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Educational policy analysis archives
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Arizona State University
University of South Florida
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University of South Florida.
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Educational policy analysis archives.
n Vol. 8, no. 31 (July 04, 2000).
Tempe, Ariz. :
b Arizona State University ;
Tampa, Fla. :
University of South Florida.
c July 04, 2000
Class pictures : representations of race, gender and ability in a century of school photography / Eric Margolis.
x Research
v Periodicals.
2 710
Arizona State University.
University of South Florida.
1 773
t Education Policy Analysis Archives (EPAA)
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1 of 28 Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 8 Number 31July 4, 2000ISSN 1068-2341 A peer-reviewed scholarly electronic journal Editor: Gene V Glass, College of Education Arizona State University Copyright 2000, the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES. Permission is hereby granted to copy any article if EPAA is credited and copies are not sold. Articles appearing in EPAA are abstracted in the Current Index to Journals in Education by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Assessment and Evaluation and are permanently archived in Resources in Education Class Pictures: Representations of Race, Gender and Ability in a Century of School Photography Eric Margolis Arizona State UniversityAbstract This article examines photographs taken of American public school classes between the 1880's and the 1940's. Most of the images were found in two virtual archives: The American Memory site at the Library of Congress and The National Archives and Record Ce nter. These very large photograph collections were searched for repr esentations of race, gender, and physical ability. The photographs were compared and contrasted and analyzed for elements of hidden curr icula using techniques drawn from the social sciences and human ities. It was found that these large photo collections have significant gaps and historical amnesias. Collections made under conditions of raci al segregation are themselves segregated and continue to reproduce ima ges of hierarchy and dominance. To the extent these sites function a s important resources for teachers and students searching for primary sou rce documents for history and social studies projects, the archives c onvey significantly biased views of the history of education and minori ty groups in America.


2 of 28 It is a common experience of childhood in A merica. Teachers tell their class to wear dress clothes tomorrow because the photographe r is coming to take the class picture. School photography was a regular source of income for local photography studios, a source of pride for schools, and a memen to for students and their families. Most of these photographs did not withstand the tes ts of time — faded, lost, or thrown out with the rest of our childhood things. Others s urvived and found their way to local or state historical collections or historical archives Often the only thing preserved in the process was the image itself, with little provenanc e or documentary material to understand the image (see, Figure 8 below, for an i ntriguing example). Occasionally entire studios with tens of thousands of negatives were donated to or purchased by state historical societies or museums. Advancing technolo gy that includes digitized images, databases allowing fast search and retrieval, and t he Internet for dissemination has spurred a secondary development as entire collectio ns are being swept into ever more enormous virtual archives that are open to anyone w ith a personal computer and access on line. (Note 1) An article in the New York Times (November 29, 1998) entitled "Digitized Artifacts are Making Knowledge Available to All, on Line" suggests the scale of a new resource: The Library of Congress, which has 117 million item s in its archives, hopes to have four million items digitized and accessible on the World Wide Web by the turn of the century. The Denver Public Libra ry expects to put 95,000 photographs of the old west on-line. California has linked 35 universities and museums into one on-line archive. Clearly, in a very short time most of the m ajor historical photograph collections will go on-line thus creating a searchable data bas e of millions of historic images. Future developments will include search engines designed s pecifically to retrieve photographic images, not indirectly by a key word system but by seeking images directly. (Note 2) Mega-sites like the Library of Congress's "American Memory" digital archive with 42 separate collections and hundreds of thousands of i mages and the National Archives and Records Administration with 54,000 images are enorm ously popular. These and similar electronic archives are free and open to the public twenty-four hours a day and seven days a week. Image banks have quickly become an inv aluable source of primary source data for students doing research and gathering mate rial for reports and class projects, and they are a remarkable resource for teachers and oth ers preparing lectures, doing research, or just browsing. (Note 3) If, as the Library of Co ngress name suggests, they have literally become a representation of our collective memory, an essential question becomes: What is the nature of that memory?A Simulacra of History? Historical Photographs on t he Internet These technological developments have opene d an entirely new niche to historians and scholars of visual communication, making possib le research which was unimaginable only a decade ago. (Note 4) While this is a remarkable technological advance and a general benefit for scholars and rese archers, there are a number of caveats to this development, of which I will mention just t wo that are particularly salient to this discussion. (Note 5) The first has to do with the uses to which such freely available images may be put.


3 of 28As the Internet develops into what will be in effec t a single archive, the meanings of the individual collections (and photographs) will tend to become submerged. Alan Sekula, posed central questions for those interested in und erstanding and using historical photographs: "How is historical and social memory p reserved, transformed, restricted, and obliterated by photographs" (Sekula, 1983:193)? Having raised those questions, Sekula (1983:195) warned that "Photography construc ts an imaginary world and passes it off as reality." He drew attention to some of th e sources of error and misrepresentation in collections of historic photographs. He mentione d the fallacies of assuming that photographs "transmit truths"; "reflect reality"; o r are "historical documents." "The very term document," explained Sekula, "entails a notion of legal or official truth, as well as a notion of proximity to and verification of an original event" (Sekula, 19 83:198). Sekula (1983:194) has also given a great de al of thought to photographic archives, observing that ownership of photographs or photogra phic archives and their subsequent alienation or sale, can have important ramification s for historians and photo researchers: ... not only are the pictures in archives often literally for sale, but their meanings are up for grabs....This semantic availabi lity of pictures in archives exhibits the same abstract logic as that w hich characterizes goods on the marketplace. In other words, regardless of the intent of the photographer, captions and documentary evidence preserved with the image, or a ttempts by the repository to control or restrict usage, these digital images can be down loaded and used in ways that may be quite antithetical to the original meanings (cf., M argolis, 1994). Ripped free from context, photographs become free floating signifier s that appear to be little snippets of reality and can be used to bolster or "prove" a var iety of contradictory theses. (Note 6) The second warning has to do with meaning o f such enormous archives as a whole—that is, with the ontology of the archive. Wh at does it mean to have a media collection called "American Memory?" Jean Baudrilla rd (1983), the French sociologist, described the developing image world as a "simulacr um," a "hyperreal" media world of copies of copies where there is not and has never b een an original. Everything in this symbol system refers to other symbols. Basic to the discussion of photographic archives is Baudrillard's (1983) observation that Abstraction today is no longer that of the map, the double, the mirror, or the concept. Simulation is no longer that of a territor y, a referential being or a substance. It is the generation by models of a real without origin or reality... (p. 3) In place of the two-dimensional concepts in written history, we are faced with an (imag)inary model of history. Baudrillard described a world of allusion and trope, maps referring not to territories but only to other maps news referring to other news, photographs referring to photographs and so on. As millions of photographs are digitized and placed online in the "American Memory," this ca refully constructed and selective simulacrum will be thought of more and more as some thing similar to Durkheim's conscience collectif ." (Note 7) Precisely because of these twin issues, it is vital that scholars begin to seriously explore the photographic data banks (morgues?) that are growing on line. What is in the American memory? What has been forgotten? What surv ives in unconscious or unexamined form? What is myth, what is reality? Pho tographic images do provide a fresh source of data about our past, but this data has as much power to obscure as it does


