Theory and research in social education

Theory and research in social education

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Theory and research in social education
National Council for the Social Studies -- College and University Faculty Assembly
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4W IN SOCIAL EDUCATION IN THIS ISSUE I From the Editor E Wayne Ross t Resisting Test Mania Rich Gibson t Paulo Freire and Pedagogy for Social Justice Burton Weltman t The Message and the Medium :The Roots/Routes of Jerome Bruner's Postmodernism Stuart J Foster t Thinking Aloud About History : Children's and John D Hoge t Adolescents' Responses to Historical Photographs Warren Prior t What It Means to be a "Good Citizen" in Australia : Perceptions of Teachers, Students, and Parents Viewpoint Rudolfo Chavez Chavez W(R)i(t/d)ing on the Border : Reading Our Borderscape Book Review Ronald L VanSickle t Becoming Political : Comparative Perspectives on Citizenship Education The Journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies Volume 27 Number 2 Spring 1999


IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Volume 27 Number 2 Spring 1999 NCSS The Official Journal of the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies Published quarterly, Theory and Research in Social Education is a general review open to all social studies educators, social scientists, historians, and philosophers A general statement of purpose can be found at the end of the journal €Copyright 1999 by the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies All rights reserved


THEORY AND RESEARCH IN SOCIAL EDUCATION €1999 College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies No written permission is necessary to reproduce a table, a figure, or an excerpt of fewer than 500 words from this journal, or to make photocopies for classroom use Authors are granted permission, without fee, to photocopy their own material Copies must include a full and accurate bibliographic citation and the following credit line : "Copyright [year] by the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies ; reproduced with permission from the publisher ." Written permission must be obtained to reproduce or reprint material in circumstances other than those just described Please direct requests for permission or for further information on policies and fees to the NCSS offices Theory and Research in Social Education (ISSN 0093-3104) is printed in the USA and published quarterly by the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies, 3501 Newark Street, NW, Washington, DC 20016 Second-class postage is paid at Washington, DC, and additional offices Individual memberships in the College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies are $35 .00 per year, $20 .00 of which is allocated for subscription to Theory and Research in Social Education Student membership are $10 .00 per year and include a subscription to Theory and Research in Social Education Institutional and non-CUFA subscriptions are $59 .00 per year Back issues may be obtained for $15 .00 each when available Postmaster : Send address changes to : Theory and Research in Social Education, 3501 Newark St ., NW, Washington, DC 20016 Editorial correspondence should be addressed to the Editor : E Wayne Ross, School of Education and Human Development, State University of New York at Binghamton, P 0 Box 6000, Binghamton, NY 13902-6000 Electronic mail : < w ross@binghamton .ed u > Correspondence related to subscription, membership, back issues, and change of address and advertising should be addressed to : Membership Department, National Council for the Social Studies, 3501 Newark St ., NW, Washington, DC 20016 Theory and Research in Social Education is indexed in Current Contents, Current Index to journals in Education (ERIC), Education Abstracts, Education Index, Psychological Abstracts, and Social Science Citation Index


IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Editor E Wayne Ross Associate Editors Ceola Ross Baber Valerie Ooka Pang Book Review Editor Michael Whelan Editorial Board Susan Adler Jane Bernard-Powers Kathy Bickmore Jere Brophy Jeffrey W Cornett O L Davis, Jr Terrie L Epstein Ron Evans Stephen C Fleury Rich Gibson Geneva Gay S G Grant David Hursh JoelJenne Marilyn Johnston Gloria Ladson-Billings Linda Levstik Andra Makler Perry Marker Merry M Merryfield Petra Munro Susan Noffke Walter C Parker Warren Prior Marc Pruyn Peter Seixas William B Stanley Loraine Stewart Lynda Stone Stephen J Thornton Bruce VanSledright Kevin Vinson Rahima Wade Editorial Assistant Ellen Boesenberg Spring 1999 State University of New York at Binghamton University of North Carolina at Greensboro San Diego State University State University of New York at New Paltz University of Missouri, Kansas City San Francisco State University University of Toronto Michigan State University University of Central Florida The University of Texas at Austin Hunter College, CUNY San Diego State University Le Moyne College Wayne State University University of Washington State University of New York at Buffalo University of Rochester Salisbury State University The Ohio State University University of Wisconsin, Madison University of Kentucky Lewis & Clark College Sonoma State University The Ohio State University Louisiana State University University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign University of Washington Deakin University, Australia New Mexico State University University of British Columbia University of Colorado, Boulder Wake Forest University University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Teachers College, Columbia University University of Maryland, College Park Loyola College University of Iowa Art Director Gene Cowan 123


IN SOCIAL EDUCATION t Volume 27 Number 2 Spring 1999 FROM THE EDITOR Resisting Test Mania 126 E Wayne Ross FEATURES Paulo Preire and Pedagogy for Social Justice 129 Rich Gibson The Message and the Medium :The Roots/Routes 160 of Jerome Bruner's Postmodernism Burton Weltman Thinking Aloud About History : Children's and Adolescent's 179 Responses to Historical Photographs Stuart J Foster, John D Hoge, & Richard H Rosch What It Means to be a "Good Citizen" in Australia : 215 Perceptions of Teachers, Students, and Parents Warren Prior VIEWPOINT W(R)i(t/d)ing on the Border : Reading our Borderscape 248 Rudolfo Chavez Chavez BOOK REVIEW Becoming Political : Comparative Perspectives on 273 Citizenship Education Ronald L VanSickle


IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Resisting Test Mania The use of "high-stakes" standardized tests as the primary tool of school reform is sweeping the United States Proponents of standardized tests-including most state legislatures, the President, Governors, boards of education, and the leadership of the American Federation of Teachers-wrap themselves in the rhetoric of higher, tougher standards No one advocates low standards, but this movement is fatally flawed and will not fix our schools Moreover, the obsession with testing is actually undermining efforts to attain quality teaching and learning in public schools Rather than addressing issues that would boost achievement, such as smaller classes, more time for teacher planning, and equitable resources for all schools, politicians and policy makers have imposed more standardize tests on students without providing any evidence that testing improves teaching or learning The tougher standards and testing formula gets a number of things wrong As author/educator Alfie Kohn points out, it gets student motivation wrong The emphasis on testing in schools promotes anxiety and a preoccupation with test scores that often undermines students' interest in learning and desire to be challenged Second, tests drive curriculum and instruction in ways that harm children Time spent on test preparation and administration cuts into time for teaching and learning ; and children internalize judgments as if tests were the final arbiter of one's potential or worth On the basis of test scores, children are denied access to learning opportunities through tracking, retained in grade, and may be denied a diploma, regardless of what they know or can do in authentic life situations Third, standardized tests demand more standardization of curriculumtighter control of what goes on in the classroom by people who are not there Standards and tests are designed to promote a particular and singular view of truth, knowledge, and learning The bottom-line is that high-stakes testing is not effective in increasing achievement and higher test scores do not necessarily mean better schools Studies have shown that school improvement is rooted in effective leadership, high expectations for all students, a cohesive staff with a clearly articulated vision and knowledge of effective practices, and strong ties to parents and communities The current over-emphasis on testing takes away from changes that would improve schools Across the nation students, parents, teachers, and principals are taking action against the growing use of testing as the means to school reform Parents in a number of states have the legal right to "opt-out" their children from state mandated tests In Ohio and Michigan, members of the Rouge Forum-a grassroots group of educators, parents, and students-and others have been organizing boycotts of state tests Parent Mary O'Brien is leading a campaign informing parents of their rights and encouraging them to "optFrom the Editor 1 2 6 t Spring 1999


out" their children from Ohio Proficiency Tests O'Brien and other activists were recently successful in derailing a reading proficiency standard, imposed by the legislature, that would have required 40,000 fourth-graders to repeat a grade In Michigan the opt-out rate in some districts has been as high as 95 percent Last year, nearly a quarter of students statewide did not take the Michigan Educational Assessment Program tests A measure of how seriously the state takes the boycotts is that Michigan's governor has offered scholarships of $500 to middle school students and $2,500 to high school students who pass the state tests High school graduation and "no social promotion' tests have come under fire in Nevada and Wisconsin Students, parents, teachers and principals protested Nevada's graduation exam in May at the state legislature because it tests subjects that students are not required to take Principals in Clark County are united in their opposition to the test and have written to Governor Kenny Guinn calling it unfair, while others are organizing to pursue legal options in an effort to have the test overturned or proved invalid Under a law passed last year, Wisconsin will stop school districts from passing children to the next grade if they twice fail even one part of the Wisconsin Student Assessment test These tests cover language arts, math, science, and social studies Parents are organizing against the tests and politicians are starting to respond Governor Tommy G Thompsori s recent proposal to drop opt-out provisions for the state's high school graduation test produced a storm of protest from parents statewide State senator Brian Rude described the protest as "one of the largest grass-efforts I've seen ." Richard Grobschmidt, Chairman of the Wisconsin Senate's Education Committee, said that changes in the law are likely, due "almost exclusively" to protests from local PTAs and other parent organizations Students, of course, are the ones most directly affected by the testing craze and in Massachusetts, Illinois, California, and Michigan they have been organizing to challenge the over-use and misuse of standardize tests, despite negative repercussions in some districts Thousands of students have refused to take tests to make a point Instead of taking the Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System test, students from Boston, Newton, Danvers, and Cambridge met this spring to organize their resistance Fifty-eight students at Danvers High School signed a petition charging that the MCAS takes time away from learning real content and makes test-taking the focus of their classes Seven students were suspended and one student arrested for refusing to take the MCAS The MCAS rebellion led by students and parents is now being joined by teachers and principals, who note that the massive testing scheme forces teachers to throw their curriculum plans out the window in order to focus on test preparation and teach bits and pieces of information students must memorize for the exam One Boston teacher was quoted as saying that the test was literally "driving students away from school ." Many teachers, and even the state's education commissioner, David P Driscoll, have expressed concern that the exams will result in a massive number of students dropping out California students walked out on the state-mandated test known as STAR and distributed leaflets with the message : "Protest government racism and standardized testing ." Students in Marin County have mounted a letter Spring 1999 t 1 2 7


writing campaign to school and government officials, noting that a large percentage of students in California speak Spanish, yet STAR is only offered in English Students at one of Chicago's top academic schools, Whitney Young High School, deliberately failed the Illinois Goals Assessment Program exams in February The protests spread to other schools as the Whitney Young students demanded, in a letter to school officials, that "the time and energy spent on standardized tests be reduced ." The students went on to say that "teachers should be discouraged from teaching the answers to the tests except when the skills and knowledge are a part of the curriculum" and that "the school . .show its academic superiority through the quality of its education and the accomplishments of its students rather than the numbers on its test scores ." Resistance to the standardized testing movement is not without risks Students may be subject to suspensions, failing grades, or denial of diplomas Teachers who have publicly criticized high-stakes tests have also been sanctioned The superintendent of Oregon schools demanded that teacher Bill Bigelow be fired after a Portland newspaper published an article he wrote criticizing the state social studies test Earlier this year, a monthly newspaper written by Chicago teachers published several parts of the "pilot" Chicago Academic Standards Examinations in an effort to force public debate about the tests The school system sued the newspaper and editor George Schmidt District officials won a court order requiring the confiscation of all copies of the paper and are taking action fire teachers involved Advocates of high-stakes testing do not want public debate on the nature or use of the tests As Bigelow said, "Evidently, the [Oregon] Department of Education permits us to criticize the idea of the tests, but not the tests themselves And woe to the teacher who crossed the line ." Few states release test items and most adopt the position of New York State Education Commissioner Richard P Mills, who in response to the dismal results on the state's recent fourth-grade English test, stated that the test itself should not be questioned There is a need, however, for more open debate on the nature and use of highstakes tests In Massachusetts, for example, reading passages in fourth-grade tests were found to be primarily fifthand sixth-grade level As the use, and misuse, of testing grows, more people are coming to understand the harmful effects it has on quality teaching and learning Those who want to join the courageous folks resisting the misuse of testing in schools can get more information from the National Center for Fair and Open Testing in Cambridge, Massachusetts (on the internet at : w ww .fairtest .or g ) or by joining a national network of reformers coordinated by Alfie Kohn ( w ww .AlfieKohn .or g ) It's time to reclaim schools as places for learning, rather than places for testing E W R 1 2 8 t Spring 1999


Theory and Research in Social Education Spring 1999, Volume 27, Number 2,129-159 € College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies Paulo Freire and Pedagogy For Social Justice Rich Gibson Wayne State University Abstract This paper examines the work of Paulo Freire, until his recent death the most widely recognized educator in the world Freire is addressed in theory and practice, analyzing his objective idealism and his efforts to build critical consciousness in literacy campaigns, especially in Grenada The examination of Freire's theory and practice offers a window into his larger project : pedagogy for liberation At issue is whether or not the promise of critical consciousness and liberation from oppression can be achieved by Freire's theoretical stance or his "see-judge-act" system of interactive education Freire's emphasis on the pivotal role of ideas as a material force, his critical method of analysis, his determination to engage in concrete social practice, his democratic and ethical pedagogy, and his insistence that leaders become one with the mass of people, offer guides to understand how his lessons might be used to deepen questions about the form and content of citizenship education with social justice as a goal An Introduction to Freire (A Life and Work Abridged) Paulo Freire, the radical Brazilian who was the most widely known educator in the world, died on 2 May 1997, in Sao Paulo, Brazil He was 75 Freire drew upon Catholic liberation-theology and Marxist ideas to forge a concept of popular literacy education for personal and social liberation So formidable was his work that the Harvard Educational Review published a recapitulation of his formative essays in 1999 Freire proposed that the use of his "see-judge-act" student-centered methods could lead to critical consciousness, that is, an awareness of the necessity to constantly unveil appearances designed to protect injustice which serves as a foundation for action toward equality and democracy For Freire, no form of education could be neutral All pedagogy is a call to action In a society animated by inequality and authoritarianism, he sided with the many, and exposed the partisanship of those who claimed to stand above it all Spring 1999 t 1 2 9


Freire became a world figure after he was jailed for using literacy methods developed by Catholic communities among poor peasants He was driven from his native Brazil by a rising dictatorship in 1964 He fled to Chile to work with the democratically elected Allende government, which fell to a CIA-manufactured coup He spent the next 15 years in exile, working at Harvard and for the World Council of Churches in Geneva, organizing and writing books for social justice In 1989, shortly after he returned to Brazil as a leader of the social-democratic Workers' Party, Freire was named secretary of education in Sao Paulo, a city of 13 million people He served for two years In the early 1970's, Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Education for Critical Consciousness, swept the globe These books and nearly two dozen others that followed propose that education, though in inequitable societies predominantly a tool of elites, is also a democratic egalitarian weapon Freire recommended pedagogical methods that recognized the experience and dignity of students and their culture, techniques calling into question assumptions that lay at the base of their social systems Freire's pedagogy united the curriculum, grasping that the seamless fabric of learning is made alien by teaching methods that split it into irrational pieces Freire's geographic literacy involved mapping problems, not memorizing borders Freire criticized "banking" educational methods, seeing students as empty accounts to be filled with deposits of knowledge He practiced a transformational style, the student becoming a subject in gaining and experimenting with knowledge Truth became an examination of social understandings, not always a doctrine determined by testing services Motivation came from demonstrations that education is linked to power For the process to work, the educator-leader had to be deeply involved in the daily lives of the students In Latin America, for example, a typical Freireian social inquiry method would trace the path of (1) a careful study of students' surroundings and everyday lives, followed by (2) a "codification session"" with students where key factors of life were drawn as pictures Then (3) students would be urged to look at the pictures not as simply reality, but as problems : first as individual problems, then as collective problems with underlying reasons As codification led to problem solving, relevant words were linked with the students' drawings of the world, and reality repositioned as a human creation Finally, (4) students were called on to use their newly won literacy as a way to make plans for change Specifically, a picture of a peasant's hut and a bountiful hacienda would be paired with a drawing of a peasant hoeing and a patron at rest Why does he rest in a hacienda while we sweat and live in huts? Especially in the developing world, Freire was seen as a leader 1 3 0 t Spring 1999


in a movement which could connect a sometimes awkward four-part formula for social justice : literacy, social insight, revolution, and national economic development There are problems with Freire's work He became, against his protests, an icon, idolized by dramatically different sectors of education and liberation movements A miniature publishing industry evolved from uncritically praising a humble man whose life was social criticism As an icon, Freire became a commodity His work was purchased, rarely as a whole, but in selective pieces, which could further the career of an academic, or propel the interests of a corporation Many of his enthusiasts called his work "eclectic," and let it go at that (Freire, 1998b, p 7) But Freire called himself a contradictory man His politics were often seemingly at odds As we shall see, the Marxist Freire urged the analysis of labor and production Like the entire the socialist project, Freire was not able to resolve the incongruity of human liberation and national economic development The Catholic-humanist post-modern Freire denied the centrality of class and focused on deconstructing culture and language In both cases, Freire had to rely on the ethics of the educator-leader to mediate the tensions between middle-class teachers and profoundly exploited students So, with a little effort, his works were stripped of their politics and simultaneously appropriated by the government of Sweden, then adopted by the dogmatic socialist movements in Guinea Bissau and Grenada, and by reformist poverty programs in the United States (Gibson, 1994, p 11) Freire, conservative in many ways, in practice supported conventional school grading systems, traditional approaches to literacy instruction like flash-cards, and the use of post-revolution textbooks, routinely coded in the creed of the party-and beyond critique His later books were diluted with extraneous transcriptions of his discussions over a glass of wine He was compelled to apologize to feminists and others who objected to the male-centered language of his early books (Freire, 1994, p 66, Gibson, 1994, p 6) Nevertheless, Freire's focus on the role of consciousness, critique, and a utopian vision, the need for imaging a better future before it can be achieved, the critical role of social practice for justice in education, and the vital necessity of leadership fully at one with the people, deepened the practices of movements for social change (Freire, 1973, p 164) His grasp of the reciprocal interactions of class, race, sex, and nationality as simultaneously pivotal to conscious action for change pre-dated both feminism and post-modernism His methods instigate a process in which students examine both their potential roles as selfliberators and the history of people who cease to be instruments of their own oppression Spring 1999 t 1 3 1


Paulo Freire embodied the wisdom of the man he admired most, Che Guevara : "At the risk of seeming ridiculous, the true revolutionary is, motivated by love ." Where Shall We Go and How Shall We Get There? This is an effort to critique Freire in theory and practice, using the central role he played in the development of education systems in the Grenadian revolution of 1979-1983 as a lens into the implications of his work It will be useful to travel this route with a story in mind The theoretical work can be thick Perhaps a story will lighten the journey I recently returned from a Fulbright research trip to Grenada where I met with the minister of Education, installed after the 1983 U .S invasion, and the leaders of the former revolutionary New Jewel Movement of Grenada, now held in a 17th century prison-sentenced to life .' Both the Minister of Education and the New Jewel prisoners asked me about techniques which might build an ethic of democracy through literacy and citizenship education They offered to demonstrate to me how they link-in society and in jail-methods of education, especially literacy education, with democratic activist citizenship and technological or economic progress Both were interested, for practical and historical purposes, in how the work of Paulo Freire might weave their interests together Indeed, the jailed top New Jewel leader, Bernard Coard, said they relied heavily on Freire's direction, not only for educational advice but for political direction, during their brief stint in power (Gibson, 1994, p 235-244) Richmond Hill Prison, a tepid, dank jail, with a stench baked in for more than two hundred years, is perched on one of Grenada's most beautiful mountains, overlooking the capital, St George's harbor The jail is the scene of many ironies In 1997, the Prison Commissioner, Winston Courtney, was the key civilizing influence in the jail, holding back guards who told me they had tortured the Grenada 17 prisoners for years before his arrival Courtney had himself been jailed as a counter-revolutionary during the New Jewel government One of the most reputable journalists in the country, the editor of the Grenadian Voice, now lobbies for the release of the Grenada 17 He, too, served more than one year in the jail-as a guest of its current inhabitants The irony of the two educational positions-Bernard Coard and his New Jewel colleagues running a school for liberation and literacy in a 17th century prison and the Minister of Education operating a school system in the midst of a collapsing economy abandoned in postSoviet globalism-and the questions they asked drove home to me the notion that literacy, and education for citizenship, has potential both as a domesticating tool and as a force for liberation Indeed, in 1 3 2 t Spring 1999


some cases, literacy, critical citizenship, and democracy have little in common Slaves could be taught to read simply so they would become better workers (Stuckey, 1993) Surely, it is paradoxical that other nations might look to the United States for hints about the relationship of democracy and literacy If Jonathon Kozol is right, the US suffers from a functional illiteracy rate of about 25 percent, color-coded unemployment, the collapse of its social service safety net, an all-out assault on the conditions of work among those who still have jobs, a representative government that can only conduct elections via millionaires, and a twist of very literate scholarship that elevates the geneticist arguments of Murray and Hernstein's Bell Curve to the focal point of public discourse (Kozol, 1985, Shannon, 1998) The peoples' movement in Grenada could be an illuminating practical ground for North Americans interested in linking literacy with democratic citizenship projects While some, like Ann HicklingHudson, think otherwise, I believe the literacy campaigns were systematic, met many of the problems literacy work usually meets, and, importantly, followed the path Freire himself mapped While the Grenadian literacy campaigns were fraught with problems that might be predicted in a African-Caribbean nation trying to build socialism under a host of offended imperial eyes, it remains that the reading project drew leadership from all over the world, including Freire's Whether the literacy effort met, or could meet, the goal of literacy for liberation is the issue I seek to untwine (Gibson, 1994, p 211 ; HicklingHudson, 1988) But, at that moment, I was the one who was there, the Fulbright fellow who wrote a dissertation on Freire, and I wanted to respond to the Grenadians questions succinctly, with subtle elegance I found that I could not So what follows is in part an investigation sparked by their inquiries Could Freire's literacy for critical consciousness answer questions like : what must people know in order to overcome exploitation and alienation? Can human creativity be unleashed in an increasingly undemocratic world? Can consciousness leap past exploitation-or repression? How do we spot lies? "The rich are not forever, and will the crown last to every generation?" (Proverbs 27 :24) Freire insists, repeatedly, that no system of education is neutral Bias is inherent in any selection and ordering of facts, the common project of social educators One's understanding of how the democratic possibilities of citizenship might be achieved depends on a partisan assessment of current conditions, and where one wants to go : a political standpoint Any appraisal of the prospects of democratic education through Spring 1999 t 1 3 3


literacy, a literacy that reads both the word and the world, must be start from an articulated standpoint, on expressed terrain Just what is the current situation? What should a democratic citizen do about it? It is only fair to confide, in quick-march, my own outlook Global systems of production, exchange, and technology drive people together in a social world Yet divisive and deadly ideologies persist (irrationalism, nationalism, racism, sexism, contempt for disabled people, etc .) Material interests estrange people from their work, creative potential, and one another ; especially the interests of savage greed and fear that are rooted in a fickle system that cares nothing even for its loyal personifications, but betrays one for the next in the ruthless quest for more still These factors sum up a world of humanity that is at once potentially united and practically split to pieces Our world produces abundance-enough for all At issue is not scarcity, but inequality In each hemisphere, we function at the brink of a world depression which began in embryo about twenty years ago and has grown uninterruptedly Beneath the apparently steady grip of capital is, at once, the extension of social being-the unity of all people caused by capital's movement to produce, exchange, and distribute everywhere-and an underlying cauldron of the results of a system, and its representatives, that must keep people apart : irrationalism, hunger, epidemic, joblessness and idle time, despair : incipient fascism Democracy meets inequality and loses Criticism meets authoritarianism and is defeated This imbalance, as Giovanni Arrighi and others suggest, will not long persist The crisis of overproduction, on the one hand, and the social debt of unremitting repression on the other, easily boils over into economic collapse, political upheavals, and revolution (Arrighi, 1995 ; Greider, 1997 ; Kaplan, 1995) There is no place that the goal of those in power is to create a thinking, active work force or citizenry "It would be naive to expect the dominant classes to develop a type of education which would enable subordinate classes to perceive social injustices critically" (Freire, 1985, p 102) Instead, all poor and working people, including educational workers, are ever more segregated by class and race, degraded and de-skilled while they are charmed by dream censors and curricula and knowledge regulators with stories of teacher empowerment and the commonality of their interests with their national ruling class-a vulgar if historically triumphant way to turn people into more willing instruments of their own oppression Concurrent with the rise of inequality and tyranny is the rebirth of irrationalism, a convulsion of organized and unorganized superstition, turns to faith and mysticism of one form or another (Lipman, 1998 ; Anyon, 1998, Shannon, 1998) Throughout the world we witness privileged voices calling for the national unity of government, corporations and the organizations of working people-an appeal to all-class unity which has ominous 1 3 4 t Spring 1999


affinities with similar corporatist projects in the late twenties and thirties, that is, organized social disintegration under the banners of national interest-and war preparation Nevertheless, it has been in times of historical crisis, like the one I think we are now entering, that people interested in democratic citizenship and social justice have made the greatest gains For example during the U .S depression, people won the now evaporating eight hour day, the right to form unions and bargain, and social security laws Even so, in 1999, any struggle for democracy must incorporate a reasoned grasp of the failure of socialism as well (Gibson, 1998) The collapse of the Soviet Bloc underscored the crisis of resistance while it simultaneously revealed the frailty of the modern bureaucratic stateand the failure of socialism to create a new generation Although today's world democratic movements have fought back and struggled for social justice in electoral arenas, and often won, those movements have changed little or nothing of essence Clearly, an economic and political system whose bellwether, the U .S ., jails one in 250 of its citizens, does not work especially well The socialist alternative has not worked either Nevertheless, the material base for shared abundance and deepened democracy exists in the world What trails behind is the political consciousness of people-and organizing Still, the spreading processes of reality are relentless, grinding away illusions Even modest radicals in education, like Michael Apple, are rediscovering the central roles of labor and social class in progressive change-and integrating that focal point with the lessons of what Freire likes to call, "progressive post-modernism ." Given the de-industrialized nature of North America, the repositioning of schools as the focal points of social life, educators are centripetal to hopes for social change Elites, right now, have little to fear from a UAW-disciplined strike at General Motors They have plenty of concern about another 1992 Los Angeles rebellion The young activists of that uprising came from schools (Apple 1993,1995 ; Freire, 1998 ; Freidman, 1997 ; Mishel 1999) Freire as a Sextant for Change "God led me to the people . and the people led me to . Marx" (Freire in Mackie, 1981, p .126) It is in this context that many educators and agents for changeas well as those who want to construct hegemony in new ways-now turn to Freire, the individual who defined radicalism and revolution in education Freire designed the educational programs in revolutionary Grenada (as well as mirror image campaigns in Guinea-Bissau) and was key in developing their political programs as well It is Freire, and his Promethean promises of liberation, who I hope to problematize Spring 1999 t 1 3 5


Freire invites educators to mix his intriguing 4-part formula of : (a) literacy, (b) critical consciousness, (c) national economic development, and (d) revolution to create a new practice of democracy Freire suggests we can see, judge, and act-and become nearly impenetrable to lies-if we follow the form and content of critical pedagogy he has conceived (Dewitt, p 238) People who apply this formula typically run into the fact that Freire is a paradigm shifter, willing to enclose postmodernism, Catholicism, Marxism, and liberalism, a person far more complex than many of those who appropriate his work Freire is also reified To invoke his name is to conjure radicalism, revolution in education-an embryonic phantom image like a postcard of Che Guevara The progenitor of late twentieth century educational criticism remains, for the most part, beyond sharp critique His few public critics, like Paul Taylor, who concludes that Freire finally is simply a Christian, chide him only from strict textual references, and, for most other than Taylor, in only the most generous ways The absence of criticism of his theoretical foundations and social practice allows his complexity and internal contradictions to be ignored, and his own counsel, to develop a fully critical outlook for social change rooted in the examination of social applications, to be denied Worse, his work is easily and often stripped of its profound emancipatory political base and used as a rudimentary training method in, for example, Total Quality Management programs in Sweden that crudely unite Freire's student centeredness and sense of collective work with the mind-stripping project of Frederick W Taylor's stop-watch scientific management Freire is artful in his application of multiple analytical models to social analysis ; yet Freire is sometimes applied as a template upon reality by those who he actually urges to be crafty (Taylor, 1993, p 58) My theoretical view may be as contradictory and idiosyncratic I seek to ground my thinking in dialectical materialism in the tradition of Marx's (1980, 1985) sense of the study of human agency as a part of matter in motion, the Hungarian philosopher-activist Georg Lukacs'(1952,1954,1971,1973,1988) and Istvan Meszaros' (1970,1972, 1989,1995) insistence on the interpenetrating role of the material world and class consciousness-as a prerequisite for fundamental social change, Fredy Perlman's (1990, 1992, 1993) and I .I Rubin's (1990) investigation of reification and alienation in political economy, situationist Guy Debord's (1994) study of capital's empty-if hypnotic-appearances, Foucault's study of reciprocal discipline from mind to body, Wilhem Reich's (1970,1971,1972) suggestion of the role of sexuality in obsequiousness, and the dialectical agency outlined by North American Bertell Ollman (1971, 1979, 1992) Dialectical materialism is a spacious paradigm that Freire also claims as his own Dia1 3 6 t Spring 1999


lectical materialism, very simply put, is the partisan study of change in the world Freire : Objective Idealist "Blessed is the one who reads the words" (Revelations, 1 :3) In order to understand how it is that Freire can call himself a "totality," yet can say he believes in original sin on one page, and feel no need to criticize his support for the mechanically orthodox regimes in Grenada and Guinea Bissau on another page, it is necessary to take a detour to investigate some philosophical options, in this case two options, each with important subsets (Freire, 1994, p 167 ; Freire, 1999a, p 30) The two key options are idealism and materialism The subsets which I hope to simplify and make understandable are subjective and objective idealism, on the one hand, and mechanical and dialectical materialism on the other 2 Idealism is most easily presented in the words of Descartes, "I think therefore I am ." Or, in The Bible, "In the beginning was the Word The word was in God's presence, and the word was God" (John 1 :1) Idealism suggests that the world is a construction of the mind Subjective idealism, briefly put, is the notion that nothing exists but the mind, and all else is apparitions Objective idealism, probably originating with Plato's cave, his story of the people for whom images on a wall are the reality of the world, is the belief that while all begins with the mind, or god, there is indeed a world which is of interest to the mind, or god, and is likely to be a manifestation of a microcosm of the mind God, in this view, would be interested in class struggle Objective idealism was later codified by the great systematizer, Hegel For the idealist, the external world is a creation of the mind, if it exists at all For the subjective idealist, really nothing can change For the objective idealist, Hegel, the motor of change is necessarily the mind At the end of the day, any form of idealism is a closed system, a turn to faith for proofs, a decision to be irrational Irrationalism, in an world of exploitation, is a partisan position (Lukacs, 1952, p 100) Materialism is perhaps summed up well with this counter-quote to The Bible from Mary Coomes, "In the beginning was the world Then came people Then came the struggle for life and production, the deed Ideas developed in social practice . ." (Gibson, 1994, p 61) Mechanical materialism, probably best or most popularly represented by what has become known as Orthodox Marxism (an oxymoron for Marx), or Stalinism, is a belief in the inevitability of change through incremental additions : add up x amount of productive capacity and you get socialism Dialectical materialism, the study of change in the material world, is the idea that things do indeed exist external to you Spring 1999 t 1 3 7


or me, but that things change, and that human agency is a key part of social change I suggest in the paragraphs to come that Freire can only be considered a Hegelian objective idealist, and that as such, he represents, as did Hegel, a vital contribution to the understanding and necessity of change, but that his advice is finally a cul-de-sac from which people interested in equality and democracy must at some point depart While Freire wants to locate himself in the complexities of dialectical materialism, outside the bounds of either the idealists or mechanical materialists, it remains that he cannot go further than to examine the world as a creation of his mind, and to reduce the world to the dichotomies, the appearances, that his mind initially is able to comprehend, not the richness of the material world as it transforms While Freire's language is full of discourse about domination and oppression, he is never able to transcend this key understanding and reach into the content of these factors in labor, exploitation, or sexual oppression He is able, in pedagogy and in print, to take up questions of a central issue of life, the construction of knowledge, but he can pass but a glance at the sources of the enemy of knowledge, irrationalism (Freire, 1998b, p 42, 45) Allow me to pass beyond subjective idealism, since no one functioning in our world could fully adopt it and take a step with any confidence, and try to examine objective idealism more deeply through Hegel, who I think is Freire's parallel For the mature Hegel, not necessarily the anti-clerical Hegel who supported the violence of the French Revolution, but the Hegel of The Logic, the world is a totality, an unlimited whole, and its motive force is the absolute, ever-lasting Mind, "and whose outer form is but the manifestation of the Mind-such manifestation culminating in conscious units identical with nature in the mind That is all" (Bryant, 1971, p 21, 31-his emphasis) Hence, people walk not because of their evolutionary relationship with the world, but because they will it The world exists, things change, but things as they change are the product of an Absolute Spirit directing change to and from itself Truth is in the Absolute spirit, and is in microcosm within the developing minds which are headed toward the Spirit Because Hegel posited the existence of a world in change, and because he exhausted incredible, if sometimes undecipherable, discipline in examining its changes, Marx was able later to find and transcend the "rational kernel" inside Hegel's shell Narcissism is imbedded in any form of idealism If all one can be sure of is the mind, all one can really be sure of is one's own mind, a propensity that leads to the fetishism about the self in some forms of postmodernism, and in parts of Freire (Freire, 1998b, p 17-21) Flowing outward from the idealist's consciousness, the representative of consciousness, language, above and predating, preempting, labor and 1 3 8 t Spring 1999


sexuality, becomes central It makes sense that if the mind is principal, then its communicative processes constitute the key to the processes of change This goes to the fascination of right-wing postmodernism, as opposed to radical postmodernism, with discourse analysis-abstracted from the processes of the material world It follows, as well, that an idealist position will posit an eternal ethics, as distinct from ethics derived from a material analysis of social conditions, and insist that if there is to be hope, it must be couched in the language of those ethics, finally, a battle between good and evil (Freire, 1998b, p 98) Freire makes this analysis an uneasy one He occasionally appropriates ideas of "over-determination," to demonstrate the relationship of culture, language, and economic structures Yet, like Althusser, Freire remains bound in their dualism and impenetrability, rather than probing deeply into their inter-relationship Freire, as an objective idealist, is left with language, culture, and mythology, over-determining life (Freire 1998b, p 78, Freire, 1998a, p 98, Palmer 1990, Dewitt, p 85-87) . .and distribution was made to everyone, according as he had need" (Acts 4 :35) While recognizing Hegel's profound contribution, and the efforts of a later philosopher, Fuerbach, Marx sought to address the question of subjectivity and objectivity through a careful examination of the material world and social practice He suggested that the answers lay not in further theoretical contemplation : "Their resolution is therefore by no means merely a problem of knowledge, but a real problem of life, which philosophy could not solve precisely because it conceived this problem merely to be a theoretical one" (Marx, 1978, p 89) Here Marx begins to build the notion that it is not possible to be dialectical, to understand how things change, without being a materialist, without positing the primacy of the external material world Marx digs into Hegel's notions of labor in order to demonstrate this thesis "Hegel conceives labor as man's act of self-genesis-conceives man's relation to himself as an alien being and the manifesting of himself as an alien being to be the coming-to-be of species-consciousness and species-life ." Marx goes on to suggest that Hegel's is an examination of the mind, "formal and abstract," and is at once superficial and incapable of offering a solution, an annulment, other than in thought (Marx, 1978, p 121) Nevertheless, Marx credits Hegel with identifying labor as the essence of human life, seeing the alienation of people from their creative lives as a critical problem in existence, and with the understanding that the genesis of human life is in relation to labor Hegel understood, moreover, the genesis of the philosophy of contradictions, negativity, at the heart of that process (Marx, 1978, p 112) Hegel, in his world constructed in the mind, a world in motion Spring 1999 t 1 3 9


toward the absolute spirit, understood that things change, and in studying how things change, he concluded, philosophically, that things change because they are composed of a unity and struggle (unity temporary, struggle permanent) of oppositions Dialectical materialism, counter to Lenin (and even some of Marx) does not simply invert Hegel's notion of the Idea as the beginning of matter and motion It does not simply turn Hegel on his head Perhaps a better metaphor would be to turn Hegel inside out Metaphors, in this case, though, may not work well at all To shift from the Idea to the material world, is not to merely replace one initiating agent with another, one shell with another, but to introduce an entirely new set of complexities, a compass with much greater capability than the beginning point offered in Hegel It means, too, to replace the test of truth in Hegel, theory (the application of an abstract truth to manipulate the collection of facts) with the test of truth in Marx, praxis, social practice This ends the linear dualism of thesis/anti-thesis/synthesis in Hegel, and suggests a sense of history best represented graphically by a spiral Further, this makes possible a study of relationships, the unity and struggle of complex opposites, in both form and content, while Hegelian objective idealism remains stuck in deep contemplation of appearances, forms-abstracted or estranged from their related content In practice, the left-Hegelian mechanical socialists rooted truth inside the central committee ; right-Hegelian irrationalists locate truth in god, mysticism Dialectical materialism locates truth, as a simultaneously relative and absolute phenomena, in social praxis, the developing relationships of understanding and concrete tests Since theory trails practice, dialectical materialism, in contrast to idealism is an open system, recognizing the incomplete nature of understanding The material world always holds more to be discovered In brief, to reiterate and abridge, it is not possible to be dialectical without being a materialist, and viceversa (Korsch, 1970, p 130-136 ; Sartre, 1960, p 19) To expand, in his first and fourth thesis on Fuerbach (early philosopher of mechanical materialism), Marx offers his initial warnings that it is not possible to be dialectical, to understand change, without being a thorough-going materialist, grounded in the understanding that being initiates consciousness-which reverberates back and recreates being-that the material world exists in a relationship with the mind, neither preempted by the other He suggests that Fuerbach detaches himself from a material understanding, then contemplates his own singular ideas within the limits of his mentally constructed, dogmatic, contradictions Marx urges a project that is rooted in the reciprocal interaction of change and the material world, of ideas and things, each creating and recreating the other Georg Lukacs sews this thread as a theme into most of his work In The Young Hegel, Lukacs indicates that, "contradiction is the 1 4 0 t Spring 1999


profoundest principle of all things . ." However, he continues, "this doctrine of contradiction can only be worked out adequately and consistently within a materialist dialectic in which it can be regarded as the intellectual mirroring of the dynamic contradictions of objective reality ." Surely the great Hungarian dialectical philosopher would agree that the mirroring involves mutuality, reflecting, recreating, making profound, and reflecting back upon (Lukacs, 1954, p 218) Lukacs identifies Hegel as an "objective idealist" and describes how Hegel's dialectics had to play out There can only be an objective idealist dialectics (a) if we may assume the existence of something that goes beyond the consciousness of individuals but is still subject-like, a kind of consciousness, (b) if amidst the dialectical movement of the objects dialectics can discern a development which moves toward a consciousness of itself in this subject, and (c) so if the movement of the world of objects achieves an objective and subjective, a real and conscious union with knowledge Thus the identical subject object is the central pillar of objective idealism, just as the reflection in human consciousness of an objective reality subsisting independently of consciousness is the crux of materialist epistemology 3 (Lukacs, 1954, p 270) Now let us return to Marx attacking the Young Hegelians : "[They] consider conceptions, thoughts, ideas, in fact all of the products of consciousness, to which they attribute an independent existence, as the real chains of men . it is evident [they] have to fight only against those illusions of consciousness . they are fighting only against "phrases" They forget that to these phrases they themselves are only opposing other phrases, in no way combating the real existing world when they are merely combating the phrases of the world" (MarxEngels Reader 1978, p149) Moreover, a fundamental understanding of historical or dialectical materialism (in which nothing comes from nothing) is that the elements of hope for a new or better world reside in the old, including the ideas necessary to forge a bridge, really a leap, from one to the next It follows that a deep study of particulars, coupled with transformative practice guided by that study, is both the source and the route toward social change Lukacs suggests that the objective idealist stance, in a sense, subverted Hegel's project of understanding what makes people continuously allow themselves to be turned into agents of their own subjugation, that is, Hegel's inability to probe deeply into understanding alienation (Lukacs, 1954, p 19) Spring 1999 t 1 4 1


