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Educational policy analysis archives
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Educational policy analysis archives.
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Worlwide educational convergence through international organizations : avenues for research / Connie L. McNeely [and] Yun-Kyung Cha.
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1 of 11 Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 2 Number 14November 29, 1994ISSN 1068-2341A peer-reviewed scholarly electronic journal. Editor: Gene V Glass, Glass@ASU.EDU. College of Edu cation, Arizona State University,Tempe AZ 85287-2411 Copyright 1993, the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES.Permission is hereby granted to copy any a rticle provided that EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES is credited and copies are not sold.Worldwide Educational Convergence Through International Organizations: Avenues for ResearchConnie L. McNeely University of California, Santa Barbara mcneely@alishaw.ucsb.edu Yun-Kyung Cha Hanyang University, Seoul cha@krhyucc1.bitnet Abstract: We argue for an examination of the role of the tran snational organizational apparatus vis-a-vis nation-states in organizing national educ ational systems in accordance with world level educational ideologies, structures, and practices. We propose that more analytic attention be given international organizations as an institution alizing force in examining educational convergence and change, and suggest four primary in ternational organization activities as potentially fruitful avenues for research in this a rea: 1) the exchange of information, 2) charters and constitutions, 3) standard-setting instruments, and 4) technical and financial resources. Focusing on these activities, we present and discus s evidence of international organizations as worldlevel agencies influencing the incorporation and diffusion of educational ideologies and practices within and among nation-states. An extraordinary expansion of educational systems h as taken place throughout the world over the last century. This expansion has been char acterized by a remarkable degree of convergence in both educational ideology and educat ional structure across all types of nation-states. This situation has led to questions about the nature of this universality and

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2 of 11uniformity and the way in which it has come about. Accordingly, there have been some compelling analyses that, while tracking this pheno menon, have indicated that it is grounded more in world-level ideological and organizational models and directives than in internally differentiated political, economic, and social fact ors (e.g., Ramirez and Boli 1987; Meyer et al. 1979). Yet, there still remain fundamental question s about the actual process by which these world-level directives are transmitted to the vario us nation-states, and about the way in which they become broadly institutionalized throughout in ternational system In other words, what are the major forces and mechanisms underlying educatio nal convergence and change in the contemporary world? How do transnational influences come to bear on national educational systems? This area has been largely neglected in mo st comparative studies of education, leaving it a potentially fruitful area for scholarly invest igation. Thus, in this paper, we propose an examination of the role of the transnational organi zational apparatus vis-a-vis nation-states on organizing national educational systems in accordan ce with world educational ideologies, principles, and practices. Our discussion revolves around the institutionalist world polity perspective, positing an increasingly integrated and interdependent transnat ional culture and social structure that affects nation-states as subunits (Thomas et al. 1987). The concept of the world polity was developed as an analytical frame for interpreting nation-state s tate structures, interrelations, and practices, based on an image of the world as a system of inter dependent units (Meyer 1987). Related arguments depict the nation-state as embedded in an exogenous worldwide and rationalistic culture reflecting a set of models that define the nature, purpose, resources, and technologies of the "modern" educational system (cf. Green 1980; Me yer and Rowan 1983). The general proposition of this perspective is that the rise an d institutionalization in the world polity of models of national education systems greatly affect s the presence and change toward such models in individual nation-states (Thomas et al. 1 987; Meyer 1994). Thus, we must consider the ways in which national education systems have been conditioned or affected by the international institutional context. For example, even in the most basic practical term s, the institutional environment has fostered the exchange of information on national ed ucational policies from the very beginning of the rise of the modern educational system. Original ly, there was wide variation in approaches to education, with the exchange of information taking place in a relatively informal way (e.g., personal visits, tours, reports, etc.). However, as the world became an increasingly integrated system, individual nation-states within the system became subject to worldlevel ideological prescriptions and structural properties and influen ces. Indeed, this process is fundamental to the very notion of an international system, and to issu es of globalization as currently discussed (Robertson 1992). This consolidation of the system gave rise to a var iety of international organizations through which the international flow of information has become increasingly regular