4 of 28to reveal. It is essential to temper the "semantic availability" that stems specifically from the conversion of photographs produced with particu lar use values into commodities with an abstract equivalence dictated by their exch ange value, by studying the development of the virtual archive and providing th e kind of social and historiographic scholarship necessary to understanding. In this eff ort it is necessary to study both available meanings and the lacks and oversignificat ions of the images and the data banks: as I shall demonstrate, whole classes of pho tographs are not represented, while others exist in such replication and proliferation that they crowd out alternative meanings and critical perspectives. We will need to develop a new paradigm to discuss the developing simulacrum itself. How shall we conc eive of a web site with hundreds of thousands of images and documents that calls itself "American Memory?" Is it a thing, a process, a reflection? What research tools might on e employ to study such a complex entity and the people who use it?The Hidden Curriculum in Black and White This project began as a search for photogra phs to be used as illustrations for a series of lectures on the history of American education. A t first the enormous numbers of photographs of schools, students, and teachers avai lable on line seemed overwhelming. In an evening I found more images than I needed for three lectures. A closer look at the photographs, and the collections that they were fou nd in, raised a simplified set of research questions informed by the issues asked by Alan Sekula: What photographs have been included? How can we understand the meaning of these photographs? What photographs were made that are not in the archives? What was not photographed? The research on class pictures was theoreti cally informed by an interest in socialization processes and hidden curricula having to do with the reproduction of race and gender hierarchy (Margolis and Romero, 1998). T he term "hidden curriculum" was coined by Philip Jackson after he observed public s chool classes. He noted the peculiar disciplines and behaviors in classrooms and embedde d in school practices that do not necessarily further intellectual development. Jacks on (1968, p. 33) observed that students are awarded credit for "trying," rewarded for "neatness, punctuality and courteous conduct," and that negative sanctions are levied for the violation of institutional rules. The concept of hidden curricul um came to refer to the socialization that takes place in school but is not written into the formal curriculum. Socialization functions of the hidden curri culum have been further analyzed as encompassing three distinct functions. Apple and Ki ng (1977) building on the work of Elizabeth Vallance (1973) termed the first two "wea k" and "strong": 1) a "weak" Durkheimian concept of the socialization essential to social life —reproducing the connections to civil society that transform childre n into social beings able to live and work together, form social institutions, and agreed upon meanings; and, 2) a "'strong' sense of control wherein education in general and t he everyday meanings of the curriculum in particular were seen as essential to the preserving of the existing social privilege, interests, and knowledge of some element s of the population at the expense of other less powerful groups. Most often this took th e form of attempting to guarantee expert and scientific control in society, to elimin ate or 'socialize' (acculturate, assimilate) unwanted racial or ethnic groups or characteristics or to produce an economically efficient group of citizens..." (Apple and King 197 7, p. 34). Strong controls are highly visible in gender role socialization practices, in segregation and different curricula


5 of 28provided to different racial/ethnic groups and in t he reproduction of social classes (Anyon, 1989). The third function of the hidden cur riculum is the direct production of ideological belief systems, for example patriotism, certain forms of representative democracy, market capitalism, heterosexual family s tructures and so on. While the education literature refers to so cialization curricula as "hidden" they are actually quite visible and have readily been photog raphed. From a critical perspective, class pictures can be viewed as an historical recor d of certain elements of the hidden curriculum. The photographs show bodies with certai n race, gender, age, and ability characteristics spatially arranged in an environmen tal setting. As social scientists, historians, and educators we interpret these visibl e relationships as representations of social relations learned about elsewhere: segregati on, integration and hierarchy, gender socialization, social class structures. Moreover, w e infer that the images were not randomly produced but were carefully fashioned usin g agreed upon conventions of representation to be symbolic representations of su ch social qualities and others including: order, discipline, purity, equality, pat riotism, and community pride and stability. In these photographs we can see attempts to denote social processes such as socialization, assimilation and acculturation which cannot be directly photographed. Clearly this interpretative enterprise is fraught w ith peril. Precisely because one cannot actually photograph social relationships, there is a fundamental issue of ethnographic sense making: we cannot be sure if we understand "f rom the native's perspective" what the project of photographer and her subjects entail ed; nor can we ever be sure that our reading is not an error, a misplaced abstraction, o r an aberrant decoding.In the Archives Once upon a time newspapers called their co llections of photographs assembled for the future obituaries of persons still living, "mor gues." Now photograph collections are becoming our collective memory. This paper will foc us on two of the federal government's major archives each encompassing a num ber of collections. The various collections were created for different purposes, in different geographic locations, in different historical periods and provide distinct a nd different views of school life. In essence, much like schools and America itself, the photographic collections are segregated. Separate collections offer divergent an d sometimes confusing or contradictory views of race and ethnicity, social c lass, rural/urban life, and ability/disability. As previously discussed these c ollections are to some extent losing their identity and becoming submerged in the digita l archive. Even though each image retains its citation and whatever provenance exists the fact that one can search across collections by topic begins a process of homogeniza tion. The National Archives and Records Administration, for example is not organize d by collection. There are about 54,000 photographs currently available and nearly 1 600 of them can be retrieved with key words "teacher, student, school" (although not all are linked to digital images). Some major collections were discovered this way: ph otographs from the relocation camps for Japanese Americans, photographs from the Roosevelt Library depicting African American schools in the south, photographs of the Albuquerque Indian Boarding School, and so on. The "American Memory" site run by the Libra ry of Congress is organized by collection. While one can choose to search the enti re site, one can also search each collection individually. The following chart descri bes some of the collections in the


6 of 28 "American Memory" site that have large numbers of p hotographs of schools.Table 1 School-related Images Available Through the American Memory Site, January 1999Components of the American Memory Site Number of Images in Component Images Found with Keywords "school," "teacher," or "student" Architecture and Interior Design for 20th Century America: Photographs by Samuel Gottscho andWilliam Schleisner, 1935-1955.29,0001,479Touring Turn-of-the-Century America Photographs from the Detroit Publishing Company, 1880-1920.25,000302America from the Great Depression to World War II:Photographs from the FSA-OWI, 1935-1945.56,600463Built in America: Historic American BuildingsSurvey/Historic American Engineering Record, 1933-Present.35,000542American Landscape and Architectural Design, 1850-1920, A Study Collection from the Harvard GraduateSchool of Design.2,80046The Northern Great Plains, 1880-1920: Photographsfrom the Fred Hultstrand and F.A. PazandakPhotograph Collections.90030Taking the Long View: Panoramic Photographs, ca.1851-1991.4,000149Washington as It Was: Photographs by TheodorHorydczak, 1923-1959. 14,000374 In what follows, I will show and discuss a small number of photographs drawn from several of these sources. The goal will be to ask what can be learned from the class photographs found in these great archives. This is not an attempt to present a statistical analysis, although we are rapidly approaching the p oint in sheer numbers where such an undertaking would be fruitful. Rather, it is more a qualitative and ethnographic study in which a few images have been selected as indicative of specific categories and will be quoted and analyzed in an attempt to capture the sc ope and detail of this source of data. One other note. The archives contain many photograp hs of school related subjects like sports, recess, school dances, etc. The images sele cted for analysis are those that would generally be considered "class photographs." Some i mages were selected because they are representative, but as in the selection of quot ations from interviews in more conventional qualitative research, images were freq uently chosen because they were