Bertell Ollman believes that the route to the solution of the concept-object paradox is through the process of abstraction Marx claims his method starts from the real concrete and proceeds through abstraction (the intellectual activity of breaking this whole down into mental units with which we think about it) to the "thought concrete" (the reconstituted and now understood whole present in the mind) The real concrete is simply the world in which we live, in all its complexity The thought concrete is Marx's reconstruction of that world in the theories of what has become known as "Marxism" The royal road to understanding is said to pass from one to the other through the process of abstraction (Ollman, 1993, p 24) Ollman, then, underscores the relationship of ideas to the material world rather like a numerator and denominator in a fraction whose whole would evaporate in the absence of either For Freire, imbued with a lifetime of radical Roman Catholicism, the material world is subordinate to, and plays itself out in, the world of ideas and religion Abstraction often comes from first examining the processes of the mind-which can never be as fertile as the "real concrete ." Because the mind of a serious objective idealist combines a gaze that must be finally both consummate and omnipotent with real respect for the material world, Freire is able to present himself as a totality, not a dichotomy, yet present a philosophy of appearances and clear, unreconcilable, contradictions (Freire, 1998a, p 30) Consider the obvious parallel of reading the word, the world, critical consciousness and revolution, with reading the word and revelation, "Blessed is he that readeth the words for the time is at hand" (Revelations 1 :3) In Freire's framework, like Hegel's, where the word often comes first, God would be attentive to dialectical materialism And reading the word would necessarily be the pathway to liberation Freire is distinguished from a subjective idealist, one who would argue that the material world is simply an enchantment of the mind In Freire's work, the world and the mind exist, but finally as territory in the mind of a god This is what makes it possible for Freire to posit both a belief in original sin and in revolution (Freire, 1998b, p 36-38, 59, 98, and 12, 14) However complex and contradictory-for Hegel could hardly be considered a patron of traditional organized Christianity-Christianity and Hegelianism are at the heart of a significant sector of Freire's theoretical base These factors are the sources of his idealism-which Lukacs has identified as objective idealism Freire 1 4 2 t Spring 1999


commented that he never lost Jesus when he discovered Marx Christianity and Hegelianism, both wellsprings of Marxism, are also the foundations for Freire's reverence for equality and the importance of leadership and ideology (Gibson, 1994, p 112) Objective idealism leads Freire to easily resolve, or personify, an apparently impossible binary : literacy for liberatory consciousness becomes literacy for national economic development (Freire, 1978, p 30) This, at the end of the day, was the project of the Grenadian New Jewel Movement, Cabral's Guinea Bissau, and one of the rocks that shipwrecked orthodox socialism The goal, once critical consciousness, quickly became national economic development, with the party leadership at the head, living in the best houses around Critique of alienation became confused with the promotion of the gross national product Concern about exploitation, which never extended into a study of surplus value, shifted to a preoccupation with greater output-in the name of socialist equality (Gibson, 1994, p 239) A world view that necessarily focuses on appearances, objective idealism, does not go deeper than concern about domination and oppression, "the fundamental theme of our epoch is domination, which implies its opposite, liberation," into the essence of the creation of value, labor, and reproduction, sexuality (Freire, 1980, p 93) Therefore, in practice, this world view resolves appearances, and fails to get to the heart of things-and ideas One of Freire's great contributions goes to this issue : that element of liberation which addresses the role of class consciousness as a precondition of social change (Freire, 1980, p 146) Still, in the absence of a profound sense of materialism, Freire can only be superficially dialectical Consciousness itself is never as rich and complex as the objects and subjects with which it interacts In other words, Freire embodies a contradiction, a contradiction flowing from the binary created by his objective idealism : he believes ideas change the world, or on the other hand that national technological/ economic development changes the world, and does not comprehend the interactions of a contradiction in which the power of one element overwhelms the other Either we become what we wish, that is, a correct reading of the world creates a just world ; or we become what the nation can develop, a form of Bolshevik-socialist mechanical materialism This brittle binary, again, rises from Freire as an objective idealist, one who finally privileges consciousness over being and whose interest in dialectical materialism is subordinate to his beliefs in God and abstractions about reason Freire rarely makes commonly materialist claims The words political economy or surplus value get little attention in his works, though he does occasionally affirm or deny the pivotal role of class struggle, depending on what one reads Freire is at once the modest dialectician and pedagogue, often humbly imperious about his abilities For Freire, an understanding of the infinite comSpring 1999 t 1 4 3


plexity of the real world is, in theory and practice, reduced to a naive binary, as opposed to the multitude of interrelating contradictions that are available to the materialist view .` Lukacs, is especially helpful, "The theoretical cul-de-sacs of the bourgeoisie idealist philosophy, which are continually re-emerging, very often originate in an abstract and antinomic contrast between the material and the mental, the natural and the social, which inevitably leads to the destruction of all genuine dialectical connections and thus makes the specific character of social being incomprehensible" (Lukacs, 1988, p 107) Lukacs' contribution is to demonstrate the framework that captures Freire The caged bird helps build its own cage Freire, in both his earliest and his most recent works, tried to defend against this criticism Indeed, he parries caricatures of the arguments of both the mechanists and the dreamy idealists He counters those who have, unfairly and superficially I think, called him a keeper for capitalism in crisis (Freire, 1973, p 146 ; Freire, 1994, p 103 ; Freire, 1998b, p 95) I do not believe, as Carnoy (1974, 1985) seems to think, that reading Freire is going to be especially good for progressive sectors of capital (Freire, 1998a, p 7-19) But Freire remains stuck, in theory and in practice The annulment of alienated consciousness, the way an estranged mind is overcome, following his philosophical origins and path, is that progressives should fight for national "economic development, and to limit the size of the state ." The guiding hand here should be God's, "a God on the side of those with whom justice, truth, and love should be" (Freire 1998a, p 34,35, 103) While Freire recognizes a democratic and egalitarian utopian goal, he urges paths-liberatory consciousness linked to national development-idealism or mechanical materialism-which in practice have repeatedly been in harsh opposition to each other and yet are twins of the same mother, as we shall see In practice, national economic development has never played second fiddle to equality and democracy ; most certainly beacon issues to the movement for critical consciousness In practice, the now jailed New jewel leaders and the Minister of Education in Grenada agreed on the purpose of pedagogy, but lost interest in critically democratic citizens, because national economic development was far more important to them than critical consciousness, at least as long as the former held power National economic development, moved to the role of the highest priority, means that criticism of the construction of profits, or surplus value, that is the exploitation of labor on the shop floor or in the agricultural field, must take second shrift Alienation is, in part, the estrangement of people from other people and their work because they do not control the product or process of production Human social relations and human creativity, a unity possible today more than ever before, are split apart Social relations are estranged by idelological systems rooted 1 4 4 t Spring 1999


in opportunist interests-and exploitation The potential for collective creativity in work becomes an authoritarian relationship-and boredom Alienation inserts an additional insult : the more working people engage in the central aspect of what might or should be their human creativity-work-the more they empower, enrich, those who own-those who simply want them to work harder, faster, less thoughtfully-and this accelerates the construction of their own oppression Really critical literacy that addresses hierarchy and injustice is linked by Freireian magic, objective idealism, to technological national economic progress-rarely the catalyst for deconstructing inequality Critical consciousness, which must at some point connect with the deeper realities of alienation, the creation of surplus value by work forces which do not control the process or products of their labor, is submerged by promises for justice delayed Critical consciousness is buried in national economic development In Grenada, calls for national economic development meant considerable sacrifice for many people, even though the New Jewel Movement did have a reasonably honest system of national economics NJM had programs for medical care, the local control and production of local goods and foodstuffs, a plan to build technology through education that predated the Asian Tigers, and a sensible scheme to boost tourism via an international airport But people remained alienated from the literacy programs which were clearly designed to buttress the NJM economic campaign People walked away, slept in class They felt the literacy project was coercive, unconnected to their lives (Gibson, 1994, p 211) Moreover, the same pattern of alienation from school and work, despite the calls to sacrifice for the national economy, continues under the current government, which ironically is turning to the Cuban, Fidel Castro, to finance a local sports stadium Cuban assistance with the Grenadian international airport was a key excuse for the 1983 U .S invasion, and the imprisonment of the NJM leaders The main phrase used to sell national economic development is that, "we are all in this together ." The socialist project promised that abundance would be on the horizon, and once abundance was achieved through worker sacrifice for national economic development, it would be shared The line of today's global capital is much the same, except the promise of sharing some day is spoken much more softly, if at all The belief that we are one, all in the same boat, is Hegelian, a remnant of objective idealism and is fully taken up by Freire His followers, even those like Martin Carnoy with proud records of taking apart the workings of capital, are thus left with making calls to humanize the culture of the globalization of capital, a social system which Meszaros rightly calls a "giant sucking pump of surplus value ." (Freire, 1998a, p 16, 36 ; Carnoy, 1974 ; Meszaros, 1995, p 422) Spring 1999 t 1 4 5


Freire's objective idealism on the one hand produces and recreates mechanical materialism on the other hand-a contradiction among many Freire is willing to live with-allowing his admirers to uncritically appropriate only parts of him, without addressing his clear contributions in their complexity Some adopt Freire's humanism and ignore his politics, others adopt his politics and abuse his humanism The Grenadian and Guinea Bissau revolutions appropriated the Freire for national economic development and abandoned his ideas about equality and democracy Others, like Carnoy, lift his humanist and constructivist approaches to literacy, and repress his revolutionary politics Objective idealism manufactures this binary, and allows Freire to live with his own contradictions Still, within Freire's objective idealism, is also the sense that dialectical materialism, which privileges primacy of class struggle and social practice, constitutes a coherent way to comprehend and act on the world His demands for a critique of praxis create a fair ground for examining his own ideas and those of others Moreover, Freire's insistence on the importance of ideas (critical consciousness) and leadership inextricably linked to the masses in any struggle for social change and education lays the basis to explore the possibilities of ideology linked to material equality (Freire, 1980, p 124) Freire says critical consciousness is, . .something which implies to analyze It is a kind of reading the world rigorously . of reading how society works It is to better understand the problem of interests, the question of power . a deeper reading of reality . common sense goes beyond common sense (Freire, 1998b, p 9) Paulo Freire for Beginners : The Paradigm Shifter "There will be equality, as it is written : He who gathered much did not have too much, and he who gathered little did not have too little"(Corinthians, 8 :13) Let's look at a simplified approach to how the unity and struggle of opposites (dialectics) within Freire works What I am about to pose is but two useful photos of what should be better seen as a complex film always in motion, the Idealist Freire riding on the same tracks as the Mechanically Materialist Freire I will pose two Freire's In the first instance, I will try to summarize, in a brief format, Freire's analytical process as it appears in his theoretical work This addresses Freire as an objective idealist (Catholic humanist), with Freire answering questions like : What is the motive force of history? How do we know this? Who is positioned to make change? How will they do that? What kind of pedagogy do you 1 4 6 t Spring 1999


propose? Why? What is the source of alienation and exploitation, and what shall we do about it? Who are our friends? Where does the government come from and who does it serve? Where does racism come from? What shall we do about that? How shall we fight? How will we know when we win? What do we need to know to avoid recreating the mistakes of the past, to act anew? Under the second heading, I will apply similar questions to Freire's practice, where we see the most orthodox of mechanical materialisms The binary I am proposing, which Freire's objective idealism allows him to encircle, is most easily seen in two of Freire's works, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, and, Pedagogy in Process : Letters to Guinea Bissau, the former representing the humanist tilt and the latter the mechanist side His most recent books, Politics and Education, and Pedagogy of the Heart, perhaps more even than others, are rife with the contradictions I outline below The Objective Idealist Freire 1 All of history is seen as "a process of human events ." (Freire, 1973, p 147) The "fundamental theme of our epoch is domination, which implies its opposite, liberation" (Freire, 1973, p 93) Oppression equals "dehumanization" (Freire, 1980, 28) 2 Culture and language are the primary indicators of this process Silence is a prime indicator of oppression (Freire, 1985, p 73 ; Freire, 1994, p 231) 3 Hence, to grasp history, analyze culture and language . 4 . .through literacy achieved via cultural investigation and dialogue 5 Middle-class leaders and teachers are motivated, and linked to the masses and students, by respect, benevolence, dialogue, and love, which overcomes inequality This requires the "class suicide," of the teacher-leaders (Freire, 1978, p 103) 6 Literacy classes are student-centered, texts rise from student experience 7 Inequality is examined as dehumanization, "spiritual weariness, historical anesthesia," cultural invasion Spring 1999 t 1 4 7


(Freire, 1994, p 123) 8 Change is achieved through new consciousness gained through literacy, and new approaches to language Coming to voice becomes change : education for free= dom (Freire, 1985, p 78) 9 The state, government, is mediated terrain, a potential ally (Freire, 1996, p 120) 10 In political activity, pluralism, such as Freire's Workers Party of Brazil National culture and economic development are privileged 11 False consciousness is defeated by critical analysis (Freire, 1973, p 34-35) 12 Alienation is annulled by deconstructing hegemony Will defeats might (Freire, 1994,172) 13 Truth is located within Freire's mind, or God's The test for truth is in theory (Freire, 1973, p 18) 14 In theory : this is the post-modernist Freire ; sexgender, race, class, nation, are simultaneously pivotal "Class struggle is not the mover of history, but it is certainly one of them" (Freire, 1994, p 91) 15 Racism is analyzed primarily as an ideological system-or an ethical problem 16 Resistance, revolution, or praxis is equated to literary deconstruction 17 Inequality is overcome by heightened consciousness The oppressors are liberated (Freire, 1980, p 28) In sum, the outline above amounts to traditional social Democracy Next, I pose the questions noted above to the revolutionary Freire, the Freire who advised the Grenadian and Cabral revolution of Guinea Bissau This is the mechanist side of Freire It should be clear that this Freire is no stranger to the idea that violence is the mother of social change (Gibson, 1994, 326) 1 4 8 t Spring 1999


The Mechanically Materialist Freire 1 All history is the history of the struggle for production, then class struggle "Relationships can never be understood except in the light of class analysis" (Freire, 1978, p 8) 2 Production and technology are the primary indicators/ motivative forces (Freire, 1978, p 56) 3 Hence, to transform reality ; analyze and achieve national production . (Freire, 1973, p 32 ; Freire, 1978, p 47) 4 Through literacy won via directive and steered dialogue : re-education (Freire, 1978, p 114) 5 Teachers and leaders are motivated by love, party or leader-worship, and national economic development Personality cults rise : Cabral, Maurice Bishop in Grenada, Castro, etc (Freire, 1994, p 167-173, Freire, 1980, p 164) 6 Inequality is checked via revolution and the vanguard revolutionary party 7 Change is achieved via revolution and the vanguard party 8 The state, government, is to be smashed, then appropriated (In the case of Chile, failure to conduct this activity made counter-revolution possible .) 9 False consciousness is defeated by national commitment to revolutionary national economic/technical development (Freire, 1978, p 51) 10 Alienation is annulled in praxis by revolution, then economic improvements National development requires support for the national bourgeoisie (Freire, 1978, p 112) 11 "Democratic" centralism in politics, (e .g ., New Jewel, Guinea Bissau, Cuba, etc .) Spring 1999 t 1 4 9


12 In theory, class is pivotal ; race, sex/gender, nation secondary (Subverted by emphasis on national development .) 13 Racism is analyzed as system of exploitation, usually overcome by the revolution (e .g ., Cuba) 14 Resistance is guerrilla or revolutionary war 15 Truth resides within, and is tested by, usually, the central committee 16 Inequality is purportedly defeated by technological change which creates abundance, that is, by the restoration of capitalist relations The party bourgeoisie, red experts, etc ., promise an egalitarian future In sum, this amounts to dogmatic, vulgar, or mechanical Marxism Social democracy as seen in Allende's Chile, and vulgar, doctrinaire, dogmatic strains of Marxism, as seen in Castro's Cuba, Bishop's Grenada, Communist China, or the collapsed Soviet Union, are failed systems I characterize these systems as idealism in power, and mechanical materialism in power The history of what can be properly called right (Chile) and left (U .S .S .R .) Hegelianism, the elements of Freire's contradictions, both of which rely heavily on the good will of intellectuals and the postponement of equality in exchange for abundance, will not get anyone to critical democratic citizenship Grenadian efforts to build an economy rooted in new technology and to create a workforce technologically capable and disciplined, were built upon worker sacrifices and a party-centered educational system which sought to mask its alienating efforts in the language of national selfdetermination The party leadership retained decision making power, and the results of labor producing surplus value In the minds of the far-seeing leadership, the educational system had to be motored by the goals of the economy These goals were certainly within the framework of traditional socialism, and in many ways in Grenada, under Bernard Coard's NJM leadership, predated the Gorbechevglasnost and perestroika projects (Gibson, 1994, p 240) For a worker in the fields, or in the new fruit processing plants, though, the burden of alienated work, of work out of workers' control, creating unpaid value beyond the reward, value which boomerangs back and empowers those in charge ; that estrangement remained in full force The promise of better days lagged, and lagged-and vanished In socialist practice, it is evident that abundance alone will never lead to equality, the bedrock 1 5 0 t Spring 1999


to democracy Consciousness alone will never lead to democracy You simply cannot get there from here on either singular route Yet no movement for fundamental change can leap ahead if the ideas of the people have not hurdled their current conditions, if the people have not discovered that they are superior to their circumstances, if they are unable to locate their often utopian hopes in seeds of the present The slave cannot get rid of the master, without first envisioning life without the master Absent Guevara's quixotic vision, that the dozen or so loving revolutionaries could win, there would be no Cuban socialism to learn from Without revolutionary theory, there is no revolutionary practice (Lenin, 1990, 84 ; Lukacs, 1971) The question remains : What do people need to know in order to end exploitation and alienation? What must we see today to construct freedom tomorrow? Freire fails to recognize in depth the importance of his own call for the centripetal role of critical consciousness, that is, the role of ideas as a material force-especially the idea of equality Just as literacy does not necessarily have anything to do with liberation or democracy, neither does development or abundance lead to democratic equality or social justice But democratic egalitarianism is a powerful notion, with deep historical roots (Birchall, 1997) Freire is distracted from this profound principal by traveling into another mechanical and dogmatic cul-de-sac Freire in social practice relies heavily on the theory of productive forces, both in the idealist Freire and the doctrinal Freire This theoretical model within dogmatic threads of Marxism (leftHegelianism) overestimates the role of technique of production and privileges technological advance far above the social relations of production In other words, the theory of productive forces insists that in order for democratic and egalitarian citizenship to become a reality, it is necessary to create abundance To construct abundance requires rapid industrialization or technological development, which in turn demands material rewards for political and technical experts-and well-rewarded party leaders-to make the decisions for the rabble This requires and reintroduces official ideas and practices supporting inequality-which promises, someday, become equality The unquenchable thirst of surplus value that is capital is re-introduced, as a Trojan Horse or a Prometheus, carrying the promise of social justice Working people tithe to the party This is not to reduce to a single theory the many rocks that have shipwrecked socialism : caudillo cults of personality, nationalism hidden in socialist cloth, the repeated failure of justice-oriented movements to address questions of sexism, the use of professional armies as hooligans of new elites The theory of productive forces is, though, a mostly uncharted rock Remarkably, all of the socialist revolutions of the century were made with armies that were more or less egalitarian and democratic, but conquering reSpring 1999 t 1 5 1


gimes almost immediately installed a new undemocratic privileged aristocracy in the name of promoting economic development for, postponed, equality (Mao Tse Tung, 1977) In the world of theory, addressing merely the appearances of domination and oppression does not get to the sources in exploitation and authoritarianism Freire's embodiment of contradictions in his theoretical work, and his contradictory practice, really demonstrates the twin relationship of what leftists know as sectarianism and opportunism Both rise, if we are to estimate that the agents of change are reasonably honest, out of a limited, one-sided, analysis of the material world, rooted in a similar philosophical error Sectarianism and opportunism are twins of the same mother, two faces of opposition to real critical and democratic citizenship Both reify truth, locating truth outside the realm of tests in social practice The sectarians usually locate truth inside the party's central committee, for the opportunists, truth is in God's hands, really their minds Both sectarianism and opportunism are based at once in deep fear of the people, elitism, contempt for mass struggle ; and in support of privilege, hero iconicization, mesmerized mass action, or passivity Once the party of revolution is in power, stop wondering about equality or the division of surplus value ; wait for the promised land Sectarianism overestimates the primacy of the material world, making it appear that matter changes only at its own reified pace-the mechanically materialist Freire Opportunism contends that matter is only changed through the force of ideas, often individual ideas, not concrete, analytical, egalitarian mass struggle-the idealist Freire Sectarianism and opportunism combine to form the fatalistic belief that the world, matter, will surely change in ways we desire Both finally limit or deny the significance of fully reflective human agency-grasping and transforming the world at its political and economic roots We have seen these mis-estimations quickly turn into the opposites of their civic claims far too often For left Hegelianism, sectarianism, and right Hegelianism, opportunism, change happens along a line of accumulated, predictable, nearly inevitable, elements of change or change happens because we wish it so Both reality and/or change are constructs of the mind, usually the Mind in charge Meet the new boss, same as the old boss (Freire, 1980, p 20-25) The resolution of this is a deep probe into the intersections of mind and matter, in the construction of everyday life, in using critical theory to make the reproductive veils of capital transparent, and to grasp what useful elements of the future are built into the presentand to look into the future .' "If we live, we live to tread on kings ." (William Shakespeare, Henry IV) 1 5 2 t Spring 1999


There are ways out of Freire's dilemma, understanding that social practice is tentative, experimental, partial, yet utterly necessary and inevitable The untenable contradiction of national economic development and democracy could be resolved by uniting them under the rubric of the moral (and material) imperative of equality-in both the mode (decision-making) and means (equality in distribution) of production This does not mean equality as a dogmatic abstraction, but equality as a necessary common goal, recognizing that the starting points of people are simply not equal As elements of Freire's work suggests, we must not only examine discourse and culture, but that we pay particular attention to the creation and distribution of surplus value-both in terms of the creation of goods and the creation and distribution of surplus time-which relates to the foundations of creating culture Decision-making power as a form of alienation, or liberation, must be considered a part of this process of critique as well Freire's objective idealist focus on appearances, in this instance the appearance of oppression, as indicated above, limits the routes to liberation Istvan Meszaros offers a deepened understanding of what must be understood in order to reach into a more democratic and egalitarian future He underlines the necessity of grappling with dialectics, studying the processes of change in a thorough-going materialist fashion, and suggests that capital (whose life blood is exploitation and alienation) has a lot of defenses, what he calls second-order mediations, including :  t The nuclear family (a center of reproducing authoritarian relations)  t Alienated means of production, distribution, and consumption  t Fetishist (as opposed to humanist) production objectives  t Labor structurally divorced from control  Capital's nation status-and its fickle willingness to follow the sweet smell of surplus value from one nation to the next Nationalism is a secondary interest to capital  t The uncontrollability of the market (Meszaros, 1995, pp 108, 138, 929) To which can be added : Spring 1999 t 1 5 3


 Cultural hegemony  t The fragmentation of labor-workers split by unions, trade, skill, race, etc  t The continuing appeal of nationalism (Perlman) And to which Wilhelm Reich would add : the role of sexuality and the family in preparing people for an irrational oppressive world (Reich, 1970) Guy Debord, the situationist anarcho-communist, enraged on every stinging page of Comments on the Society of the Spectacle, demonstrates, with his colleagues Fredy Perlman and I .I Rubin, that revolutionary change must penetrate into every area of body and mind, to unchaining every aspect of human creativity Listen to Debord raise his fist : No quantitative relief of its poverty, no illusory hierarchical incorporation, can supply a lasting cure for its satisfaction, for the proletariat cannot truly recognize itself in any particular wrong it has suffered ; nor therefore, in the righting of any particular wrong-nor even in the righting of many such wrongs ; but only in the righting of the unqualified wrong that has been perpetrated upon it-the universal wrong of its exclusion from life (Debord 1990, p 85) Now, return to Meszaros, . what determines ideology more than anything else is the imperative to become practically conscious of the fundamentals of social conflict-from the mutually exclusive standpoints of the hegemonic alternatives that face on another in the given social order-for the purpose of fighting it out (Meszaros, 1989, p 11) In sum, the way out must at once address the totality of human creativity and the particular methods that are used to imprison it No one can reasonably suggest a grasp of the totality, or, hence, all of its components But it is possible, recognizing the simultaneously absolute and relative nature of truth, to go out the door and take informed, critically conscious, action 1 5 4 t Spring 1999


It might appear that what I have written here creates a Freire that is profoundly pessimistic, a fellow whose language of love and understanding is undermined simultaneously by a view that people are born in sin, or that people must have corrupt and coercive direction to move forward As a subset of Freire's ideas that has gone mostly uncriticized, there is some truth in that But it is a caricature of my interpretation, a fraction of the story This paper seeks to take Freire at his word, to critically address aspects he "may not have perceived" (Freire, 1980, p 24) This is respectful work Listen to Freire's idea of good teaching : "There is no more ethical or truly democratic road than one in which we reveal to learners how we think, why we think the way we do, our dreams, the dreams for which we will fight, while giving them concrete proof that we respect their opinions, even when they are opposed to our own ." (Freire ,1998b, p 40) Who does this better than Freire? The objective idealist Freire is a worthy starting point for pedagogy for the common good Freire, even in his objective idealism, still understands that things exist, things change, and he is able to put together an admirable pedagogical outlook to participate in transformation Freire's contributions around the pivotal nature of praxis as the testing ground for knowledge, the centrifugal role of honest leadership, and the importance of the unity of leaders and educators with the masses and students alone are worth the complex encounter that occurs when assaying the fellow who calls himself the Vagabond of the Obvious-Paulo Freire Nevertheless, what is clear at this historical moment, is that the people of the world have never been as educated and as technologically advanced as they are now The history of oppression demonstrates that where there is oppression there is always resistance Oppression is both ideological and material : Princess Diana worship and Patriot missiles, standardized educational curricula, layoffs at Levis, and the Daimler-Chrysler merger, promises to empower teachers and the takeover of the Detroit public schools by the banks and casino powers, all interacting with one another What lies behind language is not merely technique, but power, the iron fist under the velvet glove Discourse analysis in the tradition of the idealist Freire will not supply the social forces necessary to make change It will not bring about a society which privileges relations between people over relations between things Still, what drives production is not technology but social relations-again imbued with imbalances of power-a process which the doctrinal Freire undervalues Freire does offer a chance to underline Lukacs' position, interestingly ratified later by Maoist economics, that consciousness rising out of social relations must, at some point, strip ahead of the development of technologies in the means of production Within Freire's contribution about the importance of ideology is the hint that equality might overcome the contraSpring 1999 t 1 5 5


diction, not by overlapping idealism with materialism, but simply with a new understanding rising from a mostly social, rather than mostly technologically mechanical vision Educators concerned about citizenship and the common welfare are being urged by elites to join them in their efforts to tamp down the democratic expectations of the mass of people, to help children to understand and accept that they will not likely do as well as their parents, that the tests they are taking really prepare them for a multitude of alienated jobs in a world where employer loyalty is a one-way street For any educator to play along is to ignore the old revolutionary adage that an injury to one only precedes an injury to all : to join in the organization of decay is to eventually organize one's own rot Educators who tacitly support the stratification of children by class, sex, and race, will themselves find their wages tied to the parental incomes of those they teach Moreover, passive educators, or partisans who opt to oppose the valuable contributions of Freire's work on education for transmission or transformation, will be unable to unpack the alienation they themselves will build and feel in classrooms driven by standardized curricula, national examinations, and burgeoning class size counts (Anyon, 1998, Gibson, 1999 Lipman, 1999) We who profess to stand for education for citizenship must make problematic the intersections of power and inequality that block our best laid plans The key area of agreement, for example, of the U .S .installed Minister of Education in Grenada and the former revolutionary New jewel leaders now in prison, was that education must serve national economic development The implications of that decision are extraordinarily perplexing As both sides of this struggle are intensely aware, ideas have consequences The New jewel leaders have been unjustly held as political prisoners in a seventeenth century prison since 1983, for crimes that, after a careful review of evidence, I believe they did not commit The North American leftists who danced in the streets of St Georges during the NJM government's short stint in power have done nearly nothing about the grotesque injustice Tragically, at the conclusion of a cold war conducted primarily by white folks, the last prisoners of that war are African-Caribbean Grenada's current Minister of Education really has no desire to take either of Freire's paths toward liberatory consciousness, not the examination of domination, not real national development The current government is busy selling passports and seeking top-of-the-line tourist development In contrast, the New jewel leaders, still thinking of themselves as patriots, have guided the prison education program so well that it has the top test scores on the island-to boost the national economy So, we who look to education seriously as a passage to democratic citizenship must determine just where it is we want to go and 1 5 6 t Spring 1999


how we hope to get there Now, more than ever, what teachers do matters If the future must be forged by people who at least make new errors, what do those people need to know to be immune to lies, to be inoculated against submissiveness-and how should they learn it? If we are to understand Freire at all : things change Capital is temporal We are accountable for what is next Notes I omit names where I feel there is any possibility that naming might damage the hopes of a subject I also wish to criticize a section of my earlier work on Grenada which I now think suffers from an incomplete analysis of the Grenadian revolution and the later invasion (Gibson, 1994) I have posted on my web page, cited below, an analysis by a jailed New Jewel leader, John Ventour, that offers the basis for a better examination of the crises in Grenada I also wish to underline the horrific injustice of the continued incarceration of the New Jewel members, the Grenada 17, who are innocent as charged, and who have served 16 years in a 17th century prison I Freire, constrained by his viewpoint which focuses on appearances, has an extraordinarily thin understanding of the revolution in Grenada and the years of preparation which preceded it-even though he was an active participant in the post-revolutionary government Counter to Freire, revolutions do not "wait to happen," and this one was years in preparation Both Freire and I erred in our criticism of the crisis in Grenada in 1983, iconicizing Maurice Bishop and demonizing Bernard Coard, a critique that missed the complexity of events (Freire, 1994, p 167) 'Here Lukacs marginally follows Lenin in his critique of Berkeley, in which Lenin suggests that Berkeley's notions of representation have no materiality, existing only on the plane of consciousness See Lenin (1972) Materialism and Empiro-Criticism, New York : International Publishers, p 23 While the APA style of avoiding footnotes except in nearcrisis situations is adopted here, there is an extensive bibliography for the reader interested in exploring the ideas, especially relating to dialectics and materialism, addressed in this paper For those interested in introductory texts I suggest, from the left, Gollobin, and from the right, Wetter John Dewitt's unfortunately unpublished dissertation on Freire is a gem `' For a brief parenthetical discussion of how this operated, see E .H Carr, What is History? Here the Soviets tried to resolve the problem, "We Russians have to do with still primitive human material We are compelled to adapt the flying machine to the type of flyer who is at our disposal To the extent which we are successful in developing a new man, the technological development of the material will be perfected . ." The new man, however, was not to critique Soviet hierarchy or inequality, but to develop in relation to technology (p 191) 5 Here Lukacs and I, leaving from the same starting point, cross paths, but I think the thought is very similar : "most of the deviations from Marxism follow one of these paths in their methods and revoke Marx's supersession of a false antimony in a bourgeoisie sense . it should be noted that sectarian dogmatism generally takes the path of fetishization of reason, whereas opportunist revisions of Marxism commonly show the tendency to an empiricist fetishization ." (Lukacs, 1988v2, p 107) For a fine discussion of the masks of capital as a "natural force," see Fredy Perlman (1992) References Anyon, J (1997) Ghetto schooling New York : Teachers College Press Arrighi, G (1994) The long twentieth century London : Verso Apple, M (1980) Education and power New York : Routledge Apple, M (1992) Official knowledge New York : Routledge Birchall, I (1997) The spectre of baeuf New York : St Martins Press Spring 1999 157


Bryant W M (1971) Hegel's educational ideas New York : AMS Press Carnoy, M (1974) Education as cultural imperialism New York : McKay Carnoy, M (1985) Schooling and work in the democratic state Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press Debord, G (1990) Comments on the society of the spectacle London : Verso Dewitt, J (1971) An exposition and analysis of Paulo Freire's radical psycho-social andragogy of development Unpublished doctoral dissertation Boston University, Boston Freidman, M (1998, January 11) Jail The New York Times, A27 Freire, P (1973) Education for Critical Consciousness New York : Continuum Freire, P (1978) Pedagogy in Process New York : Seabury Freire, P (1980) Pedagogy of the Oppressed New York : Continuum Freire, P (1985) Politics of Education New York : Bergin and Garvey Freire, P (1996) Letters to Christians New York : Routledge Freire, P (1994) Pedagogy of Hope New York : Continuum Freire, P (1998a) Pedagogy of the heart New York : Continuum Freire, P (1998b) Politics and education Berkeley : University of California Press Freire, P (1999a) A Paulo Freire reader New York : Continuum Freire, P (1999) Cultural action for freedom Harvard Education Review, 88(4) Gibson, R (1994) The promethean literacy : Paulo Freire's pedagogy of reading, praxis, and liberation Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Penn State University, State College PA Available on-line at : h ttp ://www .pipeline .com/-rgibson/gibson .ht m Gibson, R (1998) The Michigan social studies standards, beware the dream censors, Cultural Logic, 10) [On-line serial] Available : h ttp ://eserver .org/clogic/1-1/gibson .htm l Gibson, R (1999) [Book review of Ghetto schooling .] Review o f EducationlPedagogy and Cultural Studies, Available : h ttp ://www .pipeline .com/-rgibson/anyon .ht m Gollobin, I (1988) Dialectical materialism New York : Petras Press Greider, W (1997) One world ready or not New York : Simon and Schuster Hickling-Hudson, A (1988) Toward communication praxis Journal o f Education, 170, 9-38 Kaplan, R (1995) The ends of the earth : Journey to the ends of anarchy New York : Vintage Kozol, J (1985) Illiterate America New York : Doubleday Korsch, K (1970) Marxism and philosophy New York : Monthly Review Press Lenin, V .I (1990) State and revolution New York : International Publishers Lipman, P (1999) Race, class, and power in school restructuring Albany : State University of New York Press Lukacs, G (1952) Destruction of reason Atlantic Highlands, NJ : Humanities Press Lukacs, G (1971) History and class consciousness Cambridge, MA : MIT Press Lukacs, G (1973) Marxism and human liberation New York : Delta Lukacs, G (1954) The young Hegel Verso, London Lukacs, G (1988) The ontology of social being (three volumes) London : Verso Mao Tse Tung (1977) A critique o f soviet economics New York : Monthly Review Press Marx, K (1978) Marx-Engels reader (2nd Ed .) (Robert Tucker, Ed .) New York : Norton Marx, K (1980) Capital New York : International Publishers Marx, K (1985) The German ideology New York : International Publishers Meszaros, I (1970) Marx's theory o f alienation London : Merlin Press Meszaros, I (1972) Aspects o f history and class consciousness London : Routedge Meszaros, I (1989) The power o f ideology New York : New York University Press Meszaros, I (1995) Beyond capital London : Merlin Press Mishel, L .,& Bernstein, J (1999) The state of working America, 1998-99 New York : Sharpe Ollman, B (1977) Alienation New York : Cambridge University Press Ollman, B (1979) Social and sexual revolution Boston : South End Press Ollman, B (1992) Dialectical investigations New York : Routledge Palmer, R (1990) Descent into discourse Philadelphia : Temple University Press Perlman, F (1990) Introduction : Commodity Fetishism In I I Rubin, Essays on Marx's theory of value (pp xi-xxxviii) Montreal : Black Rose Perlman, F (1992) The reproduction of everyday life Detroit : Black and Red Perlman, F (1993) The continuing appeal of nationalism Detroit : Black and Red 1 5 8 t Spring 1999


Reich, W (1970) The mass psychology of fascism New York : Touchstone Reich, W (1971) Sex-pol, the essays of Wilhem Reich, 1929-1934 (Lee Baxandall, Ed .) New York : Random House Reich, W (1972) Fundamental problems of marxism Moscow : Progress Publishers Sartre, J-P (1982) Critique of dialectical reason London : Verso Shannon, P (1990) Struggle to continue Portsmouth, NH : Heinemann Shannon, P (1998) Reading poverty Portsmouth, NH : Heinemann Stuckey, E J (1992) The violence of literacy Portsmouth, NH : Boyton-Cook Taylor, P (1993) The texts of Paulo Freire Philadelphia : Open University Press Author RICH GIBSON is Program Coordinator of Social Studies Education in the College of Education at Wayne State University, Detroit, MI 48202 Email : < r gibson@pipeline .co m > Spring 1999 t 1 5 9


Theory and Research in Social Education Spring 1999, Volume 27, Number 2, pp 160-178 € College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies The Message And The Medium : The Roots/Routes Of Jerome Bruner's Postmodernism Burton Weltman William Paterson University Abstract Jerome Bruner has been one of the most prominent American psychologists and educators since World War II with particular interest in and influence on social education He has repeatedly invented new fields of study and reinvented himself in the process A pioneer in public opinion research during the 1940s, Bruner founded the New Look school of perception in the early 1950s, the Cognitive Revolution during the late 1950s, and a post-Piagetian school of child development in the 1970s Bruner was a positivist during the 1940s, then a structuralist through the 1960s, and a poststructuralist during the 1970s A Cold War liberal in politics through the 1950s, he has since moved steadily to the Left During the 1980s, Bruner emerged as a postmodernist and founded the field of cultural psychology This article is an intellectual biography of Bruner, focusing on the influence of his early years in public opinion research and the significance of his conversion to postmodernism Rhizome Postmodernism has taken root almost everywhere (Grenz, 1996) This is fitting for a theory that promotes the rhizome as one of its central metaphors (Deleuze & Guattari, 1983, pp 5-10) A rhizome is a root system, crabgrass is an example, that produces many similar shoots Postmodernists use the rhizome to describe the growth of culture which, they claim, spreads like crabgrass Like a rhizome, postmodernism has burgeoned in different places with different meanings for different people It is a nebulous concept, fitting for a theory that has as one of its main themes the nebulousness of all concepts (Morawski, 1996, p 2) But the theory's ambiguity raises questions about its significance Postmodernism seems to be a theory more of questions than answers These include epistemological questions about how we are able to know anything and upon what authority or by what tests we should 1 6 0 t Spring 1999


accept things as valid ; cognitive questions about how we think and how we should view the world ; and, cultural questions about whom we should listen to and whose values are worthy of respect Most postmodernists approach these questions in similar ways Most, for example, reject all forms of epistemological, cultural and political authority as means for determining truth and organizing society Most promote story telling as humankind's primary method of learning, thinking, and relating to each other and to the world And, most celebrate cultural diversity Their answers to most questions are, nonetheless, widely diverse and hotly disputed even among themselves (Cherryholmes, 1988) The spread of postmodernism has been controversial Postmodernists contend that their theory is the ripe fruition of the post-industrial stage of Western history An outgrowth of our consumer society, in which few people have to do physical work or save their pennies, and most people are literate with free time and money to engage in cultural pursuits, postmodernism unleashes human creativity and encourages the development of diverse cultures and subcultures (Haraway, 1989) Opponents claim, to the contrary, that postmodernism has contributed to making culture into just another market-place commodity, so that cultural change has become synonymous with fads-anything goes and nothing has value (Morawski, 1996) The debate about postmodernism has often been ferocious, but questions still remain as to whether all of the sound and fury signifies anything important to social theory and practice That is, is postmodernism a strong theory whose adoption has a significant influence on a person's social theory and practice? Or, is postmodernism merely a weak theory whose adoption does not significantly affect a person's other ideas? An examination of the social, psychological and educational ideas of Jerome Bruner may help answer these questions In recent years, postmodernism has taken root in education (Linn, 1996) and Jerome Bruner has been among its prime cultivators (Doll, 1993, pp 58, 128) Bruner, one of the most prominent American psychologists since World War II, is also one of the most influential postwar educators (Geertz, 1997, p 22) He was the godfather of the New Curriculum movement during the 1960s and his book The Process o f Education (1960) has been hailed as one of the most important books in American education (Jenness, 1990, p 129 ; Sullivan, 1961, p 334 ; Sylvester, 1969, p 89) Over the last decade, Bruner has become a proponent of postmodern theories of narrativity, describing himself as a cultural psychologist, and hailing postmodernism as a compelling description of our kaleidoscopic age and a fitting philosophy of education for our pluralistic society (Bruner, 1996) Spring 1999 t 1 6 1