and standardized. The principles, norms, rules, and pro cedures of the wider system are enshrined in these organizations, and they have become carriers of the culture of the world polity. In short, they reflect the more binding and universal influen ce of the global system and operate in a variety of ways to effect the institutionalization of world ideologies, structures, and practices at the nation-state level (McNeely, forthcoming). While data from international organizations have of ten been employed in comparative education research, little analytic attention has b een given the organizations themselves as forces for educational institutionalization and as mechani sms through which national education ideologies and structures are shaped. We develop th is line of thought here, citing evidence and related research that suggest the important role of international organizations as world-level agencies influencing the incorporation and diffusio n of educational ideologies and practices within and among nation-states, and arguing for fur ther research into this issue. Our comments

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3 of 11here focus on international governmental organizati ons (e.g., the United Nations and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Developme nt), or those created by an agreement among governments, since formal authoritative polic ies are more frequently made and applied by governmental rather than nongovernmental organizati ons (Jacobson 1984). However, research is needed on all kinds of international organizations in this process, including nongovernmental for-profit (multinational and transnational corpora tions) and not-for-profit (e.g., the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions) organizations. Also, note that we do not mean to imply that no var iation exists among national education systems. Rather, we begin with a body of work that reveals that, despite this variation, there are broad and general ideologies, practices, and struct ures that frame and operate across these systems. Our purpose here is primarily to present a n overview of this situation, along with supporting evidence, and to delineate specific area s for further inquiry. Our central problem is to determine ways in which world-level educational acc ounts are transmitted to the national level. Given its emphasis on evolving world cultural rules and structural properties as a crucial factor in the origin and development of modern educational sy stems, we find the institutionalist world polity perspective particularly appropriate for add ressing this issue. Depicting national educational systems as operating within a transnati onal cultural environment, this approach is based on a conception of the world as a system of i nterdependent units and draws attention to the effect of similar forces operating on all countries in the system. Thus, the argument is that both the educational policies and school organizational forms existing in a nation-state typically respond to the cultural and organizational imperati ves, models, and forces of the international system (Ramirez and Boli 1987), and that compliance with these common imperatives is an important source of legitimacy and other resources, not only for individual schools and educational systems, but for nation-states themselv es (Thomas et al. 1987). This argument has found empirical support in severa l studies of education, such as those of Fiala and Lanford (1987) and Cha (1987).[1] Fiala a nd Lanford found increasing uniformity in national educational policies, reflecting world-lev el development ideologies and standards, and provide support for the notion that these ideologie s and standards have played a role in the worldwide expansion of education. Likewise, Cha's e xamination of the historical development of primary school curriculum during the early period o f educational history revealed that curricular structures tend to become increasingly homogeneous, relatively independent of national internal structural characteristics. Studies such as these d emonstrate the increasing isomorphism of educational ideologies and practices, and indicate the responsiveness of national education systems to the wider cultural environment. But how does this come about? How are world educati onal ideologies, policies, and practices transmitted to the subunits of the system ? In other words, what are the intervening or mediating mechanisms between the wider institutiona l environment and the observed convergent practices in national educational systems? We sugge st that a certain amount of causal efficacy might be found in international organizations. International Organizational Influence The world has changed dramatically in the last cent ury, and international organizations have helped to promote and manage many of the chang es that have come about. International organizations, as actors in the interstate system a nd part of the world organizational apparatus, are based on and guided by world cultural claims. A n important part of their function is to facilitate the symbolic and actual establishment of those claims throughout the world. To that extent, they can be conceived of as state regulator y enterprises (Claude 1984), framing the efforts of states to enhance their interests by collaborati ng in acceptance of restraint and responsibility, and in the development of means enabling them to su rvive in the interstate system. Thus, we