7 of 28 Figure 1. "Soper school, Soper Post Office, North Dakota, 1896 G.G. Grimson, teacher; Mandus, Fred,Bernard Hultstrand" Typical of rural schools foundin the Northern Great Plains Collection. FredHultstrand History in Pictures Collection, NDIRS-NDSU, Fargo. North Dakota StateUniversity Institute for Regional Studies PO Box5599, Fargo, ND 58105-5599. American Memory,unique—particularly articulate, well-composed, and interesting. A number of techniques will be employed in the analysis. Photographs will be compared to other photographs and collections to other collections. Meanings will be elucidated by current perceptions and theories of schooling, as well as by symbolic a nd literary understandings. Concepts such as status, body language and position, discuss ed by many analysts of photographs (Goffman, 1976; Solomon-Godeau, 1991; Trachtenberg, 1989), will be utilized. Additional data about the social world in which the se photos were made will be brought to bear, for instance, the social settings in which they were produced and consumed. Thus, "class pictures" will be treated as social co nstructions and will be analyzed using techniques developed in diverse fields including li terary criticism, art theory and criticism, semiotics, deconstructionism, ethnograph y, and symbolic interaction. White Students The first public school law in the Dakota T erritory was passed in 1883. The Northern Great Plains Collection contains photograp hs of the rural, one room schools that were built in the townships. These photos from the 1880's and 90's were generally posed outside the school in the sunshine. The shot reprinted here is part of the Fred Hultstrand collection that was donated to North Dak ota State University. Hultstrand was born in 1888 and would have been eight when his cla ss picture was taken; he photographed extensively from 1905 through the 1950 's, collected photographs of frontier life, and spent much time hand tinting. Wh ile these are photographs of real schools, they also helped constitute a pervasive, n early mythological, image of American public schools. The common school, with its modest architecture, ungraded classrooms, local control, strong community support, and curric ulum limited to primary instruction, is often credited with being the backbone of Americ a. Figure 1 reveals a number ofpossible meanings. The building inthe background is visually lessimportant than the people. There areforty-seven children; boys and girlsare not casually mixed, nor were agegroups. Everyone dressed for theportrait. Men and boys wore black orsomber colors; all the males standexcept for three older boys who wereposed on horseback. Women andgirls were wearing clothes that appearwhite in the black and whitephotograph but the hand-tinted copyshows dresses painted in pastelcolors. A row of little girls wasseated in front in a decorative andpassive pose. Overall the people werearrayed in an open semi-circle facingthe camera with younger and smallerpupils placed in front and older and


8 of 28Library of Congress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)larger students and teachers in back.The created image—very much inkeeping with the model of the oneroom school—suggests the olderprotecting or shielding the younger. Interestingly the image is also one of equa lity in that the teachers and adults are standing among the students and not indicating supe rior status by clothes, body language or position. Despite the fact that a few of the chi ldren are barefooted, this is not highlighted as a marker of poverty (but see Figure 6). Images such as these, from Walton's Mountain to Little House on the Prairie, s hape an American mythology of a bucolic golden age of schooling that inspires our p eriodic longing for a return to basics, simplicity, morality and so on. Everything is not quite what it seems. In t he case of white immigrants, nationality and linguistic proficiency are invisible, but accor ding to text at the Hultstrand web site, many of the children were recent immigrants speakin g Swedish, German, Norwegian, etc. These meanings disappear in the photographs, a s they disappeared in society where white immigrants became invisible through assimilat ion in a generation. It is important to note that all the people in the photograph are w hite, not because one would expect racial diversity in the territorial communities of the Northern Great Plains but because "whiteness" is precisely part of the taken for gran ted quality of the American Common School. (Note 8) It was lucky that the Northern Gre at Plains collection preserved these particular images, but in doing so the images of sp ecific schools begin to pass over into an archetype of the one-room school. Photos like th is raise a question: where were the others? Did the African American, Native American, and Asian communities that existed at that same historical moment in the South the Northeast, or on the West Coast also educate their children in one-room schools? Wh at did they look like? What kind of historical or cultural amnesia accounts for the fac t that these photos are not present in the American memory collection or National Archives ? In fact without substantial historical research we do not know if the photos an d not present, because they were not made (or not made in the same volume), because they were not preserved, or because they were not archived Figure 2 is one of more than sixty images f rom the Detroit Publishing Collection depicting urban high schools. The picture was selec ted because of the children; most of the other views of urban high schools show building s only. Despite the rather grandiose title: "Touring Turn-of-the-Century America," image s in this collection were not created as an overview of the nation. These views, as they were thought of, were made by professional photographers to be reproduced as post cards — that is, they had to sell. Other than date and location there was little docum entation. The collection site describes it this way: The Detroit Photographic Company was launched as a photographic publishing firm in the late 1890s by Detroit busine ssman and publisher William A. Livingstone, Jr., and photographer and p hoto-publisher Edwin H. Husher. They obtained the exclusive rights to us e the Swiss "Photochrom" process for converting black-and-white photographs into color images and printing them by photolithography. This process permitted the mass production of color postcards, prints, and albums for sale to the American market. According to Bogdan and Marshall (1997, p.6), in th e early years of the century more


9 of 28 Figure 2. High school, Hancock, Mich. C. 1906 Detroit Publishing Co. American Memory, Libraryof Congress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)than a billion postcards were mailed each year and many cards depicted architectural monuments and large-scale institutions. They were a ble, for example, to collect more than sixteen hundred different views of asylums and institutions for the mentally ill or retarded. Figure 2 was made ten years after the North Dakota photograph and contributes a countervailing view of American schools around the turn of the century. A large mass of students stand infront of an imposing stone building.While apparently called out of school for the photograph, the students seemto be casually milling around and much less orderly than in the ruralschool. No teachers or adults are inevidence; neither was an attempt made to arrange the students by size.Here too the students are all white butmore homogeneous in age than in the prairie school. The images of shelterand protection are completelymissing; in fact, students in the street and lounging against a telephone polesuggest urban toughness andself-sufficiency. Overall this is aphotograph of a school; the building was emphasized over the students who form a faceles s mass. Comprehensive high schools like this were expensive public works that were sources of civic pride. The high school views were perhaps similar to the mental ins titution and asylum photos discussed by Bogdan and Marshall (1997) who observed that: The initial impression the postcard pictures leave is that these institutions were orderly and therapeutic environments. One way to understand the cards is that they were part of the visual rhetoric of hegemony — they helped manage the public's understanding of the leg itimacy of professional control of deviance. (p. 5) High schools were, of course, not asylums, but when these schools were built and these postcards circulated, the notion of universal high school education was new. Images such as these were reassuring, lending gravitas and legitimacy to bold social institutions that were taking professional custody over all children — ending family control and child labor practices that had marked h istory to this point.