Bruner is a remarkable person who has demonstrated an amazing capacity to invent new fields of study and to reinvent himself in the process He has been a weathercock for the winds of change in psychology and education, ahead of the curve and leading the reformers His most recent incarnation as a cultural psychologist is his fifth since World War II Starting in the 1940s as a pioneer in public opinion research, Bruner studied people as consumers of ever-changing ideas and cultural fads, the sort of behavior that postmodernists later cited as support for their world view He subsequently gained prominence as the founder of the New Look school of perception in the early 1950s, the Cognitive Revolution in thinking during the late 1950s, and a postPiagetian school of child development in the 1970s Bruner was something of a positivist in his approach to research and reality in his early work, looking for laws of causation to explain how one thing leads to another He subsequently became an ardent structuralist-seeking the underlying patterns which unite things and explain facts-during the 1950s and 1960s, and a post-structuralist-positing the possibilities and illuminating the choices in each situation-during the 1970s and early 1980s, before emerging in recent years as a postmodernist Something of a Cold War liberal in his political positions during the 1940s and 1950s, he has moved steadily to the Left ever since In the course of any life, a person invariably changes in some things, stays the same in others, and the question can be raised as to what was more important, the continuities or the changes The thesis of this article is that through all of his many incarnations, Bruner has been telling essentially the same story and promoting essentially the same approach to social and educational problems Although the form of his story has changed and the moral of the story has gradually become more liberal, the plot has stayed basically the same Bruner's has been the model of a postmodernist career-kaleidoscopic but also rhizomic He has taken root in many fields of psychology and education, taking on a different intellectual and political coloration each time, but always bearing the same basic fruit Like a rhizome, Bruner has produced many offshoots, but they have all been variations on the same theme, a message looking for an appropriate medium, with postmodernism merely the latest The Roots of Bruner's Postmodernism Bruner's formative work was done during the period encompassing World War II and the Cold War, from the late 1930s through the early 1960s, when American social theorists and political commentators were intensely concerned with issues of leadership and public opinion (Fowler, 1978) Awed by the ability of the Nazis in Germany 1 6 2 t Spring 1999


and the Communists in the Soviet Union to manipulate their peoples through propaganda, American politicians and theoreticians were also cowed by the ability of these totalitarian dictatorships to make quick and effective decisions Liberals (Galbraith, 1958 ; Kennedy, 1955 ; Schlesinger, 1963) and conservatives (Friedman, 1962 ; Goldwater, 1960 ; Rickover, 1959) alike worried that a pluralistic democracy, such as the United States, might not be able to mobilize public opinion or cultivate the leadership necessary to survive in the modern world Bruner's work in psychology and education arose out of these concerns, starting with his work on public opinion in the 1940s Bruner himself and commentators on Bruner's work have consistently belittled or ignored this early work as being outside the main line of his academic career, which from the late 1940s developed systematically from perception to cognition to child development to cultural development (Anglin, 1973, p XIII ; Bruner, 1983, pp 38, 45) It is a main contention of this article, however, that the ideas that Bruner developed through his public opinion work formed the basic themes for almost all of his later work Bruner first enunciated these themes in his doctoral dissertation on Nazi propaganda techniques, which he completed in 1941 The dissertation was concerned with the effect of people's preconceptions on their attitudes and with the difference between propaganda and education In Bruner's description, Nazi propaganda was effective because, like any successful storytelling, it appealed to people's imaginations, emotions and experiences The problem with the Nazis' stories was that their images were fearful, the emotions they evoked were hateful, and the evidence they used was half-truths, all of which played upon people's false prejudices and narrow preconceptions Propaganda is based on low brow cultural forms and appeals to people's short-term, selfish self-interests Education is based on high brow cultural forms and appeals to people's long-term, pro-social interests The challenge for democratic opinion-makers is to tell effective stories that are based on hopeful images, positive emotions and truthful evidence, and that overcome the narrowness of people's preconceptions (Bruner, 1941, pp 26-28, 166-169, 304) Starting with his dissertation, Bruner has focussed throughout his career on questions of how people make decisions, communicate with each other, and adopt new ideas, questions that combine academic and public policy concerns What are the differences in the ways elite intellectual leaders and ordinary people make decisions, and how can the former be liberated to do their best work while the latter are brought into the decision-making process? How can elite intellectual leaders get their best ideas across to the masses, and how can ordinary people be induced through education to overcome their narrow preconceptions and adopt these ideas? Bruner formulated these quesSpring 1999 t 1 6 3


tions in his public opinion work and then repeatedly reformulated them as he moved within different fields of psychology and adopted different epistemological perspectives Bruner first applied these themes directly to education in 1946, while serving as an information officer, a diplomatic term for propagandist, at the United States Embassy in France Bruner co-authored an evaluation of the French educational system (Bruner & Brown, 1946) in which he claimed that French educators had found a way to convey a common core of high-brow cultural concepts to all French children French schools thereby bridged the gap between the cultural elite and the masses, overcoming popular prejudices and narrow preconceptions, and freeing the elite to create new cultural forms with the support of the masses He hoped that American educators could do likewise and his own educational work has consistently aimed toward that end Bruner's psychological and educational ideas have exemplified the best liberalism of his generation He was a member of the cohort of forty-something upstarts, represented by President John Kennedy, who took power over most major American institutions during the early 1960s in a generational revolution against their sixty-something elders who traditionally ran things Hailing their accession as the triumph of liberal pragmatists in the prime of their lives over conservative ideologues grasping to maintain the old order at all costs, Bruner and his cohort hoped to inaugurate the long-term hegemony of a regime of middle-aged realists (Hofstadter, 1962, p 227 ; Schlesinger, 1963, p X) Promoting a hardheaded realism as the middle ground between hardhearted conservatism and soft headed progressivism, they combined varying degrees of political and cultural elitism (Bruner, 1983, p 273 ; also, 1956, p 466) and social and economic egalitarianism (Bruner 1971, p 174 ; also 1962, p 164 ; 1983, p 196) Much to their chagrin, they were themselves soon confronted with a generational rebellion of raucous teens and twenty-somethings who rejected the muddled middle class liberalism that had seemingly produced the War in Vietnam and riots in American cities Affronted by this selfstyled New Left, many in Bruner's generation of liberals retreated into neo-conservatism or hardened their political and intellectual positions Bruner, however, continued to change with, rather than against, the changing times Bruner's commitments to elitism in some things and egalitarianism in others have made for a heady mix, fraught with contradictions of which he has sometimes seemed aware Committed, on the one hand, to the rule of reason in culture and education, Bruner has, nonetheless, insisted that reason must be informed by emotion and imagination and that creativity must be unleashed Likewise, committed to the rule of the most reasonable in politics and society, he has 1 6 4 t Spring 1999


also insisted that the elite must stay in touch with the masses and that the masses should feel empowered In one of his favorite metaphors, Bruner has argued that the right hand, which is controlled by the rational side of the brain, must work in tandem with the left hand, which is controlled by the creative side of the brain (Bruner, 1962, pp 2-3, 109) Over the years, from the 1940s through the 1990s, Bruner's work has reflected a constant tension between his right-handed and left-handed tendencies the hands sometimes conflicting, sometimes cooperating His work has also reflected a gradual shift in emphasis from his right hand to his left, from concerns with rationality to creativity, from an emphasis on individuals to groups, and from solicitude primarily for the elite to the underclass Although Bruner currently expresses these tendencies in postmodernist terms, his ideas are rooted in other intellectual traditions and his route to postmodernism was circuitous Whom Do You Trust? Bruner's postmodernist roots grew first in the field of public opinion The scientific study of public opinion was a relatively new field when Bruner entered it in the late 1930s Walter Lippmann, in two seminal books, Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925), published during the 1920s, had defined most of the major issues which occupied the field (Roll & Cantril, 1980, p 145) Drawing on the latest findings of behaviorist and Freudian psychology, Lippmann claimed that most people can see only through the filter of their preconceptions, think primarily in terms of fictional stories that they invent about their lives, and invariably make decisions based on simplistic stereotypes He argued that public opinion was fundamentally irrational and that there was an unbridgeable gap between elite intellectuals and the masses Observing that "The problems that vex democracy seem to be unmanageable by democratic methods," Lippmann concluded that a political and intellectual elite must use modern propaganda techniques to manipulate and lead the masses (Lippmann, 1925, p 190) Lippmann's conclusions became a mainstay of conservative political theory (Bogart, 1985, pp 46, 88, 110, 202 ; Roll & Cantril, 1980, pp 41,131,141) They were challenged during the 1930s by a group of liberal theorists led by Gordon Allport, a social psychologist at Harvard University, and Hadley Cantril, an educational psychologist at Teachers College, Columbia University Cantril was President Roosevelt's public opinion pollster and the founder of the Office of Public Opinion Research (OPOR) at Princeton University Allport and Cantril helped establish the science of public opinion research on essentially Spring 1999 t 1 6 5


positivistic terms, as the search for laws of reciprocal causation among public policies, public policymakers and public opinion While accepting the inevitability of elite leadership, they claimed that the gap between experts and the general public could be bridged through the proper use of scientific polling that could both assess and influence the state of public opinion Combining modern polling and public relations techniques, leaders could fashion appropriate messages for educating public opinion and convey these messages to the public with modern communication devices such as radio and television (Cantril & Allport, 1935, p 259 ; Cantril, 1940/1966) These ideas became a mainstay of liberal theory Allport was Bruner's doctoral thesis advisor at Harvard and Cantril supervised Bruner's dissertation research at OPOR Bruner adopted the perspectives and procedures of Allport and Cantril in his dissertation and in his other public opinion research Their influence on Bruner's thinking during the course of his career is exemplified by his continuing citation of their work (see, for example, Bruner, Goodenow & Austin, 1956, p 18 and Bruner, 1996, pp 193, 206) Bruner's dissertation differed from most studies of mass psychology during the 1940s and 1950s in describing propaganda as a plausible appeal to the rational self-interest of its audience rather than as a purely demagogic appeal to mass irrationality The success of propaganda, according to Bruner, was based on an educational gap between elite opinion leaders and the masses, a gap which left ordinary people unable to distinguish good ideas from bad, and left them vulnerable to the short-sighted appeal of propaganda to their short-term self-interests (Bruner, 1941) The key to the success of education over propaganda, and democratic policymaking over autocracy, was developing better public relations between institutional and intellectual leaders and the masses (Bruner, 1944a, 1944b ; Cantril, 1944 [written with Bruner's assistance]) Bruner's books on public opinion were educational texts for policymakers on how to educate public opinion in favor of new policies Bruner proposed that in the hands of democratic leaders, polling could be a form of what he would later call enactive education, that is, learning through doing things and imitating others He claimed that polling can itself be an important vehicle for changing public opinion, since having to answer a question can influence people toward a particular position on the subject of the question Likewise, seeing poll results that favor a particular position can influence people to support that position, since most people want to conform to their neighbors Carefully crafted questions can, in sum, lead to the desired polling results and to support for desirable policies Toward this end, Bruner advised policymakers to ask questions that are based on what people currently do, not on what people cur1 6 6 t Spring 1999


rently think Bruner argued that people's social and political ideas invariably lag behind social and economic realities, and that people's actions often reflect newer ideas that are inconsistent with the traditional ideas they espouse As a result, policymakers should avoid abstract issues and pollsters should focus on concrete questions in order to educate people step by step toward a new set of opinions (Bruner, 1944a, pp 80, 84, 87, 91, 125, 163, 226 ; 1944b, p 5) Seeing Isn't For Believing When Bruner moved in the late 1940s from public opinion to more mainstream psychological research on perception, or what he later called iconic modes of learning, he brought with him a concern with the way preconceptions can influence people's perceptions Experimental psychology was founded in the late 19th century by a group of medical doctors doing research on the physiological stimuli and responses of perception (Letterman, 1979, p 82) In the mid-20th century, behaviorist psychologists added an emphasis on behavioral stimuli and responses Reflecting the movement toward structuralism in postwar academic thinking (Dosse, 1997 ; Lane, 1970), Bruner rejected the positivistic orientation of both physiological and behavioral theories and hoped, instead, to find the structural basis of perception through integrating psychical theories of motivation, personality and learning (Bruner & Krech, 1949, p V) As with his public opinion research, Bruner's so-called New Look theory of perception highlighted the differences between elite opinion and public opinion In a famous experiment with a group of tenyear old children from a mix of "poor" and "rich" families, he asked the children to estimate the size of different coins of money Bruner found that "the poor group overestimates the size of coins substantially more than does the rich," which he attributed to the social class background of the poor children (Bruner & Goodman, 1947, p 39) In other similar experiments (Bruner, 1954, p 139 ; Bruner, 1951/1973 ; Bruner & Postman, 1949 ; Bruner & Postman, 1952 ; Bruner, Postman & McGinnes, 1948, p 142), he found that people tended to see what they wanted to see He also found that people with low educational and income levels were more likely than educated people from the middle class to distort reality when reality did not meet their expectations, as the poor lacked imagination to see beyond their narrow preconceptions (Bruner, 1957b, pp 123-152) These experiments typically focussed on individual subjects and established the scientists' perceptions as the norm against which the perceptions of the subjects were measured Any difference between the scientists' and the subjects' perceptions was seen as a problem for the subjects and, implicitly, for Spring 1999 t 1 6 7


society Education, Bruner concluded, must focus on the poverty of most people's imagery Thinking Logically About Logical Thinking In the mid-1950s, Bruner changed the focus of his research to cognition and instigated what has been called the Cognitive Revolution in psychology (Bruner & Klein, 1960) During the first half of the 20th century, cognitive research had primarily reflected behaviorist theories of conditioning and Freudian theories of emotions, which portrayed thought as controlled by unconscious, non-rational forces (Posner & Shulman, 1979, p 373) In the 1950s, influenced by analogies between the human brain and newly developed computers, psychologists began to stress the rationality of thought (Gardner, 1985, pp 6-7 ; Gilgen, 1982, p 30) Bruner's ideas reflected these new analogies, as he looked for the structure of thinking in the logic of peoples' thought processes In A Study of Thinking (Bruner, Goodnow & Austin, 1956), Bruner's major work in this period, individual subjects were shown playing cards and picture cards and were asked to derive in the least number of turns any common attributes or patterns the cards had The purpose was to test how well the subjects approximated "the ideal strategies" which Bruner posited for the task The results showed that while most subjects were able to use intuition to gain insight into the simpler patterns, few subjects were able to solve the more complex and less clear-cut problems Bruner concluded that the results exemplified the gap between scientific and popular modes of thought and reflected the simple-mindedness of popular culture and the lack of critical thinking in public education (pp 147, 181, 190, 220) In this study and other writings during this period, Bruner stressed the need for ordinary people to overcome the limits of their preconceptions in order to think like scientists (Bruner, 1957a ; 1958 ; 1962) Bruner's educational proposals also reflected this emphasis on learning through abstract thinking, or what he later called symbolic learning Writing and speaking almost entirely for an audience of fellow academics, he promoted the cultivation of academic rationality through the academic disciplines and called for the control of education by academic experts In The Process of Education (1960), the manifesto of the New Curriculum movement, Bruner complained that "The top quarter of public school students, from which we must draw intellectual leadership in the next generation, is perhaps the group most neglected by our schools" (p 10) In this book, Bruner outlined a proposal that would produce an intellectual elite and an educated public willing to sup1 6 8 t Spring 1999


port that elite His proposed curriculum focussed on the so-called structures of the disciplines-the concepts and procedures identified by elite scholars as the cores of their respective fields His methods stressed the intuition and discovery of these structures by students His overall system was based on the deference of teachers to scholars Bruner portrayed structure as a kind of Rosetta Stone which made complex knowledge simpler and easier to teach, understand, remember, and transfer from one subject and situation to another Structure, Bruner claimed, "narrows the gap between advanced knowledge and elementary knowledge," thereby enabling elite students to explore the frontiers of science without leaving ordinary students too far behind (p 26) Structures enabled scientists, elite students and ordinary people to share the same intellectual culture Bruner did not, however, define the concept of structures clearly and, most important, did not clarify whether he thought structures were foundational truths embedded in reality or merely constructive inventions, that is, heuristic devices for explaining things Although Bruner eventually opined that structures were merely heuristic devices (Bruner, 1966b, p 54 ; 1977), many of his followers looked in vain during the 1960s for structural verities and in the process distracted and in large part discredited the New Curriculum movement (Lowe, 1969 ; Tanner, 1971, p 109) Developing the Stages of Development During the late 1960s, in what was probably the biggest epistemological shift of his long career, Bruner shifted the orientation of his thought to post-structuralism (Sarup, 1993) and the locus of his research to child development The ideas of Piaget dominated post-war thinking about child development and, based on their interpretations of Piaget, most psychologists portrayed child development as a fixed series of stages through which children passively advanced as they assimilated information and adapted to their environments Research in developmental psychology largely consisted of giving intelligence and achievement tests to children as a means of assessing their passage through the stages (Cairns & Orenstein, 1979, p 485) Bruner rejected this approach and, criticizing his prior research on perception and cognition as artificial and alienated from ordinary human experience, sought to focus on the social context and social nature of human development (Bruner, 1983, pp 127,139 ; 1990, pp 11, 17) Eschewing his previous focus on the structural determinants of individual psychology, Bruner insisted that the child is an active participant in his/her development and a social rather than an individual being In a marked shift from his previous work, Bruner conducted Spring 1999 t 1 6 9


observations in natural settings rather than controlled experiments in laboratories And, his studies focussed on differences between children in America and other cultures and between humans and other animals, not merely on differences between elite scientists and ordinary people (Anglin, 1973, pp XIII, XXI) While broadening his scope to include other peoples and species, Bruner's work still emphasized the importance of promoting high-brow American culture, overcoming low-brow preconceptions, cultivating elite intellectual leaders and developing lines of communication between elite leaders and the masses, all themes drawn from his earlier public opinion work Bruner broadened the scope of these earlier themes by linking the evolutionary development of human beings, the cultural development of human societies, and the intellectual development of children Whereas conventional wisdom held that biological evolution preceded cultural development, Bruner argued that humans first invented tools through an exercise of intuition and imagination, and then developed a larger brain and higher cognitive abilities to understand and use the tools (Bruner, 1966a, pp 56-57) Influenced by the recently translated work of Lev Vygotsky, a psychologist prominent in the Soviet Union during the 1920s and 1930s, Bruner claimed that humans as a species evolved in essentially the same ways that children developed cognitive skills and scientists developed new theories That is, people first manipulated reality, especially technology, then intuited new hypotheses, and finally developed an understanding of what they had hypothesized Based on these ideas, Bruner reformulated Piaget's widely accepted developmental stages Piaget focussed on the nature of the child's knowledge from the pre-operational infant whose knowledge is self-centered, to the concrete-operational child whose knowledge is other-centered, to the formal-operational adolescent whose knowledge includes abstractions (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969) Bruner focussed, instead, on the way children communicated and received ideas He claimed that children go first through an enactive stage in which they can learn and communicate only through doing things and imitating others Then, if all goes well, they go through an iconic stage in which they can also learn and communicate through images Finally, if all goes well, they enter the symbolic stage in which they can also learn and communicate through abstract language Bruner rejected what he saw as the rigidity of Piaget's stages and argued that not everyone develops in the same way or at the same pace or to the same extent While some people might reach the highest levels of thought at an early age, others might never get beyond the enactive or iconic stage This will limit how well they can learn things but not necessarily what they can learn Anyone, Bruner claimed, could learn anything in a meaningful way as long as it was 1 7 0 t Spring 1999


communicated in terms appropriate to that person's developmental stage (Bruner, 1966a, pp 29-30 ; Vygotsky, 1978, pp 24, 80) Applying these stages to social development and educational policy, Bruner classified cultures as primarily enactive, iconic or symbolic Low brow societies emphasize enactive modes of thought and expression High brow societies emphasize symbolic modes In a contention that echoed the basic themes he had been emphasizing since the 1940s, Bruner argued that, given America's high level of technology, educators must teach everyone the basic liberal arts and sciences but must focus on those capable of symbolic forms of thought and expression He claimed that despite the nation's commitment to cultural diversity, it is inevitable that the country's leadership come from those few who are most capable of working in symbolic modes of thought and within the liberal arts and sciences Therefore, while many, perhaps most, students may never do well in the liberal arts and sciences and may never reach the symbolic stage of thinking, it is still important to teach them all the gist of the liberal disciplines even if it is only through enactive and iconic modes Only in this way will the masses of ordinary people be able to intelligently follow their natural leaders (Bruner, 1966a, pp 62-63 ; 1966b ; Bruner & Cole, 1971/1973, p 464) The Making and Unmaking of MACOS Bruner's theories of human development formed the intellectual foundation of his educational work during the late 1960s and 1970s on Head Start, a program of early childhood education for poor children, and "Man, A Course of Study" (MACOS), an anthropology course for ten-year olds The story of MACOS exemplifies both his flexibility and the persistence of his key themes MACOS was begun in 1962 by a small group of Harvard professors who determined to develop a model social studies course for fifth grade students on the verge of formal, symbolic thought Following the formula outlined in Process, the organizers initially intended the course to focus on the structures of the social science disciplines and to consist of pre-packaged, multi-media, teacher-proof materials, requiring extensive training of individual teachers by scholars in how to use the materials The project got off to a rocky start, however, and by the late 1960s had changed focus With funding from the National Science Foundation, Bruner brought in a group of psychologists and teachers to work with the academicians and the course which was completed in 1968 differed considerably from the Process formula (Dow, 1991, pp 51-57,138) Spring 1999 t 1 7 1


By the late 1960s, the New Curriculum movement had faded and the concept of structures in education had come under increasing and intense criticism Educators complained that the idea was overly vague (Kessen, 1966, p 194), confused (Lawrence, 1969, p 23), abstruse (Martin, 1969, p 32), abstract (Jones, 1968, p 5), narrow (Weinberg, 1967, p 154), anti-historical (Krug, 1966, p 404), authoritarian (Hunt & Metcalf, 1968, p 98), masochistic (Ausubel, 1966, p 338), individualistic (Fox, 1969, p 59), and elitist (White, 1966, p 77) Bruner responded to this criticism with remarkable equanimity and turned intellectually more toward the left-hand and politically more toward the Left As a result of the success of Process, Bruner was now reaching a wider audience and he began working with a broader cohort of social workers, teachers and child advocates who seemingly influenced him toward a more participatory view of democracy and education (Bruner, 1971, p 130 ; also 1966b, p 125) Reversing his prior view that schools should emphasize cognitive development, focus on students as individuals and concentrate on the best students, Bruner now contended that education must encompass a broad range of talents, encourage social reform and focus equally on the poorer students (Bruner, 1971, pp 114-115,174 ; 1968b) MACOS was an interdisciplinary course with a broad anthropological base and virtually nothing to do with structures The course asked three basic questions of students : What is human? How did humans get that way? How can humans become more human? (Bruner, 1965 ; 1968c, p 66) Paralleling Bruner's developmental stages, which moved from enactive to iconic to symbolic modes of learning, instructional units in the course generally proceeded from films to activities to artwork to discussions The films were silent and without narration in order to encourage students to develop their own interpretations Students were not graded so as to encourage a stress-free learning environment Students worked collectively and teachers were expected to be active participants in developing ideas The goals of the course were to promote critical and constructivist thinking, pro-social attitudes and multicultural awareness among students (Bruner, 1968b, p 117 ; Dow, 1991, pp 64, 134) Although MACOS exemplified important changes Bruner's thinking-toward post-structuralism, pluralism and participatory democracy-these changes affected the form more than the substance of Bruner's main ideas in the course MACOS consisted of two basic units The first contrasted humans with baboons, salmon and gulls, focusing especially on their child-rearing practices Salmon parents die before the birth of their offspring who have to raise themselves ; gulls are full-grown and self-sufficient at ten weeks old ; baboons have stable family structures and young baboons live for long periods with their parents The course materials emphasized that although baboons' 1 7 2 t Spring 1999


family structures and child-rearing practices are similar to those of humans, baboons cannot develop beyond enactive modes of learning and communicating, whereas humans can grow from enactive to iconic to symbolic modes As a result, baboons cannot create genuine cultures, unlike humans for whom high brow culture based on symbolic modes of thought is a defining characteristic and primary goal (Bruner, 1968b, p 27 ; 1968c, p 6) The second unit contrasted Americans with Netslik Eskimos, emphasizing the technological differences between their cultures The course detailed the Eskimos' primitive and often brutal techniques of hunting seals and the Eskimos' practice of leaving old people on the ice in winter to die when there is not enough food for the whole family Although the course portrayed Eskimos as caring people living as best they can within the limits of their technology, the effect of the course was to glorify American culture, with its higher level of technology, and elite American scientists, who ostensibly produce that technology (Bruner, 1968a, pp 19, 37-40 ; 1968c, p 47) MACOS was brilliantly conceived and initially quite successful, adopted in over 1,000 classes by 1969 Its success, however, precipitated its demise, as conservative politicians and educators attacked the course as a form of government-sponsored liberal propaganda They claimed that MACOS undermined traditional moral values by promoting cultural relativism, denigrated American capitalism by highlighting the socialistic practice among Eskimos of sharing food and other resources, and undermined traditional religious beliefs by "erecting the god, Humanism" (Marshner, 1975, p 26) By 1975, the National Science Foundation, under a threat from Congress to eliminate all of the agency's funds, cut off funding for MACOS and the project folded (Dow, 1991, p 223) The Medium and the Message After all of the political and intellectual turmoil of the 1960s and 1970s, Bruner turned to postmodernism in the 1980s, hailing it as a "quiet revolution" toward treating people as social and cultural beings who are defined and united more by their stories than their theories (Bruner & Haste, 1987, p 1) Focusing less on communication as theoretical debate and more on narrative expression, Bruner emphasizes the importance of problem solving and policy-making through mutual understanding He has, in the process, converted a life-long interest in literature and high culture into a school of cultural psychology and education Bruner has always been an elegant writer, peppering his work with references to high-brow literature, art and music, and frequently Spring 1999 t 1 7 3


referring to authors such as Herman Melville, Henry James, Henrik Ibsen and Joseph Conrad, whose fiction explored psychological depths and symbolic ambiguities consistent with Bruner's own interests Like Bruner, they were authors who saw life as a text capable of multiple interpretations and whose own texts were capable of multiple interpretations Bruner can now focus on their stories, and what were literary anecdotes in his previous work can be main themes of his postmodernism Bruner's movement to postmodernism is exemplified by his changing interpretations of the Secret Sharer, a story by Joseph Conrad (Conrad, 1968) In the story, a ship captain rescues a swimmer who turns out to be a sailor escaping imprisonment for killing a man in justifiable and possibly heroic circumstances Identifying with the sailor's impulsive heroism, the captain sails through some dangerous rocks, risking his ship in order to aid the sailor's escape In the early 1960s, Bruner gave an essentially right-handed reading to this story, interpreting the captain's actions as a way of demonstrating mastery over his own fears and over the ship and of demonstrating his position of authority and superiority over the escaping sailor (Bruner, 1962, p 49) In his postmodernist phase, Bruner takes a more left-handed approach, reading the captain's actions as a rebellion against authority and against the prevailing canons of wisdom (Bruner, 1990, p 118) In Bruner's earlier interpretation, the story is about rational control In his later interpretation, the story is about creative freedom In both, however, the story is about the captain and the importance of the captain's leadership As a postmodernist, Bruner identifies with rebels and celebrates diversity but his ideas still reflect the basic themes of his earlier career While all cultures and peoples may be equal in the postmodern world, for Bruner some are still more equal than others (Bruner, 1992b, p 780) Culture, like crabgrass, grows better or worse depending on environmental conditions and some growths are healthier and more lush, serving as exemplary models for the others (Bruner, 1992a ; 1992c, p 246 ; Feldman, Bruner, Kalmar, Renderer, 1993, p 328) While Bruner no longer promotes the absolute authority of elite experts and high brow culture, he still promotes the greater authenticity of what can be described as high brow stories and the greater artfulness of elite storytellers While Bruner no longer complains as much about the gap between scientific experts and the general public, he still warns of the gap between those gifted with a wealth of complex stories and those suffering from an "impoverishment of narrative resources" (Bruner, 1990, p 96) In terms that reflect the themes of his doctoral dissertation, Bruner claims that most people endure lives of "narrative banality," unable to see beyond their short-term, selfish self-interests He warns that these people can be easily seduced by storytellers who spin 1 7 4 t Spring 1999


yarns beyond their narrow preconceptions, stories which might inspire them to social and cultural greatness or degradation, depending on the storyteller's inclinations (Bruner, 1992c, pp 236-237) Education, Bruner argues, must provide an environment that promotes the growth of high cultural narratives among people Toward this end, educators should focus less on argument-on establishing truths, proving points, winning debates-and focus more on story telling-on demonstrating positions, explaining different points of view, negotiating shared meanings (Bruner, 1986, p 11 ; 1996, p 39) In the 1940s, Bruner advised policymakers to make concrete proposals, to demonstrate rather than argue their ideas (Bruner, 1944a ; 1944b) In the 1990s, Bruner is giving educators the same advice Don't argue with people, lead them Don't tell them they're wrong, tell them a story (Bruner, 1992c, p 236 ; 1996, p 149) The medium has changed, but the message is the same Bruner has throughout his career emphasized the significance of the medium to the message, the importance of finding the right way to express an idea And his own career has in many ways been the story of a message looking for the right media, as he first tried positivism, then structuralism, then post-structuralism In postmodernism, Bruner seems to have found a vehicle for developing his interests in creativity and participatory democracy while maintaining his commitments to high brow culture and elite leadership In postmodernism, Bruner seems to have found a perfect medium for his message At the same time, if the course of Jerome Bruner's career is any indication, postmodernism may be a weak rather than a strong theory Postmodernism seems to be a form that does not necessarily affect the substance of a person's ideas in significant ways Although they share many questions, postmodernists do not share many answers, and they are as different from each other as they are from those who oppose postmodernism Postmodernism is a field in which many conflicting ideas seem to flourish-both social radicalism (Giroux, 1988) and conservatism (Baudrillard, 1996, pp 138, 141), both epistemological pragmatism (Rorty, 1982, p XXIX) and nihilism (Feyerabend, 1988, p 189), as well as many other social and educational tendencies (Morawski, 1996) As a result, while postmodernism may prove a useful medium for social and educational theorists such as Bruner, the messages that theorists find in postmodernism may prove merely to be the ones they bring to it Spring 1999 t 1 7 5


References Anglin, J (1973) Beyond the information given New York : Norton Ausubel, D P (1966) [Review of the book Toward a theory of instruction] Harvard Education Review, 36 337-340 Baudrillard, J (1996) The perfect crime London : Verso Bogart, L (1985) Polls and the awareness of public opinion New Brunswick, NJ : Transaction Books Bruner, J (1941) A psychological analysis of international radio broadcasts of belligerent nations Unpublished doctoral dissertation Harvard University, Cambridge, MA Bruner, J (1944a) Mandate from the people New York : Duell, Sloan & Pearce Bruner, J (1944b) Public thinking on post-war problems (Planning Pamphlet No 23) Washington, DC : National Planning Association Bruner, J (1951/1973) Personality dynamics and the process of perceiving In J Anglin (Ed .), Beyond the information given (pp 89-113) New York : Norton Bruner, J (1954) Familiarity of letter sequences and tachistoscopic identification Journal of General Psychology, 50 129-139 Bruner, J (1956) Freud and the image of man American Psychology, 11 (9) 463-466 Bruner, J (1957a) Going beyond the information given In J Bruner, Contemporary approaches to cognition (pp 41-69) Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1957b) On perceptual readiness Psychological Review, 64, 123-152 Bruner, J (1960) The process of education Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1962) On knowing, Essays for the left hand Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1965) Man : A course of study Cambridge, MA : Educational Services Incorporated Bruner, J (1966a) Studies in cognitive growth New York : Wiley Bruner, J (1966b) Toward a theory of instruction Cambridge, MA : Belknap Bruner, J (1968a) The Netsilik Eskimos on the ice Washington, DC : Curriculum Development Association Bruner, J (1968b) Seminars for teachers Washington, DC : Curriculum Development Association Bruner, J (1968c) Talks to teachers Washington, DC : Curriculum Development Association Bruner, J (1971) The relevance of education London : Penguin Bruner, J (1977) Preface, 1977 In J Bruner, The process of education (pp VIII-XV) Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1983) In search of mind, essays in autobiography New York : Harper & Row Bruner, J (1986) Actual minds, possible worlds Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1990) Acts of meaning Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J (1992a) Psychology, morality and the law In D Robinson (Ed .), Social discourse and moral judgment (pp 99-112) San Diego, CA : Academic Press Bruner, J (June, 1992b) Another look at New Look 1 American Psychologist, 47(6), 780-783 Bruner, J (1992c) The narrative construction of reality In H Beilin & Pufall (Eds .), Piaget's theory Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum Bruner, J (1996) The culture of education Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Bruner, J ., & Brown, J (1946) Contemporary France and educational reform Educational Reform, 16, (1) 10-20 Bruner, J ., & Cole, M (1971/1973) Cultural differences and inferences about psychological processes In J Anglin (Ed .), Beyond the information given (pp 452-468) New York : Norton Bruner, J ., & Goodman, C (1947) Value and need as organizing factors in perception Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 42, 33-44 Bruner, J ., Goodnow, J ., & Austin, G (1956) A study of thinking New York : John Wiley Bruner, J ., & Haste, H (1987) Making sense : The child's construction of the world New York : Methuen Bruner, J ., & Klein, G (1960) The functions of perceiving : New Look in retrospect In B Kaplan & S Wapner (Eds .), Perspectives in psychological theory (pp 60-67) New York : International Universities Press 1 7 6 t Spring 1999


Bruner, J ., & Krech, D (1949) Perception and personality Durham, NC : Duke University Press Bruner, J ., & Postman, L (1949) Perception, cognition, and behavior Journal of Personality, 18 (1),14-31 Bruner, J ., & Postman, L (1952) Hypothesis and the principle of closure Journal of Psychology, 33, 113-125 Bruner, J ., Postman, L ., & McGinnis, E (1948) Personal values as selective factors in perception Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 43, 142-154 Cairns, R ., & Ornstein, P (1979) Developmental psychology In E Hearst (Ed .), The first century of experimental psychology (pp 459-510) New York : John Wiley & Sons Cantril, H (1940/1966) The invasion from Mars New York : Harper & Row Cantril, H (1944) Gauging public opinion Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press Cantril, H ., & Allport, G (1935) The psychology of radio New York : Harper & Row Cherryholmes, C (1988) Power and criticism New York : Teachers College Press Conrad, J (1968) The portable Conrad New York : Viking Deleuze, G ., & Felix Guattari (1983) On the line New York : Semiotext(e) Doll, W (1993) A post-modern perspective on curriculum New York : Teachers College Press Dosse, F (1997) History of structuralism, Vols I & II Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press Dow, P B (1991) Schoolhouse politics Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Feldman, C ., Bruner, J ., Kalmer, D ., & Renderer, B (Nov .-Dec 1993) Plot, plight and dramatization Human development, 36(6), 327-349 Feyerabend, P (1988) Against method New York : Verso Fowler, R B (1978) Believing skeptics, American political intellectuals, 1945-1964 Westport, CN : Greenwood Fox, J (1969) Epistemology, psychology and their relevance for education in Bruner and Dewey Educational Theory, 19 (1), 58-75 Friedman, M (1962) Capitalism and freedom Chicago : University of Chicago Press Galbraith, J K (1958) The affluent society New York : New American Library Gardner, H (1985) The mind's new science : A history of the cognitive revolution New York : Basic Books Geertz, C (1997, April 10) Learning with Bruner New York Review of Books, 44 (6) 22-24 Gilgen, A R (1982) American psychology since World War II Westport, CT : Greenwood Giroux H (1988) Schooling and the struggle for public life Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press Goldwater, B (1960) The conscience of a conservative New York : MacFadden Grenz, S (1996) A primer on postmodernism Grand Rapids, MI : Erdmans Haraway, D (1989) Private visions : Gender, race and nature in the world of modern science New York : Routledge Hofstadter, R (1962) Anti-intellectualism in American life New York : Vintage Hunt, M & Metcalf, L (1968) Teaching high school social studies New York : Harper & Row Jenness, D (1990) Making sense of social studies New York : MacMillan Jones, R (1968) Fantasy and feeling in education New York : New York University Press Kennedy, J F (1955) Profiles in courage New York : Harper Kessen, W (1966) A theory of instruction Science, 152, 193 Krug, M (1966) Bruner's new social studies Social Education, 30,400-406 Lane, M (1970) Introduction to structuralism New York : Basic Books Lawrence, G (1969, February) Bruner, instructional theory or curriculum theory? TIP, 8 18-24 Letterman, R (1979) Social and intellectual origins of experimental psychology In E Hearst (Ed .), The first century of experimental psychology (pp 41-82) New York : John Wiley & Sons Linn, R (1996) A teacher's introduction to postmodernism Urbana, IL : NCTE Lippmann, W (1922) Public opinion New York : The Free Press Lippmann, W (1925) The phantom public New York : MacMillan Lowe, W T (1969) Structure and the social studies Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press Spring 1999 t 1 7 7


Marshner, S M (1975) Man : a course of study-prototype for federalized textbooks? Washington, DC : Heritage Foundation Martin, J R (1969) The disciplines and the curriculum Educational Philosophy and Theory, 1 .23-40 Morawski, S (1996) The troubles with postmodernism London : Routledge Piaget, J ., & Inhelder, B (1969) The psychology of the child New York : Basic Books Posner, M ., & Shulman, G (1979) Cognitive science In E Hearst (Ed .), The first century of experimental psychology (pp 371-398) New York : Wiley Rickover, H G (1959) Education and freedom New York : Dutton Roll, C W ., & Cantril, A (1980) Polls, their use and misuse in politics Cabin John, MD : Seven Locks Rorty, R (1982) Consequences of pragmatism Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press Sarup, M (1993) An introductory guide to post-structuralism and postmodernism Athens, GA : University of Georgia Press Schlesinger, A ., Jr (1963) The politics of hope Boston : Houghton Mifflin Sullivan, G J (1961, June 23) The natural approach to learning The Commonweal, 74,334335 Sylvester, R (1969, November) Bruner : new light on the educational process The Instructor, 79, 89-90 Tanner, D (1971) Secondary curriculum New York : MacMillan Vygotsky, L S (1978) Mind in society Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Weinberg, A (1967) Reflections on big science Cambridge, MA : M .I .T Press White, M A (October 1966) The predicaments of theory Teachers College Record, 68 76-7 Author BURTON WELTMAN is an Assistant Professor of Social Studies Education in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at William Paterson University, 300 Pompton Road, Wayne, NJ 07470-2103 Email : < W eltmanB@nebula .WilPaterson .ed u > 1 7 8 t Spring 1999


Theory and Research in Social Education Spring 1999, Volume 27, Number 2, pp 179-214 € College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies Thinking Aloud About History : Children's and Adolescents' Responses to Historical Photographs Stuart J Foster John D Hoge Richard H Rosch University of Georgia Abstract This study explored third, sixth, and ninth grade students' interpretations of a collection of nine historical photographs using semi-structured interviews Specifically, the study focused on students' replies to three historical questions : When do you think this photograph was taken? Why do you think it was taken? and What does this photograph tell you about these peoples' lives? Results showed that the ability to date photographs progressed with age and without remarkable differences in regard to gender or race Similar results occurred in regard to students' inferences about why a photograph was taken Age and race related differences were noted, however, in students ability to draw inferences about the lives of the people shown in the photographs On a daily basis students in history classrooms are bombarded with an array of visual images In addition to traditional portrayals of photographs, paintings, cartoons, and artists' impressions commonly found in textbooks and other instructional materials, the rapid development and increased classroom utilization of video discs, CD ROM's, and the Internet provide an ever increasing access to pictorial sources Despite this dramatic trend toward increasingly rich visual sources, a scarcity of research exists which focuses on the relationship between students' analysis of photographic images and the development of students' historical thinking Simply put, educators know too little about how students of different ages understand and interpret historical photographs Moreover, with notable exceptions, little attention has been devoted to research which analyses the potential benefits of engaging students in the critical analysis and thoughtful appreciation of historical photographs Spring 1999 t 179