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4 of 11argue that participation in international organizat ions, which is itself often used as an indicator of integration into the wider world system, may lead t o the active incorporation by nation-states of educational ideologies and practices with worldwide connotations. International organizations have played an importan t role in the spread of a standardized theory of development, and the worldwide definition of education as a critical means to development and the expansion of education have tak en place under the aegis of international organization. The basic issue for research, then, i s how, in specific and practical terms, do they influence national educational systems. In short, i nternational organizations may influence national systems through a number of normative and rulecreating activities (Jacobson 1984). In particular, we identify four specific areas that ca n be practically explored in terms of the relevance of international organizations for world educational convergence: 1) the exchange of information, 2) their charters and constitutions, 3 ) standard-setting instruments, and 4) technical and financial resources. Each of these areas repres ent possible avenues for research on the global development and convergence of educational ideologi es and practices. Exchange of Information The collection and dissemination of information is one of the most important of international organization functions, and is a way in which international organizations mobilize ideologies and practices -i.e., by asking for and promoting particular types and forms of ideas and information. This function operates as a means of establishing internationally accepted definitions and standards, since "organizations may autonomously feed the process of change by the information and ideas they are able to mobilize (Haas 1983, p. 57). Via their publications, through the provision of "expert consultants," and by sponsoring various types of conferences, meetings, and workshops, international organization s act as a major forum for the transnational exchange of ideas and information. Indeed, there is abundant evidence supporting this claim from as early as the nineteenth century. We can argue that the structure of nationa l educational systems, at least in most western countries at that time, was influenced by various i nternational organizational factors. For example, reports on the 1889 Educational Congress a nd Exhibition in Paris reveal that detailed information on each country's educational system wa s periodically exchanged through various types of educational conferences (USBE 1893). Not o nly the "appropriate" structure of various types and levels of educational systems, but also t he content of school curricula and the relative weight of major subjects were discussed and recomme nded by resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of the Congress. We can see the po ssible influence of this in the results of Cha's (1987) aforementioned study. However, this is far from conclusive and, to date, little systematic empirical work has addressed this issue from any perspective; further investigation is needed to determine explicit links and causal relat ionships. Charters and Constitutions The charters and constitutions of international org anizations also provide a possible area of investigation for explaining, at least in part, the uniformity in national educational systems. These documents are statements of the basic standar ds and norms underlying the structure and function of international organizations, and typica lly contain professions of adherence to global principles, norms, and procedures. Acceptance and s igning of the constitutional instrument are an indispensable condition for membership in most inte rnational organizations, making it mandatory, at least formally, for the accepting sta te to carry out the obligations laid down in the document. An organization's charter or constitution is actually an international treaty, and its provisions are, in theory, legally binding. Thus, a member state must formally adhere to the basic

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5 of 11values and standards of the wider system as express ed through that instrument. For example, the constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), signed in November 1945, exp licitly declares that the wide diffusion of culture and the education of humanity constitute "a sacred duty which all nations must fulfill in a spirit of mutual assistance and concern." Join ing the organization obligates the member state to the pursuit of these goals. Also, the mandate co ntained in the constitution of UNESCO allows it to formulate norms, draft conventions, and colle ct information, and, in general, to provide guidance for the development of national educationa l systems. The question for research is the actual effect on national educational systems of ac ceptance of the constitutional instrument, from the establishment of ideology to the direction and implementation of policy. Furthermore, even if constitutional compliance is viewed as only a forma lity, it may become highly significant in terms of mobilizing and promoting the adoption of g lobal ideologies (McNeely, forthcoming). Standard-Setting Instruments The decisions of international organizations and na tion-state compliance with them may also be a fruitful avenue for research. Indeed, the conventions, resolutions, declarations, and recommendations of international organizations are typically referred to as "standardsetting instruments," and are a prominent normative activit y of international organizations. Though they may not be legally binding, these decisions may be both inspirational and educational. As is implied in the term "standard-setting instruments," they are intended to set standards of operation and ideology and to have a broad impact on policyma king in nation-states. An example of this can be found in the 1948 adoptio n by the United