10 of 28 Figure 3. "School Girls" created between 1900 and 1905. Detroit Publishing Co. American Memory,Library of Congress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.) Figure 4. "School Boys" created between 1900 and 1905. Note says "Students holding swords at theirsides." Detroit Publishing Co. American Memory,Library of Congress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)Figures 3 and 4 provide additionalinsight into the ways in which schooland children were imagined at theturn of the century. The two shotswere made in the same doorway,presumably the same day. Thephotographer has used the steps asrisers and the doorway as an ornate frame, carefully posing the children tocreate images of order and obedience.White children are dressed in white, a symbol of innocence and purity. Theimposing door, itself a metaphor forthe doorway to knowledge, is forbidding. Knowledge is notdepicted as an open process of personal growth or something gainedin family and community. It is theproperty of the awe inspiring institution behind th e children through which they must pass. The children are ready for the challenge. The y stand at attention, equidistant, not quite touching, the girls in bonnets and white dres ses the boys in what appear to be uniforms with short pants, leggings, shirts and cap s. The caption informs us that the littleboys have swords at their sides. Thisis a particularly telling example of theways in which gendering, one of thestrong elements of the hiddencurriculum, and school discipline, one of the weak elements, wererepresented on film. Even though nearly all of thethousands of photographs of schoolsin these collections are photographsof white students and teachers, theywere not identified as such. Figure 5is particularly interesting because ofits caption which identifies childrenof white migrant workers. In theUnited States "white" is the taken-for-granted category. White has been thecolor of invisibility, the norm, the regular and average (Frankenburg 1993). There are n o hits in either "American Memory" or the National Archives site for "white students" or "white teachers." "White schools" produced a single hit from "American Memory," a 193 8 Marion Post Wolcott photo of a dark school building with the caption "'White schoo l house, Chaplin, Scotts Run, West Virginia." The National Archive site produced three hits on white school. One was a "Sunday School Indians and Whites" Indian Territory (Oklahoma) 1910. The other two were segregated schools. One photograph from 1941 i s a picture of a building with the


11 of 28 Figure 5. A school for the children of white migrant farm workers is maintained at the Osceola FarmLabor Supply Center operated by the Office ofLabor, War Food Administration. This is the secondgrade, taught by Mrs. Emma Greenwood.Department of Agriculture. Office of Information.Photographer, Osborne 3/1945. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)following caption: "Harmony Community, Putnam Count y, Georgia.... The Harmony white school was closed down for several years beca use there were not enough children to make its continued operation worthwhile. Two yea rs ago it was reopened, and last year it had an enrollment of 11, three of whom were from outside the Community. The few high school age children in Harmony go to Eaton ton in a bus operated by the County—but no transportation is furnished for child ren of grade school." I reproduced the other as Figure 5."Whites" are only identified as suchin opposition to people of color,whereas people of color always have their ethnicity attached as a markerand identifier.African American Students As Elliott Eisner (1985, p. 97)suggested, it is important to considerthe "null curriculum"—that which ismissing. It is, of course, not news thatschools in turn-of-the-centuryAmerica were segregated by race andethnicity. But complete invisibility issurprising. None of the 300 school photos in the Detroit Photographycollections showed Black, Native American or Asian children in school. If children of color were not in school, it occurred to me to look for them elsewhere in that collection. Searching the 25,000 images of the Detroit collecti on for "Black Children" yielded half a dozen photographs. Figure 6 is typical of these ste reotyping images. This is not a candid shot nor is it documentary; it was made by the same postcard company that posed the White children in the doorway. These four children were also posed, arrayed in a line in front of their house. The image constructed had the intention of emphasizing their "otherness." They were not dressed-up, even though they may well have owned Sunday-go-to-meeting clothes. They were not posed i n a meadow where bare feet might have been read as a youthful or romantic symbol. The tableau of clapboard house andfence with clothes thrown overemphasizes their poverty.Photographic postcards of AfricanAmericans, produced for whiteaudiences, were not as overtly racist as the popular cartoon cards ofalligators, pickaninnies, and mammies (Turner 1994; Mellinger1992). Still, Figure 6 is a clearexample of what Turner termed"contemptible collectibles," postcardsproduced for white consumers that


12 of 28Figure 6. "Four black children in yard" from the Detroit Publishing Collection. Created between1890 and 1910. American Memory, Library ofCongress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.) Figure 7. Spring 1939. "Primary class in new school, Prairie Farms, Montgomery, Alabama"Marion Post Wolcott, photographer. Still PictureBranch (NWDNS), National Archives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)conformed to certain racializedstereotypes: Black children werefrequently photographed outside dressed in rags and tatters. As Turner(1994, p. 16) observed: "Picture postcards featuring poorly dressed little black children romping in cotton fields sugg ests that if they had been given a choice, they would have chosen to spend their days in the field rather than in the schoolroom." Images of diligence, order, and innoce nce were never included. Curiously, while the "American Memory" site allows one to search a large number of individual collections as a group, the "The Afri can American Odyssey," which is part of the site, must be visited separately and is not searchable for photographs. (Note 9) An expanded search of the entire "American Memory" col lection for "Negro Children" produced about fifty hits, all the photographs of A frican American students, teachers or schools dated from the Farm Security Administration collection in the 1930's. Figure 7 is representative of a series made by Marion Post Wolc ott at Prairie Farms school in Montgomery Alabama in 1939. Germany was already mak ing war in Europe and the worst days of the depression were behind America. The job of Farm SecurityAdministration photographers was shifting from the focus on depressionmisery to an emphasis on America's strength and resiliency. By the 1930's,advancing photographic technologymade it easier to take photographs inside, and the image Post-Wolcottmade shows African American students seated reading at a table withtheir African American teacherstanding over helping a student. Theclass is small with books and tablesand chairs instead of rows of studentdesks. Boys and girls seem to beworking together, perhaps reading.The choice of a new and apparently well-equipped but segregated school creates an affi rming vision of Black America as "separate but equal." The photograph similarly crea tes an image of teaching as an active and caring activity. Other images in Post Wolcott's proof sheet include playing basketball and volleyball in which the teacher also takes an active role. A better source for historic photographs of African Americans in school is the Schomburg collection of the New York Public Library The Schomburg offers a searchable archive of 19th Century images of Africa n Americans. A search of the "education" category produced fifty images. The ear liest of these are wood block


13 of 28 Figure 8. "Class of school children posing outside with their teacher, Espy, Pa. Spring 1912. Thomas8, Eleanor 7, donor: Eleanor Drayton," Photographsand Prints Division, Schomburg Center forResearch in Black Culture, The New York Public Library Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.(Click on the image to view a larger version.)engravings made for Harper's Weekly and published in the 1870's. They show "freedom schools" foremancipated slaves. There are anumber of photos of famous educators, Booker T. Washington, forexample, and there are many photographs from the historical blackcolleges: Hampton Institute andTuskegee Institute. Figure 8 is uniquein depicting what is apparently anintegrated school class in Pennsylvania in 1912. It is one ofthose important images that appear inhistoric collections with inadequate captions and provenance. The captionidentifies the photo as a gift to theSchomburg by Eleanor Drayton, and we might assume that she is theEleanor age seven in the photo. Othermeanings are more problematic.Thirty students including Whites, Blacks and apparently Non-White ethnics (Native Ame ricans? Eastern European immigrants?) were clustered together shoulder-to-sh oulder on a bleacher with the African American teacher standing on the left with her arm symbolically embracing the entire class. The students probably dressed for the photograph. They do not seem sorted by race or gender. This is the clearest image of eq uality and diversity that I found in any of the collections searched. A good deal of researc h would be necessary to discover whether integrated classes were common in Espy, Pen nsylvania in 1912, or if the Anglo-appearing students were immigrants whose "oth erness" set them apart as well. Latinos were even more invisible than Black s in schools. A search of the American Memory collection for Spanish American, Puerto Rica n, or Mexican schools, teachers or students yielded nothing before a single image take n by Russell Lee in July 1940 with the caption: "Spanish-American farmer who is also j ustice of the peace and teacher in local grade school, Chamisal, New Mexico." (Note 10 ) The National Archive site produced a group of seven shots taken by Irving Rus inow for the Bureau of Agricultural Economics in Peasco, New Mexico in 1941. Figures 9 and 10 are representative