The increasing use of visual images in history classrooms offers educators a powerful vehicle from which to gain insight into the development of students' historical thinking Photographs are one of the few media that prompt immediate response from children regardless of age or ability Unlike students' involvement with textual material that typically demands literal competency, requires concentrated focus on dense narrative, and often proves time consuming, photographs offer refreshing accessibility and immediate engagement Ripped out of context, a historical photograph stands isolated but whole It invites students to give meaning to the image, to explain its content, to understand its significance, and to reflect on the motives of its creator Simultaneously, students are required to activate their prior historical knowledge and to use clues within the photograph to understand and interpret the image Accordingly, thoughtful attention to the way in which students process and explain information contained within photographs offers rich potential for meaningful study of the development of students' historical thinking This research explores these possibilities Research on Students' Historical Thinking For many generations the development of students' historical thinking escaped serious scrutiny by researchers in all fields (Wineburg, 1994) School history was considered a subject concerned more with the aggregation of historical information than with the growth of critical thinking or cognitive development Over the past two decades, however, researchers have amassed a wealth of information on the learning and teaching of history This explosion of research has focused on a wide range of topics related to history teaching such as studies on historical significance, empathy and perspective taking, evaluation of source materials, historical interpretation, time and chronology, historical context and narrative, pedagogy in history, and socio-cultural influences on children's historical understanding and belief (e .g ., Barton, 1997 ; Barton & Levstik, 1996 ; Beck & McKeown, 1988 ; Booth, 1980,1993 ; Brophy & VanSledright, 1997 ; Cooper, 1992 ; Dickinson & Lee, 1978 ; Dickinson, Lee & Rogers, 1984 ; Downey, 1995 ; Downey & Levstik, 1991 ; Evans, 1994 ; Foster, Davis, & Morris, 1996 ; Foster & Yeager, in press ; Gabella, 1994 ; Hoge, 1991 ; Leinhardt, Beck & Stainton, 1994 ; Portal, 1987 ; Seixas, 1994 ; Shemilt, 1984 ; Thornton & Vukelich, 1988 ; VanSledright & Brophy, 1992 ; Wineburg, 1991 ; Wineburg & Wilson, 1988 ; Yeager & Davis, 1995) Although some research explicitly has focused on the development of historical thinking through pictorial images, these studies have proved scarce For example, Barton and Levstik's (1996) intriguing study of young children's ability to sequence historical photographs 1 8 0 t Spring 1999


offered rare insights into students' understanding of chronology, conceptions of time, and use of temporal language Similarly, Epstein s (1994) use of art to evaluate how students interpret pictorial sources provided impressive but isolated examples of the power of visual images to elicit informed understandings of student thought In a similar fashion, a limited number of researchers in Britain have used historical photographs to investigate how students understand history For example, John West (1981, 1986) used historical pictures to engage young students in a variety of activities that required them to think and act like historians West concluded that elementary school children were able to chronologically sequence photographs, to understand the concepts of evidence and authenticity, and to make reasonable historical inferences from the information contained in pictures Blyth (1988) built on West's findings Her research revealed that when asked to study and discuss historical pictures, nine year old students were able to display understandings of abstract historical concepts such as change, power, and evidence Moreover, Blyth demonstrated how students' ability to make plausible generalizations about life in the past progressed as students increasingly were exposed to picture analysis Lynn (1993) further noted that although children aged six and seven often held misconceptions about the past and demonstrated that as they grew older, students' understanding became increasingly sophisticated Drawing on these studies and the work of Bruner (1966), who articulated the importance of three modes of learning (iconic, enactive, and symbolic), Penelope Harnett (in press) further investigated the relationship between historical thinking and historical photographs Focusing on the iconic mode (i .e ., seeing the world through pictorial images, photographs, maps, and diagrams) Harnett's research (1993,1995) revealed the complex and uneven nature of students' historical understanding As a central focus of her research, Harnett (1995) introduced various pictorial images to children aged between five and eleven years in order to identify patterns of progression in students' historical understanding Significantly, although student responses often demonstrated the haphazard nature of understanding across and within age ranges, in general progressive patterns of thought were detected For example, when asked to describe photographs, children aged seven to nine years of age typically enumerated the contents of the picture in the minutest detail Their observations, however, proved specific to the contents of the photograph, what Fisher (1990) would refer to as "field dependent ." That is, younger students were unable to interpret the photograph in its broader historical context or appreciate the relative significance of the photographs "Children may see the trees, but they do they see the woods?" (Fisher, 1990, p 140) In contrast, children aged 11 were more able "to see the picture in a broader context, to select details Spring 1999 t 1 8 1


which they thought were important and to make some generalizations about the picture" (Harnett, 1995, p 3) Similar age related development also was observed in separate studies which required students both to consider the reliability and utility of photographs (Harnett, 1993) and to devise questions which, as historians, they would like to ask about identified pictures (Harnett, 1995) Harnett's findings are in keeping with other studies that have examined the development of historical thinking Most researchers agree that more sophisticated examples of historical thought appear to emerge as students mature with age However, in contrast to developmental theories based on Piagetian principles, researchers increasingly recognize that these patterns are not concrete but fluid and subject to a variety of anomalies (e .g ., Booth, 1980,1994 ; Downey & Levstik, 1991) Despite the significance of these findings, much territory remains unexplored Essentially, if historical instruction and assessment in public schools are to be improved, more studies are needed which examine the complex development of students' historical thinking across age and ability ranges This study offers insights into how students of differing ages and abilities interpret photographic texts Specifically, it identifies distinctive patterns of students' historical thinking in response to three questions commonly considered by historians as they interpret photographic images from the past : When was this photograph was taken? Why was it was taken? and What does this photograph tell us about these peoples' lives? Procedure Sample The subjects of our study were third, sixth, and ninth graders drawn from a small school district in Northeast Georgia The district is transitioning from rural to suburban as the Atlanta metropolitan region expands One elementary school, one middle school, and the district's only high school agreed to help us select a sample of students, balanced as much as possible for sex and race This process yielded a sample with the following characteristics (see Table 1) Table 1 Study Sample Males t Females Black t White t Others Grade 3 (n=18) t 9 t 9 t 6 t 12 Grade 6 (n=15) t 12 t 3 t 5 t 9 t 1 Grade 9 (n=23) t 11 t 12 t 7 t 16 1 8 2 Spring 1999


Interview Protocol Students were individually interviewed by the three researchers who followed a nine question semi-structured protocol (see Appendix A) Historical Photographs The photographs used in this study were selected by the investigators from a pool of over 150 published or archived historical photographs depicting the experience of African Americans across a broad range of United States history in different geographic regions The decision to select photographs depicting African American history was conscious It was intended to elicit a body of coherent information about an important aspect of U .S history and to highlight the critical Civil Rights Era, a period of United States history that is commonly studied The nine historical photographs selected for the study were arranged in sets numbered A1-3, B1-3, and C1-3 The photographs were arranged to provide each set with a varied time frame and setting Interviews ranged from between 10 and 20 minutes Appendix B illustrates the nine photographs and offers a brief description of each one Interview Analysis The 56 interviews were recorded and transcribed Copies of each interview were duplicated and distributed to the investigators who evaluated randomly selected interviews in preparation for a meeting to discuss approaches to the data The purpose of this meeting was to develop a framework from which to analyze students' thinking It was recognized that this framework might change as analysis proceeded A coding sheet was constructed to record each student's response to the questions we posed Observations regarding students' thinking were illustrated with comments and quotes drawn from the interview transcripts Using this method, the three investigators each then independently coded the complete A1-3 set of photograph interviews Several meetings were scheduled to review this work, to discuss differences of opinion, and to refine our approach to the students' transcribed interview responses Following these meetings, the investigators proceeded to independently code all of the remaining interviews Study Limitations This study was exclusively based upon interview data taken from a limited, non-random sample of participants The extent to which one can generalize from a sample of 56 students selected across three grade levels in a particular geographic region of the country is open to question Furthermore, the conclusions drawn from this study entirely hinged upon students' verbal interpretation of three photographs discussed in a 10 to 20 minute interview The fact that the interviews Spring 1999 t 1 8 3


were conducted by the researchers in a quiet area of the schools' media centers may have resulted in responses that are somewhat different from those that might have been obtained from interviews conducted within the classroom by a more familiar person Results Inferences About When Photographs Were Taken When attempting to date a photograph historians typically look first for explicit clues of attribution (e .g ., a date written on the back) They then form judgments based upon clues within the photograph Indicators such as transportation, technology, architecture, and fashion styles within the photograph inform the historian's choice of date Most important, however, is the historian's access to prior knowledge in dating a photograph, thus placing the images and themes it contains into proper historical contexts Furthermore, when historians refer to the past, they employ a certain standardized terminology that has come to characterize historical discourse For example, they often speak in terms of decades such as the 1940s or the 1950s Moreover, they refer to an actual year in two-number combinations, e .g ., 19-92, or 18-27 Thus, both how historians date and the language they use to do so indicates a rational contextualization of a photograph's clues and the presence of an applicable, rational periodization scheme This study examined how third, sixth, and ninth grade students established dates for a set of nine historical photographs In particular we were interested in examining age related trends in students' reasoning about the dates they associated with our set of historical photographs Finally, because gender and race also varied in our sample, we were interested in exploring how these two ascribed statuses were related to students' ability to date historical photographs Elementary School Students Much of the photographic analysis offered by elementary students demonstrated undeveloped dating abilities The historical context referred to was often a vague, formless past characterized by such phrases as "a while back," and "a long time ago," and "very long ago ." Tony, for example, said photo A2 was taken "very long ago because of the clothes and the bull and the wagon and maybe a long time ago might be in the, hmm, I don't know how long ago but looks very long ago ." Another noted trend was for students at this age to generalize that the black and white photographs were taken "a long time ago," and that the one color photograph (B1 hospital staff) in our study was taken recently Exchanges such as the following were commonplace Interviewer : "When do you think this photograph was taken?" Tina : 1 8 4 t Spring 1999


"Like a couple of days ago ." Interviewer : "Why do you think that?" Tina : "Because this picture is not in black and white, and if it was in black and white it'd be a long time ago ." Indeed, all but one third grade student considered the hospital staff photograph to have been taken recently Also notable in the above exchange is that the student cited the color of the photograph as the only reason for the given date While some students cited multiple explanations in support of their choice of date, the black and white nature of eight of the nine photographs was frequently present in their rationale For example, Kelly surmised that the photograph of the police dog biting the protester (B2) was taken a long time ago "cause the picture's taken in black and white and people are walking and there ain t very many cars in the road ." Evident in this response is a reasonable, though rudimentary, understanding of the development of transportation technologies Kelly was not alone, however, in her inability to use that understanding to date the photograph Indeed, the few third grade students who did cite multiple explanations to justify their choice of historical dates were generally unable to establish a specific, rationally chosen date or period based on the objects they named A considerable majority of elementary students either ignored or did not understand the implicit racial themes and significance of the photographs, and thus were unable to use that knowledge to aid in the dating process Moreover, even when students did correctly identify a racial theme within a photograph they were unable to use that knowledge to help assign it a date This result held up across our gender and race classifications For example, even though quite a few third graders recognized Martin Luther King, Jr in photograph B3, they assigned dates to the photograph that ranged from "a long time ago" to the 1940s, to 1994 Likewise, Tina placed the photograph of the women in the car "back in the 1800s or something like that, when moms and dads were just about to be born When the slaves were going for freedom or something like that ." Apparently, although Tina was aware of slavery and its demise, she was unable to combine that knowledge with knowledge of the advent of the automobile and thus was unable to offer a plausible date In general, even when third grade students showed some knowledge of racial events and themes within United States history, they were incapable of connecting that knowledge to a functioning chronological framework Implicit in the above discussion are certain ways of referring to the past exhibited by these third graders Some displayed a basic misunderstanding of the question, offering such answers as "at night," or "last Tuesday ." However, a substantial majority of these young students referred to the past in vague and general terms While most simply referred to the past as "a long time ago," some made distinctions within that framework, separating the "long time ago" from the Spring 1999 t 1 8 5


"very long time ago ." Tricia, for example, deemed Al (Harlem in the 1930s) to have been taken "a long time ago," A2 (Savannah in the 1890s) to have been taken "a very long time ago," and A3 (car circa 1912) to have been taken "a lot of years ago ." Tricia's responses typify third graders' ability to make general temporal distinctions that they could not, however, specifically quantify A little over one-third of the elementary students did, however, respond with actual years, decades, or centuries when asked to date the photographs Some spoke in the standard language of the historian, citing decades as the "50s" for example, or stating dates in the two number manner (e .g ., 19-80) However, conceptual discrepancies often occurred with these responses For example, one student placed the photograph of Martin Luther King on the balcony around 1900 "because it wasn't very long ago when this picture was taken ." As another example, Mack placed the photograph of the police dog attacking the protester in the 1800s "because the picture's in black and white and not in color ." Likewise, Mohammed placed the photograph of the theater protest in the 1960s, but when probed, said "it was just a guess ." In each case it was as if the student had only recently become aware of historical dating conventions and was experiencing difficulty in successfully applying them To summarize, most third graders were limited to indefinite time approximations for the past Furthermore, when applying temporal distinctions to these photographs, the reasons given in support of a date or time frame were generally inappropriate or indicated an inability to place either the theme or the clues contained within the photograph into their proper historical context Most third graders were able to realize that aspects of the photograph were in the past, but few offered multiple justifications for their chosen dates and none combined a specific temporal distinction with prior knowledge These results held constant across both boys and girls and whites and blacks within our sample Middle School Students The sixth graders exhibited an increased capacity to note the racial themes of the photographs and to draw on prior historical knowledge to supply dates Sherry, for example, noted the segregation theme of the theater protest photograph (Cl) and guessed it was "1950-something" because of the clothing fashions and the cars Similarly, Kevin remarked of photograph B3, "Well Martin Luther King lived in about the 60's, so I'd say the 50s or 60s ." Middle school students also relied less on the color or black and white nature of a photograph when establishing its date Indeed, this reasoning was used only three times Students at this level were much more apt to note the technology, architecture, or fashion shown in a 1 8 6 t Spring 1999


photograph and combine it with some historical knowledge to arrive at a date While the date inferences were often incorrect, this trend still reflects increased skill in the dating process To imply that this increase in skill is mature, however, would be misleading Indeed, interview results from the set A photographs were quite revealing of sixth graders' still limited ability to accurately infer historical dates Many students observed the "old-timey" nature of the technology, transportation, or fashion of the A photographs and stated that they "aren't around today ." However, none was able to accurately date these photographs More importantly, no student was able to connect the historical scene with a specific time period In general, in contrast to elementary students, the vast majority of sixth graders were able to offer more sophisticated responses For example, nine out of ten referred to specific dates or periods when asked to date the photographs These results did not vary significantly across gender or race It is evident, too, that sixth graders had more prior historical knowledge and were able to use it to date the photographs In addition, they often used two or more background or foreground clues to date the photographs Many were quite knowledgeable of the Civil Rights Movement and an American past filled with racial divisiveness Indeed, though our transcript analysis showed both black and white sixth graders had this knowledge, it appeared to be more elaborated and broadly distributed among the African American students (more is said about this in the final section) Many associated Civil Rights Movement events and persons with the 1950s and 60s, but were unable to reason that these issues themselves had historical precedents Other photographs that were outside the realm of the Civil Rights Movement proved more difficult both to date and to analyze Furthermore, though these sixth graders had an increased capacity to converse in the standard chronological language of history, many lacked the broad historical knowledge needed to make these dates relevant or accurate High School Students Ninth graders showed a marked increase in their ability to date photographs accurately Most were able to cite multiple clues, including those based on diverse prior historical knowledge, as evidence for their choice of date For example, Michelle used her knowledge of Martin Luther King's death to place the photograph of him on the balcony as "1965 or 66 ." Furthermore, she noted that unlike today, "Reverend Jackson still [had] hair ." Knowledge of the Civil Rights Movement was clearly evident among the students who viewed these photographs Three out of five students cited the issues of discrimination and prejudice as their primary reason for dating the photographs Typical of this trend was Katie, who reasoned that the photograph of Spring 1999 t 1 8 7


the segregated fountains was taken in the 50s because "back during that time everything was divided Whites had one thing, and blacks . had the other Also, look how the water fountains are-we don't have water fountains like that anymore ." Not only is this response more elaborated than those given by younger students, Katie also demonstrates ninth graders' increased propensity to talk in-depth regarding their reasoning Concerning temporal distinctions, all of the ninth graders offered specific dates or periods when asked Even if incorrect, ninth graders were much more willing to guess the date rather than offer a vague date such as "a long time ago ." Furthermore, all dates were referred to in the conventional two number manner noted above Even if the students' choices of dates were incorrect, these trends in referring to historical events show an increased understanding of how historians date the past The A set of photographs presented many of the same problems to ninth graders as it did to younger elementary and middle school students Though some students offered multiple justifications for their chosen dates, no student was able to give completely accurate dates for every photograph in the set For example, Erin accurately placed the photograph of the family with the ox cart as "around the time of slaves or a little after," but never assigned a more specific date to the photograph On a revealing note, when asked to date the same photograph, Mary Jane responded "When there were slaves-maybe the 1930s ." Dennis surmised that the photograph of the family with the ox cart was "probably taken around the 1800s, maybe 1850s," but supported his answer by stating that "it looks real old and is in black and white ." Indeed, nearly one in five of the ninth graders' responses mentioned the color or black and white nature of the photograph to place it in some historical context This was equally true regardless of gender or race In summary, many ninth graders exhibited knowledge of the Civil Rights Movement, its dates, and the issues upon which it was founded In addition, they were able to associate the technology, fashion, and architecture of the 1950s with the larger historical themes of the Civil Rights photographs What resulted were detailed and appropriate responses, both in terms of the reasons given for a response and the language used to express it As with sixth graders, though, photographs that contained scenes that were beyond the scope of the Civil Rights Movement proved problematic for ninth graders Though all students referred to the past in an appropriate manner, few were able to combine prior historical knowledge with understandings of technological or architectural developments to produce a coherent date or period for the earliest photographs Too often these ninth graders cited the color of the photograph as evidence for a chosen date, and 1 8 8 t Spring 1999


again these students depended frequently on past-present distinctions in technology, transportation, or fashion Summary With certain exceptions, the ability to accurately date photographs progressed with age and without difference in regard to gender or race No elementary student was able to combine prior historical knowledge with an understanding of differing technologies, architecture styles, or transportation innovations Two out of three were unable to speak of the past in quantifiable terms, instead they used vague temporal distinctions such as "a long time ago" and "a very long time ago" to date the photographs Those who did employ standard historical dating language often chose incorrect dates and were equally unable to back up their dates with reasoned evidence Sixth graders showed improvements in many areas Some sixth graders displayed a rational and articulate ability to combine knowledge of past events with a knowledge of technological features within the photograph A vast majority of the sixth graders spoke in standardized historical language, and most showed increased knowledge of past events Ninth graders were perhaps the most perplexing group Again, some combined prior historical knowledge with an awareness of transportation, technology, and fashion to offer accurate and logically supported dates Other students struggled to make these historical connections, especially with regard to the oldest photographs Furthermore, too many ninth graders were incorrect in their choice of date, and only used the black and white nature of the photograph to place it in the past All students referred to past periods in proper historical terms, and none relied on ambiguous qualifiers such as "a long time ago 11 Inferences About Why Photographs Were Taken When historians analyze why a particular photograph was taken they typically consider the identity and motivation of the photographer They also attend to how, and in what forum, the photograph originally was presented (e .g ., newspaper, artistic collection, advertisement) In addition, historians identify whether or not a photograph appears to be "staged" or taken without an artificial arrangement of its subjects, they speculate on what came before and after the captured event, and above all, they consider the historical and contemporary significance of the image presented All of these deliberations require a complex understanding of the historical method Students who participated in the study were asked to explain why selected photographs were taken The primary purpose of this Spring 1999 t 1 8 9


question was to ascertain to what extent they could construe a photographer's motivation for taking a particular photograph Elementary School Students In general most elementary school students found it difficult to explain why a particular photograph might have been taken Indeed, approximately one in six students failed to answer the question in any logical manner Some appeared bewildered by the suggestion that photographs were often taken for a reason, others offered inappropriate responses indicating that they had misconstrued or misunderstood the question A few elected not to answer the question at all Those who did reply broadly fell into three response categories First appeared the reasoning of those students who clearly related the taking of photographs to their own experience of why photographs commonly are taken Many students, therefore, believed the photographs recorded an "important occasion" or a "celebration," or were taken to "remember a special time ." For example, one student remarked of the photograph Al, showing a group of men listening to a radio outside a Harlem store, that "maybe it is a celebration and they are listening to something and they took a picture to remember it ." Some students thought a photograph was taken "just for fun" or "because they [the doctors] were so happy that day ." Of significance, many students believed that the photographer was intimately connected with the subjects of the photograph, not a detached observer For example, some believed photographs were taken by "friends" or, in the case of the picture showing the ox cart in Savannah, "by fellow travelers ." Others reasoned that the people in the photograph had asked for their photograph to be taken One student, for example, who incorrectly interpreted the police dog's attack on an African American male (B2), thought that the photograph was taken "because the police officers are helping people and they want their picture taken ." Perhaps the best illustration of how students commonly related the reasons for taking photographs to their own experience was the observation of Tricia She believed that the photographer who took the picture of the women in the car was "probably just using up film, like my Mom does all the time ." The second pattern of response encompassed the observations of those students who believed that the photographs were taken "to remember the past" and to show how people lived differently in times gone by Approximately half the young students in our sample made some comment to this effect The following interview exchange illustrates a typical response : Interviewer : Why do you think this photograph was taken? Hugh : To let people remember the past, and see it 1 9 0 t Spring 1999


Interviewer : Why do you think that? Hugh : So people would know about what they did back then On one level, of course, this is a logical and not incorrect response Certainly, some photographs are taken out of a sense of posterity However, it is very unlikely that photographers in the past consistently took photographs for the benefit of future generations In this respect, the elementary students' understandings appear limited Significantly, very few considered the motivations of the photographers for the age in which they lived Furthermore, in some cases the motivation for the photograph was totally misinterpreted For example, two students respectively, remarked that the purpose of the showing the dog attack (B2) was to "tell people to stay away from dogs," and to show people that the police "had caught the baddest bank robber in the world ." The very small number of students who did reflect on the purpose or message of the photograph in its contemporary context illustrated the third pattern of response Kelly, for example, considered that the photograph showing the doctors (B1) served a specific purpose She reasoned that the photograph was intended to show "patients who's going to be helping them," and that it was probably "going to go into a magazine ." In general, however, very few third grade students reflected on the contemporary purposes of the photographs No student, for example, remarked on how the photographs taken from the Civil Rights Era may have been taken to show contemporaries the injustice of existing social conditions Rather, students felt that these photographs apparently were taken at the behest of the subjects involved or for future generations to consider Middle School Students Unlike students at the elementary level, most middle school students recognized that photographers likely have a reason for taking a particular picture Indeed, of the 15 sixth grade students interviewed, only one entirely failed to explain why selected photographs may have been taken In addition, in contrast to the third graders, only a small minority of middle school students reasoned that photographs were often taken to show people today "what life was like back then ." Most appreciated that, for the most part, photographs were taken to serve the purposes and desires of people who lived at the time that the photograph was created To suggest, however, that middle school students displayed a sophisticated understanding of the motivations for a photograph's creation would be misleading Frequently students at this level offered simplistic, albeit logical, reasons for a photograph's creation For example, many students noted that the photograph showing the docSpring 1999 t 1 9 1


tors in the hospital was taken merely "to show what doctors looked like," or "to show people who worked in the hospital ." Representative of such a response was Randy, who simply suggested that someone took this photograph "to tell people how they [the doctors] work, what they use when they work, and just how the room is ." Some middle school students believed photographs were taken by family or friends to help them to celebrate or to remember certain events such as the purchase of a new car (A3) or a new radio (A2) Others reasoned that the photograph may have been taken by a person unknown to the subjects of the photograph for the purposes of capturing a particular mood or impression Accordingly, one student commented that the picture of the happy group of men in Harlem was taken "to show how people in the city got along and socialized ." Another reasoned that the photograph of the children gathered around the TV was taken simply "to show what family life was like ." In general, however, the most significant difference between the historical understanding of elementary school students and those in the middle school surfaced when sixth grade students accorded greater consideration to the purpose of the photograph Significantly, over half of the sixth graders interviewed recognized that the photograph likely was taken for a specific contemporary reason Six students remarked that particular photographs were taken at the behest of a newspaper, a possibility ignored by every elementary student Furthermore, several students posited that many of the photographs showing Civil Rights struggles or injustices were taken for social and/or political purposes For example, Calvin remarked that the picture showing the white and colored water fountain was created "to show that black people didn't have good fountains to drink from and wash their hands [in], that they're easily mistreated ." A sophisticated response was illustrated by Kevin, who commented that the photograph showing the attacking police dogs was created "to show what black people are going through with the cops . Maybe a Civil Rights person took the photograph ." Significantly, Kevin's response not only indicates his understanding of context and importance of the scene but also his acknowledgment of a politically motivated photographer Kevin, however, was the only middle school student to make this distinction High School Students Following a similar process to the elementary and middle school students, 23 high school students each analyzed three photographs Thus, the question "Why do you think this photograph was taken?" drew 69 responses Of these, only two responses indicated that students could not suggest a reason for the creation of the photograph In fact, the overwhelming majority of high school students offered plausible responses Moreover, very few ninth graders followed the 1 9 2 t Spring 1999


example of elementary and middle school students by offering only a simplistic reply Thus answers such as "to show children at home" (C3), or "to show Martin Luther King" (B3) proved extremely rare Rather, high school students offered a range of suggestions to explain why a particular photograph was taken Certainly, as with the sixth graders, a number of high school students offered plausible but rudimentary observations on some issues For example, several students deemed that certain photographs were taken "to show life back then" or for use "in a newspaper ." What set many high school students apart, however, was their ability to add contextual information to their answers Accordingly, many high school students didn't complete their remarks merely by stating to "show life back then" but additionally commented that photographs depicting Civil Rights injustices (B2, C1, C2) showed "how segregation was back then," or how "prejudice" and "discrimination" existed Jennifer poignantly remarked that such photographs were taken to "to help people in the future remember what we've done to black people ." In a similar fashion many high school students were not content with the simple notion that a photograph was taken "for a newspaper ." Frequently they sought to place the photograph in historical context by explaining its contemporary significance John, for example, who noted that the photograph depicting the dog attack was taken at a time of racial unrest, suggested that the picture was important to a reporter's story because it showed "how people wanted equal rights [and] . how people can come together when they want something ." Michelle also remarked on the Civil Rights struggles and suggested that the photograph was taken "in a small town in Alabama" because this was "pretty big stuff back then ." Essentially, the majority of high school students used their historical understanding of a particular period to explain how photographs might have been significant in the context of the time in which they were taken In contrast to their younger counterparts, consistently more high school students appreciated the fact that photographs are often taken for a specific purpose, sometimes with an audience in mind Throughout her interview, for example, Lashika appeared very conscious of the historical and racial significance of the photographs Thus, she suggested that the photograph taken in the hospital showed "proud black doctors" and further commented that the picture might have been taken to celebrate "the first black doctors in the hospital ." Additionally Lashika believed that the dog attack photograph showed the struggle for equality during the Civil Rights Movement and suggested that the photographer took the picture "because [he] wanted to show people how cruel the police were to black people ." Other students Spring 1999 t 1 9 3


made similar remarks The following exchange proved typical of other student responses : Interviewer : Why do you think this photograph [depicting a Civil Rights protest outside the Melba Theater, Dallas] was taken? Michael : I'd say someone probably did because a new [newspaper] editor wanted everybody to see how people were speaking out and trying to get inside the movie or whatever, trying to end discrimination Interviewer : So you think that it was used in a newspaper? Michael : Yeah, that's right . It's saying that it's immoral to life, that its unchristian like, it's just not right to do these kind of things Interviewer : To segregate? Michael : Yeah Of course, not all high school students made remarks such as these, but in general many ninth graders appeared to understand that photographs often have 'willful authors .' Thus, despite some inconsistencies, most students appreciated that photographs typically are created by an individual who captures an image for a particular purpose and an intended audience Summary In general, the sophistication of students' responses developed with age Typically, third graders offered very simple and often very personalized reasons to explain why a particular photograph was taken Middle school students routinely understood that a photograph was taken for a purpose However, few offered explanations that considered the photograph's historical context and significance High school students clearly understood that a photograph likely was created by a willful author for an explicit contemporary purpose and audience These findings apply equally without regard to gender or race Inferences About People's Lives The ability to draw inferences about the lives of people depicted in historical photographs is largely dependent upon prior knowledge Indeed, sensing the full meaning of a photograph requires substantial prior information about the historical period, the social class of the people, the region of the country, and many other elements of information typically acquired from the formal or informal study of history Without the benefit of such knowledge, only rudimentary inferences about people's lives can be made 1 9 4 t Spring 1999


A central question in this research concerned whether students could form plausible inferences about the lives of people shown in the set of nine historical photographs used in this study In order to gain some insight into this question, students were asked a series of questions with probes designed to help them form and justify inferences These questions asked students to (a) tell what they thought the people in the photograph were doing, (b) suggest who they thought the people were, (c) indicate where the scene was, and finally, (d) offer a detailed account of what the photograph could tell us about the lives of the people portrayed Elementary School Students Transcripts show that a little over one fifth of the time elementary students fell silent or indicated that they did not know what a photograph told them about people's lives Students in this response pattern were typically silent, or said "I don't know"to more than one of the three questions that asked them to explain who the people were, what they were doing, and where the photograph was taken Those students who did respond to the probes frequently illustrated a second category of response which was to make unsubstantiated inferences For example, Jason said of photograph showing the theater protest (C1) "most of them have, they may have a good life, and they may be mad, cause the way these signs say they may be very mad, and they may be nice ." Hugh offered another example of wild inference He stated that the women in the car (A3) would "probably be friends forever . ." A third pattern of response that frequently appeared in the elementary students' transcriptions was a simplistic restatement of visual evidence provided in the photographs For example, responses such as "they listened to the radio," or "back then they wore like hats" (photograph Al) illustrated simple, but common, restatements of what was readily visible in the photograph A final pattern of response in many elementary students' responses were inferences based on highly personalized and, on inspection, often unsustainable interpretations of the visual evidence For example Keri said, perhaps in reaction to the serious faces of the doctors and nurses of photograph B1, "maybe they're all having a hard time with their family or just, um, I don't know ." Similarly, Jerry hypothesized that the man being attacked by the German Shepherd (photograph B2), "led a pretty criminal life if that dog's biting him ." In summary, then, the elementary students demonstrated little ability to draw inferences about the lives of the people depicted in historical photographs Many simply couldn't answer, fell silent, or muttered "I don't know" Others made insupportable observations, or took what they could garner from the photograph and stated obviSpring 1999 t 1 9 5


ous inferences The remaining students, about one third, formed inferences that went beyond the visual data but reflected such limited life experiences and historical knowledge that their conclusions appeared unsustainable or simply incorrect These results held up across gender categories, but differed somewhat on the basis of race Specifically, a larger proportion (almost half) of the African American heritage students showed greater sensitivity to the life conditions of the people portrayed in the photographs That is, three of the six African American third grade students in our sample realized that the people shown in the photographs were "poor," "sad," "not happy," "scared," and "wanting to become equal ." Only one of the 12 white third graders in our sample expressed similarly unqualified empathy Middle School Students Middle school students were more able than elementary students to state inferences about the lives of the people shown in the set of historical photographs Very seldom did a middle school student fall silent to the interviewer's question, "What does this photograph tell us about their lives?" However, like their elementary school counterparts, middle school students offered some inferences that were unsupported, limited to the visual evidence, or so highly personalized that they were deemed to be unsustainable interpretations For example, Sherry stated that the children watching TV (C3) "don't have that much," but could not explain why she reached that conclusion Further, when asked what else she could tell about their lives she fell silent All that another student could infer from the photograph of the doctors and nurses was apprehensively phrased as a question, "they got a good career or job?" Another example came from Elizabeth, who thought that photograph B2 was probably taken in "Africa or something like that" because "almost everybody's like African-American ." Elizabeth was also among a group of almost half of the students viewing this same photograph that placed the dog attack victim as a criminal She thought that more than one person in photograph B2 might be a robber because there were two police dogs in the photograph Like their elementary counterparts, a number of the middle school students offered inferences about the people's lives that simply stated the obvious June, for example, suggested that the doctors and nurses "help people" and "work very hard ." When asked if there was anything else she might infer, she said "no ." Molly's analysis of the ox cart photograph (A2) led her to conclude that "they lived near a town . cause they're in a town ." When asked if she could tell anything else about their lives, she said "they don't look too wealthy" because "they don't have things to carry much stuff in their thing, um, wagon ." 1 9 6 t Spring 1999


However, well over half of the middle school students were able to form valid inferences based on the photographs Mark, for example, inferred from the ox cart photograph (A2) that "they didn't really use electronic things, they used wagons or stuff like that ." Terrence, upon examining the ox cart photograph, stated "they probably have a hard time doing work and stuff" and said that he thought that the strong looking man who was standing on the cart "works somewhere plowing or something ." Quite a few students were able to add more substantial support for their inferences about the life conditions of the people shown in the photographs Sky, for example gave a more substantiated interpretation of the children watching TV (photograph C3) saying "It looks like . .their home's in pretty good condition, because you only see this one crack here up the side of the wall and you can't see any other holes of bugs or anything [And] the children look pretty well off They don't look sick [I'd say] that they're pretty average children back then ." All of the middle school students recognized Martin Luther King, Jr and two specifically mentioned the Civil Rights Movement, one in connection with photograph C1 and one in connection with photograph B2 Many other middle grade students also made references to segregation, protests, and rights when talking about photographs B2, B3, C1, and C2 This is evidence of a growing awareness of United States history, perhaps gained in the fifth grade course offered in this school district In summary, middle school students generally showed an increased ability to draw plausible inferences about the lives of people shown in the set of photographs However, their inferences often appeared superficial Only a few middle school students consistently offered responses that showed a reasonably sophisticated ability to make plausible inferences based on sound historical thinking Significantly, the interview results also show that almost 60% of the four middle school African American students' responses could be judged as showing empathetic understanding of the life conditions of the people portrayed in the photographs This compares with approximately 20% of the responses given by the ten white sixth graders in our study High School Students High school students in the study were more able than middle school students to draw plausible inferences about the life conditions of the people shown in the historical photographs Nevertheless, some high school students offered very questionable, speculative inferences about the lives of the people shown in the photographs For example, Jacinta thought that the photograph showing the family by the ox cart (photograph A2) portrayed "happy people" because "they might look Spring 1999 t 1 9 7


like they need some help, but deep down inside they're happy ." One other student, Ruth, echoed this view on the same photograph, saying "they're happy with what they've got ." These highly personal reactions clearly could not be objectively warranted Other high school students also offered unusual, but potentially justifiable interpretations of the photographs Brian, for example, thought that the picture of the dog attack photograph (B2) might have been taken on Sunday because "they're all dressed up, maybe going to church or something ." He also stated that the man being bitten needed to "change his ways," because he "had done something wrong ." Brian thought that the police "were just doing their jobs," and later conjectured that "maybe they were just training to be cops ." Erin suggested that the men gathered around the radio (photograph Al) "probably went to church together" because they were all dressed up "in their little suits and hats ." Many high school students, however, offered more plausible interpretations of the photographs For example, after identifying the Civil Rights Movement as a product of the 1960s, Lashika answered that you could tell that the people "weren't happy and that they were standing up for what they believed in so they could be happy ." She noted, too, that the police in the photograph "don't want the black people to live the same life they're living ." Similarly, Marie, after noting that photograph B3 showed a picture of Martin Luther King, Jr ., stated that the photograph told her that "they moved around a lot" because they had brief cases and they were staying at a hotel One interview of a high school student aptly captured the sense of history that the majority of these older students brought to the photographs Here the student is talking about the dog attack photograph (B2) : Michelle : He's like eating him! Look! God Interviewer : Anything else, if you were describing that picture to somebody? Michelle : It looks kind of like a racial picture Interviewer : How so? Michelle : Cause all these people are African Americans and the cops are white and you know, that gives it away that it's like old Blacks didn't have a lot of freedom Interviewer : So what do you think these people are doing, both groups? Michelle : Looks probably like a protest or something, and probably like the cops are breaking it up He might have been causing trouble or they might have thought he was going to cause trouble so they were going to stop him before he could 1 9 8 t Spring 1999


Interviewer : What makes you think that he was going to cause trouble, or that they thought he was going to cause trouble? Michelle : The dog is eating him Look, the dog Interviewer : . .And when do you think this was taken? Michelle : 1964 Interviewer : Any clues in the picture that make you think that? Michelle : It's black and white, and their clothes They have really weird "Elvis movie" clothes Interestingly, Michelle immediately identified the photograph as a "racial picture," supporting her assessment with evidence of "white cops" attempting to control "African Americans ." Switching terminology, she backed up her statement by saying "Blacks didn't have a lot of freedom ." She realized that the police were attempting to break up a protest and interpreted that the person being attacked by the dog had been "causing trouble" or was going to cause trouble This last assertion is plausible if viewed from the perspective of the police officers, but would be disputed from other perspectives Finally, her guess of a date was reasonable and not inaccurately supported with her assessment of clothing styles that she associated with "Elvis movies ." The most sophisticated responses of the high school sample showed considerable contextual knowledge of history Approximately one third of high school students' interviews demonstrated an ability to state historically informed inferences In contrast, only one middle school student showed this ability Jacinta, for example offered this explanation of the man at the segregated water fountain (C2) "Well, see I can't tell if he's looking at that, cause if he's looking at that he might be looking at it with disgust and confusion cause he doesn't understand why he can't drink out of the same water fountain as a white person ." Asked what type of life she suspected he led, she responded "I would say a hard life cause he can't even sit on the bus with somebody and he can't drink out of the same fountain, he's got to protest in front of theaters, so I'd say a hard life ." Another student, Michael, said of photograph C2 that he thought the image was taken "to show how things were segregated ." He concluded that the gentleman must be really tired because "he's had to stay with his own culture He's not really able to interact like he wants to ." In summary, high school students showed more sophisticated patterns of thinking in their analysis of the nine historical photographs Although some responded like their younger counterparts, most ninth graders demonstrated sophisticated inferencing abilities based on substantial contextual knowledge of the Civil Rights Movement and Spring 1999 t 1 9 9