Nations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. One of the k ey ideas expressed in the Universal Declaration is the notion that everyone has the rig ht to education; i.e., it expresses the world value of education. Though not legally binding, it has arguably wielded a powerful influence. Indeed, evidence of this lies in the fact that the provisions of the Declaration have even been incorporated in their original wording into the con stitutions of many new nations (Naumann and Huefner 1983). One possible way to begin exploring whether interna tional organization decisions affect what states do and how they do it can be translated into a determination of educational ideology by examining formal expressions of educational aims and philosophies in national constitutions, legislation, and policies (cf. Fiala and Lanford 19 87; McNeely forthcoming; Boli and Meyer 1987). For example, in an earlier study (McNeely an d Cha 1987), we took a first step in examining the responsiveness of nation-states to th e exogenous influence of international organizations by analyzing the national reports sub mitted to the International Conference on Education (ICE) held in Geneva in 1984, sponsored b y UNESCO and its affiliated organization, the International Bureau of Education. Questionnair es and guidelines for report preparation had been given to the national participants prior to th e conference, requesting information on national action taken with regard to recommendations that ha d been adopted in previous conferences.[2] Of those participants explicitly responding to the question of whether any relevant policy or measure had been adopted in light of the ICE recomm endations, approximately ninety percent had taken some relevant action specifically in resp onse to the recommendations and, sometimes, in addition to already existing relevant policies o r measures. Although this was only an exploratory, cursory analysis and was limited only to those countries specifically reporting their formal policy behavior as regards the ICE decisions it does suggest that individual countries may be keenly responsive to the wider cultural and orga nizational environment as expressed through international organizations, and indicates the need for further research on the matter. Technical and Financial Resources

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6 of 11 International organizations may also promote confo rmity to world ideologies and practices through the provision of various types of resources An obvious motivation for state compliance to international organization requirements is the r eward of financial assistance. Nation-states are incorporated into the global system partly through their dependence on other nation-states for funding. This funding is often administered through international organizations, and the conditionality of funding is linked with the adopti on of certain ideas and policies (Lewin et al. 1982); countries must conform to a certain extent t o the general guidelines of the organizations in order to receive funding. In other words, reward mo tivates compliance. Thus, international organization rules, policies, and procedures can op erate to drive institutionalization. In addition, international organizations provide re sources for educational development not only through funding, but also through their provis ion of "development experts" who are thoroughly imbued with the world ideology of educat ion and "whose advice and proposals reflect the felt imperative of a developed educational syst em for every country" (Ramirez and Boli 1987, p. 157). For example, UNESCO "advises member countr ies, not only on specific issues, but also on a whole range of the formulation and implementat ion of education policy" and "provides a forum for the exchange of experiences and innovatio ns among experts from member states and a channel for dissemination of ideas to high-level de cisionmakers" (World Bank 1980, p. 74). The activities of the organization work in the directio n of achieving consensus among nation-states, urging them to accept rules and implement standards determined by the organization. To this extent, UNESCO's education programs have played key roles in international interaction and communication and in setting educational policy wit hin nation-states (World Bank 1980). This argument is supported by a study by Lewin, Lit tle, and Colclough (1982) examining twenty-nine national education plans for 1966 to 19 85 in sixteen African, Asian, and Latin American countries. These plans were found to unifo rmly express the major role of education in the development process and to emphasize the role o f education in labor force development, social equality, and nation-building -all of whic h are consistent with "world cultural values" represented in UNESCO and World Bank education poli cies. Moreover, UNESCO, along with the World Bank (the International Bank for Reconstr uction and Development), typically assisted or was consulted in the drafting of these plans, su ggesting another causal link between international organizations and the development of national education plans based on world accounts. Gordon (1982) also notes that the activities of int ernational organizations have had the effect of providing international codes of state co nduct, and points out significant shifts in the education policies of developing countries in light of new emphases in education support programs by UNESCO, the International Labor Organiz ation, and the World Health Organization. This has occurred to the extent that "in all countries, educations means...a leading out into the emergent culture of a world that...is becoming a single community" (Gordon 1982, p. 98). In general, while the presentation of a request for assistance or aid is the exclusive responsibility of a state, project identification, preparation, and appraisal are all carried out by t he relevant international organizations (Aggarwal 1971 ). As agents for collaboration, international organizations have fixed procedures for operations and decisionmaking, and states utilizing international organizations to achieve certain goal s must take these procedures into account. These features present rich and interesting researc h possibilities. Along with exposure to information through international organizations, th ey may work to influence state educational policies so that they converge and become more isom orphic, in keeping with global developments and characteristics. Conclusion

