top of the first page is as follows : Author (last name first) Title (in italics) City of publication : Publisher, date of publication, total number of pages, list price Reviewer's name, followed by institutional address, complete with zip code Like all manuscripts, book review manuscripts should follow the guidelines described above 5 1 0

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Theory and Research in Social Education Fall, 1992 James L Barth Purdue University Allan R Brandhorst University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Ambrose Clegg Kent State University Richard A Diem University of Texas at San Antonio James Eckenrod San Francisco, CA Ronald Evans San Diego State University Jesus Garcia Indiana University Nancy R King Towson State University Gloria J Ladson-Billings University of Wisconsin Linda Levstik University of Kentucky Eric Luce University of So Mississippi Peter H Martorella North Carolina State University Merry M Merryfield Ohio State University Walter C Parker University of Washington Stuart B Palonsky University of Missouri at Columbia Wayne Ross State University of New York at Albany James P Shaver Utah State University Sam Shermis Purdue University Robert J Stahl Arizona State University William B Stanley University of Delaware Lynda Stone University of Hawaii-Manoa Norman E Wallen San Francisco State University 5 1 1

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Summer,1992 Mary Haas (1994) University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee West Virginia University P .O Box 413 t College of Education Milwaukee, WI 53201 t Morgantown, WV 26506-6122 414-229-4842 t 304-293-3442 Mark Schug (1992), Chair Wayne Ross (1993), Chair-elect SUNY-Albany School of Education Education 122 Albany, NY 12222 518-442-5020 Terrie Epstein (1991), Immediate Past Chair Boston College School of Education Chestnut Hall, MA 02167-3813 617-552-4195 Jeffrey Cornett (1994), Secretary University of Central Florida College of Education Orlando, FL 32816 407-823-2161 Jane Bernard-Powers (1993) San Francisco State University School of Education San Francisco, CA 94132 415-338-1562 Ronald Evans (1993) San Diego State University School of Teacher Education San Diego, CA 92182 619-453-2640 Marilyn Johnston (1993) Ohio State University 257 Arps Hall 1945 North High Street Columbus, OH 43210 614-292-8020 Margaret Laughlin (1994) University of Wisconsin-Green Bay Program in Education Green Bay, WI 54311 414-465-2057 Cynthia Sunal (1992) University of Alabama College of Education Tuscaloosa, AL 35487 205-348-6091 Jack R Fraenkel, Editor--TRSE San Francisco State University School of Education (BH 238) San Francisco, CA 94132 415-338-2510 5 1 2

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Theory and Research in Social Education t Summer, 1992 The National Council for the Social Studies Officers 1992-1993 Charlotte Anderson, President 721 Foster Street Evanston, IL 60201 (0) : (312) 321-3903 (H) : (708) 328-1908 Ans Service (708) 328-1908 Denny Schillings, President-elect Homewood-Flossmoor High School Homewood, IL 60430 708-799-3000 1992 CUFA Program Co-chairs Jean Fair 10 Clinton Lane Dearborn, MI 48120 313-271-8724 Sharon Pray Muir Oakland University 510 O'Dowd Hall Department of Education Rochester, MI 48309-4401 313-370-3070 5 1 3

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Theory t and Research in Social Education NCSS 3501 Newark Street, NW Washington, DC 20016 Second Class Postage Paid at Washington, D .C and additional mailing offices


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