United States History We found no discernible differences in the quality of ninth graders' abilities to draw inferences about peoples lives that could be associated with the student's gender Furthermore, our analysis showed little overall race-based differences across our entire set of nine historical photographs in the quality of inferences that ninth graders could draw about the lives of the portrayed people Simply put, both black (n=7) and white (n=16) students showed similar levels of skill in drawing and supporting plausible inferences about the lives of the people shown the photographs This said, however, a greater variability in the degree of empathetic interpretations among the white students emerged For example, some white students offered interpretations that saw the people in the photos as "rioters," "just a black man," or even "a criminal ." Black students, however, unanimously offered interpretations that could only be judged as empathetic Summary The analysis of the interview transcripts revealed that as students matured they appeared more able to make credible inferences about the lives of people portrayed in historical photographs Presumably this occurred as their knowledge of United States history increased However, despite this general pattern, inconsistencies in performance existed within each age level group As with students' ability to properly date the photographs and discern why they might have been taken, the findings for this section apply equally to both sexes Girls and boys performed similarly in their ability to draw inferences about the lives of people shown in photographs In the area of race, however, we detected some differences in black and white students' interpretations of the photographs Specifically, we noted that a larger proportion (three out of six black versus one out of twelve white) of our African American heritage students at the 3rd grade level showed sensitivity to the life conditions of the people portrayed in the photographs Similar results were noted at the middle school level where approximately 60% of the black sixth graders' responses were judged to be empathetic compared to only 20% for the white students in our sample While the high school level data showed less dramatic differences, it still showed greater variability in white students' willingness to volunteer empathetic inferences about the lives of the people shown in the photographs Discussion This study adds to the exciting and emerging body of scholarship on the development of students' historical thinking In particular it offers further insights into the findings of other researchers who 2 0 0 t Spring 1999


argue that general patterns of students' historical thinking are identifiable (e .g ., Levstik & Pappas, 1987 ; Shemilt, 1987 ; Knight, 1989), that engagement with meaningful historical exercises can help students achieve higher levels of cognition (e .g ., Ashby & Lee, 1987a, 1987b ; Booth, 1980,1994 ; Blake, 1981 ; Dickinson & Lee, 1978 ; Dickinson, Lee, & Rogers, 1984 ; Drake, 1986 ; Lee, Dickinson, Ashby, 1995 ; Shemilt, 1980), and that reflective historical instruction and assessment can evoke critical and reflective student thought (e .g ., Greene, 1994, Leinhardt, 1994 ; Spoehr & Spoehr, 1994 ; VanSledright, 1996 ; Whelan, 1997) More specifically, this study adds additional information on what young people are able, and not able, to do when asked to interpret historical photographs Analysis of students' ability to date historical photographs revealed several findings consistent with other research studies For example, our study supports Barton and Levstik's (1996) observation that specific dates have little meaning for children prior to the third grade Rather than accord photographs specific dates, almost without exception, elementary students referred to photographs with such vague time references as "long ago," or "old timey ." Barton and Levstik's study further concluded that only by fifth grade did students "extensively connect particular dates with specific background knowledge" (Barton and Levstik, 1996, 419) Our study supports this conclusion Middle school students commonly were able to assign dates based on clues within the photograph (e .g ., fashion, architecture, technology) and on their knowledge of United States history (this was particularly evident of photographs taken during the Civil Rights Era) Nevertheless, although middle school students properly examined photographs for temporal clues, it should be noted that they routinely found dating problematic and frequently provided inaccurate responses Ninth grade students proved more proficient at combining their prior historical knowledge with features inherent in the photographs so as to assign a reasonably accurate date Certainly, by ninth grade, no student used imprecise terms such as "a very long time ago" in reference to photographs Although our study did not explicitly focus on chronology, in keeping with Barton and Levstik's study, student responses commonly revealed that children of all ages could make temporal distinctions In other words, while elementary students failed to assign dates to photographs, several clearly were able to establish that some photographs were older than others For example, by using such terms as "long time ago" or "very long time ago" some younger children accurately sequenced selected sets of photographs However, these findings should not be overstated Our study revealed that individual students of all ages failed to make reasonable temporal distinctions For exSpring 1999 t 2 0 1


ample, one high school student noted that one set of photographs (taken during the 1890s, the 1930s, and 1912) were all products of 1936 Not surprisingly students ability to date historical photographs improved with age Of particular significance, foundational knowledge of U S history appeared a very important factor in students' ability to assign dates Ninth grade students were universally aware of the era of slavery and the Civil Rights Movement Sixth graders appeared to have knowledge of key issues and events of the Civil Rights Movement but proved less precise in their understanding of nineteenth century events Elementary students frequently recognized Martin Luther King but appeared to possess little other information on the Civil Rights Movement or other aspects of African-American experiences in U S history In keeping with the observations of others scholars (e .g ., Lee, 1994 ; VanSledright, 1996) the study revealed that a direct relationship exists between students' ability to think historically and their acquisition of relevant historical information Analysis of student responses to the question which required them to asses why a particular photograph was taken revealed a number of popular misconceptions among students of all ages For example, many students, particularly in the lower grades, did not consider that photographs had intentional "authors ." Rather, from their perspectives, the photograph simply appeared to provide objective information on times gone by Furthermore, although a number of students, particularly at the elementary grades, realized that a photograph often was taken for a purpose, many of the reasons offered were simplistic and related to their own experiences of photograph taking For example, students frequently believed that photographs were created by someone who knew the subjects of the picture and who desired the photograph to be taken Many students failed to realize that a photograph could be taken by an unrelated observer to illustrate a particular view of the contemporary world Of significance, even when some middle and many high school students considered a photograph's author, audience, and message typically they failed to offer alternative possibilities for a photograph's creation Frequently, students' responses lacked conjecture, alternative explanations, and conditional language Students who offered more sophisticated explanations of why a photograph was taken more fully appreciated the photograph's historical context For example, no elementary student considered that a photograph showing Civil Rights activism (e .g ., photograph C1, the protest outside the Dallas movie theater) might be taken to influence the viewpoint of observers considering the issue of racial segregation High school students, however, were more likely to consider the photographs' historical context in their analysis of why a photograph was taken In many regards this observation supports Harnett's (1995) con2 0 2 t Spring 1999


clusion that, although young children are able to offer a detailed description of a photograph's contents, they are unable to consider a photograph's context Harnett's study suggested that children typically are more able to view pictures in their broader historical context after age eleven To some extent our study support this generalization For example, although several middle school students offered simplistic responses, a significant number noted that a particular photograph was taken for an explicit purpose (e .g ., "to show that black people . [were] easily mistreated") The third question which received concentrated attention analyzed students" ability to make plausible inferences about the lives of people evident in historical photographs The study revealed that many students, particularly in the lower grades, found logical inference very difficult Indeed, some were unable to offer any plausible response Frequently, younger children made inappropriate guesses about peoples' life situations Some students arbitrarily remarked that individuals were "happy" or "sad" without full explanation Others speculated wildly One student noted, for example, that the man being attacked by the dog (B2) was "the baddest bank robber in town ." To a large extent the confusion of many younger students may be explained by their significant lack of historical knowledge As Harnett (1995) noted, young students can name many of even the most minute objects in historical photographs but they can't tell what the objects imply about people's lives Thus, architecture, transportation technology, clothing styles, and setting characteristics meant little, if anything, to many students in the absence of acquired historical background knowledge Although some inconsistencies to the general pattern existed, students' ability to infer generally progressed with age Older students were more likely to offer plausible inferences by relating their prior historical knowledge to the photographic image before them For example, students familiar with racial injustice in American society during the 1950s and 1960s were more able to appreciate and infer about the life experiences of African Americans than younger students who lacked this contextual knowledge However, despite this finding very few older students offered a range of alternative inferences Typically, high school students made singular, although plausible, assertions about the lives of people portrayed in the photographs In many respects, therefore, the results of our study suggested that students ability to infer was less sophisticated than those children who participated in research conducted by West (1981, 1986) and Blyth (1988) In short, our study revealed that students of all ages found aspects of inferential thinking difficult On a more positive note, Blyth (1998) and Lynn (1993) found that students ability to infer from historical photographs developed as they were exposed to frequent picSpring 1999 t 2 0 3


ture analysis This suggests, therefore, that teachers may be able to advance students' historical thinking by developing instruction which encourages children to critically analyze photographs on a regular basis Extremely evident from our study was that students across all grades simply lacked experience in the analysis of historical photographs Analysis of interview data also informed our understanding of how students' gender and/or race affected individual interpretations of historical photographs Race and gender appeared to play no significant role in students' ability to date historical photographs, or in their ability to offer explanations for why certain photographs were taken However, we did find evidence that African American students offered, as a group, more knowledgeable and sensitive responses to the question of what the photograph told about the lives of the people This is not to imply that all white students failed to express similar knowledge and sensitivity, for many-in fact most--did As we stated in the summary section of our results for this question, these noted differences tended to show most strongly at the elementary and middle grades However, both black and white ninth grade students in our sample generally showed a greater consistency in their expressed knowledge and sensitivity to the life conditions of the people portrayed in the photographs Perhaps this is evidence of the general influence of United States history instruction beginning to inform all students about the lives of black Americans Perhaps the many and varied exposures associated with simple maturation may also account for this noted trend Future research will be needed to explore this and other questions raised by this study Recommendations for Future Research A number of issues arose in our present study that we feel demand additional research First, it seemed that the students in our sample had little experience in analyzing historical photographs This is, of course, an after-the-fact conjecture based on the results of our interviews and not drawn from direct observational or self-reported evidence As a consequence, we recommend that future studies attempt to document the amount and type of instructional use given to the increasingly rich supply of historical photographs Surveys could easily accumulate this information Case studies of students' use of historical photographs within a single United States history classroom would also contribute to our understanding of how this resource may be used In addition, it should be possible to implement causal comparative or quasi-experimental studies where parallel sections of the same history classes are implemented, with one section being taught without access to a rich data bank of historical photographs, another 2 0 4 t Spring 1999


being taught with access but lacking specific teacher guided photographic analysis, and a third being taught with access and explicit teacher guided attention to this resource Such a study would shed light on the potential incremental role that historical photographs may play in the development of students' historical thinking, students' ability to accumulate, retain, and use historical knowledge, students' attitudes toward history, and the development of their historiography skills Second, we found that, in general, the African-American heritage students in our sample tended to have a richer knowledge of the Civil Rights Movement and the slavery era of United States history compared to their European-American heritage classmates We speculated that this noted differential was due to the simple operation of self-identity and self-interest, causing improved performance among African-American students Epstein (1996) noted related effects in her study of historical perspective taking among urban adolescents However, this phenomenon needs to be further investigated One approach to further exploration of this phenomenon would be to follow the unitby-unit performance of several mixed-race United States history classes, noting the amount of material retained, students' self reported level of interest, and other potential results of instruction such as extracurricular reading, and reports of voluntary peer to peer and family based conversations that take place on key topics related to the units Brophy and VanSledright (1997) have reported a lucid longitudinal unit by unit study of several history teachers However they did not draw conclusions about the operation of self-identity and selfinterest as these constructions might affect interest and knowledge retention in history As noted in our limitations, we felt that although our interviews served their purpose, their step-wise structure and, in some cases, limited follow-up may have artificially restricted students' expressions of their full knowledge and ability Consequently, we believe, and agree with Barton and Levstik (1996), that more extended, naturalistic interviews are needed to provide a more complex picture of students' historical thinking In conducting all of these proposed studies it is further recommended that investigators attempt to gain detailed background information that might be related to the students' performances For example, it seems clear to us that the potential now exists for substantial extracurricular history learning based on the proliferation of historybased television programming, juvenile and adolescent level literature that is both historical fiction and non-fiction, and computer-based history rich resources that range from so called edutainment games, to encyclopedic-styled CD-ROMs, to Internet web sites We need to know the extent to which these resources are influencing students' Spring 1999 t 2 0 5


understanding of history Along these same lines, we recommend that students be asked to report on the frequency and substance of homebased history interactions Are their parents, for example, themselves historians or history teachers? Or, more plausibly, do their parents have history-related hobbies, or frequently involve them in field trips to historical sites and museums? In short, we believe that some of the variation in students' interviews may well have been explained by better background information Investigators may also wish to gain access to standard achievement related data such as IQ scores, reading ability, and subject matter grades, for these, too, may be related to the skills of historical analysis and interpretation Finally, it seems clear to us that research based on the analysis of historical photographs would be helped by obtaining expert analysis and description of the photographs This analysis should, ideally, be performed by one or more historians who specialize in not only the period, but also the context of the photograph In short, we recommend that a full analytical description of the photograph be obtained from an academic historian who is knowledgeable about the subject of the photograph Further, we believe that whenever it is possible, this academic analysis and description should be supplemented with the recollections and reactions of individuals who are primary sources (i .e ., shown in the photograph, or present when the photograph was taken), or as close to primary sources (e .g ., related to one or more of the individuals shown in the photograph and knowledgeable of the event) as possible We recognize the difficulty of obtaining such information, but these full analytical descriptions and more personal insights are essential to judging the comments of interview participants Without them, studies using historical photographs lack the benchmark understandings that are essential to the critical interpretation of participants' comments 2 0 6 t Spring 1999


Interview Protocol Appendix A "Tell me what you see in this photograph ." Probe : "Do you see anything else?" "What do you think these people are doing?" Probe : "Why do you think that?" "Who do you think these people are?" Probe : "Why do you think that?" "Where are these people?" Probe : "Why do you think that?" "When do you think the photograph was taken?" Probe : "Why do you think that?" "Why do you think this photograph was taken?" Probe : "What tells you that it was t ?" "What does this photograph tell you about these people's lives (or this person's life)?" Probe : "Why do you say that?" "If a historian wanted to find out about life at this time, what are the problems of using just this one photograph?" Probe : "Anything else . .?" "What more would you like to know about this photograph?" Probe : "Anything else . .?" Spring 1999 t 2 0 7


Photograph Descriptions Appendix B Photo A 1 : Men listening to radio in Harlem, 1930s Used by permission Photographs and Prints Division ; Shomburg Center for Research in Black Culture ;The New York Public Library ; Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations Photo A2 : Ox cart, Savannah, Georgia, C Used by Permission Courtesy of Hargrett Rare Book & Manuscrip t 7 890 S Library, University of 208 t Georgia Libraries


!A .a : Photo A3 : Madame C J Walker in a car with others, c 1912 Used by permission Photographs and Prints Division ; Shomburg Center for Research in Black Cu lture ;The New York Public Library ; Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations Spring 1999 Photo B 1 : Harlem trauma team, c 1991 Used by permission Andy Levin, photographer 209


Photo B2 : Birmingham, Alabama protest, May 3, 1963 Used by permission .AP/World Wide Photos 210 Photo B3 : Martin Luther King, Jr on Lorraine Motel balcony, April 3, 1968 Used by permission .AP/World Wide Photos Spring 1999


Photo C1 : Melba Theater protest, Dallas, Texas, 1955 Used by permission R C Hickman Photographic Archive,The Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin Spring 1999 Photo C2 : Water fountains, North Carolina, 1950 Used by permission Elliott Erwitt, Magnum Photo, Inc 211


S a .4u{'v' v' .iTrr t : S+KC Jt Photo C3 : Children watching television, Dallas, Texas, 1956 Used by permission R C Hickman Photographic Archive, The Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin References Ashby, R & Lee, P (1987a) Children's concepts of empathy and understanding in history In C Portal (Ed .), The history curriculum for teachers (pp 62-88) London : Falmer Ashby, R & Lee, P (1987b) Discussing the evidence Teaching History, 48,13-17 Barton, K C (1997) "I just kinda know" : Elementary students' ideas about historical evidence Theory and Research in Social Education, 25, 407-430 Barton, K C & Levstik, L S (1996) "Back when God was around and everything" : Elementary children's understanding of historical time American Educational Research Journal, 33,419-454 Beck, I L & McKeown, M G (1988) Toward meaningful accounts in history texts for young learners Educational Researcher, 17, 31-39 Blake, D W (1981) Observing children learning history The History Teacher, 14,533-549 Blyth, J (1988) History 5-9 London : Hodder and Stoughton Booth, M (1980) A modern world history course and the thinking of adolescent pupils Educational Review, 32, 245-257 Booth, M (1993) Students' historical thinking and the national history curriculum in England Theory and Research in Social Education, 21, 105-127 Booth, M (1994) Cognition in history : A British perspective Educational Psychologist, 29, 61-69 Brophy J ., & VanSledright, B (1997) Teaching and learning history in elementary schools New York : Teachers College Press Bruner, J (1966) Toward a Theory of Instruction Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Cooper, H (1992) The teaching of history : Studies in primary education London : Michael Fulton Dickinson, A ., Lee, P J ., & Rogers, P J (1984) Learning history London : Heinemann 2 1 2 t Spring 1999


Dickinson, A ., Lee, P J (1978) History teaching and historical understanding London : Heinemann Downey, M T & Levstik, L S (1991) Teaching and learning history In J P Shaver (Ed .), Handbook of research on social studies teaching and learning (pp 400-410) New York : Macmillan Downey, M T (1995) Perspective taking and historical thinking : Doing history in a fifth-grade classroom Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco Drake, F D (1986) Using primary sources and historians' interpretations in the classroom Teaching History, 11, 50-61 Epstein, T L ., (1994) The arts of history : An analysis of secondary school students interpretations of the arts in historical contexts Journal o f Curriculum and Supervision, 9, 62-81 Epstein, T L ., (1996) Historical perspective taking among urban adolescents : Differences in black and white Theory and Research in Social Education, 24, 399-402 Evans, R W (1994) Educational Ideologies and the Teaching of History In Leinhardt, G ., Beck, I ., & Stainton, C (Eds .), Teaching and learning in history (pp 171-207) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Foster, S ., Morris, J W ., & Davis, O L ., Jr (1996) Prospects for teaching historical analysis and interpretation : National curriculum standards for history meet high school history textbooks Journal of Curriculum and Supervision ,11, 367-385 Foster, S J ., & Yeager, E A (in press) The role of empathy in the development of historical understanding International Journal of Social Education Fisher, R (1990) Teaching children to think Oxford : Blackwell Gabella, M S (1994) Beyond the looking glass : Bringing students into the conversation of historical inquiry Theory and Research in Social Education, 22, 340-363 Greene, S (1994) The problems of learning to think like a historian : Writing history in the culture of the classroom Educational Psychologist, 29, 89-96 Harnett, P (1993) Identifying progression in children's understanding : The use of visual materials to assess primary school children's learning in history Cambridge Journal of Education, 23, 137-154 Harnett, P (1995, September) Questions about the past : Children's responses to visual sources in primary history Paper presented at the European Education Research Conference, Bath University Harnett, P (in press) Children working with pictures In Hoodless, P (Ed .) English and history London : Routledge Hoge, J D (1991) A survey investigation of students' historical time knowledge Journal of Social Studies Research, 150), 16-29 Knight, P T (1989) Research on teaching and learning in history-a perspective from afar Social Education, 53, 306-309 Lee, P J (1994) Historical knowledge and the national curriculum In H Bourdillon (Ed .),Teaching history London : Routledge Lee, P J ., Dickinson, A ., & Ashby R (1995, June) Some aspects of children's understanding of historical explanation Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco Leinhardt, G (1994) History : A time to be mindful In Leinhardt, G ., Beck, I ., & Stainton, C (Eds .) (1994) Teaching and learning in history (pp 209-255) Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Leinhardt, G ., Beck, I ., & Stainton, C (Eds .) (1994) Teaching and learning in history Hillsdale, NJ : Erlbaum Levstik, L S & Pappas, C C (1987) Exploring the development of historical understanding Journal of Research and Development in Education, 87,1-15 Lynn, S (1993) Children reading pictures : History visuals at key stage 1 and 2 Education 3-13 Volume 21, 3 Portal, C (Ed .) (1987) The history curriculum for teachers London : Falmer Seixas, P (1994) Students' understanding of historical significance Theory and Research in Social Education, 22, 281-304 Spring 1999 t 2 1 3


Shemilt, D (1987) Adolescent ideas about evidence and methodology in history In C Portal (Ed .), The history curriculum for teachers (pp 39-61) London : Falmer Shemilt, D (1984) Beauty and the philosopher : Empathy in history and classroom In A K Dickinson, P J Lee, & P J Rogers (Eds .), Learning history (pp 39-84) London : Heinemann Shemilt, D (1980) Schools council history 13-16 project : Evaluation study Edinburgh : Holmes, McDougall Spoehr, K T & Spoehr, L W (1994) Learning to think historically Educational Psychologist, 29, 71-77 Thornton, S J ., & Vukelich, R (1988) Effects of children's understanding of time concepts on historical understanding Theory and Research in Social Education, 15, 69-82 Van Sledright, B A ., & Brophy, J (1992) Storytelling, imagination, and fanciful elaboration in children's historical reconstructions American Educational Research journal, 29, 837-859 VanSledright, B A (1996) "1 don t remember-the ideas are all jumbled in my head" : Eighth graders' reconstructions of colonial American history Journal of Curriculum and Supervision, 10, 317-345 West J (1981) Authenticity and time in historical narrative pictures Teaching History, 29, 8-10 West J (1986) The development of primary school children's sense of the past In Fairbrother, R (Ed .) History and the primary school Greater Manchester primary contact Special Issue Number 6 Manchester : Didsbury School of Education Whelan, M (1997) The historical subject matter that ultimately matters most Theory and Research in Social Education 25, 505-514 Wineburg, S S & Wilson, S M (1988) Models of wisdom in the teaching of history Phi Delta Kappan, 70,50-58 Wineburg, S S (1991) On the reading of historical texts : Notes on the breach between school and academy American Educational Research journal, 28, 495-519 Wineburg, S S (1994) Out of our past and into our future-The psychological study of learning and teaching history Educational Psychologist, 29,57-61 Yeager, E A ., & Davis, O L ., Jr ., (1995) Between campus and classroom : Secondary teachers' thinking about historical texts Journal of Research and Development in Education, 29, 1-8 Authors STUART J FOSTER is Assistant Professor and JOHN D HOGE is Associate Professor in the Department of Social Science Education at the University of Georgia, Athens, 30602 RICHARD H ROSCH is a social studies teacher at Winder-Barrow High School, Winder, Georgia 2 1 4 t Spring 1999


Theory and Research in Social Education Spring 1999, Volume 27, Number 2, pp 215-248 €College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies What It Means to be A "Good Citizen" in Australia : Perceptions of Teachers, Students, and Parents Warren Prior Deakin University Abstract This article reports perceptions of citizenship held by teachers, parents and students in one school in Australia Three issues are explored : the extent of congruence among the three participating groups ; implications of their perceptions about citizenship for teaching and learning ; and strategies for managing effective curriculum innovation in citizenship education The author argues that effective citizenship education programs require teachers, students, and parent to have a shared understanding about what it means to be "good citizen ." The Context of Citizenship Education Debates in Australia [We] hope Joshua will have a sense of duty, and want him to be respectful, the kind of boy who will make a good husband and father when the time comes (Rey Busano commenting on his new born son) As elsewhere in the world, Australia has undergone intense social change in the past several decades The globalization of economies with the resultant loss of our long-held reliance on "the sheep's back" as the major economic export force has had a profound destabilizing effect on the psyche of Australians (Hughes, 1994) The long tradition of defining one's sense of civic status through paid work, and more to the point, through the certainty of continuing in work of one's choice, has rapidly been destroyed in the 1990s by the uncertainties of the global economies In its place there is a feeling that life is now controlled by the vagaries of Gross Domestic Product and not by the daily actions of the people For some people there is a perception of a decline in civic virtue and values most noticeably seen in a community where the loss of social fabric, "the processes between people which establish networks, norms and social trust," (Cox, 1995) Spring 1999 t 2 1 5


has resulted in a loss of a sense of community and personal alienation and powerlessness (Senate Committee, 1995 ; Pascoe, 1996) Anecdotal evidence and frequent letters to the press indicate that many parents, believe themselves to be caught in this vortex of rapid change and uncertainties Schools are seen as the appropriate venue for developing in their children a "sense of duty," and to rectify social problems so that drug abuse, road safety, sex education and citizenship education can best be tackled by schools, despite teachers' claims of an already overcrowded curriculum What is also clear is that many Australians are beginning to recognize the opportunity to use the years in the lead up to the symbolic centenary celebrations of the federal Constitution in 2001, as time to both look back to "better days" and to look forward to debating the kind of society they want Already in place are some significant elements of this debate : the nature of our multicultural society, an ongoing reorganization of key economic goals, the establishment of a Constitutional Convention to consider the nature and form of an Australian Head of State and some attempts at developing a national curriculum The semiotics of national image we wish to convey at the Olympics in Sydney in the year 2000 is also a part of the debate It's a complex and at times a confusing agenda So far the debates in the public arena have been largely orchestrated by those groups with immediate vested interests, including politicians, academics and curriculum developers (Meredith & Thomas, 1995) There have been numerous public reports in the 1980s and 1990s on the nature of the relationship among education, national economic policy and about the kind of society we want in the twentieth century Earlier reports, for example the Auchmuty National Inquiry into Teacher Education (1980), the Blackburn Report (1984), the Report of the Australian Education Council (1989), the two Reports of the Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training (1989 ; 1991), argue that all students (and teachers) needed to be equipped with a sound knowledge of how their country is governed Implicit in many of the reports was the understanding that this increased knowledge would, in some way, (as yet not articulated), contribute to a sense of national pride and economic well-being In 1988, the Senate requested its Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training to conduct an inquiry into "Education for Active Citizenship in Australian Schools and Youth Organisations ." One of the six recommendations in the Senate Report (1989) was that the Commonwealth designate education for active citizenship as a priority area for improvements in primary and secondary schooling" (p 48) This report is typical of others published in the 1980s in the sense that it tends to be knee jerk reaction to a particular, perceived "crisis" and because the majority of the recommenda2 1 6 t Spring 1999


tions focus on implementation strategies without actually conceptualizing what forms a citizenship education program might take Citizenship is seen in these early reports as a noncontestable term and limited to knowledge about government The more recent reports, for example the Report of the Civics Expert Group (1994), the Senate Committee Discussion Paper on a System of National Citizenship Indicators (1995), and particularly the current federal government's policy document, "Discovering Democracy" (Kemp, 1997), have shifted the emphasis to make education a much more direct instrument of economic policy rather than a means of social and economic reconstruction "Our policies aim to encourage greater flexibility on the part of institutions and reduce their dependence on government We want to give universities greater autonomy and self reliance as customer-focused business enterprises ." (Vanstone, 1996, p ) The difficulty of interpreting the current policy document is that the overt context in which it was launched is not evident The policy does not articulate the assumptions, conceptualizations and ideology underpinning the program Yet "Discovering Democracy" was launched in the context of the need for citizenship education, to act as a tool for improving Australia's economic situation On paper, the current national policy document acknowledges the distinction between civics and citizenship and indicates that the emphasis on knowledge, skills, and values and attitudes will "develop capacities to participate as informed, reflective citizens" (Kemp, 1997, p ) Yet the content chosen to develop these capacities is uncontestable, unproblematic, and is based on a legalistic, historical and civic notion of citizenship framed within a "great events" approach to a study of Australian history "Discovering Democracy" represents the center of a dichotomous situation in Australia where governments are, on the one hand, expecting the good citizen as an individual, rather than as a member of any particular community, to contribute more actively towards national economic goals Many people on the other hand are responding to change and anxieties by decreasing their expectations of themselves, of the community and of the state One outcome has been the increasing trend by governments to take the moral high ground by initiating policies which are promoted as being for the "common good ." Beyond public expressions of anxieties as often seen in print media the impetus to redefine what it means to be a citizen in Australia in the 1990s and to participate in the good life has mostly come from above ; from the political arena Individuals and groups therefore are mostly responding to government policies and are seen by some politicians as being un-Australian A major focus of this study, is investigating what appears to be a mismatch between expectations of governments, both state and fedSpring 1999 t 2 1 7


eral, in Australia in the 1990s in relation to policies about the "good citizen" and the attitudes and expectations of three major players in the implementation of these policies-teachers, parents, and students-in a sense representing the community at large The argument is made that school themselves assimilate the meanings of citizenship to their own dominant cultures and that any unitary or ill-defined conception would be contested not only on the grounds of workability in the school situation, but also because the experience or the principles of community in the school are the more compelling conveyers of the meanings of citizenship (NPDP Report, 1997) If the reports and policies themselves are bereft of conceptualizations of citizenship then school communities are unable to make a critical appraisal of their culture and educational practice against tested indicators of democratic citizenship and of problematizing the "understood ." In all the reports and policy documents mentioned above, and particularly in the current federal government's policies, curriculum area called "Studies of Society and Environment" (Board of Studies, 1995) is viewed as the natural policy implementation point The supposition is that by locating citizenship education in one key learning area with teachers who are both committed to and trained in social education appropriate knowledge and skills will be more effectively learned The assumption has also been made that social studies teachers will support the approach toward citizenship education taken by governments "Discovering Democracy" notes that the implementation (but not development) of current federal government policy in the area of citizenship education "will include parents, teachers, principals and academics" (Kemp, 1997) The history of previous reports indicates that there has been very little input from these three groups This study examines whether a cohort of stakeholders in one school supports the governments conception of citizenship education In addition, the author argues that there is now sufficient evidence (Osborne, 1991 ; Verba, 1995) to indicate that a whole school approach to the development of citizenship education programs is much more likely to be successful than when a centrally developed curriculum is imposed on teachers without consultation with the school community Here in lies the rationale for this study The argument made is that the assumptions underpinning much of the current government thinking about citizenship education programs in Australia is politically self serving and that governments believe that "most people seem to put it (citizenship) in the same category as clean underwear : a useful and even a desirable thing to have but dull and respectable and not worth talking about ." (Osborne, 1991) The most disappointing aspect of this policy is that there is little discussion about the concep2 1 8 t Spring 1999


tual elements that might be considered to constitute citizenship education and therefore no explicit acknowledgment of the assumptions and values embedded in this policy Findings of this study indicate that teachers, parents and have strong and well articulated views about the nature and form of citizenship education programs, but these views do not match with government policies As such it is argued the people expected to implement and/or be the recipients of government policies are at odds with it and, as a result, these policies will likely fail With this broad context in mind four key elements appeared to be missing in most debates about the ways and means of enhancing young peoples' views about citizenship in Australia in the 1990s Firstly, the conceptualization of what it might mean to be a "good citizen"has yet to be clearly articulated Often the debate has centered on the arguments about civics versus citizenship In its worst form, in the past, this debate has resulted in governments simply producing curriculum materials which, by some form of mysterious revelation, will result in "good" citizens being produced In no state in Australia has there been a citizenship or civics course of study for over 30 years The great majority of the current teacher cohort therefore have no experience in the teaching and learning in this area Publishers have seen no commercial value in publishing materials on citizenship Secondly, the extent of conceptual understandings and attitudes already held by young people about citizenship has been an area of research neglect(Doig et al, 1994) Conceptual development is not only associated with the acquisition of new content, but also with the increasingly sophisticated processing of previously acquired content, including the adequacy of the informational content, the level of student motivation or interest and linguistic competence Policy implementation often appears to be predicated on the assumption that the policy-makers know what is good for students to learn and that this learning takes place in some form of neat lineal construction Thirdly, there is no research base concerning the attitudes of Australian teachers towards citizenship and citizenship education Any proposal to incorporate some form of citizenship education in schools must depend on the active cooperation of teachers, so it is surprising that this are has not been investigated There is research (e .g ., Guskey & Huberman, 1997 ; Hargreaves, 1994) suggesting that cultural, organizational, and curriculum change is more likely to be effective in schools where the culture is already receptive to change and where changing curriculum and pedagogy is contingent upon ownership of the process and outcomes by all participants-teachers, students and parent (also see Ross, 1994 ; 1996) Anecdotal evidence indicates that Australian teachers already believe the curriculum as being overSpring 1999 t 2 1 9

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crowded, so that the inclusion of another component is unlikely, regardless of its veracity, to be welcomed Fourthly, the extent of the impact of parents of school age children's support for government education policy and school curriculum implementation processes has yet to be tested in Australia This study therefore has attempts to examine the level of congruence among teachers, students and parents in their conceptualization of citizenship, their attitudes towards citizenship education in the school curriculum and the implications of these perceptions for both current teaching and learning practices and curriculum renewal in schools The Context of the Study This article reports a case study of concepts of citizenship held by one school community-teachers as a total staff ; social studies teachers in particular ; students from three grade levels ; and parents-from one government secondary school in the State of Victoria, Australia The focus of the study was to investigate the extent to which the construction of citizenship made by the four groups mirrored the models of citizenship found in current policy documents and to consider the implications of the extent of this synergy for curriculum change The study arose from a larger multi-national research project of teacher perceptions of citizenship, directed by Jeffrey Fouts (19_) In the larger project, titled "Concepts of Citizenship : A Multi Nation Study on the Qualities of Good Citizens and Implications for Schools," in which researchers from five countries sought to analyze what teachers meant by "good citizenship ." Researchers developed a common questionnaire/interview schedule and data from large samples of teachers in each country As the project coordinator for Australia, the author was able to collect data from 18 schools with a total response of 510 teachers Questionnaire and interview data were derived from a four part questionnaire devised by Fouts (1995), following on from the work of Gross and Dynneson (1991) It could be argued that the questionnaire is somewhat simplistic in its format, but in its defense, the nature of multination research using the same instrument often requires compromises to satisfy a range of cultural settings This questionnaire was used in this study and is included below A seven point Likert scale was used to classify responses The Case Study School This study came about as a result of one of the schools in the larger project requesting assistance in revising its citizenship education curriculum The staff curriculum committee of the school had 2 2 0 t Spring 1999

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noted the fact that the federal government had made citizenship education a priority curriculum area and the questionnaire/interviews from the multi nation study had aroused interest in the area among teachers When the study began, teachers at the school discussed their current curriculum offerings and decided begin curriculum renewal using the new state government frameworks and guidelines To that extent the notion of "readiness" had been reached and any subsequent discussions about amendments to curriculum were seen in a positive manner by teachers This study makes the claim that understanding the cultural histories of the key players in school communities shapes and informs the ways in which curriculum and innovation is received and produced By examining conceptions of citizenship among the key stakeholders-teachers, students, and parents-it was hoped by the teaching staff that a more informed and holistic view could be developed in order to then inform school curriculum policy makers and to audit subsequent policy and programs against state guidelines The case study school is located in a state in Australia which has had 25 years experience in local school control of curriculum The mechanism for this is the School Council which, by law, must have a majority parent members Other members include teachers, the school principal, members of the local community and students It is here that school policy is constructed, including curriculum renewal, school budgeting and staffing allocation There have been considerable opportunities for local school communities as a whole to jointly develop curriculum to suit local needs and it was assumed that the nexus of ideas among the major players in the school community should be close or at least shared Anecdotal evidence indicates that in the formation of curriculum, teachers invariably take the lead and parents and students have minimal input During the past five years there has been a strong swing back to central control of the curriculum via the implementation of state-wide frameworks that all school are now expected to follow The acceptance of this change of policy varies among schools with some smaller schools, for example, grateful to hand back responsibility for curriculum and staffing to the state Other schools resent the loss of local control and continue to be reluctant to follow state curriculum guidelines The school under study is 20 kilometers from Melbourne central It is a state co-educational suburban secondary school with approximately 800 students and would be described as being in a middle class area and with a "typical" multi-ethnic student body (that is by Australian standards) In interviews the female principal described the school as being "traditional" in the sense of teacher and parent Spring 1999 t 2 2 1

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expectations of students wearing school uniforms and following school rules The principal and the two deputy principals were very supportive of curriculum innovation, however it was felt that there was a need to ensure that the school was recognized by the local community as a strong academic school Subject choice by students was limited and a "traditional" discipline-based curriculum was directed to tertiary entrance There is also an expectation that students will probably aspire to go on to tertiary studies The recently developed School Charter or mission statement stated . school is proud of its academic and sporting success, (and) of the orderly behavior of its students . The school intends that students will leave school as independent, lifelong learners, and with the potential for interesting, socially useful, personally fulfilling lives The school is located close to several other schools, including private schools, and, in interviews, teachers readily expressed their concern about keeping up the numbers of students in order for the school to "survive" against strong competition from other local, particularly private, schools There were 65 teachers at the school (39 female and 26 male), 10 of whom teach social studies Staffing statistics from the Department of Education indicate that the average age of teachers in Victoria is now 47 years and the case study school reflects this situation Forty seven per cent of teachers were in the age group of 41-50 years and thirty six per cent were aged 31-40 years This school therefore has an experienced staff with eighty per cent having more than 10 years reaching experience All teachers have an undergraduate degree and a teacher training certificate The rationale for selecting this school was primarily pragmatic The school had asked for assistance to frame its citizenship curriculum and is located near to the researcher's University and has a long tradition of student teacher cooperation with the University It was anticipated that there would be positive attitudes about the project It is not claimed that this school is typical of all secondary schools in Victoria and therefore any extrapolations drawn from the data need to be read with some caution Methodology Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected in this study Any questionnaire and/or interviews to be administered in schools in the State of Victoria requires approval from the Department of Education This is becoming a difficult proposition due to the ever increasing number of requests Refusal is more often the response Approval, 2 2 2 t Spring 1999

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however, was gained after protracted negotiations It was recognized early in the study that teachers might be reluctant to complete yet another questionnaire, particularly one approved by the Department of Education However, the strategy to gather data from the major stakeholders in the school and to link the findings of the questionnaire and interviews with immediate and specific considerations of current curriculum offerings in partnership with the school, persuaded both the Department of Education and the school community to support the study Conceptually this model of partnership in research has the potential to break down the often perceived isolationist position of universities (Bickel & Hattrup, 1995) and to enable the practice of participatory democratic decision making The initial strategy had been to only use the Fouts' questionnaire from the larger project Respondents were asked to assess the extent of their agreement or disagreement on a 7 point Likert scale on four statements(see below for lists of items) The four areas were :  t The following characteristics are important qualities of a good citizen .  t The following have influenced my citizenship .  t I believe the following are a threat to a child's citizenship .  t I believe that the following classroom activities would be helpful in developing a child's citizenship . After a pilot study among teachers, however, it became apparent that the data from this questionnaire alone would not reveal the complexities of conceptions of citizenship, would not enable a comparative analysis with current citizenship policy models ; and would be inadequate in terms of the detailed information needed to initiate curriculum innovation in the school In an attempt to encourage more extended responses and to reduce the somewhat foreign nature of the original questionnaire wording, a second section was added This section employed a scenario of a "typical" classroom situation dilemma By constructing a classroom dilemma with embedded issues of ideology, pedagogy and conceptual understanding, it was hoped that the respondents would demonstrate in their writing higher order thinking and have the opportunity to expand their views beyond a ranking scale Social education researchers have long established an empirical causal relationships among issues-based/scenario-centered/problem-solving pedagogy and higher order thinking and reflective practices (Fraenkel 1980 ; Kindsvatter, Wilen, & Ishler, 1988 ; VanSledright 1994 ; Dynneson & Gross 1995, Hahn, 1996) Spring 1999 t 2 2 3

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The Classroom Scenario At the beginning of one of your classes, one of your keener students, Sally, raises the issue of French nuclear testing in the Pacific She mentions that she had seen an interesting television program the night before and that she thought the issue was just too important to ignore Some other students also reported that they had seen this TV program and expressed their interest in the topic Sally then asks if you will allow the class to engage in some form of activity which would enable students to address some aspects of the issue of nuclear testing in the Pacific Ocean 1 Sally then asks could you stop doing the current topic and have a class discussion on the issue of French nuclear testing in the Pacific 2 Sally, showing her strong anti-nuclear testing views, then asks that some time be given over in class to investigate the issue and that one activity be the making of anti-nuclear posters suggesting that these could perhaps be displayed at the local shopping center, as a symbol o f student attitudes 3 Finally, Sally, now in full flight about the possibilities she is suggesting, reveals that she has already spoken to the manager of the local supermarket where she works after school, and that she has said that she will support the display of student work on a Saturday morning provided you, the teacher, attend the display on the Saturday to supervise the students The task for all four groups of participants was to imagine that they were Sally's teacher and to write a verbatim response to each of her three suggestions (keeping in mind the classroom context in which this is happening), to then write a rationale why they responded in the way they did and then finally to write how, if at all, they thought the classroom scenario raised issues about citizenship education All 65 teachers completed the questionnaire With only some very minor wording amendments the questionnaire was then given to three classes of students from Year 7 (aged 12-13 years), Year 9 (aged 14-15 years) and Year 11(aged 16-17 years), a total of 62 students Parents of students in these three classes were contacted by letter written by the researcher and the social education coordinator on behalf of the school and were invited to participate in the project and complete the questionnaire The number of responses by parents was 27 Confirmation of written data was obtained by interviewing a sample of teachers (n=15) and a small sample of students (n=17) and parents (n=9) The interviews, conducted by the researcher, were deliberately informal, although audio recorded, and focused on the four items from the ques2 2 4 t Spring 1999

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tionnaire and the scenario Participants were given the opportunity to discuss the issues for as long as they wished However in most cases the conversations lasted about 15-30 minutes The one exception was the parent group where the group discussion lasted several hours Interviews with the teacher group were conducted individually due to the difficulty of finding a common time for a group discussion Interviews with the other two groups-students and parents-were conducted in groups due to the belief that members of these two groups might respond more freely in a group situation Interviews of teachers, students and parents were conducted both at the school and at homes Five additional questions to the Fouts' questionnaire were asked in order to facilitate ease of conversation  t When you hear the word citizenship what comes to mind?  t When you hear the term "good citizen," what characteristics come to mind?  t Are/how are you a good citizen?  t Who helped you acquire these characteristics?  t Are/how are you rewarded in any way for being a good citizen? Findings and Analysis from Questionnaire Important Characteristics and Qualities of a "Good Citizen" Although the data from the questionnaire needs to be interpreted with some caution, there are some strong indications as to the direction of the respondents' beliefs The most noticeable is the strongest support given by all groups to what might be called the social concerns or social justice characteristics of citizenship (see Table 1) The three items most frequently supported by all groups were, in order, concern for the welfare of others ; moral and ethical behavior ; and acceptance of diversity This acknowledgment of, and sensitivity to, difference, is a foundation for a tolerant community and reflects a strong attitudinal/values orientation The second most supported grouping of characteristics might be called the action/participatory orientation of citizenship Characteristics in this grouping included doing family responsibilities, ability to question ideas, ability to make wise decisions and participation in community/school affairs Within this grouping are some interesting findings In all characteristics, social studies teachers rated these items higher than the general cohort of teachers and it would be reasonable to conclude that this is a result of the widespread support, in theory at least, for the pedagogy of inquiry learning in which investigation, participation and communication form the basis of teaching and learning Spring 1999 t 2 2 5