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7 of 11 All in all, we can argue that international organi zations can set and impose similar perceptions of reality, interests, policies, and st ructures through various means, such as the setting of agendas based on their constitutions and charters, standard-setting instruments such as recommendations and conventions, organizational ope rations, the collection and exchange of information, and the provision of resources. Though by no means an exhaustive list, these activities, which range from the practical to the s ymbolic, represent possible avenues for research by which we can begin to explore the role of intern ational organizations in the worldwide convergence of educational systems, and for explain ing how world-level ideologies and practices are transmitted to and come to be adopted by indivi dual nation-states. There is a somewhat universal perception of educat ion as crucial to development and progress in the modern world, and we argue that int ernational organizations have played an important role in establishing this perception thro ughout the world. As expressed in their constitutions and charters, international organizat ions are concerned with the formulation and construction of norms and values, relating the nati on-state to the wider system both legally and functionally. They support "in very tangible ways, not only the state system as an organizational structure, but also its substantive purposes" (Meye r 1987, p. 56). International organizations are tangible representations of the wider cultural envi ronment, and participation in them may provide a plausible explanation as to why strikingly simila r national educational systems have been increasingly established across nation-states. Stat es interact with and through international organizations to realize national interests, but in the process, they achieve outcomes in keeping with the standards of the wider world system. Moreover, international organizations represent a truly systemic force that can be examined in terms of comparative educational influe nce. While we have drawn examples from only a few international organizations, particularl y UNESCO and the World Bank, given their general familiarity and recognition in the field of education, a multitude of international organizations have goals and activities that can be explored in terms of both explicit and implicit influence on education in various countries. For ex ample, in addition to UNESCO and the World Bank, several other specialized agencies within the United Nations system itself contribute directly to formal education initiatives, e.g, the United Nations itself, the International Labor Organization, the World Health Organization, the In ternational Development Association, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, among others. In addition, there is a dense network of consultative relationships among all kinds of international organizations (Jacobson 1984), ranging in type, function, and goa ls, that we might also consider in examining issues of educational convergence. As we have indicated, the research areas suggested here represent a first step in investigating various aspects of global convergence and change in education, and will help us to better understand some of the underlying dynamics a nd forces surrounding this issue and to explore some of its broader implications. For examp le, most of the empirical illustrations and supporting evidence that we have discussed refer to formal educational principles and policies. This necessarily points to a second step, providing a framework in which to address issues of implementation. The problem of formal policy goals being loosely coupled or decoupled from practical implementation and impact is a problem of determining the depth of institutionalization (Weick 1976; Meyer and Rowan 1983), and is a proble m for research into the degree of influence of international organizations on national educatio n practices and structures, beyond formal policies. Also, we have endeavored to employ relatively "neut ral" language while calling for more research in this area, without making any a priori evaluative claims about the effects of these world polity influences. However, it is our positio n that, by doing this kind of research, one can then use it as a basis for further assessing and ev aluating outcomes. Indeed, this type of research offers opportunities for investigating variations i n the expansion of education on the basis of