14 of 28 Figure 9. Taos County, New Mexico. Children play in the Peasco schoolyard. Photographer, IrvingRusinow, December 1941 Department ofAgriculture. Bureau of Agricultural Economics.Still Picture Branch (NWDNS), National Archives.(Click on the image to view a larger version.)selections from that shoot. In Figure 9, a long low adobeschool building stands against a lineof arid mountains in the background marking the geography as theSouthwest and establishing a Spanish feel. The students are clearly aware ofthe camera; some appear to have beenposed in a circle holding hands, others are wandering around as if atrecess. Overall this is not an image oforder like Figures 3 and 4, or of the specific relations of teaching andcaring evidenced in Figures 7 and 8.In place of order, book learning or scholarship, we see playfulness. ADominican nun approaches the circle from the right, but she is not workingwith or embracing the students. Theimage is especially interesting because of the caption: "School was built by the Catholic Church, then deeded over to t he State, and most of the teachers are Catholic Sisters, though this is a public school. S isters' salaries are paid by the State directly to the Church. Though religious teaching d oes not take place during the regular school period, the Sisters "naturally express the C atholic way of life, and by association with them the children cannot but receive some of t he religious essence." (Father Morgan) In the last half of the 19th century Spanis h speaking families in the southwest tried to escape anti-Mexican sentiments, and in particular English only" school requirements, by sending their children to Catholic schools that the y found more welcoming and less hostile to their culture. The situation reported by the photographer Rusinow suggests that by the middle of the 20th century the state was beg inning to reassert control.


15 of 28 Figure 10. Taos County, New Mexico. Home Economics class at Peasco High School make toysfor Christmas. Photographer, Irving RusinowDecember, 1941. Department of Agriculture. Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Still PictureBranch (NWDNS), National Archives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)Figure 10, depicting a class of olderfemale students in a home economicsclass, is a familiar image of women'straditional gender roles. The youngwomen are apparently making clothesfor dolls as Christmas presents. Sexsegregated home economics classes are a form of vocational education,preparing Mexican-American girls to be domestics and mothers. (Note 11)Similar pictures were made regularly atthe Indian boarding schools showing Indian girls using sewing machines orcooking. Native American Students Compared with other racial/ethnicgroups, Native American Indians weredramatically over-represented in thephoto archives. They were frequentlyphotographed as part of thedocumentation of federally-funded Indian boarding schools, and as officialrecords these images were preserved in large number s. The American Memory site produced about sixty hits on "Indian School" and th e National Archives and Record Center site yielded 106. Figure 11 is a panorama of the Mt. Pleasant Indian Industrial School. In the collection, there are a number of ad ditional panoramas showing the buildings and grounds of Indian Schools in Phoenix, Arizona, Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and other places. The Mount Pleasant panorama is an interesting composition. Female students in white dresses were placed in small groups and circles around the grounds. Figure 11. Mt. Pleasant Indian Industrial School c. 1910 Taki ng the Long View: Panoramic Photographs, 1851-1991. American Memory, Library of Congress (Click on the image to view a larger version.)The image of the "industrial school" belies its nam e by presenting a peaceable view of grounds including a formal pond and young girls hol ding hands ("Ring-aring-a-roses, A pocket full of posies"). While clearly we are looki ng at an institution, nothing in the image tells us that Mount Pleasant was an "Indian" school The pastoral scene, manufactured by architecture, costume, gendering and photography, s uggests gentility and civilization without any hint of the struggle for the hearts and minds of Indian children: removed from family and community; locked in this institutional compound; sent to boarding school to


16 of 28 Figure 12. Very early class of young boys with flags at the Albuquerque Indian School. c.1895National Archives and Record Center. Still PictureBranch (NWDNS), National Archives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)become White. Indians were subjected to forced regimes of acculturation/assimilation unique in American history. Students were taken far from thei r parents and community, had their hair cut, were required to wear Euro-American dress and forbidden to speak their mother tongue. Alongside quasi-military discipline, cultur al "re-education," and cleverly articulated attempts at cultural genocide to "Kill the Indian and save the man," Indian schools provided vocational training, art and music education, and sports. (Note 12) These were well-funded federal institutions with a cohere nt curriculum. Compare the Indian school movement, for example, with the treatment of African Americans who were denied schooling in the South until the end of slavery. Al though some northern abolitionist women teachers opened "freedom schools" for freed s laves, there was no federal program to provide education to emancipated Blacks. Instead southern states rights imposed the jim crow system of segregated schools, and northern urban school districts were segregated "de facto" by housing practices and gerr ymandered districts. The legacies both of the Indian boarding schools and of segregation h ave yet to be overcome. Figure 12 depicts young Indian Boys at the Albuquerque Indian School. The image is one of symmetry and order. Wearing uniforms and holding American flags, the children were posed quite formally, arrayed as a de sign around an Anglo American woman (teacher? supervisor? guard?) who stands in t he center of the composition. Uniforms are a very important element both of the s chooling experience and of the photographic images.Uniforms were part of the originalconcept for Indian schools: Captain Richard Pratt who originated theconcept, dressed the losers in uniforms similar to the cavalry thatdefeated them, and then regimentedthem like soldiers (PBS Video, 1991).In the photo, uniforms submergeindividuality and produce an image ofboth conformity and interchangeable parts; moreover, they accomplishwhat Goffman (1976, p. 32) termed "function ranking" removing anyambiguity or status inconsistency.They also serve to strip the children of their native identity. (Note 13) Thewoman's lack of uniform makes herthe only individual and sets her apart.Taller than any of the children, eyes fixed firmly on the lens, the woman holds her arms stiffly at her side. In the midst of a group she st ands alone, not touching any of the students. Her position is quite different from the teachers in Figure 1, who stand among the students but to the side and are depicted on th e same level; or Figure 7 where the teacher seems to make a gesture of inclusion; or Fi gure 8 where the teacher is symbolically lowering herself to the students' leve l. The caption material in the Archive reads: "This is one of a small collection of photog raphs of the Albuquerque Indian School, which was established in 1881 to provide of f-reservation industrial training to the Indians of the Southwest. By 1912, the school h ad 8 primary grades and over 300


17 of 28 Figure 13. "Chinese Subjects" Photograph by Wm Henry Jackson c. 1901. No location given.American Memory, Library of Congress. DetroitPublishing Co. American Memory, Library ofCongress. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)students; by 1925 enrollment increased to over 800 students and grades 11 and 12 were added. The Albuquerque Indian School continued oper ating until 1982, when its program was transferred to the Santa Fe Indian Scho ol." As the photographs make clear, the Indian s chool's curriculum of socialization and acculturation was not at all hidden. They were cons ciously created as industrial training centers to train the students for working class occ upations and jobs in white society. The fact that most returned to reservations where these jobs did not exist was conveniently overlooked.Asian Students A small set of photos of Chinese children e merged from a search of the "American Memory" site. Figure 13 is representative of a sing le shoot showing an unnamed group of Chinese at about the turn of the century posed o n a rooftop. They were made by the famous western photographer William Henry Jackson. He made a number of exposures ofthe same family, but he left no firm date, location, or discussion of theoccasion for the shoot. (Note 14) Ifind these photographs similar to the Detroit collection's images of Blacks:they share the stereotyping feel ofphotographs of the exotic "other."The first segregated school forChinese students was opened in SanFrancisco in 1885, and rigid segregation was enforced until 1905when the board of education allowed Chinese students into a regular cityhigh school. In 1906 a separate schoolin San Francisco was established forJapanese, Korean, and Chinese children (Spring 1997, p. 76). Perhapsphotographs of these schools can be found in California. No photographs of Japanese children appear in either American Memory or the National Archives collections before 1941, when a s lew of photographs were made to document the relocation procedure. Dorothea Lange a nd other Farm Security Administration (FSA) photographers were now working under the auspices of the Office of War Information (OWI) and completed assignments to show Japanese students in California schools and orphanages on the eve of rel ocation. This was followed by a long term campaign to document the internment camps, inc luding many images showing Japanese children in school in Tule, Manzanar, Salt River and the other sites. Figures 14 and 15 are representative of these efforts. Figure 14 was made by Dorothea Lange at an