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Table 1 Percentage of "Strong Agreement and Agreement" Ratings on Questionnaire Item : "Characteristics that are Important Qualities of a Good Citizen" Note : The response rate was 100% on all items on the scale, for each group of respondents This table shows the percentage of each of the four respondent groups' response at the "Agree" and Strongly Agree" points on the seven point Likert scale Percentages have been rounded to the nearest number Characteristics Teachers Social Studies Teachers Y7 Students Y9 Y11 Parents Knowledge of current news events 8 70 54 24 6 27 Participation in community/school affairs 16 40 63 29 29 26 Acceptance of a responsible task 14 50 67 48 65 43 Concern for the welfare of others 78 70 71 69 82 87 Moral and ethical (that is good) behavior 66 50 58 38 47 90 Acceptance of authority by those in power 8 50 83 33 58 62 Ability to question ideas 8 60 92 57 67 51 Ability to make wise decisions 12 60 67 48 47 44 Knowledge about how government works 4 50 38 19 29 17 Patriotism (love of one's country) 11 30 46 43 29 32 Doing family responsibilities 41 50 63 67 41 83 Knowledge of the world 8 40 54 29 35 19 Acceptance of diversity 68 60 50 57 63 51

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in social studies classes Another trend arising from this data was the progressive decline in the level of support by students for these items from a high at year 7 to a low at year 11 As may expected students' beliefs and conceptual understandings do change with maturation so that 12-year-olds are still enthusiastic and curious, but by age 17 students are somewhat jaundiced about participation and the value of fulfilling responsibilities Parents of teenage children will tell you this and perhaps this is why the parents in this grouping of items give such strong support to doing family responsibilities A third grouping of characteristics might be called civic understandings Here social studies teachers gave some support to knowledge of current events, government and the world, but for the rest of the groups these characteristics of citizenship rated very low Teachers of other subjects gave minimal recognition to these characteristics and it would be a concern if the current focus by government policies on civic knowledge was then also promoted by a cross discipline or whole school teaching and learning strategy What is perhaps surprising in this grouping was the relatively low support given to a global perspective on citizenship by all respondents, including social studies teachers Some explanation might be sought in earlier comments which suggested that in the current climate in Australia of a perception of a loss of social fabric, people retreat to a xenophobic position The fourth grouping of characteristics might be called the legalistic/obligatory aspects of citizenship, embracing acceptance of a responsible task, acceptance of authority by those in power and patriotism The extremely negative reaction to patriotism that often appears to drive current government policy in the form of rhetoric about the "common good" suggests the "if its good for the Australian economy it must be good for everyone" approach will not be widely accepted by the community Also the current policy of embedding notions of citizenship in a chronological "big Australian events" approach to the teaching of history will not be supported in schools The data indicates that there is very strong support among all participants for the orientation that accepts difference rather than sameness as a civic virtue There was a broad and inclusive conceptualization of citizenship in which citizenship is related to a plurality of civic/social domains, rather than restricting it to the political sphere (Ichilov, 1990) Social studies teachers might take some solace in the support given by students to the ability to question ideas These teachers, too, ranked this characteristic highly and it might be hoped that this orientation would be manifested in social education classrooms by open discussions and inquiry based learning The main message from this data appears to be the importance all groups placed on the values dimension of social learning It would seem Spring 1999 t 2 2 7

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to suggest that social studies teachers need to have the knowledge, skills and sensitivity to employ teaching and learning strategies that investigate conceptual elements of citizenship-like identity, tolerance, community, social justice, equity-within the experiences of their students, before launching into an examination of political processes The data also raises the key issues of the nature of classroom environments and whole school forms of governance Is teaching and learning about the welfare of others likely to be effective (however you might measure this) in school contexts where the welfare and relationships among members of the school community are based on non-collegial and non-participatory decision making ? Influences on Citizenship There are some obvious connections that can be made from the repsonses to the first two questionnaire items (see Table 2) In the first item the personal values dimension clearly emerges as an important element of citizenship It would appears that these humanistic qualities-sensitivity to others who are different and in need and in moral and ethical behavior-are derived primarily from family and then, for students, from friends Data on influences indicates that religious leaders play an almost non-existent role for all groups and for students, teachers and principals were minor influences Given the multi-cultural nature of our society in Australia and the certainty that teachers will have children in their classes with a diverse range of ethnic backgrounds, the sharing and celebration of difference via teaching and learning strategies that involve families would appear to be an important focus in social studies classes Parents were perceived to be the dominant influence on developing a sense of citizenship and there was a thread of commonly accepted civic behaviors The specific contexts in which these behaviors might be learned and experienced may well be very different Definitions and location of parent and family are varied Any attempt to promote a mono-culture (and which one ?) is unlikely to succeed Teachers should be cognizant of their own cultural assumptions (mostly coming from their own parents) and to recognize the value of having the families of their students on-side as genuine partners in planning citizenship education programs The encouragement of parents and family to enter the classroom to share experiences would also appear to be a valuable strategy The belief by students that the influence of their teachers and the school Principal is relatively minimal in their sense of citizenship can be interpreted in a number of ways At least 25 percent of students beginning secondary school believe that teachers and the principal can have some influence, but by year 11 only 12% believe this Friends and the peer group have taken over as role models Social 2 2 8 t Spring 1999

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studies teachers may be well advised to consider some of the strategies employed by advertisers and the media in their efforts to win brand loyalty To what extent can teachers ever be role models ? And can schools consider a whole school approach-including students, parents and teachers-to articulate and conceptualize citizenship priorities ? There is also some ambiguity in these two items Did students interpret the teacher to be as a person and/or associated with some curriculum subject area? Perceived Threats to Citizenship One claim that can be made is that all the members of the school community believed that there are threats out there in the community which impact on a person's civic disposition (see Table 3) Society is not a calm place in which the good life prevails Teachers in this school, regardless of their subject area, believed that there are a considerable threats to a child's citizenship, but that no one threat was so powerful as to be dominant Parents on the other hand felt much more strongly about the influence of a wide range of threats Although teachers are often also parents, they perhaps tend to see threats more dispassionately as being out there in the community Perhaps it would have been interesting to have given the questionnaire to teachers to complete in their home environment rather than on site in the workplace where they might respond based upon their roles as subject teachers Parents strongly believed that the threats to their children are very real and this is consistent with earlier comments made in this paper that noted some evidence about parent perceptions of widespread loss of the social fabric of the community Students, particularly younger ones, have a very firm belief that drugs and alcohol are the most serious threat to their citizenship and this matches closely with their parents' beliefs noted in this item but also in item two It could be argued that the threats listed could form the basis of a social studies program Social studies teachers may connect this data with the multi-national research of Hahn (1996), which indicates that the focus on public social issues and policies is most likely to enhance students' efficacy towards effective citizenship Classroom Activities to Promote Citizenship Consistent with their support for students having a knowledge of current events, social studies teachers supported classroom activities dealing with current events and activities in which children work on community projects with community leaders The extent to which teachers in general, and social studies teachers in particular, thought that an activity in which a child works on a community project was helpful in developing students' citizenship was surprising in that both teacher groups did not believe that participation in community or Spring 1999 t 2 2 9

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Table 2 Percentage of "Strong Agreement and Agreement" on Questionnaire Item : "Influences on MY Citizenship" Note : The response rate was 100% on all items on the scale, for each group of respondents This table shows the percentage of each of the four respondent groups' response at the "Agree" and Strongly Agree" points on the seven point Likert scale Percentages have been corrected to the nearest number Influences : Teachers Social Studies Teachers Students Y11 Parents Y7 Y9 Parents 73 80 83 76 71 90 Friends 12 20 63 62 67 67 Siblings 12 0 58 62 48 17 Religious leaders 9 10 8 5 0 15 TV and/or movies 5 0 50 33 18 9 Grandparents/Relatives 8 30 63 43 12 78 Guardians 4 0 17 19 0 20 Teachers 11 20 37 23 12 31 School Principal 7 10 25 7 0 27 Extra curric activities 20 10 42 19 12 15 Other students 4 0 50 19 18 20 Sports coaches 8 10 46 33 6 15

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LA t Table 3 1 ‚ t Percentage of "Strong Agreement and Agreement" Ratings on Questionnaire Item : "Beliefs about threats to MY 1 .0 1 .0 t being a Citizen" 1 .0 N W j Note : The response rate was 100% on all items on the scale, for each group of respondents This table shows the percentage of each of the four respondent groups' response at the "Agree" and Strongly Agree" points on the seven point Likert scale Percentages have been corrected to the nearest number Threats Teachers Social Studies Teachers Students Y11 Parents Y7 Y9 Television and/or movies 25 30 8 14 6 50 Drugs and/or alcohol 38 20 74 64 45 82 Peer pressure 22 40 45 20 18 61 Sexual activity 2 0 33 14 0 31 Negative role models 14 20 37 28 18 71 Family conflict 27 10 25 19 18 48 School environment 4 0 21 24 12 39 Excessive leisure time 9 20 8 19 0 35 Unearned material rewards 12 40 50 10 12 42 Community environment 4 30 13 10 12 15

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Table 4 Percentage "Strong Agreement and Agreement" Ratings onQuestionnaire Item : "Beliefs about classroom activities that would be helpful in developing citizenship" Classroom Activities : An activity in which the child learns about the traditions and values that shaped his/her community/country An activity dealing with current events An activity in which the child learns about the history and government of his/her country An activity in which the child works on a community project with community leaders A problem solving activity An activity using constitutional and legalistic processes An activity that aims at the child's individual needs and interests An activity in which the child looks at worldwide needs and responsibilities Note : The response rate was 100% on all items on the scale, for each group of respondents This table shows the percentage of each of the four respondent groups' response at the "Agree" and Strongly Agree" points on the seven point Likert scale Percentages have been corrected to the nearest number Teachers Social Studies Teachers Students Y7 t Y9 Y11 Parents 12 50 42 33 24 64 26 70 67 38 18 44 8 50 37 19 24 43 27 60 37 29 30 43 8 50 46 19 18 32 8 30 42 14 29 29 32 30 50 33 29 75 12 40 58 14 41 57

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school affairs was an important characteristic of a good citizen as in item one (see Table 4) To a large extent the responses from students were inconclusive Younger students tended to support most strategies while older students were non committal to all of the activities In retrospect it is evident that some of the wording is in teacher talk, while in other cases the possible connection between the particular activity and citizenship is well hidden from a student perspective Parents on the other hand were quick to seize on two types of activities-an activity which aimed at the child's individual needs and interests (75%) and an activity in which the child learnt about the traditions and values that shaped his/her community and country (64%) These two activities need not, of course, be mutually exclusive It was anticipated that parents would choose the activity that appeared to cater for their child This choice was also consistent with the support given by parents to the affective attitudinal orientation when they selected the characteristics of a good citizen The second choice was perhaps selected because the other options were unattractive in terms of "teacher language ." But this is only speculation Given the across the board support for an affective domain orientation further speculation might indicate that if an activity was included in the list which clearly focused on concern for the welfare of others, tolerance and moral behavior, then this would have received strong support from all participants Findings and Analysis of Scenario Responses Based on role theory, both structural and interactionist perspectives are useful for examining the nature of the role of teacher as citizen From a structural perspective, citizenship may be regarded as a formal role that is legally defined, for example, by participation in the voting process or in a formal declaration of national citizenship However, this is a narrow dimension of citizenship with limited expectations of performance Many other conceptions of citizenship go far beyond this, for example, participatory citizenship In this study the coding or spheres of citizenship for analysis of data from the scenario section of the questionnaire were adapted from the work of Ichilov's (1990) ten dimensional model Ichilov's model proposed four directional questions which gave structure to the scenario  t What are the spheres in which citizens are expected to participate as citizens?  t What are the basic orientations that should underlie citizen participation?  t What are the legitimate objectives that citizens may wish to achieve through participation? Spring 1999 t 2 3 3

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 What are the legitimate means for pursuing these objectives? Issues raised by these four questions have been classified into a 10 dimensional model that differentiates the various aspects of the role of citizen (see Appendix A) The data from the scenario was used to map the teacher responses in order to draw group profiles of citizenship perceptions (see Appendix B) On an aggregate level it is possible to show the most prevalent individual profiles within a group Ichilov's taxonomy of citizenship dimensions has important implications for political socialization and citizenship education It establishes a framework for analysis of data and the reconceptualization of the citizen role This is not to say that citizenship can be viewed as a series of binary distinctions The framework indicates the realm of choice in citizenship patterns and its complexities, enabling teachers and their students to explore the dimensions which best suit them Scenario Dilemma One Teachers' responses In the first segment of the classroom scenario, prompted by the student Sally's request for a discussion of French nuclear testing in the Pacific, most teachers (66%) supported the idea of stopping the current topic for a class discussion on pragmatic grounds Using Ichilov's classification model, this action can be coded as being practical rather than theoretical acknowledgment of actual behavior rather than just verbal adherence to a principle The action can also be regarded at this stage of the scenario as supporting a participatory objective expressing dissent rather than consent to the issue Some teachers (33%) while welcoming the student's initiative felt obliged for a number of reasons-pressure of school timetable outside of their teaching area, etc .-to complete the topic at hand As one teacher commented," . .I could not agree to any of these in my subject area-as I must follow a curriculum in maths . ." Prompted by Sally's request for further action on the issue, a little over half of the teachers (57%) supported the idea of giving over some time in class to investigate the issue These teachers still supported an action orientation favoring dissent as a legitimate form of participation However some slippage occurred as some teachers began to consider the need to have voluntary participation, to seek permission from the Principal, to remain publicly uncommitted and to question the role of the teacher in a public place A typical response from these teachers indicated : . .I don't know whether we can as a school make a political statement . ." Social studies teachers' responses Social Studies teachers, in particular (80%) gave stronger support to discussing the issue raised by the student For example, . .It's great that you're so interested ." These 2 3 4 t Spring 1999

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responses were more proactive than other teachers', reflecting more universalistic notions of active participation, for example, . .this is an important issues of concern to all of us ." These teachers clearly welcomed the classroom situation in which a student raised a controversial social issue for discussion The student was congratulated for her personal interest The 20 percent of social studies teachers who could not support the student's request cited the need to complete the topic at hand and the need to organize an informed debate rather than a spontaneous discussion One respondent, for example, responded that, . .this is a good idea but can we complete the work set for today and discuss nuclear testing next week, when I have had a chance to prepare ." Social studies teachers (70%) supported the student's enthusiasm for the topic but picked up on what could become a one-sided view of nuclear testing and began to show some hesitation about moving into the public arena of the shopping center For example, . .a balanced view is needed here-not everyone supports this view ." Students' responses Students from all year levels gave very strong support to Sally's request to their teacher to stop the current topic and to discuss the issue of nuclear testing in the Pacific Ocean Reasons given for this support ranged from the opportunity to avoid serious work (2%) to the overwhelming recognition that the topic of nuclear testing and the necessity to protect our environment was paramount( 80%) On student noted, "Yes, because the testing could destroy the great Barrier Reef . .and we already know that the bombs work . ." The range of responses was interesting in that some real insights were displayed of students' thinking and their conceptual grasp of the issues raised by the topic One student from year 7, for instance, said "If I support Sally I will not feel so safe anywhere I go because the French government might arrest me for something I did ." One year 9 student argued that, . .maybe if someone starts the others will follow in standing up for what they believe in ." Parents' responses The attitudes of parents to Sally's request to stop the current topic and to hold a class discussion, varied according to the year level of their children Parents with children in year 7 gave almost unqualified universal support to the request to hold a class discussion Parents with children in year 9 had a mixed reaction with 50% supporting the discussion and the other 50% wanting to see the relevance of the request to the current topic or program Parents with children in year 11 argued in favor of the request provided the teacher maintained a controlled, balanced and relevant discussion," . to lead the conversations to fair comments from all and make sure reports are not one-sided or encourage their own beliefs ." Summary Teachers may well need to be more cognizant of the strength of views held by both their students and the parents of their Spring 1999 t 2 3 5

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students on controversial public issues Anecdotal evidence from teachers holds that parents have a utilitarian and vocational attitude to schooling and that areas of the curriculum like social education are seen as peripheral to serious study has been brought under question by this study Parents do support social studies teachers in their inclusion of broad public issues in the curriculum Parents are themselves interested in the issues and some are very well informed, perhaps more informed than the teachers Can these parents be encouraged to participate in classroom discussions ? Parents too are well aware of the ethical dilemmas faced by social studies teachers in keeping a balanced analysis of controversial issues Students' responses indicated a mostly serious and interested reaction to the inclusion of controversial issues into social education programs This is consistent with Verba, Schlozmab, & Brady (1995) as well as Torney-Purta, (1986), and Ferguson (1991) Verba, Schlozmab, & Brady (1995), in a study of student "civic voluntarism" in the USA based on 15,000 preliminary interviews and a further 2,500 in depth interviews found that civics courses alone in schools did not play an important role in civic participation Rather it was found that it was the opportunities for participation in the processes of school governance, together with the opportunities to discuss contemporary political issues of interest to students that were more important Students reactions to Sally's request in this study is consistent with their earlier support for moral and ethical behavior, concern for the welfare of others and the ability to question ideas as being important characteristics of a good citizen Given the situation in this scenario where the initiative came from a student and given the evidence from this study that teachers are not rated highly by students as being an influence on their citizenship, it might be argued that the acceptance by social studies teachers of a classroom ethos in which the decision making is based on democratic principles, is more likely to engage student interest and foster civic virtue In the next segment of the scenario the teacher was asked by the student, Sally, to consider direct action in a public arena at the local shopping center by participating on a Saturday in a display of student work against nuclear testing Scenario Dilemma Two Teachers' responses Most teachers (80%) considered Sally's request as beyond their role as teacher, noting the difficulty of giving time on a Saturday, legal restraints, the need for Principal, parent and shopping center manager permission Here the language was one of external obligations, conventional means of dissent, and theoretical rather than practical adherences Thirty-three percent of teachers responded "no ." 2 3 6 t Spring 1999

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For example, . .I can't agree to this I can't support only one view in the community . .I need to remain publicly uncommitted in this way ." Social studies teachers' responses These teachers (100%), for a variety of reasons, could not give support to the request to attend a public display of student work at the local shopping center They argued that there were legal constraints, that they had other commitments on Saturdays and that individual students and their parents could attend, but not as part of a school activity One teacher commented, "I would aim for this not to happen as it compromises the apolitical role of schooling Students however have individual options but this should not be orchestrated (or appear to be orchestrated) by teachers ." Few teachers commented on the more universalistic notions of civic action and a minority of teachers (22%) argued that adherence to a prescribed curriculum prevented this form of activity Of the teachers who supported, at least in theory, Sally's requests, the prevailing conceptions of civic action revolved around the position of the value of community involvement A "good" citizen was one who got involved But a civic minded teacher was one who drew the line at actual active personal participation Social studies teachers recognized that raising and discussing controversial social issues is a common activity in social education programs and was an activity which related to citizenship education However, in this instance the scope or sphere of citizenship expressed by social studies teachers (90%) was restricted to the political sphere rather than relating it to what Ichilov (1990) calls a plurality of civic/social domains A minority of these teachers (20%) argued about the universality of the issues raised in the scenario For most social studies teachers, this scenario was a case of thinking locally not globally and then not acting at all For this sample of social studies teachers and, in fact for teachers in general, the classroom scenario did not arouse many conceptualizations of citizenship Within the confines of this sample of teachers, citizenship orientations can be arranged along a broad continuum These teachers appear to be humane people with views on the good citizen characterized by tolerance and moral and ethical behavior The role of the family as the dominant factor influencing citizenship practices is not surprising given the regular media reports of the rapid decline in public support for other community socializing agencies, for example, the churches and the workplace However what is surprising is the lack of value teachers often place on the role of parents and school families in assisting them in developing citizenship policies and practices even though they themselves highly value the role their families played in developing their own sense of citizenship Teachers clearly perceive a number of threats to their students' citizenship, including drugs and television, but as the classroom sceSpring 1999 t 2 3 7

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nario demonstrates they are not convinced that personal active participation in some form of civic activity is a good form of modeling citizenship practices Theoretical considerations over-ride actual behavior Classroom practices may permit some form of student dissenting behaviors but there are clear limits Teachers rarely conceptualize citizenship practices in the broadest universalistic sense Students' responses Students' responses to a request to join with Sally to display their attitudes to nuclear testing at a local shopping center on a Saturday were divided on year level grounds Students in Year 7 overwhelmingly (75%)supported the activity, the most repeated reason being the importance of the issues and the value in gaining wider support from the community One student said, "Yes, I would be very proud to support Sally and feel that I was doing something to help the world ." Students from Year 9 on the other hand did not support the activity There was a wide variety of reasons for not attending including other commitments on Saturdays, lack of interest in the issue, it was an uncool activity and that it was up to individual action "No, she'll make a fool of herself" Students from Year 11 also expressed a range of reasons for and against attending the activity, including a view that Sally was a radical, it was not an effective strategy, and the issue was crucial to saving the environment A majority (60%) said they would attend-" Yes, because they have no right to ruin an environment that we all share ." The initial difficulty for teachers is that students regard both teachers and school principals as being of minimal influence on their sense of citizenship Social studies teachers need to employ different arguments related to year levels in order to gain active support from students for community projects A didactic approach in which students are told to attend or an approach which argues from a position of a universal moral stance are unlikely to be successful for all students Teachers may well consider cross-age groups and/or a focus on younger students initially as part of a long term strategy Parents'responses Parents (85%) did not support the issue being taken to the public arena for a wide variety of reasons They argued that this activity would not allow the teacher to provide a good role model for their children They argued that schools should participate in community activities but in such forms as visits to hospitals, old people's homes, or the stock exchange These activities in social education were seen by parents as contributing to an understanding of real life experiences and gave an indication to their children of future responsibilities, to "make them alert to the community and community issues ." Discussions about the role of the school and the place of social education in the curriculum became very prominent in this section of the questionnaire Parents overwhelmingly put the view that social 2 3 8 t Spring 1999

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education needs to focus on the values objective area, in particular, activities which would engender values like respect, loyalty, tolerance, honesty, courtesy, equity Social studies curriculum should, "emphasize equality, non-violence, preservation of public property, awareness of law and order, consideration of other people's opinion ." Rarely did parents mention specific topics and/or themes to be included in the curriculum Mostly they were more interested in suggesting classroom activities, for example, work experience, voluntary service, visits to community service centers The message for social studies teachers is loud and clear Parents believe that programs need to be reconfigured to bring a more person -centered approach in which there is more emphasis on the dynamics of personal orientations rather than on an objective impersonal analysis of a social issue Scenario Dilemma Three The final section of the questionnaire asked participants to comment, in an open ended format, on what it meant to be a "good citizen ." (This was also followed up later in the interviews .) Teachers' responses The teaching staff at the case study school perceived a good citizen as being someone whose actual behavior rather than some form of verbal adherence to principles is based primarily on cognition and not the affective attitudinal orientation A good citizen is therefore well informed and has a range of appropriate (though unspecified) skills This good citizen is characterized by recognizing a mix of both external motivations like rules and laws, and internal stimuli, for example, personal value systems The good citizen is likely to be national rather than global in her or his orientation and to think more inclusively in the social/civic domains rather than restricting it to the political sphere A typical comment was, "I want my students to be thoughtful people who are interested in human issues in our community ." Social studies teachers' responses In contrast and perhaps surprisingly, social studies teachers had a less developed sense of what might constitute a good citizen in comparison with other teachers Responses tended to be couched in terms of the current pressures being placed on social studies teachers, in particular, to address the community's perception of increasing social ills These teachers found it more difficult to move outside of their current curriculum and to consider the broader questions of the nature of citizenship Citizenship was not seen to be an integral goal of social education, but rather another topic which had to be somehow fitted into the already full curriculum There was little evidence of a sense of identity, of location, of community and of participation A typical response from an interview was, . .a citizen does take an interest in current events/controversy and has an informed opinion on them ." Spring 1999 t 2 3 9

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Students' responses Regardless of year level students as a group focused on a limited number of characteristics as the essentials of good citizenship The most essential characteristic was seen (53%) to be abiding by the law, for example, "I don't know, not getting into trouble, someone who obeys the laws of the country ." Other characteristics were of the helping nature, particularly in the community (40%) Most often and usually from students in year 7, the specific nature of the help was not stated, . .someone who helps out in the community in their own way ." The third most common characteristic was of the values and attitudes area Students commonly (38%) noted that good citizens were loyal, caring, responsible, friendly, honest and trustworthy Some other interesting comments included someone who paying taxes, doesn't litter and . .goes to meetings (not all the time) but once a month ." Parents' repsonses Parents were likewise fairly united in their views about a good citizen, although there were some differences among parents with children from different year levels Parents of children in years 7 and 9 argued strongly that obeying the laws of the country was the essential element For example, "to me, being a good citizen means respecting our laws and the people who enforce them ." Parents with children in year 11 had a wide range of characteristics with no one characteristic assuming substantial support Some of these included, respect for elders, exercises the right to vote, contributes to the community, patriotic and born and lives in Australia All groups of parents mentioned the importance of contributing to the community, although how this could be done was mostly left unstated Commonly a response was, "One that contributes to the community in a fashion that benefits the community ." Summary Teachers' responses in general tended to comment on the student as a type of apprentice adult and not so much as a citizen in her or his own right-this would come later in adult life This indicated some difficulty in divorcing their role as teacher from the conceptions of citizenship in the broader community Social studies teachers, in this sample, were unable to articulate a comprehensive and well developed definition of citizenship They were uncertain not only about the content of possible citizenship education programs and the contribution parents and students might make, but also about how to teach them The interviews revealed that they lacked both confidence in their personal development of theoretical frameworks of citizenship One teacher lamented, . .what do you expect! My undergraduate studies never raised issues about citizenship The post graduate studies I have undertaken have all been vocationally inspired 2 4 0 t Spring 1999

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It is only in the last couple of years that I have even thought about citizenship in my teaching . These teachers also argued that they were working in a political and industrial climate which has been incompatible for several years with notions of citizenship Continuous changes in curriculum from outside agencies, increasing workloads and uncertain career paths have all redirected their energies away from their sense of readiness to initiate curriculum changes in their classrooms I used to see myself as a radical I liked to discuss controversial social issues with my colleagues and students Now I am so tired that I rarely think about the broader philosophy of social education All I want to do is less . Teachers and parents rarely made any connections between the ethos of the school and its style of governance and ideas of citizenship When raised in discussions, both groups, but in particular parents, supported a well managed classroom where teachers, while being fair, were also firmly in control As one parent put it, . don't get me wrong I am a believer in democracy, but not in the classroom ." A social studies teacher commented on the top down decision making style in the school, and, in fact in her classroom, . .I can see the contradiction, but the reality of managing classes . and the students expect you to do the decision making ." Students, in this study, often saw citizenship in a negative form In group discussions where they felt unrestricted by both their teachers and the structure of the questionnaire they frequently commented on the reality of classroom life Teachers were the power brokers, they were the oppressed A sentiment familiar to many of us Other law enforcement agencies like the police and governments in general were also categorized in this negative manner Yet when asked about broader social issues, like for example, caring for the environment, euthanasia and problems associated with indigenous peoples, they were passionate, articulate and full of ideas Students addressed the question from the broadest perspective almost distancing themselves from the equation and arguing in terms of the principle They wanted to engage in public debate Conclusions The school in this case study has been grappling for some time with the issue of curriculum renewal in the social education area and in particular with the question of the inclusion of citizenship education Leadership of this activity largely rests with the teaching staff HowSpring 1999 t 2 4 1

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ever the extent of the likelihood of "successful" curriculum renewal is shaped by the cultural histories of not only the teachers but also the other major players-students and parents Teachers at this school remain uncertain about the nature of the contribution parents and students can make in curriculum policy formulation Teachers in general appear to be also mostly unaware of the cultural histories of their colleagues, so a sense of the personal dynamics of staff decision making is missing together with a lack of awareness of the contributions that nonsocial studies teachers might make to citizenship programs The study revealed a number of elements about the conceptualizing of citizenship education in the school Firstly, teachers in general were limited in their understandings of the contemporary theoretical debates about citizenship and democratic theory Social studies teachers, in particular, freely admitted this deficit noting their lack of formal training in the area Teachers in general (like students and parents) in this study had a broader conception of citizenship which recognized diversity and difference as two key components in their community Rarely did teachers have a broad forward looking vision of the "better world" or the "better Australia" in which a particular type of citizen played a contributing role Teachers were strong in their views that a knowledge of government was a very minor aspect of civic virtue Parents and students agreed on this point Social studies teachers at this school appeared to be more tied to traditional conceptions which in turn were bound by traditional teaching strategies Hence learning about current events was seen as the way into becoming an effective citizen How this was to happen or how this could be supported by a defensible argument was rarely made clear Social studies teachers appeared to underestimate the interest in and strength of feeling by both their students and parents about the broader elements of citizenship-a sense of identity, a sense of location, a sense of the good life and a sense of active participation in social issues This study also revealed some insights into current classroom practices in the teaching of social education Teachers rarely sought the experiences of parents or students in the development of their programs Social studies teachers often displayed the more "conservative" approach to teaching and learning Making a difference was rarely seen as a worthwhile or achievable goal They did not see the how their classes could model democratic decision making processes When results of studies by Verba (1995) and Osborne (1984) were discussed with teachers they remained skeptical This study also indicates that it cannot be assumed that social studies teachers are the "logical" owners of citizenship programs, that they will be any better informed and more practiced in citizenship activities or that they will be more willing to act as role models for 2 4 2 t Spring 1999

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citizenship ideals than the general teaching cohort All participants saw the need for some form of citizenship education program in their school Social studies teachers in Australia have been nominated as the group mostly responsible for introducing citizenship education programs, however neither planning for teacher professional development in citizenship nor writing curriculum materials for citizenship can effectively proceed without thinking about teachers' understandings of citizenship education What then are the preconditions necessary for this to happen? Partly the answer lies in an understanding about change processes The social studies teachers, in the discussions, often commented on the lack of appropriate teaching and learning resources But curriculum change does not merely happen with increased resourcing Change is effected by a diverse range of factors including the receptivity of the school community to change and is contingent upon ownership of the process and outcomes of all participants-teachers, parents and students The case study school now has to consider what it might do, if anything, with the data from this study The social studies teachers tended to divorce the nexus between product (units of work, for example) and processes (the daily routines and social practices of the school and their classrooms) Effective changes in citizenship programs are more likely to occur when the focus is more on the educative process of citizenship Teachers are in the middle of the formation of people's dispositions and competencies for society They mediate the behaviors of respect for persons and their rights every day (NPDP, 1996) The irony was that teachers at the school were only too willing to admit that they mostly had has little formal exposure to notions of citizenship in their undergraduate degrees and/or in their subsequent reading and thinking Yet the inclusion of prepared curriculum materials by outsiders, particularly by governments, was seen as being mostly irrelevant to their daily practices Finally, this study revealed the lack of understanding held by governments in Australia about the impact of developing a citizenship policy based on political ideology rather than on community consensus Concepts of applied education knowledge, the application of industrial models of production to the education sector and the close alignment of schooling with economic prosperity have resulted in the necessity for a dramatic rethinking about professional development and the implementation of new work programs and practices By not allowing for discussions about the problematics of citizenship and the nature of national identity(s) Australians may wish to have, the imposition of a citizenship education program from above deprives the community of a sense of ownership and community Spring 1999 t 2 4 3

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Theoretical vs Practical a Verbal adherence to principle b Actual behavior Attitudinal Orientation a Affective b Cognitive c Evaluative Motivational Orientation a External/ obligatory b Internal/voluntary Action Orientation a Inactive b Passive c Active Means/Ends Orientation a Instrumental b Diffuse 2 4 4 Appendix A Ichilov's Ten Dimensions of Citizenship Value Orientation a Particularistic b Universalistic Participatory Objective a Expression of consent b Expression of dissent Participatory Means a Conventional b Unconventional Domains of Citizenship a Political b Civic/social Arenas of Citizenship a National b Transnational Spring 1999

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Appendix B Mapping sentence for Ichilov's Dimension of citizenship, as presented in Appendix A Individual X perceives citizenship in a democracy as comprised of verbal adherence to principles or actual behavior and characterized as guided by expressing objects in the consent or dissent external/obligatory or internal/voluntary particularistic or universalistic b y political or civic/social based primarily upon and instrumental or diffuse conventional or unconventional domain and the affection or cognition or evaluation inactive or passive or active ,and orientations, and means, and directed towards arena national or transnational Spring 1999 t 2 4 5

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References Australian Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training (1989) Report : Education for active citizenship, Canberra : Australian Government Printing Service Australian Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training (1991) Report : Active citizenship revisited, Canberra : Australian Government Printing Service Bickel, W ., & Hattrup, R (1995) Teachers and Researchers in Collaboration : Reflections on the Process American Educational Research journal, 32(1), 73-93 Board of Studies (1995) Curriculum & standards framework-Studies of society and environment, Melbourne : Board of Studies Civics Expert Group (1994) Whereas the people : Civics and citizenship education (Summary report) Canberra : Australian Government Printing Service Cox, E (1995 ) A truly civil society Sydney : Australian Broadcasting Corporation Department of Employment, Education, Training and Youth Affairs (1997) Men and women of Australia (National Professional Development Program report) Canberra : Australian Government Printing Service Doig, B et al (1994) Conceptual understanding in social education (Research Monograph 45) Melbourne : Australian Council for Educational Research Dynneson, T (1992) What does good citizenship mean to students Social Education, 56(1), 55-57 Ferguson, P (1991) Impacts on social and political participation In J P Shaver (Ed .),Handbook of research on social studies teaching and learning (pp 385-399) New York : Macmillan Fraenkel, J .(1982) Helping students think and value (2nd ed .) New Jersey : Prentice Hall Gross, R ., & Dynneson, T (1991) Social science perspectives on citizenship education, New York : Teachers College Press Guskey, D ., & Huberman, M (1997) New issues in teacher professional development New York : Teachers College Press Hahn, C (1996) Research on issues-centered social studies In R W Evans & D W Saxe (Eds .), Handbook on teaching social issues, (pp 25-41) Washington DC : National Council for the Social Studies Hargreaves, A (1994) Changing teachers, Changing times London : Teachers College Press Ichilov, O (Ed .) (1990) Political socialisation, Citizenship education and democracy New York : Teachers College Press Kemp, D (1997) Discovering democracy A ministerial statement Canberra : Department of Employment, Education, Training and Youth Affairs Kindsvatter, R ., Wilen, W ., & Ishler, M (1988) Dynamics of effective teaching (2nd ed .),New York : Longman Meredith, D ., & Thomas, J .(1995) Keeping a civil tongue : Questions about civics Paper presented at annual conference of Australian Association for Research in Education, Hobart Mellor, S (1993) Former student opinion on the relevance of schooling to work Unicorn, 19(4), 76-89 Osborne, K (1991) Teaching for democratic citizenship : Our schoolslour selves Toronto : Toronto Education Foundation Pascoe, S (1996) Civics and citizenship education : the Australian context Unicorn, 22(1), 18-30, Prior, W (1992) Are social education student teachers really socially educated? Ethos, pp 12-22 Ross, E W (1994) Teachers as curriculum theorizers In E W Ross (Ed .), Reflective practice in social studies (pp 35-41) Washington, DC : National Council for the Social Studies Ross, E W (1996) Diverting democracy : The curriculum standards movement and social studies education International Journal of Social Education, 11(l), 18-39 Senate Legal and Constitutional References Committee (1995) Discussion paper on a system of national citizenship indicators Canberra : Senate Printing Unit 2 4 6 t Spring 1999

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Torney-Purta, J ., & Schwille, J (1986) Civic values learned in school : Policy and practice in industrialised nations Comparative Education Review, 30(1), 30-49, Vanstone, A (1996, January 10) A vision of change The Age Verba, S ., Schlozmab, K L ., & Brady, H E (1995) Voice and equality : Civic voluntarism in American politics Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press VanSledright, B A (1994) Citizenship education and the persistent nature of classroom teaching dilemmas Theory and Research in Social Education, 22(3), 305-339 Author WARREN PRIOR is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at Deakin University, Burwood, Australia, 3125 Email : < w arrenp@deakin .edu .a u > Spring 1999 t 2 4 7

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IN SOCIAL EDUCATION W(R)i(t/d)ing on the Border : Reading Our Borderscape' Rudolfo Chavez Chavez New Mexico State University Prelude : Respect Multiculturalism means that in order to understand the nature and complexities of American culture, it is crucial to study and comprehend the widest possible array of the contributing cultures and their interaction with one another (Levine, 1996) Reading does not consist merely of decoding the written word or language : rather, it is preceded by and intertwined with knowledge of the world Language and reality are dynamically interconnected The understanding attained by critical reading of a text implies perceiving the relationship between text and context (Freire & Macedo, 1987) Multicultural education praxis and its discourses are inextricably linked to the telling and listening of story It is the ability to listen, respect, dignify, and be in solidarity with the struggle for social justice ; not with a sense of awe or benevolent condescension but with what Rorty signifies as the "ability to use language, and thereby to exchange beliefs and desires with other people . that our sense of solidarity is strongest when those with whom solidarity is expressed are thought of as 'one of us,' where 'us' means something smaller and more local than the human race" (Rorty, 1987, pp 177, 191) In the genre of Critical Race Theory (CRT), the experiential and intrinsic complexity of story knowledge depends explicitly on the Other's lived experiences This is CRT's strength In the spirit of CRT, this essay is part story I also will include family history, some biography, a few scenarios, and narrative-all central to CRT's genre 2 The centrality of experiential knowledge in CRT can not be overemphasized Daniel Solorzano (1997) explains, CRT "recognizes-[that] the experiential knowledge of Women and Men of Color [is] legitimate, appropriate, and critical to understanding, analyzing, practicing, and teaching the law and its relation to racial subordination" (p 7) We need this same criticity to understanding how social justices or social injustices are implicated in the everyday, inherently connected to our educational Viewpoint 2 4 8 t Spring 1999

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contexts by what seems as ordinary time-rarely maliciously created but "just" lived Understanding contexts require us to read the world as critically as we read the word as Freire and Macedo emphasize The world and the word (in part) that I read and struggle to understand are the binational and bilingual/multicultural, geopolitical terrain of intense racial, gender, and class struggle A borderscape of immense proportions that, to a great extent, continues to be ignored, negated, and denied by an American duality that only reluctantly entertains Levine's notion that multiculturalism and social education is comprehending "the widest possible array of the contributing cultures and their interaction with one another ." Stories show that reality is not fixed Reality is not a given We construct our stories through conversation, through our lives together, through the visions that we construct together I hope only to add a counter perspectival understanding of what is commonly called the U .S / Mexico border-a borderscape that requires active and tacit engagement that may meaningfully influence our decisions in the everyday How that engagement is practiced by the decisions made is, I contend, the en vivo construction of social justice In rethinking what is meaningful, David Patterson (1997) prophetically argues that pivotal to valuing human life/lives is awakening to the ethical complexity of story He writes : Meaning is introduced to life only where decisions matter, and decisions matter only where they carry some ethical weight Ethical significance, moreover, comes to bear only in the contexts of time Indeed, it is the ethical involvement with life that opens up lifetime or lived time, and time is lived only where an ethical ought directs our lives When ethical concern is of the moment, an urgent "what if" enters into consciousness and posits a direction leading from the present into the future in the light of what has transpired in the past And understanding the nature of that direction entails not only speculation or explanation but also, above all, a process of narration How we evaluate life is rooted in how we tell its story (p 11, emphasis added) When we deliberately unmask ourselves with our stories, we avoid the impoverishment of racial, gender, and class-based isolation ; we lessen the suspicion of the Other For outgroups, Richard Delgado (1998) contends, stories are even more important . .Stories create their own bonds, represent cohesion, shared understanding, and meanings The cohesiveness that stories bring is part of the outgroup's strength An outgroup creates its own stories, which circulate within the group as a kind of counter-reality" (p 259) Counter stories, may Spring 1999 t 2 4 9