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8 of 11national compliance or noncompliance, conformance o r resistance, with international organization norms and procedures, and will hopeful ly add to the understanding of the actual process of educational institutionalization and of change in the modern interstate system. It can provide a framework for both questioning and accoun ting for educational convergence throughout the world, especially in light of politi cal, economic, and cultural differences among countries and in their interrelations. As such, thi s kind of research can have important implications for questions of power and dominance i n educational ideology and structure, and in the world system in general. The discussion we have presented here provides a c ontextual description of the relationship between international organizations an d the institutionalization of world educational standards, and we have tried to demonstrate that in ternational organizations, as an integral part of the world organizational apparatus, may act to infl uence the distribution of educational values and practices within the system.[3] As such, they w arrant scholarly attention and research to further determine and specify their role in the for mulation and diffusion of world educational ideology and practice, along both explicit and impl icit dimensions. Whether or not they play the central directing role we would argue that international organizations most certainly have been an important catalyst in spreading world cultural themes and accounts, and research conceptualizing them as institutionalizing mechanisms can provide important insights in the area of comparative educa tion. As pointed out by Jacobson (1984, p. 357), "through their informational activities they have gathered data essential to identifying problems, and they have insured that information ab out techniques to meet these problems would be transmitted rapidly throughout the global politi cal system. They have set goals, which they have encouraged governments to meet, and they have provided assistance to governments." Developments in education "have been in accord with the professed aims of international organizations; consequently it seems fair to give t hem a share of the credit for what has happened."Notes Also, see studies and related references in Meyer a nd Hannan (1979); Huefner et al. (1984); and Thomas et al. (1987). Green (1980) depi cts a similar process across education systems in U.S. states. 1. ICE Recommendation No. 69 (1975): the changing role of the teacher and its influence on preparation for the profession and on inservice t raining; No. 71 (1977): the problem of information at the national and international level s which is posed by the improvement of education systems; No. 72 (1979): the improvement o f the organization and management of education systems as a means of raising efficien cy in order to extend the right to education; No. 73 (1981): the interaction between e ducation and productive work. 2. Of course, this is not only a one-way, top-down pro cess. While that has been our focus here, international organization policy also respon ds to the demands and interests of member states and other actors. In fact, it is inte resting to note that international organizations are dependent on the state structures and practices that they, in turn, seek to influence, providing us another interesting avenue for research. 3. Abbreviations ICE: International Conference on Education UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization USBE: United States Bureau of Education World Bank: International Bank for Reconstruction a nd Development (IBRD)

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9 of 11ReferencesAggarwal, J.C. 1971. UNESCO'S Contribution Towards World Education New Delhi: Arya Book Depot.Boli, J., and J.W. Meyer. 1987. "The Ideology of Ch ildhood and the State: Rules Distinguishing Children in National Constitutions, 1870-1970." In Thomas et al. (1987). Institutional Structure Newbury Park: SAGE.Cha, Y.K. 1987. "The Institutional Origin and Expan sion of Modern Primary School Curricula in the West: A Longitudinal Comparative Study." Presen ted at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Chicago.Claude, I.L., Jr. 1984. Swords into Plowshares: The Problems and Progress o f International Organization New York: Random House. Fiala, R., and A.G. Lanford. 1987. "Educational Ide ology and the World Educational Revolution, 1950-1970." Comparative Education Review 31: 315-332. Gordon, J.K. 1982. "Priorities and Problems in Educ ation for Development." In Financing Educational Development: Proceedings of an Internat ional Seminar held in Mont Sainte Marie, Canada. Ottawa: International Development Research Center. Green, T.F. 1980. Predicting the Behavior of the Educational System Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.Haas, E.B. 1983. "Words Can Hurt You; Or Who Said W hat to Whom about Regimes." In International Regimes edited by S.D. Krasner. New York: Cornell Univers ity Press. Huefner, K., J.W. Meyer, and J. Naumann. 1984. "Com parative Education Policy Research: A World Society Perspective." In Comparative Policy Research: Learning from Experien ce edited by M. Dierkes, H.N. Weiler, and A.B. Antal. Berlin: WZB. Jacobson, H.K. 1984. Networks of Interdependence: International Organiza tions and the Global Political System New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Lewin, K., A. Little, and C. Colclough. 1982. "Adju sting to the 1980s: Taking Stock of Educational Expenditures." In Financing Educational Development: Proceedings of an International Seminar held in Mont Sainte MArie, Ca nada. Ottawa: International Development Research Center.McNeely, C.L. Forthcoming. Constructing the Nation-State: International Organi zation and Prescriptive Action Westport: Greenwood Press. McNeely, C.L., and Y.K. Cha. 1987. "World Education al Ideology and International Organizations." Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Chicago.Meyer, J.W. 1987. "The World Polity and the Authori ty of the NationState." In Thomas et al. Meyer, J.W. 1994. "The Changing Cultural Content of the Nation-State: A World Society Perspective." Presented at the University of Chicag o.