18 of 28 Figure 14. "San Fransisco, California. Flag of allegiance pledge at Raphael Weill Public School,Geary and Buchanan Streets. Children in families ofJapanese ancestry were evacuated with their parentsand will be housed for the duration in WarRelocation Authority centers where facilities will be provided for them to continue their education."04/20/1942 Department of the Interior. WarRelocation Authority. Photographer, DorotheaLange. Still Picture Branch (NWDNS), National Archives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.) Figure 15. "Manzanar Relocation Center, Manzanar, California. These young evacuees areattending the first elementary school at this Warintegrated San Francisco public school with large n umbers of Japanese students. The occasion was the rounding up ofJapanese families so that they could be shipped to relocation camps. Thechoice of patriotic images, salutingthe flag, clearly advanced a view of Japanese as patriotic and law-abidingAmericans. Figure 15, also by Lange,shows a school class in Manzanar.Students with what appears to be aJapanese teacher are hard at work reading and writing. They have thesame sort of modern desks and chairs that can be seen in Figure 7. Thehidden curriculum portrayed in therelocation photographs is an unabashed patriotism illustrative ofschool's role in the direct reproduction of ideological beliefsystems. As the captions indicate,these are a class of photographs takennot to showcase school children butdemonstrate to the world that the United States relocation camps forJapanese citizens were much differentfrom concentration or POW camps.They featured images ofwell-equipped schools, caring teachers, and happy w illing students. There is another hole in theAmerican Memory. Children withdisabilities were as invisible as children of color. Based on my surveyof these two mega-archives, America'sphotographic images of schools, and the historical memories they engender,consist nearly entirely of ablebodiedwhite children and teachers. A searchfor deaf schools retrieved a singleDetroit Publishing view of the outsideof the "Deaf and Dumb School, Columbus, Ohio." This was a familiarinstitutional view with no personspresent. The search also retrieved anda number of potential ("not yetdigitized") photos of deaf and dumbschools from the Historic American Buildings Survey/Historic American


19 of 28Relocation Authority center. There are six grades with volunteer teachers and voluntary attendance."07/01/1942 Department of the Interior. WarRelocation Authority. Photographer, DorotheaLange. Still Picture Branch (NWDNS), NationalArchives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.) Figure 16. WPA, "Blind children at work in Art Center Workshop in Salem, Oregon." CreatingIndiv. Roosevelt, Franklin D. Federal Arts Project;Works Progress Administration; 1941. Still PictureBranch (NWDNS), National Archives. (Click on the image to view a larger version.)Engineering Record. These too arelikely to be photographs of architecture. Figure 16 from theNational Archives is the only photograph found in either sitedepicting crippled, deaf or blind children in school. It is interesting thatthis photograph was attributed to Franklin D. Roosevelt who was himself crippled by p olio. Discussion Along with all the otherhistorical photographs in the archives,class pictures are becoming part of a modern hidden curriculum as well.Web access in schools is makinghistorical photographs into a "curriculum" of primary sourcematerials for teachers preparing classes and for students doingprojects. There are many implicationsof this development for how studentsare taught about American history ingeneral and specifically about the schools and students who camebefore them. As the precedinganalysis demonstrates, the recordencompassed by these photographs is full of holes. Some views are over-represented, while whole groups of students and types of schools are simply absent. This is likely the case whether one searches for schoolrelated photo graphs or photos in any other category. There are two central issues in the implied critique of the World Wide Web: In the first place one must consider what exists at this p oint in time. Clearly the historical photograph collections currently available on line reproduce the familiar historic amnesias, lapses and sins of omission, while contin uing to overemphasize powerful, dominant and hegemonic structures. In this way it r esembles the historiography of the first half of the 20th century with its great men t heories and inattention to workers, to women, and to people of color. The photo archives v alorize assimilation models, a peaceful bucolic past, upward mobility, and order a t the expense of cultural diversity, domination and conflict. The second question has to do with the potential of the Web to offer a different vision. Because it is global, dec entralized, and offers open access it is quite probable that some of these deficiencies will be overcome. If archives are opened to images from all sources: personal collections, s mall local history societies, private collectors, newspapers and so on, it is easy to ima gine that a search for schools, teachers, students would return a far more heterogeneous sele ction. However, even if all extant photographs of schools were to be made avai lable as


20 of 28digital on-line images, we would still be confronte d by the deficiencies of photography itself. Many things were not photographed. I found, for instance, no views of teacher unions or organizing activities, no photographs of school boards or teacher meetings where the central decisions shaping schooling were made. There were no photographs of conflicts and tensions in schools—between teachers and students, among students, between school boards and communities. No pictures of discipline and punishment. No photographs of boredom. And even if such photos did emerge, they would not solve the central problem of the photograph; photography is p owerless to represent some things. I argue in an earlier piece (Margolis, 1999) that it is not possible to photograph social relationships. My example in that article was, that although photographs could represent the coal mining process and technological divisions of labor, they could not capture the social relations of production which remain invisib le: ownership, alienation, exploitation, fear, and so on. Similarly, photograp hy can capture the physical relationships of schools, but cannot make visible t he social relationships of education: failure, intellectual excitement, oppression, resis tance, or teaching/learning. These are multidimensional concepts that cannot be reduced to a visual icon. Recognizing the inherent limitations of vis ual images is critical if one intends to use them as other than propaganda vehicles. Given t hat, there are many ways that photographs can be used by historians of education, not just as illustrations to make textbooks and lectures visually interesting, but as primary source data. The preceding analysis should be taken as only suggestive, as mos t of the issues raised need to be investigated on their own and in more depth. This p aper is meant simply as a provocative introduction, indicative of new avenues for educational research. In effect, it opens a space analogous to an environmental niche w hich can be explored and settled in a number of ways. As suggested earlier, there is ro om for the application of additional analytical techniques including quantitative method s to many of these issues. One might ask questions about the frequencies and ratios of c ertain types of representations, and about their correlations. It should be possible to statistically compare geographic regions and/or historical periods. It is likely that change s in representation can be seen over time. For example, one might hypothesize that the number of photographs showing integrated classrooms increases since 1954. In some locations there exists a fairly den se and complete photographic record, allowing a kind of retrospective rephotography proj ect to be done. Researchers could collect and arrange in sequence photographs taken a t the same school over decades in order to examine and analyze social change. For ins tance, some of the Indian schools appear to have left a fairly detailed photographic record from the 1880's through the 1930's. It would be interesting to examine the chan ge in these images over half a century. (Note 15) Additionally, much might be lear ned from cross-cultural investigations. One might compare, for example, ima ges of order and discipline in class pictures taken in England, Japan, and the U.S. As well as asking diachronic and comparativ e questions, synchronic questions need to be addressed in more depth. Careful historical a nalysis of the people, places, and occasions photographed is necessary. What can be di scovered about the actual school, the children, teachers and communities? What can be learned about the photographers, the occasions upon which the photographs were made? How can other documentary evidence shed light on the images, and vice versa? The conventional touchstones of historical research: newspapers, school and governm ent records, census data and so on need to be consulted and cross-referenced with the images (Margolis 1988). (Note 16) Where possible, it might be extremely fruitful to e mploy oral history and ethnography to gather additional information. It seems likely that it would still be possible to find and