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recreate what we believe social justice is In embracing the CRT tradition, counter stories in our borderscape centralize and intersect with race and racism ; challenge the dominant ideology ; commit to social justice ; affirm the centrality of experiential knowledge ; and, illustrate interdisciplinary vibrancy inherent in the teaching and learning enterprise that will eliminate racism as well as all forms of subordination in education, in general, and teacher education, in particular .' I live, teach, learn, and ride in a small part of this remarkable borderscape 4 This process can not exist without both teller and listener, a tango, where no one leads nor follows but because of both something new, better is created In the words of Richard Delgado, a critical race theorist whose thinking and writings should be of central importance to social educators as well as all teachers : It is through this process that we can overcome ethnocentrism and the unthinking conviction that our way of seeing the world is the only one-that the way things are is inevitable, natural, just, and best-when it is, for some, full of pain, exclusion, and both petty and major tyranny (1998, p 269) Counter stories unmask the hegemony of social injustices We "enable the listener and the teller to build a world richer than either the listener or the teller could make alone" (Delgado, 1998, p 269) Our 2,000-mile borderscape is an infinite cultural and linguistic terrain of told and untold stories and counter stories that far too often remain cultural and linguistic shadows 5 This counter essay attempts to make the invisible visible 6 while at the same time seeing the cultural and linguistic sideshadows which many times remain invisibly seen and never heard Sideshadow is a concept refined by Gary Saul Morson (1995) as he interprets Bakhtin's chronotope 7 More precisely, "sideshadowing restores the possibility of possibility It teaches a fundamental lesson : to understand a moment is to grasp not only what did happen but also what else might have happened" (Patterson, 1996, p 111) 8 Counter stories are the "what else has happened ." When in struggle for social justice, critical teachers in community with learners make sideshadows visible This is done by countering the devastating myths that many Women and Men who "own' their ethnicity and gender face in the geographic borderscapes as well as societal borderscapes of oppression, where marginalization is seen as a fact of life Counter stories are the affirmed personal dimensions that voice and "inventory" the historical and contextual encounters either denied or silenced by white supremacist hegemony In his tome, Orientalism, Edward Said (1979) captures Gramsci's profound insight into the personal dimension that dismantles hegemony Gramsci writes : 2 5 0 t Spring 1999

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The starting-point of critical elaboration is the consciousness of what one really is, and is [sic] "knowing thyself" as a product of the historical process to date, which has deposited in you an infinity of traces, without leaving an inventory . therefore it is imperative at the outset to compile such an inventory (Said, 1979, p 25) 9 The inventory of counter narratives positioned in an array of intellectual spaces and locations in time bring to the forefront one's humanity, where geographical, socio-cultural, and historical context matter, where social class, culture, language, race, ethnicity, age, gender and gender orientation matter as well 10 The empowering qualities of counter story provide a psychic self-preservation that lessens invisible oppression by making oppression visible (Delgado, 1998) The "passion of my experience" and the "authority of my experience" will surface with this counter essay as I "w(r)i(d/t)e on the border" and struggle to read the borderscape as a multicultural teacher educator My hope is to further our understandings of our "ethical oughts" and how they may be intimately connected into our tacit meanings of teaching and learning in a multicultural society as envisioned by Levine As a member and co-chair of the Assocation of Teacher Educators/ National Council for the Social Studies Commission on Social Justice for Teacher Education, I am working with dedicated cultural workers who are challenging themselves to rethink the simple complexity of social justice in teacher education ." This counter essay is one holographic/informational pixel into the synchronous terrain of one lived experience within countless many as I "w(r)i(dlt)e on the border and read our borderscape ." Allegro : Borderscape, Story, Bio For decades, currents of controversy and impassioned public comment and debate on the 2,000-mile U .S .lMexican border have intermittently rushed and subsided Border concerns routinely slow from foaming rapids to stagnant pools that in turn feed waterfalls Worries of adequate, equitable education have been dammed and quieted by economic booms only to burst and rage freely in times of recession But whether visibly boiling or mirror still, the currents that undergird the Border and its residents are rarely simple just as riverbeds are rarely permanent And although the African proverb promises "Anything allowed to run free will cleanse itself," we contemplate the border's currents knowing that they flow according to their own immutably fluid mechanics (Alexander-Kasparik, 1993/1994) Spring 1999 t 2 5 1

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The ka-ta, ka-ta, ka-ta of my Kawasaki Vulcan 1500 cc moto warms-up, shattering the Saturday morning silence begins my counter essay I'm getting ready for a much-needed ride down the Rio Grande's domain, the Mesilla Valley I've come to call this ride la vuelta ; this means the loop The Rio Grande runs through Dona Ana County just west of the county's hub, Las Cruces ; located in southern-most New Mexico-bordered by the State of Chihuahua, Mexico on the south and three different counties Home to a land grant, HACU designated university, Las Cruces' population increases by almost 15 percent ten months out of every year Since time began, the Rio Grande always had the freedom to flow where it would-changing its wandering ways even more with the monsoon's seasonal relief Monsoons are El Nino's awakened dreams that warm the Pacific Ocean germinating droplets coalescing into clouds eventually touching, briefly, our Chihuahuan desert terrain with Mother Earth's equator waters Our borderscape has always been one with our Mother In the reclamation talk of the thirties, the Rio Grande was to its developers a dangerous and treacherous river There is some truth to that, its Mexican name attests to its treacherous nature, Rio Bravo Imagine a large, untamed, mean junkyard dog-bravo in Spanish A metaphor of unpredictability, unleashed power, intensity ; juxtaposed with Rio, gives the metaphor Rio Bravo a raw beauty-for water always gives life as well as takes it The Rio Grande brings life as its sediment enriches the soil-a water phoenix with its rhythmic destruction renews the land it ravages I attribute my Papa's early name change to the mighty Rio Grande As the story goes soon after his birth, Papa's parents and siblings moved to El Pueblo de Picot from Las Cruces where he was born A village my great, great Grandfather Juan Maria Chavez, from San Antonio, NM, had founded Papa was to be baptized Celso Ambrocio Jorge Chavez by his Godparents In those days of horse and an untamed river, the trip from Picacho to Las Cruces took a good part of the entire day The Rio Grande was indeed big ; its Mexican namesakeRio Bravo, is clear-unpredictable, always ; a sturdy flat boat needed for the crossing Upon reaching the church where Papa was to be baptized, as humorous as may be tragic, Papa's Godparents forgot two of Papa's three names It had already been a long day The name remembered somehow was turned, ironically enough in English, to George, instead of the Spanish name of Jorge ; Papa's name became George Ruiz Chavez-born December 7, 1906 In the border of things there is both irony and truth in language, Spanish is English and English is Spanish Burrito, taco, rode(e)o, mano a mano, enchiladas, esmoquin, chile(i), mi casa es to casa, amigo, menudo, picacho, arroyo, pronto, patio, al fresco, bueno, nada, amigo, toro 13 are just a few of the probably thousands of words and phrases of what Gloria Anzaldua calls the "twin skin of 2 5 2 t Spring 1999

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linguistic identity ." This is a reminder to the many as well as Chicanas/ os of our ethnic identity "I am my language," Anzaldua (1987) writes Until I can take pride in my language, I cannot take pride in myself Until I can accept as legitimate Chicano Texas Spanish, Tex-Mex and all the other languages I speak, I cannot accept the legitimacy of myself Until I am free to write bilingually and to switch codes without having always to translate, while I still have to speak English or Spanish when I would rather speak Spanglish, and as long as I have to accommodate the English speakers rather than having them accommodate me, my tongue will be illegitimate (p 59, emphasis added) Now, two large dams-Elephant Butte and Caballo, and much smaller Percha Dam with countless canales and acequias-control, channel, and bathe thousands of irrigated farmlands that nurture life and when withheld, listless life at best The course of the river minimalized with levees that constrict, choke, and shackle the wild beauty of once a mighty river A great river that now struggles for it own life, waits, gives, always gives, and gives some more ; a silent metaphoric testament for many of its people who live and have lived, work and have worked, with joy and without, who will die and have died along this river-like my Papa With his several noble titles of Papa, Apa, Granpa, Granpo, Abuelo, Mipapa, Papa de Mama, Chochi, and Don Jorge, he was the last survivor of the original Picacho Chavez Clan ; a New Mexican Clan that has lived, worked, and died in New Mexico for easily seven generations A native son, descendent of Papa Isaac and Mama Teresa, the seventh in a family of eight ; my father was preceded in death by Inez, Tomasa, Lola, Teresa, Jacinto, Elena, and Isaac ; names both lyrical and biblical, rich in a "New" Mexican heritage with stories yet to be told However, deep as our heritage may be in this borderscape we too are recent immigrants The First People arrived in New Mexico around 8000 BC Many live in the heart of the world's Great Deserts, the Sonoran and Chihuahuan ; our two thousand-mile border cuts right through their sacred land Now, this artificial line splits four Indian reservations in two that span the Mexico and U .S borderscape : the Tohono O'odham, the Yaqui, the Cocopah and Kickapoo Amnesty International (1998) reports : The Tohono O'odham nation has a population of some 22,000 and recognized by the US federal government Their reservation lands comprise nearly 3 million acres in southern Arizona and their traditional tribal lands extend south into the Sonoran desert in Mexico Annual festivities include July Spring 1999 t 2 5 3

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and October festivals in Sonora, which are attended by tribal members from the USA The Yaqui nation has reservation lands of about 1,000 acres in New Pascua, Southwest Tucson, and southern Arizona The tribe obtained US federal recognition as a First Nations tribe in 1978 The Cocopah have reservation lands of 6,000 acres and a population of 4,000, half of whom reside in the Colorado River delta region of Mexico The US part of the tribe is recognized by the US federal government The Kickapoo nation is much smaller, with a 125-acre reservation in Maverick County, Texas They number about 600 people They consider the land south of the international border as their traditional hunting and ceremonial grounds Lives lived within the borderscape for longer than we can fathom Heritage and rootedness of First Peoples' stories go unheard Sports teams and SUVs condescendingly honor First People ; warrior, brave, tomahawk and the "chop," and headdresses become the malefic cliches that commodify and codify dignity and respect into capsulized jargon Seven or even eight generations is barely yesterday, Papa and my family are recent immigrants in the borderscape where First Peoples now live in reservations and border people with a heritage as rich as Papa's are harassed for citizenship status Fugue : Then, Saturday June 20,1998, Now, When Before saddling up, I cleaned my ride The spectacular ruby red fenders and tank with contrasting black frame shine gives my "ride" an iron beauty voiced only as "nice ride ese" from my Chicano Brothers and Sisters "Ese" 14 is like saying "bro ." I was to take the loop on the old highway My ride begins in Las Cruces "Old Highway 80," becomes Main Street through Las Cruces, is a magnet for riders of all kinds The alchemy of the bike quickly blurs multidimensional spirals of racial, gender, and class borderscapes that exude privilege, neglect, or denial Fleeting as it may be, the class dialectic re-appears with every nuance of extra equipment, cloth and leather, and attitude Half the loop goes southwest-west down the Mesilla Valley towards El Paso/Ciudad Juarez, the largest "border city" of the 2000 mile stretch of the Mexico/U .S geopolitical line of Chihuahuenses, Tejanos, Nuevo Mexicananos, immigrants, immigrant bashers, and anti-immigrant terrorists The other half of "the loop" goes northward-a story for another day Today, my ride will take me into the heart of NAFTA .I 5 As I "ride," to my right are the railroad tracks that parallel Old Highway 80 The economic motive for Las Cruces being part of the U .S rather than Mexico was, to a large extent, the railroad and min2 5 4 t Spring 1999

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eral rights The Southern Pacific and Santa Fe & Topeka needed a southern route James Gadsden negotiated the purchased of this southern most strip of land When Mexico refused to sell Southern Arizona and parts of New Mexico, Gadsden used "heavy-handed methods, threatening [the] Mexican ministers that, if they did not sell southern Arizona and parts of New Mexico 'we shall take it"' (Acuna,1972, p 82) The Gadsden Purchase was not the greatest land steal in American history 16 The greatest land steal was veiled in the obscenity of the Mexican-American War U .S military camped in Mexican territory, which in turn provoked Mexican sovereignty with a regrettable and costly response for the Mexicans The cliche holds "the rest is history ." The historical account of the southwest was one of poisonous interpretation and white supremacists aggrandizement Mexicans agreed to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexico accepted the Rio Grande as the Texas border and ceded the Southwest which includes present day Arizona, California, New Mexico, Utah, Nevada, and parts of Colorado to the U .S in return for $15 million Under the treaty, the Mexicans left behind had one year to choose whether to return to the interior of Mexico or to remain in "occupied Mexico" (Acuna, 1972 ; de Leon, 1983) About 2000 elected to leave ; however, most remained in what they considered, First People notwithstanding, 17 their land now occupied Mexico My Papa's ancestral family remained in San Antonio ; a village just south of present day Socorro in central New Mexico Our borderscape's historical complexity has been a sideshadow far too long while White supremacy is unsuspectingly internalized Few schools give serious in depth study or inventory to either the First People's non-stereotypic history or the new immigrants coming north from Mexico ." The border and its people are demonized and racialized by the I .N .S 19 and Border Patrol, in particular I could never understand why in grade school, some gringo boys would tell me "go back to where you came from ." As a boy growing up in the Mesilla Valley, I intuitively had a sense of my historical inventory because of my Papa and Mama's stories ; in school, however, an Euro-centric canon was the curriculum At the time, however, anger, regret, and shame were my response Irony is central to our borderscape ; today many of the neo-Gestapo look like me I am deeply saddened but not surprised when neo-Gestapo question my sovereign existence and citizen status (like those kids of yesteryear) at several "well-placed" immigration checkpoints on the major roads and interstates leading out of Las Cruces Who would ever had thought those young boys' innocent, and many times racists, imitative snarling would be sanctioned many years later through "brown folk" dressed as border patrol puppets Over and above, the borderscape's First People and Latinas/os are appendaged like a lifeless third arm to a dualistic racial body twice marginalized into a thoroughly and violently racialized United States Spring 1999 t 2 5 5

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of America where White-Black relations have defined racism for centuries In her essay Seeing More than Black and White Elizabeth Martinez speaks to the rapidly changing composition and culture of the U .S She challenges all teachers, social educators, and multicultural teacher educators by speaking the unpleasant : We need to consider seriously whether we can afford to maintain an exclusively white/Black model of racism when the population will be 32 percent Latino, Asian/ Pacific American and Native American-in short, neither Black nor white-by the year 2050 We are challenged to recognize that multi-colored racism is mushrooming, and then strategize how to resist it We are challenged to move beyond a dualism comprised of two white supremacist inventions : Blackness and Whiteness (Martinez, 1999) If our borderscape is to be understood, the reconceptualizing of social justice will take more than the duality of African American and White European American life ; social justice has never been black and white nor brown and pinkish-tan Though the Rio Grande defines the physical border, the cultural and language borders are, many times, indistinguishable My ride today will go almost south parallel with the railroad and river Then I'll change course to west-southwest as the Rio Grande flows ; with its direction, the great river takes on a new meaning The river flowing through the twin cities of El Paso, Texas, U .S .A and Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico will become a dual anomaly, named Rio Grande on one side and Rio Bravo on the other The border of things becomes richer, complex, and full of complicitous paradox Via Mesilla Park, my two wheels under Old Highway 80, I pass by some miscellaneous buildings including a trophy shop and a laundromat on my left Fruit and vegetable merchants from Juarez were setting up for another busy weekend in front of what seems an abandoned fifty's gas station Their Chihuahuan Mexican Spanish tells me they live in Juarez Their oral sounds are a pleasant reminder of my Uncles Librado, Emilio, and Rafael, long dead brothers of Leonila, my eighty-four year old Mama, and Mama's nephews and nieces, Rafael, Jose, Herlindo, Constantina, Librada, Hermilo, and Delia The last four now live in Denver The knowledge that Mama is the only living aunt and Matriarch of the Chavez clan 21 does not go unnoticed ; they call Mama often, at least twice a month on Sunday mornings My family ties affirmed their deep affection touches Mama and me Surprisingly few cars and fewer motos were on the road this day It was hot, my helmet concentrating the days heat Just before reaching the Village of Mesquite and still parallel to the railroad tracks, Dominquez Produce is on my left Signs proclaiming the deals of the 2 5 6 t Spring 1999

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day "Los mejores precios bajos ." Low prices lure anyone wanting to save a buck-signs read : milk, aquacate, frutas y verduras, salchichdn, jamon, queso, chorizo Just across the tracks is "Onion Rio Grande Mills" waiting for another season to end Next to Dominquez' Produce is the bakery Panaderia Jireh The delicacies of pan de huevo, pinas, magdalenas, enpanadas, pan frances rival any and all bakeries in the Mesilla Valley Coming to the Mesquite crossroad is a pair of descansos-two crosses, a difficult reminder of two senseless deaths Attending to an errand at the Mesquite corner store, two young girls of 6 years were trampled by a drunk driver Murdered on the spot, the upkeep of the descanso respects the young girls' spirits violently ripped from their small bodies Old Highway 80 is full of descansos, implicit commemoratives of this borderscapes' heritage-as old as the people who have always lived and died among the land Emphasized more because of NAFTA, in our borderscape "wealth bequeaths wealth," Mexican workers productivity is up by 36 .4 percent Yet, wages have dropped by 29 percent Five years into NAFTA, Mexican maquiladora workers earn on average $55 .77 per week With NAFTA's passage, $4 billion of capital investment in assembly plants known as maquiladoras have added more than 150,000 low-paying jobs to Ciudad Juarez The magnetic pull of money has now brought managers and other white-collar workers to El Paso forming enclaves of a Northern culture on the U .S side of the Rio Grande (Millman, 1999) Between 1984 and 1994, through several currency devaluations, the Mexican poverty rate remained at 34 percent Now 60 percent of the Mexican labor force lives below the poverty line ; 8 million Mexicans have been pushed out of the middle class and into poverty during NAFTA's first five years, 28,000 Mexican small businesses failed to compete with NAFTA multinationals (Wallach & Sforza, 1999) "They are killing with hunger and poverty ; they are killing the planet," Subcomadante Marco's (of the Zapatistas) words ring with clarity "We are in the middle of the Fourth World War This is the war of big business and governments-corporations' tools, against a large part of the world's population, the poor" (Call, 1999) 11 For the working-poor and all working people, NAFTA was a bad dream that happened Manuel Castells addresses NAFTA's elaborate inequalities He coins this "the social dynamics of informational capitalism" (Castells, 1999, p 71) Informationalism requires a distinction between several processes of social differentiation : . .inequality, polarization, poverty, and misery all pertain to the domain of relationships of distribution/consumption or differential appropriation of the wealth generated by collective effort" (Castells, 1999, p 71) NAFTA miserably failed the "do no harm" test in two major ways, economically and ecologically while simultaneously adding to the differential appropriation of the wealth generated by NAFTA's collecSpring 1999 t 2 5 7

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tive effort According to the Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch "NAFTA at 5 : A Citizen's Report Card," NAFTA proponents promised the creation of 200,000 new U .S jobs annually Yet in calculating actual trade data into the formula used to create that prediction, hundreds of thousands of U .S jobs were lost .' 3 "Under NAFTA a U .S trade surplus with Mexico crashed into a $13 .2 billion deficit Other countries-particularly in Europe-maintained surpluses with Mexico, even through the 1995 peso crash Worse, 40 percent of so-called U .S exports to Mexico under NAFTA are parts for assembly at low-wage, U .S .-corporation-owned plants, which quickly return finished products for sale in this country ." Second, NAFTA's environmental shortcomings are immense, claims the Economic Policy Institute Besides generating only 1 percent of the money promised for cleanup activities, higher ozone levels along the border are now a cancerous reality In addition, higher incidences of Hepatitis-A two to five times higher than the U .S average are now part of our borderscape (Carrera, 1999, p 28) Our borderscape is a conduit to Castells' analysis on the "rise of informationalism ." We are intertwined with rising inequality and social exclusion "Even without entering into a full discussion of the meaning of the [borderscape's] quality of life, including the environmental consequences of the latest round of industrialization [e .g ., NAFTA], the apparently mixed record of development at the dawn of the Information Age conveys ideologically manipulated bewilderment in the absence of analytical clarity" (Castells, pp 70-71) On my ride, analytical clarity is a flagrant dialectic before me, just like the heat of the day Half a mile down from the descanso crossroads, on my right across the tracks, is Tres Piedras, a colonia The U .S Department of Housing and Urban Development defines "colonias" as those communities within 150 miles of the U .S ./Mexico border that lack one or more of the following : a potable water supply, adequate sewage systems, and/or decent, safe and sanitary housing There are thirty-seven colonias in Dona Ana County alone The dialectic is simple : as NAFTA lines the pockets of far away corporations, lowwage first, second and third generation working class Mexicans and Mexican Americans unable to afford housing in U .S border cities buy their piece of the dream in colonias Although colonias have existed for many years, NAFTA has polarized and displaced the borderscapes' people Resource depravation under the guise of a free-market economy, hard working people of good faith buy land at outrageous interests rates hidden in the "fine print," many times located in desert arroyos remaining dormant sometimes for several years only to rumble with inconceivable water force from a far-away fifteen minute desert thunder storms Colonias are hidden to my right and left I barely can see Tres Piedras with about 60 households (the average is about five people per household) ; I know that Las Palmeras is further down with 2 5 8 t Spring 1999

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approximately 46 to 48 households ; in the far off distance, away from the river almost next to the chicken farms, are Montanavista and Brazito with about 100 households The stench of the chicken farm is downwind, I celebrate my presentness enriched by the borderscape's heritage transforming our historical inventory and replenishing our collective identity of struggle Sideshadows are real I cruise past an old village, Vado 26 I remember my Mama and Papa telling me that Freed Slaves settled it I remember descendants of the Fielders buying fresh green chile and other summer vegetables from my Papa I would run ahead of our '54 Baby Blue Ford pick up holding the lure : choice green chiles my Papa had selected and shined as I went door-to-door in the summer heat The Fielders have always been a prominent family ; the few left in the area now live in Las Cruces I turn to see the Vado Mural The mural depicts the ex-slaves struggle for freedom and dignity-wondrous concepts central to the comprehension of social justice as I read the borderscape This past December, I ran into some Fielders that I did not know Their "family reunion t-shirts" gave them away In'98, the Fielder reunion was in Vado ; in '99, 150 plus descendants will make their way to Detroit Twelve point five miles from Vado as the river flows ; I reach Anthony, New Mexico On my left is the Sonic drive-in cutoff, the road to the Anthony Clinic, sanctioned xenophobia practiced by neoGestapo should never be forgotten Teaching the Bill of Rights and our Constitution is necessary everywhere but especially on the border Recently, I learned the neo-Gestapo were parking their green and white cars or vans close to the Anthony Clinic's parking lot, wait for unsuspecting folk to either walk out of the clinic or people that need treatment were harassed for proof of citizenship before leaving or entering Easy pickin's in the name of keeping "illegal aliens" out of our country Once deligitimized as "alien" harassment is a piece of cake On many occasions, the neo-Gestapo and I have gone for 45 minutes or more over my simple questions of why they only demand citizen verification from people that look like me while white folk pass on through without incident 27 I roll into Anthony, NM The cacophony of advertisements is musical poetry to my eyes in our borderscape of contradictions "Community First Bank" and "Churches Fried Chicken" are on my right ; "Kukos Hair Salon," "Treasures and more" are on my left Down from Kukos is "Rosa's" Her sign reads in Spanish "quality clothes for the entire family ." It is Saturday morning ; "Fernando's Club" is getting ready for another big night of cheek-to-cheek romance on the dance floor of life Restaurante Charlie's is bustling this morning ; the Mexican delicacy, "breakfast of champions" advertised for all to see, fresh "rico menudo ." Lovers of beef tripe with hominy mixed with red chile and fresh condiments of chopped onion and dried oregano are getting their weekly "fix" ; Spring 1999 t 2 5 9

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plus, "caldo de rez" delivered to your door-step, just call "886-5430 ." Two Vatos Locos 28 in a new Ford truck show their solidarity-a crisp, quick bob of their heads upwards In Gringolandia, the head bobs downwards In Chicanolandia, heads quickly bob upwards Sideshadows are a matter of perspective-a challenge for social educators as realities meld and legitimate cultural transformation While waiting at the stoplight, I look over at the "Escape Nite Club" just down the block from Fernando's The "Escape" waits for all late-comers once Fernando's is packed with Tex Mex sounds reverberating to the dance sounds of the marquee's promise, "Tropico Calisimo" and "Apache ." The contrapuntal fluidity and the multi-spiral 29 levels of our borderscape colliding tacitly understood by those who inhibit its place-the border is the infinity of one, never two A stoplight and cross-street serves as a border marker, I now ride into Anthony, Texas The Golden Arches has a special today "fresh breakfast burritos" with "hot" green chile The Concilio de Mujeres 30 to my right, single and married women displaced because of NAFTA, now operate a co-op They make and sell things of beauty and useful practicality Cruising down with the tracks on my right, opposite El Paso Foods Incorporated, is a monument to the waste of human life-La Tuna Federal Prison Reis Lopez Tijerina ; 1 a hero of the Chicano Movement, leader of the Land Grant Movement in Northern New Mexico, spent time here for his "crimes" some time in the early seventies Today, sixty percent of all prisoners are from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds ; half are African Americans, although they comprise just over 12 per cent of the U .S population 32 Allegedly, Senor Tijerina had conspired in the burning of a federal sign located in the Carson National Forest in Northern New Mexico What is practiced in the macro world of a "free society" is also the micro world of many schools Just like many People of Color are pushed out of society and pushed into prisons many students are pushed out of schools and pushed into what will eventually be prison 33 Schools are a microcosm of our macro world, Chicanas/os, First People, African Americans, Asians, and Women and People of conscious are many times imprisoned or are insidiously harassed by those sanctioned to protect us 34 Irony runs rampant, while the David Duke's in our world are running for public office, "militias" are mystified and "gangs" are demonized 3 5 We do live in a free country but for whom? We are spectator-actors in the unveiling of racism and white privilege Reading our borderscape requires an ethical responsibility enveloped by political empowerment Henry Giroux (1987) challenges our teacher role as we engage reflexive action : It is especially important that teachers critically engage how such ideological interests structure [our] ability to both teach and to learn with others . more importantly [it is] a matter of learning how to renew a form of self2 6 0 t Spring 1999

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knowledge through an understanding of the community and culture that actively constitute the lives of [our] students requires the questioning of our educational [and societal] enterprise[s] (p 22) I reach Canutillo, Texas around 10 :30 AM I usually eat across the street at Rosa's next to Circle "K" Rosa's has the best tamales, always fresh I usually buy one tamal at a time until satisfied This morning La Fuente Restaurant looks like the place I park my scooter, remove my helmet and gloves and take out a couple of books I am reading for one of my summer session courses A micro nuance of our borderscape unfolds before me with sounds, smells, and faces I was not a regular but I knew all too well that when you go into a new place never enter with your tail between your legs ; the gazes were quick I was comfortable-in my element A Chicano elder in a sharply ironed white guayabera and black dress pants with what remains of a silky voice coos a classic romantic ballad from the forties or fifties I ordered breakfast : "Tampico esteik banado con jalapenos, cebollitas y tomates fritos, blanquios, frijoles, y paptitas con tortillas frescas de maize," and water iAjua! A big breakfast, $4 .32, not including tip, fuels my spirits I walk outside after leaving a tip Getting my gear ready, a Vato Loco with both arms tattooed with Catholic Icons and three teardrops of time spent in captivity 37 approached me "Struts like a "Pinto," 38 I thought His approach brings our lives together is one of unseen terror imposed from without by real human forces and once internalized further obscures its origins and meaning He once had a ride he tells me, a "Virago 800 ." Before selling his "love machine," he remembers the tried and true roads of southern New Mexico, from the Gila into the Black Range, and the NAFTA arteries, I-10 and 1-25 He was selling Babe Ruths as part of some gang prevention program "You know 'ese' to help kids from going into gangs," he explains The threat of unwanted irony drains the life of many while a deterministic cloud distorts what is seen in our borderscape When social injustice is the rule, social justice is invisibly seen and rarely touched by the Other A discourse of respect follows : "Where are you from "ese'?" he asks "Picacho" I said, "you?" "I'm from Las Cruces around Lucero Street ." He knew where I lived and I knew where he lived We bond Generations of Chicanas/os lived in Las Cruces' old town until urban renewal displaced a good number Elders would sit on benches all along that stretch and walk up and down Main Street With the Chicana/o community spine broken, elders died or started going to the senior citizen center, the violent takeover of contextual history quickly happened-urban renewal again did what it was supposed to do Today, an urban renewal erection, an "authentic log cabin," rapes our Chicana/o history as it pompously celebrates the pioneer history of Spring 1999 t 2 6 1

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Las Cruces Where is the adobe home? Social educators, be ever vigilant We continue talking He asked for my parent's names, he didn't know them I asked the same, he drew a blank Nevertheless, he did know the Licon family and my Padrino Justo from the same area, my beloved sweet smelling cigar smoking Godfather I started my machine, "Sounds good ese ." "Gracias bro," I said He sold me some Babe Ruths I asked him to give the chocolate bars to a couple of the kids inside the restaurant He waited for me to take off A gentle soul who had spent three years in prison was happy for me, saw me off I turned my head quickly for one last good bye, only to catch a glimpse of him strutting into the restaurant El Paso is a short "going-for-milk-and-eggs" drive from Canutillo Soon after passing the El Paso City limits sign, I took a right and went west a couple of miles to Westside Road, took another right north, back home I took my precautionary two fingers off the front hand break, relaxed my right rear break leg and foot and cruised The day was hot but cool Westside Road turns into Highway 28 in New Mexico with road signs proudly informing all that they are on the Juan de Ovate Trail Ovate a 16th-century Spanish soldier, was banished from New Mexico by the Spanish authorities for his cruelty toward the indigenous population, which included the massacre at Acoma Pueblo and the virtual obliteration of the Jumanos Pueblo According to Patrisia Gonzales and Roberto Rodriguez, "Ovate was not personally responsible for every massacre in the region However, his forays opened the Southwest to such atrocities This eventually led to the 1680 Pueblo Revolt -a coordinated rebellion that drove out Spaniards from the region for 12 years It was so complete that everything Spanish was destroyed, including missions, churches, government buildings and particularly the mines that exploited Indian slave labor ." 39 Highway 28 runs parallel to Old Highway 80 on the western side of the Rio Grande The road curves nicely and the sweet smells of the land capture the river I reach La Mesa I see Charlie Abbot's bike parked outside Severo's Bar It is about one o'clock Charlie was my motorcycle teacher, taught me details (He also warned me about drinking and riding .) You must know details when you ride ; "there is no protection!" I too stop and park my moto next to three Harley's, a Virago, and an old Kawasaki, Charlie's I walked into the sweet sounds of Little Joe y la Familia, a Chicano band of fame, playing a corrido on the jukebox I sat on a stool to the right of Charlie who was sipping a Michelob Charlie crosses over with ease into Chicanolandia Charlie may be a race traitor 40 There are some in the valley I asked Nikki for a Bud Light Several Vatos locos were also refreshing themselves A veteran Chicano with grey-black Medusa hair unruly down to his shoulders sported a faux civil war infantry cap with the Harley Davidson logo He looked mean behind his mirrored sunglasses, but 2 6 2 t Spring 1999

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was quick with a smile and a "bro" handshake His riding partner was a wiry sunbaked dude with an "orale" 41 bigger than his entire skinny body and his mean veterano 42 looks We call dudes like that "corridos sin aceite ." 43 Both were red from the heat and the brews They had started the day at Palacio Bar up the road in Mesilla, one of the first territorial capitals of New Spain I was in the clan of hardcore bikers The "bros" finished their beers, shook hands with all of us, and went on their way A couple of more stayed and cooled their spirits with beer I sometimes go home and light a candle for all those crazy Chicano bikers who live on the edge Although I am not a regular, Severo and others know me because of my wife People there have great respect for my wife and her familyanother old family from the valley, the Armendariz Family She is a principal at La Mesa Elementary The air was thick with humorous language jabs going back and forth like flying bullets in a Quick Draw McGraw cartoon Charlie knows Calo 44 and was right in there with the Chicano dozens, verbal word play I talked "bikes" with the "bros" while Charlie attacked a rib plate full of meaty bone and fresh beans Seated to my right was Ernie ; he drank two brews to my one, smoked Marlboro Lights and has a daughter with a penchant for pickles "Hey Nikki will you bring more pickles?" Ernie asked after he checked his Styrofoam cache : one large cheeseburger with fries, still warm "My daughter likes pickles," he said Nikki in her body tight armor returned with a small plastic sealed cup of pickles Ernie ordered another "You want another one?" Nikki asked "No but give me a big glass of water with limon "Sure" she said Ernie tells me that his little girl lives in Deming, 75 miles west "She's here for the weekend When she lived here she went to La Mesa Elementary," Ernie was reluctant to say anything I know what it's like I know the pain ; we silently fell into kinship I have not seen nor heard from my daughter Natalia Raquel in 8 years ; she will be twenty-five July 16,1999 I finished my water, went to the restroom, came back, said my good byes, and opened the bar door The 100 plus degree plus heat welcomed me, put my gear on, cranked my moto and rolled down "twenty eight ." Going north, I cruise by the Village of San Miguel still on the Juan de Onate Trail, highway twenty-eight My mother in law's home is tucked down Second Street ; stopped by to say "hi"she was not home Caddy corner to the church is my sister-in-law's home I get behind a Chicano elder in an old pick-up truck He's in no hurry, still has time left over from the last time there was no where to go I just did not feel like passing I wasn't going too much faster so I made some distance between his back bumper and my front wheel and settled in for a slow ride Three cars and one truck later, I too passed the Chicano elder The road continues through La Mesilla where I turned off, east to Las Cruces on University I got home around 2 :30 in the afternoon saved from the blistering heat Parked my moto, went Spring 1999 t 2 6 3

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in, took off my gear, drank a big glass of water, and settled into my easy chair The heat and that one beer made me want to take a nap My vieja 45 was already home I slept deeply with no dreams that I can remember The "presence of time" took its time and I with it Coda : Borderscapes' Ordinary Time Without this meta-awareness of a system of meaning, we, as teachers and administrators, may learn how to construct schools but not how to determine what types of schools to construct We will not grasp the connection between political disposition and the types of education that are developed Grounded on an understanding of such connections, post formal teachers, administrators, and teacher educators realize that school problems are not generic or innate They are constructed by social conditions, cognitive assumptions, and power relations, and are uncovered by insightful educators who possess the ability to ask questions never before asked, questions that may lead to innovations that promote student insight, sophisticated thinking, and social justice (Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1993, p 305) . a critical reading of reality, whether it takes place in the literacy process or not, and associated above all with the clearly political practices of mobilization and organization, constitutes an instrument of what Antonio Gramsci calls "counterhegemony ." (Freire & Macedo, p 36) Yes, it would have been easy to have taken my ride and fallen into what Morson warns as "presentness and its diseases ." I think we all "do" this in varying degree in ordinary time To Morson those diseases are the desiccated present, a condition in which no importance is attached to the present ; two, the isolated present, which deems no other time to be of any importance ; three, the hypothetical present, which regards all time as substantial ; and finally, multiple time, which holds that many events may be transpiring simultaneously in multiple, parallel worlds Understanding the resonance of sideshadowing, then, situates a person within a present that is understood to have an open-ended relation to the past and to the future . the opposite of the past is not the future but is the absence of a future ; the opposite of the future is not the past but the absence of a past . presence requires a relation of each to the other . presence requires an ethical relation (Patterson, 1996, p 111, emphasis added) 2 6 4 t Spring 1999

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Stories help us to genuinely discern ethical relations of human experience Stories of our borderscape can be shadows if devalued and deligitimated not by what we say or even by what we may think 46 but by our actions, by our silent acceptance-by our complicity in not reading our world and denying its existence, by negating our past, glossing over our present, and reproducing a supremacist hegemony for our future We are social educators We are implicated in and share in generating and/or reproducing knowledge We couple that knowledge with its presentation in ordinary time that is diverse, pluralistic, dynamic, chaotic In this metaphoric plasma, the complexity of social justice is apparent and because social justice is in the making, we need all stories not just some stories Stories matter In reading our borderscape by constructing story, we add to what James Baldwin calls the "residuum of truth ." The stories of social justice in multicultural teacher social education is, I believe, a new language that must be deconstructed Derrida (1999) says it plainly : Deconstruction is not a tool, not a technique, not a method It's what happens So it happens each time singularly, and every text with a deconstructive tag is different from another There is no hierarchy There is no tribunal to decide what is true deconstruction I know that, to me, there are some weak deconstructions and others that are stronger, but I'm not the one to make decisions or arbitrate or decide who's right or wrong It is the line between using language which is familiar and universal and producing language which, though initially unfamiliar and idiosyncratic, some how makes tangible one's ideas salient and its resultant behavior The stories we collect will help us to discern the language of multicultural social education and how it implicates practice, theory, and philosophy-praxis Social justice and multicultural education, as lived in our borderscape, is "language in the making ." A language that may just strike the next generation of social educators as inevitable (Rorty, 1987) Throughout this counter essay, I have implicated the need for inclusive, embracing stories that make the unseen visible Jerome Bruner (1996) urges us to comprehend the power of our voice, "narrative is discourse, and the prime rule of discourse is that there be a reason for it that distinguishes it from silence" (p 120) Without this human element, our stories are empty and lifeless They become simply a copy, a formatted piece, a reproduction When we fall prey to the sterility of hegemonically contrived stories, we become nothing more than human dictionaries that eat, sleep, walk, breath, and are technocratic representations of a one-dimensional past, concocted onto Spring 1999 t 2 6 5

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a mono-cultural present that never can be, inextricable to a future left rancid in a grease-jar of apocalyptic chaos Social justice in multicultural teacher education is none of this Social justice is part of an infinitely complex human undertaking Paulo Freire (1997) speaks to the engagement of this complex human undertaking of learning to read our borderscape by connecting with those within : . be they children coming to school for the first time, or young people and adults at centers of popular education, [they] bring with them in the way of an understanding of the world, in the most varied dimensions of their own practice in the social practice of which they are a part Their speech, their way of counting and calculating, their ideas about the so-called other world, their religiousness, their knowledge about health, the body, sexuality, life, death, the power of the saints, magic spells, must all be respected (p 25) The praxis Freire soulfully challenges us to accomplish is no easy matter ; there are no recipes Freire challenges each of us to search deep into our very beings, into understanding the Other by understanding Ourselves We are always in process of understanding the complexity of teaching and learning We must always be consciously unconscious or unconsciously conscious about the central importance of social justice in ordinary time Each of us, I believe, strives to walk our talk-to practice social justice, as we perceive it to be By its prevalent complexity we are also, creating a story that celebrates the evolving acumen of social justice in the multicultural teacher education terrain Social justice and "multiculturality" go hand in hand They do not arise spontaneously Both must be created, politically produced, worked on, in the sweat of one's brow, in concrete history (Freire, 1997) The allegro and fugue in this counter essay attempts to inventory the borderscape's traces left upon me as I "w(r)i(t/d)e the border and read our borderscape" where the present has both a past and a future if inventoried with an ethical response It is thinking through one day's inventory as Gramsci has suggested and mentioned earlier in this counter essay that I am struggling to centralize in my repertoire as a multicultural teacher educator To me the borderscape must be the center of my consciousness This is my first attempt to call attention to our borderscape, a borderland of multiple dimensions with pasts, presents, and futures Notwithstanding, many times the constructing of social justice has been nothing more than essentialized frolic through a well-worn, myopic path of mediocrity as heard through canonized meta-narratives 47 Selfish mundaneness is celebrated, on the one hand, 2 6 6 t Spring 1999