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10 of 11 Meyer, J.W., F.O. Ramirez, R. Rubinson, and J. Boli 1979. "The World Educational Revolution, 1950-1970." In National Development and the World System: Educatio nal, Economic and Political Change, 1950-1970 edited by J.W. Meyer and M.T. Hannan. Chicago: Un iversity of Chicago Press.Meyer, J.W., and B. Rowan. 1983. "Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony." In Organizational Environements Ritual and Rationality by J.W. Meyer and W.R. Scott. Beverly Hills: SAGE.Naumann, J., and K. Huefner. 1983. "Evolutionary As pects of Social and Individual Development: Comments and Illustrations from the Wo rld System Perspective." In Individual Development and Social Change: Explanatory Analysis edited by J.R. Nesselroade and A. von Eye. New York: Academic Press.Ramirez, F.O., and J. Boli. 1987. "Global Patterns of Educational Institutionalization." In Thomas et al. (1987).Robertson, R. 1992. Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture London: SAGE. Thomas, G.W., J.W. Meyer, F.O. Ramirez, and J. Boli 1987. Institutinal Structure: Constituting the State, Society and the Individual Newbury Park: SAGE. United States Bureau of Education. 1893. Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1889-90, vol. 1. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Offic e. Weick, K. 1976. "Educational Organizations as Loose ly Coupled Systems." Administrative Science Quarterly 21(1): 1-19. World Bank. 1980. Education Sector Policy Paper Washington, D.C.: World Bank.Copyright 1994 by the Education Policy Analysis ArchivesEPAA can be accessed either by visiting one of its seve ral archived forms or by subscribing to the LISTSERV known as EPAA at LISTSERV@asu.edu. (To sub scribe, send an email letter to LISTSERV@asu.edu whose sole contents are SUB EPAA y our-name.) As articles are published by the Archives they are sent immediately to the EPAA subscribers and simultaneously archived in three forms. Articles are archived on EPAA as individual files under the name of the author a nd the Volume and article number. For example, the article by Stephen Kemmis in Volume 1, Number 1 of the Archives can be retrieved by sending an e-mail letter to LISTSERV@a su.edu and making the single line in the letter rea d GET KEMMIS V1N1 F=MAIL. For a table of contents of the entire ARCHIVES, send the following e-mail message to LISTSERV@asu.edu: INDEX EPAA F=MAIL, tha t is, send an e-mail letter and make its single line read INDEX EPAA F=MAIL.The World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is http://olam.ed.asu.edu/epaa To receive a publication guide for submitting artic les, see the EPAA World Wide Web site or send an e-mail letter to LISTSERV@asu.edu and include the single l ine GET EPAA PUBGUIDE F=MAIL. It will be sent to you by return e-mail. General questions about ap propriateness of topics or particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, Glass@asu.ed u or reach him at College of Education, Arizona Sta te University, Tempe, AZ 85287-2411. (602-965-2692)

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11 of 11Editorial Board John Covaleskiejcovales@nmu.edu Andrew Coulson andrewco@ix.netcom.com Alan Davis adavis@castle.cudenver.edu Mark E. Fetlermfetler@ctc.ca.gov Thomas F. Greentfgreen@mailbox.syr.edu Alison I. Griffithagriffith@edu.yorku.ca Arlen Gullickson gullickson@gw.wmich.edu Ernest R. Houseernie.house@colorado.edu Aimee Howleyess016@marshall.wvnet.edu Craig B. Howley u56e3@wvnvm.bitnet William Hunterhunter@acs.ucalgary.ca Richard M. Jaeger rmjaeger@iris.uncg.edu Benjamin Levinlevin@ccu.umanitoba.ca Thomas Mauhs-Pughthomas.mauhs-pugh@dartmouth.edu Dewayne Matthewsdm@wiche.edu Mary P. McKeowniadmpm@asuvm.inre.asu.edu Les McLeanlmclean@oise.on.ca Susan Bobbitt Nolensunolen@u.washington.edu Anne L. Pembertonapembert@pen.k12.va.us Hugh G. Petrieprohugh@ubvms.cc.buffalo.edu Richard C. Richardsonrichard.richardson@asu.edu Anthony G. Rud Jr.rud@purdue.edu Dennis Sayersdmsayers@ucdavis.edu Jay Scribnerjayscrib@tenet.edu Robert Stonehillrstonehi@inet.ed.gov Robert T. Stoutstout@asu.edu