21 of 28interview students depicted in pictures made in the 1930's, for instance. More recent history, for example the period following Brown v. The Board of Education in 1954, could be even more useful both because participants are available to study and because the sheer volume of photographs probably increased. The techniques of the visual anthropologist — photo elicitation, inventories of various types and surveys can be employed to examine, for instance, issues relating to the inequalities of "separate but equal" or same gender schools (cf., Collier and Col lier 1986). It should also be clear that the study of s chool photographs is not only a historical undertaking. Social science researchers can examine current collections of school photographs: year book photographs, sports pictures class pictures, the huge collections of snapshots and vernacular pictures found in virtu ally every school. One might do interesting research simply with the bulletin board s (or more recently web sites) found in many grade school classes. These constitute differe nt simulacra, image worlds manufactured by students, parents, and school perso nnel. These images can be studied in much the same way, examining both the actual occasi ons and intentions governing the production of the photographs, the apparent symboli c meanings, and selection, juxtaposition and arrangement for display. Photogra phs produced as part of school culture, like historical photos, can be analyzed as icons with symbolic, iconic and indexical meanings. (Note 17) NotesThe author would like to acknowledge Jon Wagner and Mary Romero whose comments on earlier drafts of the article were extremely hel pful in framing the argument. Marina Gair helped with copy editing on the final draft an d obtaining photograph permissions. There are sixteen images included in this article a nd most of them are photographs of classes although they were not all examples of s chool photography Three were produced by a professional photography company to b e reproduced as postcards (Figures 2, 3 and 4). Eight of the photographs were made by various government documentary projects (Figures 5, 7, 9, 10, 14, 15, and 16). Two of the images (Figures 11 and 12) were part of the ongoing photog raphic documentation of the federally financed Indian boarding schools. Two of the images were not school photographs at all, but an attempt to find photogra phs of children of color who did not appear in any of the class pictures: Figure 6 w as made as a postcard and shows four African American children and Figure 13 is a W illiam Henry Jackson photograph of Chinese children. Figure 8 depicting an integrated class in Pennsylvania in 1912 appears to be a school photogr aph, but has little provenance to clearly identify its genre. 1. For a useful review of some of the issues of search ing for photographic images see Steiner, Kathy "Finding Photographs." 2. "The most thorough audience appraisal resulted from an end-user evaluation conducted in 1992-1993. Forty-four school, college and university, and state and public libraries were provided with a dozen America n Memory collections on CD-ROMs and videodisks. Participating library staff teachers, students and the public were polled about which digitized materials they had used and how well the delivery systems worked. The evaluation indicated c ontinued interest by institutions of higher education as well as public libraries. The surprising finding, however, was the strong showing of enthusiasm in sc hools, especially at the secondary level." American Memory pilot—seed of a u niversally available Library 3.


22 of 28 historians and social scientists have typical ly used photographs to illustrate reconstructions of the past that are entirely langu age based, I have advocated the use of photographs as primary source material. For many years I have been collecting, paying attention to, and thinking about American historical photographs. This work was expensive to undertake a nd extremely labor intensive. It required traveling to libraries, muse ums and photograph collections and obtaining permission to make copies -using a film camera and copy stand to photograph each image. Much of this work was part o f a study of coal miners for which approximately 12,000 historic photos were col lected from archives all over the country (Margolis, 1988; 1994; 1998). Catalogin g, studying and working with a collection that by necessity included slides, pri nts, and negatives all associated with data about captions and provenance has been a very slow and inefficient process. This process is rapidly becoming as obsole te as the card catalog, handwritten note card, and carbon paper. In a few m inutes once can visit a web site, search thousands of images by keyword, downlo ad the images one is interested in and paste them into your document. 4. Many critics of the image have drawn attention to p roblems inherent in photography and the creation of a mass culture "ima ge world:" cf. Adorno and Horkheimer 1973), Baudrilliard (1983), Rossler (199 0), Sekula (1990), and, Solomon-Godeau (1991). 5. An anonymous reviewer correctly pointed out the ref lexive confirmation of this quality of the image with the observation that: "On e possible 'antithetical' use, of course, is the sort that occurs in this article: cr itical social analysis of pictures not made with this purpose in mind." 6. People have misconstrued Durkheim's notion of "coll ective consciousness" to mean some kind of group mind. But this is inaccurat e. The engendering of collective consciousness is both an abstract and th eoretical lesson and a practical activity. It is represented in collective action an d in schools, libraries, museums, repositories, and now the Internet: "Society is not the work of the individuals that compose it at a given stage of history, nor is it a given place. It is a complex of ideas and sentiments, of ways of seeing and feeling a certain intellectual and moral framework distinctive of the entire group. So ciety is above all a consciousness of the whole. It is therefore, this c ollective consciousness that we must instill in the child" (Durkheim, [1925]1961:27 7). 7. Many scholars have been working to make whiteness i nto a visible category. See Frankenberg, 1993 for one of the pioneering analyse s of whiteness. 8. The site described it this way: "This Special Prese ntation of the Library of Congress exhibition, The African American Odyssey: A Quest for Full Citizenship, showcases the Library's incomparable A frican American collections. The presentation is not only a highlight of what is on view in this major black history exhibition, but also a glimpse into the Lib rary's vast African American collection. Both include a wide array of important and rare books, government documents, manuscripts, maps, musical scores, plays films, and recordings. This presentation is not yet searchable." 9. I actually have seen many photographs dating from t he turn of the century or before that show Mexican and Spanish American child ren in school. Such photographs can be found in nearly every state hist orical society, local history museum and library in the Southwest. As is no doubt the case with the other racial/ethnic groups it is not the absolute lack of photographs that is problematic. 10.


23 of 28It is the curious selection process that has produc ed the simulacrum of "National Archives" or "American Memory" that is the issue. M oreover, the problem that is so obvious in photographs of school is no doubt pre sent in many other categories. As Mary Romero pointed out: "The 'cult of domestici ty' advocated sex roles that were not really applicable to working-class Mexican Americans whose economic circumstances did not allow the maintenance of gend er-specific spheres of activity—that is, women in the private sphere of th e home and men in the public sphere of production and trade." Programs such as t his did, however, produce trained and "Americanized" domestic workers to work for nearby Anglo families (Romero,1992, p. 81-82). 11. These were the words of Captain Richard Pratt who e stablished the Carlisle Indian School. He believed in subjecting Native American y outh to quasi-military discipline: uniforms and drill exercises alongside instruction in English and industrial training. (Cf. PBS Video: In The White M an's Image, 1991). 12. This is equally true for the children posed in Figu res 3 and 4. Uniformed students are the perfect images of "product" for the industr ial-efficiency model of schooling that was the hallmark of late 19th early 20th century education. 13. In one of the shots there is a sign and the caption : "On tablet (translated from Chinese): Today we are the owners of money, yesterd ay we were the owners of the territory" which may suggest the occasion for t he shoot. 14. The technique of using photographs taken over time to examine social change was pioneered by Mark Klett and given a more sociologic al interpretation by Jon Rieger (Klett et al, 1984; Klett 1991; Rieger, 1996 ;) 15. Such research might provide important information f or the interpretation of Figure 7, for example. 16. Semiotics, the science of signs, has developed a co mplex and highly technical language that can be useful in the interpretation o f photographic images. Images and texts are analyzed along multiple dimensions de scribed as Indexical (pointing), Iconic (representative) and Symbolic (c ultural) meanings. Serious students might consult the works of Ferdinand de Sa ussure, Umberto Eco or Roland Barthes. These analytic tools of semiology c an also be employed in the construction of images designed to produce certain impacts. See for example: Nadin, Zakia, and Nadin, (1995 17.ReferencesAdorno, T.W. and Max Horkheimer (1973). The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Desception. In James Curran et. al. (Eds) Mass Communication and Society London: Edward Arnold.Anyon, J. (1989). Social Class and the Hidden Curri culum of Work. In J. H. Ballantine (Ed.), Schools and Society (pp. 257-279). Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Pres. Apple, M. & King, N. P. (1977). What do schools tea ch? In R. H. Weller (Ed.), Humanistic Education (pp. 29-63). Berkeley, CA: McCutcheon. Baudrillard, J. (1983). The Precession of Simulacra Art and Text no. 11, September, 3-47.