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and on the other, actions and practices of hope and possibility are squashed, silenced, and killed on that same myopic path and left to rot like road kill Jeffery C Alexander (1995) provides us with what I think is a challenge to rethink what has become essentialists, thinking about social justice He states : Every historical period needs a narrative that defines its past in terms of the present, and suggests a future that is fundamentally different, and typically "even better," than contemporary time For this reason, there is always an eschatology, not merely an epistemology, in theorizing about social change (p 10) Although the stories narrated within this counter essay are border stories, the culture and language of the border is within us all The borderscape is not just a place nor just a time in space, it breathes, lives, dies, and is regenerated by the simple notion that we are a collective It is We in the constructing and deconstructing of our ordinary time in struggle with our students Our destiny, our eschatology, is only as clear as our courage to inventory our present We are left to engage the quality of our stories as we engage in a dialogue with the past that alone engenders the ethical freedom necessary for a meaningful future I think this is a key to "making sense of", teaching for, and learning about social justice Our struggle is very much in the here and now Our struggle is the counter story in time when one's time and one's story must not be negated or neutralized by the hegemonic domination of the Other's time and the Other's story Stories enable us to imagine how another group of people in another time and place see themselves Stories assist us to reverse the process of judging earlier ages in our own terms by seeing how the Other might judge us in theirs Moreover, stories help us to recognize that the present is not the only possible outcome of earlier times and that we therefore have alternatives for the future Edward Said provides us with a generative tool to continue the arduous but important and critical process of deligitimating racists and classist hegemony and understanding how social justice has become essentialized to meet the needs of the status quo He calls this the "act of beginning ." Said writes . .the act of delimitation by which something is cut out of a great mass of material, separated from the mass, and made to stand for, as well as can be, a starting point, a beginning . ." (1979, p 16) I see this counter essay as my starting point, one modest beginning as I/we struggle to live in a world more just than what is encountered As multicultural teacher educators and as social educators this "presence" then requires an curricular inventory for social justice As I understand Gramsci's concept of inventory, it Spring 1999 t 2 6 7

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means not always knowing what justice is but always knowing what injustices are Our counter stories our counter conversations, as multicultural social teacher educators are narratives with a new beginning that thoughtfully and consistently construct and reconstruct this dialectic I am a multicultural teacher educator, a social educator of sorts I am not a Star Trek android vacuum-packed in the educational technicism of my past training that kneels before the altar of educational pragmatism It is not easy to read our borderscape, it can be depressing nevertheless it must not be denied Injustices are everywhere and we have the social responsibility to act against injustices and struggle for their demise In reading our borderscapes, we begin to unwrap those qualities that make every soul human and in turn, we humanize our profession and ourselves Slowly, deliberately, with a first-step, we begin to humanize our future by humanizing our past and our present and constructing our infinite sideshadows of social justice rather than social injustice This makes us who we are presently in ordinary time-ethical beings Notes 'With all respect, I acknowledge Daniel Sol6rzano, a colega, fellow traveler, and Associate Professor at UCLA, who with one conversation in 1996 influenced my growth Our platica has taken root Gracias Also, I thank Wayne Ross for coaxing me to submit this counter essay You're a "bro ." 'Parables and chronicles are also part of the genre Classic CRT examples are Richard Delago's (1995) The Rodrigo chronicles : Conversations about America and race New York : New York University Press ; and Derrick Bell's, Faces at the bottom of the well An example of the meta-hegemony of story and its effect on the judicial decision-making is Mary Frances Berry's (1999) The pig farmer's daughter and other tales of American justice : Episodes of racism and sexism in the courts from 1865 to the present New York : Alfred A Knopf 3 Sol6rzano, pp 6-7, states "CRT has at least five themes that form the basic perspectives, research methods, and pedagogy . ." 'The piece is a montage with contrapuntal, conceptual images See Renato Rosaldo's Culture and truth : The remaking of social analysis He provides an exemplary understanding of the concept "montage" and its significance to how a reality/ies can be understood/constructed 'Countless stories of the present and past, told and retold by our parents, grandparents, and others Not to mention the musical genre of corridos, Mexican ballads Professor Americo Paredes's book With a pistol in his hand : A border ballad and its hero will assist social educators to comprehend the complexity of the Mexican ballad and its central importance to counter story making Also see the published works of Carla Trujillo (Ed .), Living Chicana theory ; Gloria Anzaldua, Borderlands, la frontera : The new Mestiza ; Devon G Pena (Ed .) Chicano culture, ecology, politics : Subversive kin (society, environment, and place) ; among many 'In Renato Rosaldo's (1993), Culture and Truth : The Remaking of Social Analysis (Beacon Press : Boston), he asks "What ideological conflicts inform the play of culture visibility and invisibility?' (p 198) as he addresses the notion of such onto the spatial organization of Mexico, the Philippines, and the U .S Other questions asked are "What 2 6 8 t Spring 1999

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are the analytical consequences of making 'our' cultural selves invisible? What cultural politics erase the "self" only to highlight the 'other'?" (p 198) 7 Morson's explanation of chronotope is helpful : "Might it not be the case that we need multiple concepts of time-multiple "chronotopes," as Bakhtin would say-for diverse purposes and circumstances . In social and psychological life, too, it may be helpful to have an array of chronotopes, or conceptions of temporality, at our disposal" (p 3) 8 David Patterson develops this rich concept in the review of two books using Bakhtin's theory of chronotope : Narrative and freedom : The shadows of time by Gary Saul Morson and Foregone conclusions : Against apocalyptic history by Michael Andre Bernstein 9 See also Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, Edited and Translated by Q Hoare & G N Smith, New York : International Publishers 10 Said's counter hegemonic discussion is central to my writing of this counter essay See pp 25-26 Beyond the scope of this counter essay but strongly implicated is the judgment that our borderscape has been, in Said's word "orientalized ." 11 We are now in the throes of writing a report sponsored by ATE and NCSS This report will be presented at both ATE and NCSS annual meetings during the 1999-2000 academic year We will also be publishing a monograph later in 1999 or early 2000 12 The Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU) is a national association of higher education institutions based in San Antonio, Texas Established in 1986, the association represents more than 200 colleges and universities that collectively enroll 2/3 of all Hispanics in higher education HACU represents Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSIs) where Hispanics constitute a minimum of 25 percent of the total enrollment at either the graduate or undergraduate level and Associate members where Hispanics constitute a minimum of 10 percent of the total enrollment HACU-member institutions are located in the United States and Puerto Rico In 1996, HACU initiated an international membership program and currently represents universities in Latin America Available : h ttp ://www .hacu .com/WHAT .HT M 13 Not to mention the hundreds of cities, towns, and villages, states, and geographical landmarks named in Spanish 14 Schwa sound on both "e"s, pronounced "eh-se" 15 North American Free Trade Agreement 16 After a bitter debate Congress ratified the purchase for $10 million 17 I do not want to minimize the assault of the Spanish invasion on the land and its peoples I have not quite resolved this contradiction within me, a Chicano mestizo I do not celebrate the invasion but since I am a product of that invasion, I commemorate its coming and impact on so many 18 See Joel H Spring (1997), Deculturalization and the struggle for equality : A brief history of the education of dominated cultures in the United States (Second Edition) New York : McGraw Hill, especially chapters 1, 2, 5 & 6 See also Chapter 4 "Whose Chicano History Did You Learn?" in Elizabeth Martinez (1998) De colores means all of us : Latina views for multi-colored century South End Press : Cambridge, MA 19 US Immigration and Naturalization Service, an agency within the Department of Justice, an oxymoron with deadly consequences 20 Social Educators should carefully review the excellent series in Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement It is nothing more than a good beginning to assist students to take inventory of their civil rights history, one of many Available : http : / / w ww .pbs .org/chicano/index .htm l 21 My Mama was born in La Magdalena, Chihuahua and is the last survivor of her generation of the Chavez clan Note that my name is Rudolfo Chavez Chavez 22 Senor Beas Torres is director of the Union of Indigenous Communities of the Northern Zone of Isthmus (UCIZONI) See also the EZLN's (Fuente Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional) h ttp ://www .hookele .com/netwarriors/indexchiapa s Campaign .html Spring 1999 t 2 6 9

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23 The real extent of US job losses under NAFTA is hinted at in one narrow government program that has already certified 214,902 US workers as NAFTA casualties Yet NAFTA's dwindling proponents fall silent when challenged to produce the names and faces of even 200,000 Americans with new NAFTA jobs Indeed, when The Nation surveyed companies that made promises in 1993 to create NAFTA jobs, 89 percent admitted they had failed to do so Many had relocated jobs to Mexico 24 See Richard Gibson's (1999) "Dialectical materialism-Your Mind is a Weapon ." Gibson, a social educator of many years, simply pinpoints the human character of dialectical materialism (DM) : "DM argues that truth itself is a partisan question-that is in the interest of elites who wish to retain power and privilege to obscure reality . DM argues that it is only in the struggle for equality and social justice that truth can be realized His excellent piece is informative and timely Available on-line : h ttp :// www .pipeline .com/-rgibson/diamata .htm l 25 Sideshadowing, then, does more than situate a person in the present ; it situates a person within a present that is understood to have an open-ended relation to the past and to the future Here the opposite of the past is not the future but is the absence of a future ; the opposite of the future is not the past but the absence of a past And presence requires a relation of each to the other : for presence requires an ethical relation 26 Means a low-lying area in Spanish 27 This should be understood, I have a good understanding of my rights and can defend myself verbally quite well ; there are Chicanas/os that can not I usually am harassed at least once a year at the several checkpoints in my country, my historical homeland Some questions : "Where are you from?" "Where are you going?" "Where were you born?" "Why are you taking this route?" 28 "Vato" (masculine usage) or "Vata" (feminine usage) is a Pachuco term meaning "brutha" for Chicanos /as "Loco" (meaning crazy) when combined with Vato/a means "street smart," "up with the news," "can't fool ." 29 See note 24 3€ "Women's Council" 31 Go to Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, [On line] Available : < h ttp ://www .pbs .org/chicano/bios .htm l >You will find several of the most well known Chicanas and Chicanos of the Chicano Civil Rights Movement Senor Tijerina's bio reads : "An ex-evangelist and native Texan, Reies Lopez Tijerina was a leading land grant activist In 1963, he founded the Alianza Federal de Mercedes (Federal Alliance of Land Grants) in New Mexico, dedicated to reclaiming historic land grants promised Mexican Americans by the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo In 1967, Mr Tijerina led a raid on the Tierra Amarilla (New Mexico) County Courthouse to arrest officials the Alianza held responsible for withholding the disputed land In 1968, Mr Tijerina unsuccessfully ran for governor of New Mexico with The People's Constitutional Party, and in 1972, he attended the La Raza Unida (The United People) convention in El Paso, Texas Mr Tijerina is retired and lives in New Mexico ." The bio fails to mention that "Mr Tijerina was a political prisoner ." 32 See Amnesty International's Report on U .S Prison System, Chapter Four "Violations in Prisons and Jails ." Available : h ttp ://www .rightsforall-usa .org/info/report / r04 .htm# 33 See "Dropout Rates of in the United States : 1995 ." Available : < h ttp :// nces .ed .gov/pubs/dp95/index .htm l > Also see the Hispanic dropout report "No More Excuses ." Available : < h ttp ://www .ncbe .gwu .edu/miscpubs/used/hdp/index .ht m > Other publications generated by this project : "Contextual Factors Surrounding Hispanic Dropouts" by Hugh Mehan, January 1997, available : < h ttp ://www .ncbe .gwu .edu / miscpubs/used/hdp/1/index .htm> and, "A Curriculum Discourse for Achieving Equity : Implications for Teachers When Engaged with Latina and Latino Students," by Rudolfo Chavez Chavez, January 1997, available : http : // w ww .ncbe .gwu .edu/miscpubs / used /hdp/3 /index .htm 34 See the four-part video series Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement ; and the excellent series on the African American Civil Rights Movement Eyes 2 7 0 t Spring 1999

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on the Prize Both can be purchased online at < h ttp ://www .pbs .or g > Also, click on to one of the many search engines on the WWW with the descriptor "political prisoners" for an account of people of Color in prison ss See : Sack, K (Monday, May 3, 1999) David Duke misses Louisiana runoff but has strong showing The New York Times, A24 I A thin sliced steak "Tampico style" with grilled jalapeno chiles, green onions, tomatoes, two eggs, refried beans, fried potatoes with corn tortillas This meal is representative of Northern Chihuahuan cuisine 37 Chicanos/as who serve time in prison tattoo teardrops for each year spent by an eye, on the neck, or on the arms A prolific metaphor to prison's misery 38 An person who has done time in prison 39 See the copyrighted story by Patrisia Gonzales and Roberto Rodriguez "Bridges Needed to Unite Cultures," March 26, 1999, Column of the Americas syndicated by Universal Press Syndicate Both Pati and Roberto would be happy to email their weekly columns by simply writing to them at PO BOX 7905, Albuquerque NM 87194-7904,505242-7282 or better yet get your local newspaper to run their weekly column You can email them at < X column@aol .co m > or < P atiGonzaj@aol .co m > Their nationally syndicated weekly column captures news and offers poignant commentary from the Latina/ Latino perspective illustrating well our borderscapes' complexities 40 See Race Traitor, Treason to Whiteness is Loyalty to Humanity, available online at : < h ttp ://www .postfun .com/racetraitor / > See also Phil Rubio's chapter "Crossover Dreams : The 'Exceptional White' in Popular Cutlure" and the response to Rubio's piece "Responses to Crossover Dreams" by Salim Washington and Raup Garon, in Race Traitor, edited by Noel Ignatiev & John Garvey, Routledge : New York 41 "What's going on?" 42 Veterano literally means veteran but is metaphorically used to represent a person who has had a hard life 43 Literally means "running without oil" another metaphor that shows what happens when "you burn the candle at both ends ." 44 Calo is a Pachuco argot originating in the late thirties and forties in El Paso's Segundo Barrio that has become part of Chicana/o Spanish dialect 45 Term of endearment for wife common among many Chicano families Other terms exists of course, all rich with their particular contextual complexities 46 Since political correctness is very much part of our political scapes 47 For example see critiques by Elizabeth Martinez (1998) De colores means all of us : Latina views for multi-colored century, specifically Chapter Four "Whose Chicano History Did You Learn?", South End Press : Cambridge, MA ; Ishmael Reed (1997), MultiAmerica : Essays on cultural wars and cultural peace, New York : Penguin ; Lawrence W Levin (1996), The opening of the American mind : Canons, culture, and history, Boston : Beacon Press Professor Levine provides a good list of best-known books that have gerrymandered our multicultural stories (see page 3) References Acuna, R (1972) Occupied America : The Chicano's struggle toward liberation San Francisco : Canfield Press Alexander, J C (1995) Fin de siecle social theory : Relativism, reduction, and the problem of reason New York : Verso Alexander-Kasparik, R (1993, September-December) Border issues in education : Part 1 Sedletter, 6(3) Alexander-Kasparik, R (1994, January-April) Border issues in education : Part 2 Sedletter, 7(1) Amnesty International (1998) United States of America : Human Rights concerns in the border region with Mexico Retrieved February 2, 1999 from the WWW : h ttp :// ww w a mnesty .org/ailib/aipub / 1998/AMR/25100398 .htm Spring 1999 t 2 7 1

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Anzaldua, G (1987) Borderlands, la frontera : The new Mestiza Aunt Lute Books : San Francisco Bruner, J (1996) The culture of education Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press Call, W (March/April,1999) NAFTA begins over the hemisphere : An interview with Carlos Beas Torres on the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas Dollars and Sense, Issue 222, 26-29 Carrera, O (1999, February) NAFTA at five Business Mexico, 9(2), 28 Castells, M (1999) End of millennium, Volume III Oxford, UK : Blackwell Delgado, R (1998) Storytelling for oppositionists and Others In R Delgado and J Stefancic (Eds .), The Latinola condition : A critical reader (pp 259-270) New York : New York University Press : New York Derrida, J (1999, April 25) Q & A with philosopher Jacques Derrida : The constructive deconstructionist [Interviewed by Marcus Walton] San Jose Mercury News, 1P Available : h ttp ://newslibrary .krmediastream .com/cgi-bin/document / sj auth?DBLIST=sj99&DOCNUM=20804 Gibson, R (1999) Dialectical materialism-Your mind is a weapon [On-line .] Available : http : / / w ww .pipeline .com/-rgibson/diamata .htm l Giroux, H A (1987) Introduction : Literacy and the pedagogy of political empowerment In Paulo Freire & Donaldo Macedo, Literacy : Reading the word and the world, New York : Bergin & Garvey Freire, P ., & Macedo, D (1987) Literacy : reading the word and the world New York : Bergin & Garvey Kincheloe, J L ., & Steinberg, S R (1993) A tentative description of post-formal thinking : The critical confrontation with cognitive theory Harvard Educational Review, 63(3), 296320 Levine, L W (1996) The opening of the American mind Boston : Beacon Martinez, E (1999) Seeing more than Black and White Z Magazine Available : h ttp :// www .zmag .org/ZNETTOPnoanimation .htm l Millman, J (March 31,1999) Demographics : In America's most Mexican city, Hockey and Kielbasa Wall Street Journal, B1 Morson, G S (1995) Narrative and freedom : The shadows of time New Haven : Yale University Press Patterson, D (1996) [Book review of Narrative and freedom : The shadows of time and Foregone conclusions : Against apocalyptic history .] Cross Currents, Vol 46(1), 28 Rorty, R (1997) Contingency, irony, and solidarity New York : Cambridge University Press Sack, K (Monday, May 3,1999) David Duke misses Louisiana runoff but has strong showing The New York Times, A24 Said, E (1979) Orientalism New York : Vintage Books Solorzano, D (1997, Summer) Images and words that wound : Critical race theory, racial stereotyping, and teacher education Teacher Education Quarterly, 5-19 Wallach, L ., & Sforza, M (January 25, 1999) NAFTA at five The Nation, 268(2), 7 2 7 2 t Spring 1999

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IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Book Review Carole L Hahn (1998) Becoming Political : Comparative Perspectives on Citizenship Education Albany : State University of New York Press, 320 pp ., $65 .00 (hardcover) and 21 .95 (softcover) ISBN 0-7914-3747-7 (hardcover) and ISBN 0-7914-3748-5 (softcover) Reviewed by RONALD L VANSICKLE, Department of Social Science Education, 629 Aderhold Hall, The University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602 In Becoming Political, Carole Hahn reports the results of her research on citizenship education and adolescents' political attitudes in five nations, each characterized by democratic political cultures : Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, England, and the United States Five questions guided Hahn's research, which she conducted from 1985 to 1996 (p 1) "How are political attitudes similar and different among samples of adolescents in the five countries? "In what similar and different ways do adolescents in the five countries describe their political attitudes, beliefs, and experiences and their social studies classroom experiences? "Are there gender differences in student political attitudes? "Is there a relationship between . the extent to which students are encouraged to explore controversial public policy issues in an open classroom environment . and their political attitudes . .? "What differences and similarities occur across national contexts in . .'social studies'?" Hahn chose a comparative approach because she believes that different cultures, even similar ones, devise distinctive ways of approaching common problems, such as those involved in democratic citizenship education She further believes that comparing and contrasting the ways several nations approach questions of citizenship education may well enable social studies educators in each (and in others as well) to gain a wider and more revealing perspective on school Spring 1999 t 2 7 3

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practices within their own cultures Hahn's approach is successful in this regard, providing valuable insights for social studies educators working to promote democratic citizenship education In this review particular attention will be focused on the study's methodology (i .e ., sample, data collection, data analysis), selected findings, and implications for citizenship education Hahn identified schools and teachers by obtaining recommendations from colleagues in each country In some cases, teachers contacted her and volunteered their classes Some schools were college preparatory, and others oriented toward vocational and technical preparation Some schools in each nation possessed relatively high proportions of ethnic minorities, with such proportions increasing substantially in some schools in each nation during the research period The schools were located in small cities or suburban areas, with no inner-city or rural schools studied School populations were predominantly lower to upper middle class This restricted social class range is perhaps the chief limitation of the study It should also be noted that the German schools, teachers, and students studied were located in the area of the former Federal Republic of Germany When Germany reunified, Hahn continued working only with these schools in the west Overall, she obtained access to a diverse but non-random sample of schools in each nation She explicitly qualified her findings in light of the sample's characteristics Hahn collected quantitative data in the five nations by means of a questionnaire containing five-point Likert scales to assess high school students' political attitudes and beliefs She derived or adapted most of the scales from those frequently used in political socialization research In 1986 and 1987, more than 1400 students responded to an initial questionnaire, and then in 1993 and 1994 approximately 2300 European students and 1700 students from the United States responded to a slightly revised one The U S and English versions of the questionnaire differed somewhat to account for differing word usage in the two English-speaking nations The scales were translated into German, Danish, and Dutch and then translated back into English to check for shifts of meaning Social studies specialists in each nation reviewed the instruments for meaning and intelligibility Scale assessments indicated very satisfactory levels of reliability ; some items were revised after the first administration, and a new civic tolerance scale was added Hahn also collected a variety of qualitative data : classroom observations, student interviews, teacher interviews, and curricular and political documents She conducted the first set of in-school observations in 1985-86 and continued observing periodically until 1996, with repeated visits to the same or similar schools in each nation She recorded teacher-student interaction patterns, individuals' comments in English and German, and the "sense of conversation" in the Danish 2 7 4 t Spring 1999

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and Dutch classrooms From 1992 to 1996, she systematically interviewed individual students and teachers, small groups, and whole classes Nearly all student interviews were conducted in English given the English proficiency of most of the Danish, Dutch, and German students When needed, native speakers assisted with the interviews She collected documents from the schools, relevant education agencies, and libraries The qualitative data refined and added substance to Hahn's interpretation of the quantitative data Hahn analyzed the quantitative data by means of descriptive statistics (e .g ., means, standard deviations, effect sizes), reliability tests, factor analyses, and statistical significance tests Given the non-random nature of the sample, the statistical significance tests are not particularly important The quality of the scales is much more important, and effect sizes are very informative She reported much data in clear tables and graphs including item-by-item scale reports ; consequently, readers can judge for themselves the interpretation of the data Using constant comparative analysis, Hahn analyzed her field notes, interviews, field diary, and the documents When reporting findings, she first presented statistical results and then extensively discussed those numerical data in light of the qualitative data One of the most valuable features of the book is Hahn's set of essays describing the political context and the nature of civic education in the five nations These essays are contained in the first chapter and an appendix Hahn used this information extensively and elaborated it in the interpretation of the findings She used contextual knowledge to explain students' and teachers' responses and to demonstrate the strong impact of culture on the nature of citizenship and citizenship education Hahn investigated political trust, political efficacy, political confidence, political interest, and gender differences with regard to these variables She also investigated students' anticipated future political activity, political experiences, and attitudes toward women in politics, freedom of expression, and civic tolerance She investigated classroom climate because of previously reported positive correlations between "openness" and some student political attitudes Political trust Political trust refers to the degree to which one believes that politicians are honorable people who try to act in favor of their constituents' best interests Students in all five countries generally exhibited moderately low to moderate levels of political trust ; mean scores ranged from 2 .3 to 2 .9 on a five-point scale in both the earlier and later administrations Students in Denmark and the Netherlands demonstrated the most trust during the decade Students' scores in the United States and Germany dropped nearly one-half point from the first administration to the second German and American students expressed the major theme of "broken promises" in interviews While Spring 1999 t 2 7 5

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Danish students expressed moderate trust, no Danish student made a cynical comment about Danish politicians Political efficacy Political efficacy refers to the degree to which one believes that citizens can influence the society's political decision-making process Students in all five countries generally exhibited moderate levels of political efficacy ; mean scores ranged from 3 .1 to 3 .5 Scores were consistent from the first administration to the second Students in the sample from the United States and Denmark demonstrated the greatest sense of political efficacy, and German students demonstrated the least Danish students reported relatively high levels of political efficacy and political trust, while American students reported relatively high political efficacy but relatively low political trust In England, students in state schools expressed considerably less political efficacy than students in higher-status independent schools Political confidence Political confidence refers to the degree to which one believes one can influence decisions in the groups in which one participates Students in the five nations generally exhibited moderate levels of political confidence ; mean scores ranged from 2 .9 to 3 .4 Scores were consistent from one administration to the next Students in Denmark and the United States exhibited the most political confidence ; those in the Netherlands the least Hahn observed that students in Dutch schools seldom engaged in small group instructional activities in contrast to Danish and U S schools No Dutch students attempted to persuade others during class discussions in striking contrast to students in the United States and Germany Political interest Political interest refers to the degree to which one pays attention to political events and would like to participate in political activities Students expressed moderately low to moderate political interest ; mean scores ranged from 2 .4 to 3 .3 There were only minor changes in mean scores from one administration to the next Students in the United States, Germany, and Denmark reported very similar degrees of political interest with students in England only slightly lower Dutch students generally expressed a considerably lower level of political interest Hahn learned through interviews that Dutch students who were very interested in current events and school issues typically distinguished these from "politics ." Future political activity Except for voting, students reported very low levels of anticipated political activity (e .g ., communicating with representatives, running for office, joining political parties or organizations) More students intended to vote ; "very likely" responses in 1993-94 ranged from 41% in the Netherlands to 89% in Denmark for national elections Responses in Denmark and the United States were consistently high, but German students' intentions to vote dropped greatly between questionnaire administrations In 1986, 71% of German students said they were "very likely" to vote in national elections ; 2 7 6 t Spring 1999

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in 1993, only 48% said they were so likely Hahn learned in interviews that numerous German students judged demonstrations, protests, and petitions more effective than political party activity This might explain the decline in intention to vote and might be related to the reunification experience Political experiences Hahn asked students to report their political experiences (e .g ., learning about politics from various media, discussing current events and politics) Dutch students used broadcast and print media the least, but their usage increased from 1986 to 1993 Students in all five nations used television the most, but Danish students used newspapers almost as frequently According to the second administration, more Danish students than others discussed politics "sometimes" or "very often"with their parents (76%) and their friends (76%) Germans followed at slightly lower levels Fewer American students talked about politics "sometimes" or "very often," specifically, 63% with their parents and 47% with their friends Even fewer Dutch students, however, talked about politics at these frequencies with their parents (44%) and friends (23%) Hahn asked students how often they discussed politics and current events in classes ; 84% of Danish and American students reported that they did so in classes "sometimes" or "very often ." In Germany, 77% of the students so reported, and of the English and Dutch students, 55% Overall, Danish students engaged in the most political experiences Gender differences Overall, males and females did not differ in terms of political trust, political efficacy, political confidence, and political interest Effect size analyses reveal a few small differences in one variable or another in particular nations, however For example, in Denmark and Germany, males expressed somewhat higher levels of political interest But the absence of more substantial gender differences is an interesting finding Across the five nations, large majorities of students agreed that women should have the same rights as men to serve as political leaders Scores on the equal rights scale ranged from 3 .8 in the Netherlands to 4 .7 in Denmark From 1986 to 1993, scores on this scale increased in all nations except Denmark In both questionnaire administrations, females expressed much stronger support for women in political office than males Hahn observed the largest differences between males and females on this scale in the United States Free expression and civic tolerance Support for free expression refers to the degree to which one is willing to extend to all people rights to promote their views publicly Across all five nations, students supported broad freedom of expression in the abstract ; percentages agreeing ranged from 67% in the Netherlands to 85% in Denmark When confronted with decisions to allow communists, atheists, and racists to express their views, percentages agreeing dropped dramatically Overall, students expressed moderate support for free expression on the Spring 1999 t 2 7 7

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scale ; mean scores ranged from 2 .9 in Germany to 3 .6 in Denmark Mean scores rose from 1986 to 1993 in all countries except Germany In Germany, students' willingness to extend free expression to communists increased a little, but the already strong opposition to free expression by racists, such as neo-Nazis and skinheads, strengthened further Civic tolerance refers to the degree to which one is willing to extend basic human rights to members of one's least-liked group in society Results for the civic tolerance scale were similar to the free expression scale, mean scores ranging from 2 .7 in Germany to 3 .4 in the United States Large minorities to large majorities were willing to deny specific human rights to members of their least-liked group, including right to a trial, to vote, to run for office, to distribute a pamphlet, and to organize a rally For example, 53% to 87% would deny the right to distribute a pamphlet Hahn concluded that students' willingness to extend human rights was a function of perceived threats at the time Males and females in this study did not differ substantially regarding either variable Classroom climate Classroom climate in this study refers to the degree to which students study controversial issues, freely express their views, and hear and discuss divergent views In all five nations, large majorities of students affirmed that their teachers respected their opinions, encouraged them to make up their own minds, and wanted them to express their views even if they differed from their teachers or other students The percentage of students reporting that they "often" discussed controversial issues in class varied considerably from England (42%) and the Netherlands (48%) at the low end to Denmark (66%) and the United States (68%) at the high Also, fewer Dutch students (46%) reported considering alternate viewpoints when issues were discussed compared to respondents in the other nations (72%-77%) Hahn observed that Dutch social studies teachers and curricula tended not to address controversy ; she also observed that political processes and the Dutch national social structure tended to dampen confrontation and controversy As in prior research, Hahn observed small positive correlations between openness of classroom climate and political interest, efficacy, confidence and trust Hahn's research has numerous implications for thinking about the social conditions within which democratic citizenship must take place, components of citizenship education programs, and future inquiries Several implications seem especially important to this reviewer Hahn's study reveals that democratic political cultures differ greatly in terms of expectations for citizen participation in political decision making Unlike the United States, the four European nations conduct major election campaigns in very short periods, as short as four weeks Major elections might occur only once in three or four years 2 7 8 t Spring 1999

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Party platforms receive great scrutiny while the particular candidates for office receive much less attention In contrast, U S elections for national offices require months of campaigning with citizens expected to participate in a preliminary election to select candidates Additionally, citizens often decide or recommend state constitutional amendments and referenda From a democratic perspective, more participation seems better than less ; however, one must wonder if the United States political culture undermines the quantity and quality of citizen engagement by requiring citizens to attend for such long periods and to acquire so much knowledge The political cultures of Denmark, the Netherlands, and Germany include parties with ideologies that contrast more than those of Republicans and Democrats in the United States Proportional representation in Denmark, the Netherlands, and to a limited extent Germany might encourage citizens to feel that their votes are not wasted if their electoral choices are not in the majority Proportional representation makes more and smaller political parties more viable than in the United States and British political cultures Perhaps these factors engage voters at higher rates than in the United States, but they come with problematic features not typical in U S politics Coalition politics in a nation as large and diverse as the United States might be much harder to conduct productively than in small nations like Denmark and the Netherlands Social studies educators and others should analyze the costs and benefits for democratic citizenship of differences and changes in political culture Hahn's research shows how much citizenship education can vary among democratic nations Beliefs about and attitudes toward government can contribute to the variation In the United States, an enduring distrust of government and its officials pervades the political culture Consequently, a key component of good citizenship in the United States is watchfulness, which takes the form of corrective action through voting and occasionally protest Distrustfulness contributes to American educators' propensity to rationalize an extensive social studies curriculum in terms of democratic citizenship education The "never again" attitude in Germany with regard to fascism similarly prompts a democratic citizenship rationale for a similarly extensive social studies curriculum However, distrust produces an opposite outcome in England English educators and citizens fear that the schools could be used by the party in power to indoctrinate students with political views favorable to that party This fear contributes to the near absence of formal citizenship education in the schools The situation in the Netherlands is different still History and social science courses seldom address political issues The aversion to political issues is consistent with the political culture of the nation that divides society into Catholic, Protestant, Socialist, and Liberal "pillars" Spring 1999 t 2 7 9

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within which most Dutch citizens live their daily lives Dutch society maintains unity through the interaction of these pillars' elites Democratic citizenship education in Denmark, in contrast to the other four countries suffuses school life Government is seen in a positive light, a means by which citizens can accomplish changes and improve society Partly in consequence, teachers and students use class and school meetings to discuss and resolve important school issues, and school governance includes students who possess decision-making power equal to school officials and parents The curriculum supports analysis of public issues and the social imperative to engage in decision making All social studies educators should consider the effects of the cultural assumptions about government incorporated in citizenship education programs and whether those assumptions express overly narrow conceptions of citizenship From a U S perspective, Hahn's account of class and school meetings in Denmark and the participation of students in school governance is remarkable American educators have long viewed student councils and school clubs as sites for learning citizenship skills, however, the scope and magnitude of those opportunities for participation and decision making typically are much smaller than in Denmark Much work on this subject in the U S has faded from sight over time (see, for example, excellent studies by Gillespie and Patrick, 1974 and Hepburn, 1983) Social studies educators should reconsider how schools might better serve as sites for learning political participation and leadership skills Hahn deliberately chose to study five nations with histories of democratic government and overlapping cultural backgrounds that support democratic political systems Since Hahn's study in Germany focused on schools in the former Federal Republic of Germany, similar research in schools in the area of the former Democratic People's Republic of Germany would be valuable What are the effects of more than four additional decades of totalitarian government and the recent institution of democratic political processes on adolescents' political attitudes and citizenship education practices in eastern Germany? Research on citizenship education practices and adolescents' political attitudes in nations with democratic political institutions but histories and cultures less supportive of democracy would be fascinating For example, in 1994, a large majority of the South African population first exercised the right to choose and serve as the nation's political officials What are the political attitudes and activities of the adolescents in the newly enfranchised and formerly dominant ethnic and racial groups? Recently, the military-based, autocratic political system in the Republic of Korea was transformed into a truly democratic electoral system How are efforts to teach democratic citizenship educa2 8 0 t Spring 1999

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tion faring in a nation suffused with Confucian ideals and such a short history of effective democratic political institutions? Through her research, Hahn demonstrates the power that political culture exerts on the ways democracy is operationalized and the ways young citizens think and feel about the political systems in which they live She provides a set of contrasting cases which readers can use to analyze their citizenship education practices and those of others, perceive more clearly the assumptions they take for granted, and broaden the discussion of democratic citizenship education goals and programs Further, she provides data on which social studies educators can base international conversations and further inquiry Becoming Political is a major contribution to the field of social studies education, and educators who seek to promote democratic citizenship through social studies education in the schools should read it References Gillespie, J A ., & Patrick, J J (1974) Comparing political experiences Washington, DC : The American Political Science Association Hepburn, M A (Ed .) (1983) Democratic education in schools and classrooms Washington, DC : National Council for the Social Studies Spring 1999 t 2 8 1

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ThEoRY IN SOCIAL EDUCATION Information for Authors Statement of Purpose Theory and Research in Social Education is designed to stimulate and communicate systematic research and thinking in social education Its purpose is to foster the creation and exchange of ideas and research findings that will expand knowledge and understanding of the purposes, conditions, and effects of schooling and education about society and social relations Manuscripts reporting conceptual or empirical studies of social education are welcomed Submission of Manuscripts All manuscripts submitted will be considered for publication The original and four copies should be sent to : E Wayne Ross Editor, Theory and Research in Social Education P O Box 6000 School of Education and Human Development State University of New York at Binghamton Binghamton, NY 13902-6000 Manuscripts are accepted for consideration with the understanding that they are original material and are not being considered for publication elsewhere Ordinarily, manuscripts will not be returned Specifications for Manuscripts All material submitted for publication must conform to the style of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association (4th ed ., 1994) Manuscripts should be typed on 8 .5 x 11-inch paper, upper and lower case, double spaced, with 1 .5 inch margins on all sides All manuscripts should be sent with an abstract of 100-150 words The first text page of the article should have the complete title, but no list of the authors Subsequent pages should carry only a running head Subheads should be used at reasonable intervals to break the monotony of lengthy texts Only words to be set in italics (according to APA style manual) should be underlined Abbreviations and acronyms should be spelled out at first mention unless found as entries in their abbreviated form in Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Tenth Edition Pages should be numbered consecutively Manuscripts should typically run between 15-30 typed pages Author Identification The complete title of the manuscript and the name(s) of the author(s) should be typed on a separate sheet to assure anonymity in the review process The firstnamed author or the corresponding author should submit a complete address, telephone number and electronic mail address (if available) Notes and References Footnotes are explanations or amplifications of textual material They are distract ing to readers and expensive to set and should be avoided whenever possible 2 8 2 t Spring 1999

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When they must occur, they should be typed on a separate sheet and numbered consecutively throughout the manuscript A reference list contains only those references that are cited in the text Their accuracy and completeness are the responsibility of the author(s) Tables, Figures and Illustrations The purpose of tables and figures is to present data to the reader in a clear and unambiguous manner The author should not describe the data in the text in such detail that illustrations or text are redundant Figures and tables should be keyed to the text Tables should be typed on a separate sheet and attached at the end of the manuscript All tables must be included on the disk that accompanies the manuscript Figure captions also should be typed on a separate sheet One highquality, camera-ready version of each figure must be submitted with the manuscript Photocopies may accompany the additional copies of the manuscript Review Process Manuscripts will be acknowledged by the editor upon receipt Following preliminary editorial review, manuscripts will be sent to reviewers who have expertise in the subject of the article The review process takes anywhere from 6 weeks to 3 months Authors should expect to hear from editors within that time regarding the status of their manuscript Theory and Research in Social Education uses the blind review system The names of referees are published in the journal periodically Right to Reply The right to reply policy encourages comments on recently published articles in Theory and Research in Social Education They are, of course, subject to the same editorial review and decision If the comment is accepted for publication, the editor shall inform the author of the original article If the author submits a reply to the comments, the reply is also subject to editorial review and decision The editor may allot a specific amount of journal space for the comment (ordinarily about 1,500 words) and for the reply (ordinarily about 750 words) The reply may appear in the same issue as the comment or in a later issue Book Reviews Book reviews are normally solicted, however, unsolicited reviews will be accepted for consideration Book reviews (five copies) should be sent to : Michael Whelan, State University of New York at New Paltz, 75 S Manheim Blvd ., New Paltz, NY 12561-2499 The length may vary from 500 to 3,500 words The format for the top of the first page is as follows : Author (last name first) Date of publication (in parentheses) Title (in italics) City of publication : Publisher, total number of pages, list price (for both hard and softcover, if available) ISBN number Reviewer's name, followed by institutional address, complete with postal code Spring 1999 t 2 8 3

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CH IN SOCIAL EDUCATION The editor would like to thank the following individuals for the time and careful attention given to manuscripts they reviewed for TRSE Jere Brophy Michigan State University Jeffrey W Cornett University of Central Florida Nancy Fitchman Dana Penn State University Ron Evans San Diego State University Stephen C Fleury LeMoyne College Geneva Gay University of Washington Rich Gibson Wayne State University S G Grant SUNY Buffalo John Hoge University of Georgia Andrew S Hughes University of New Brunswick David Hursh University of Rochester Joel Jenne Salisbury State University Maryilyn Johnston Ohio State University Benita Jorkasky SUNY Brockport Linda Levstik University of Kentucky James Loewen University of Vermont Andra Makler Lewis & Clark College Perry Marker Sonoma State University Sandra Mathison SUNYAlbany 2 8 4 Reviewer Acknowledgement Merry Merryfield Ohio State University Sharon Pray Muir Oakland University Andrew Dean Mullen University of Maine Fred Newmann University of Wisconsin, Madison Susan Noffke University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Joseph Onosko University of New Hampshire Valerie Ooka Pang San Diego State University Paul Robinson University of Arizona Alan Singer Hofstra University Jean Schmittau SUNYBinghamton William Stanley University of Colorado, Boulder Lynda Stone University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Kenneth Teitelbaum SUNY Binghamton Samuel Totten University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Bruce A VanSledright University of Maryland, College Park Rahima C Wade University of Iowa Charles White Boston University James Whitson University of Delaware William Wilen Kent State University Spring 1999

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Executive Committee College and University Faculty Assembly, 1998-1999 Merry M Merryfield (Chair, 1999) The Ohio State University Janet Alleman (2000) Michigan State University Sherry Field (2001) University of Georgia Gail Hickey (2000) Indiana-Purdue Univ ., Fort Wayne Susan Noffke (2001) Univ Illinois, Urbana-Champaign CUFA Program Chair, 1999 Elizabeth Yeager University of Florida Jeff Passe(2000) Univ of North Carolina, Charlotte Bruce VanSledright (1999) Univ of Maryland, College Park Rahima C Wade (1999) University of Iowa Jack Zevin (2001) Queens College, CUNY E Wayne Ross (Ex Officio) SUNY Binghamton National Council for the Social Studies Officers, 1999-2000 Richard Theisen, President Susan Adler, President-Elect Adrian Davis, Vice President Spring 1999 285

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ll I UKYC J t OqIXSEARCH IN SOCIAL EDUCATION National Council for the Social Studies 3501 Newark Street, NW Washington, DC 20016 w ww .socialstudies .org/cuf a renoaicais Postage PAID at Washington, DC and additional mailing offices


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