24 of 28Bogdan, R. and Marshall, A. (1997). Views of the As ylum: Picture postcard depictions of institutions for people with mental disorders in the early 20 th century. Visual Sociology, 12 4-27. Collier, J. and Collier, M. (1986). Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Message Method. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. Digitized Artifacts are Making Knowledge Available to All, On Line. (1998, November 29). The New York Times, p. 21. Dreeben, R. (1986). On What is Learned in School. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Durkheim, E. (1961). Moral Education. (Everett K. Wislon and Herman Schnurer, Trans.). New York: The Free Press. (Original work p ublished 1925) Eisner, E. (1985). The Educational Imagination (2 nd ed.). New York: MacMillan Publishing.Frankenberg, R. (1993). White women, race matters: the social construction of whiteness. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Goffman, Erving. (1976). Gender Advertisements. New York: Harper and Row. Jackson, P. (1968). The daily grind. In P. Jackson (Ed.), Life in classrooms (pp. 33-37). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Klett, M. et al (1984). Second View: The rephotographic survey project. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press.Klett, M. (1991). Rephotographing Oklahoma 1889/1991. Oklahoma City, OK: Oklahoma City Art Museum.Lesiak, Christine an Jones, Matthew (producers). (1 991). In the White Man's Image [PBS video]. (An episode of the series on "The Amer ican Experience"). Margolis, E. (1998). Picturing Labor: Photographs o f the Coal Mine Labor Process. Visual Sociology 13 (2), 5-35. Margolis, E. and Romero, M. (1998). "The Department is Very Male, Very White, Very Old, and Very Conservative": The Functioning of the Hidden Curriculum in Graduate Departments. Harvard Educational Review, 68 (1), 1-32. Margolis, E. (1994). Images in Struggle: Photograph s of Colorado Coal Camps. Visual Sociology, 9 (1), 4-26. Margolis, E. (1988). Mining Photographs: Unearthing the Meaning of Historical Photos. Radical History Review, 40 (January), 32-48. Mellinger, W. M. (1992). Representing Blackness in the White Imagination: Images of 'Happy Darkeys' in Popular Culture, 1893-1917. Visual Sociology, 7 (7), 321.


25 of 28Nadin, M. Zakia, R.D. and Nadin, M. (1995) Creating Effective Advertising : Using Semiotics Consultant Press.Rieger, J. H. (1996). Photographing Social Change. Visual Sociology, 11 (1), 5-49. Romero, M. (1992). Maid in the U.S.A. New York: Routledge. Rosler, M. (1990). in, around, and afterthoughts (o n documentary photography). The Contest of Meaning Cambridge, MIT Press. Sekula, A. (1990). The Contest of Meaning. Cambridge: MIT Press. Sekula, A. (1983). Photography Between Labor and Ca pital. In Benjamin H. D. Buchloh and Robert Wilkie (Eds.), Mining Photographs and Other Pictures: A Selection from the Negative Archives of Shedden Studio, Glace Bay, Cap e Breton. 1948-1968 (p. 194). Halifax, Nova Scotia: The Press of the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design. Solomon-Godeau, A. (1991). Photography at the Dock: Essay on Photographic Hist ory, Institutions, and Practices. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Spring, J. (1997). Deculturalization and the Struggle for Equality (2 nd edition). New York: McGraw Hill.Steiner, Kathy. (October 15, 1995). Finding Photogr aphs. (Kathy Steiner/ILS 603)/Besser). Can be found on the Web: jects/Papers/steiner.html Tractenberg, A. (1989). Reading American Photographs: Images as History Mat thew Brady to Walker Evans. New York: Hill and Wang, The Noonday Press. Turner, P. A. (1994). Ceramic Uncles and Celluloid Mammies: Black images and their influence on culture. New York: Anchor Books. Vallance, E. (1973-1974). Hiding the hidden curricu lum. Curriculum Theory Network, 15.Web Addresses Library of Congress:


26 of 28 National Archives and Records Administration: New York Public Library Schomburg Center for Resear ch in Black Culture: Digital Schomburg: The Hultstrand site: home.html The Detroit collection: the AuthorEric Margolis Division of Educational Leadership and Policy Studi es College of EducationArizona State UniversityTempe, Arizona 85287-1411 Email: Eric Margolis is a sociologist and Assistant Profes sor in the Division of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Arizona State Univer sity College of Education. Recent publications include: The Department is Very Male, Very White, Very Old, and Very Conservative: The Functioning of the Hidden Curricu lum in Graduate Sociology Departments (with Mary Romero) Harvard Educational Review (Vol. 68 1998); AIDS Research/AIDS Policy: Competing Paradigms of Scienc e and Public Policy, Research in Social Policy, Vol. 6 (1998) JAI Press; and Hidden Curricula in Higher Education (in press) Routledge.Copyright 2000 by the Education Policy Analysis ArchivesThe World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is General questions about appropriateness of topics o r particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, or reach him at College of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 8 5287-0211. (602-965-9644). The Commentary Editor is Casey D. C obb: .EPAA Editorial Board


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28 of 28 Teresa Bracho (Mxico) Centro de Investigacin y DocenciaEconmica-CIDEbracho Alejandro Canales (Mxico) Universidad Nacional Autnoma Ursula Casanova (U.S.A.) Arizona State Jos Contreras Domingo Universitat de Barcelona Erwin Epstein (U.S.A.) Loyola University of Josu Gonzlez (U.S.A.) Arizona State Rollin Kent (Mxico)Departamento de InvestigacinEducativa-DIE/ Mara Beatriz Luce (Brazil)Universidad Federal de Rio Grande do Sul-UFRGSlucemb@orion.ufrgs.brJavier Mendoza Rojas (Mxico)Universidad Nacional Autnoma deMxicojaviermr@servidor.unam.mxMarcela Mollis (Argentina)Universidad de Buenos Humberto Muoz Garca (Mxico) Universidad Nacional Autnoma deMxicohumberto@servidor.unam.mxAngel Ignacio Prez Gmez (Spain)Universidad de Daniel Schugurensky (Argentina-Canad)OISE/UT, Simon Schwartzman (Brazil)Fundao Instituto Brasileiro e Geografiae Estatstica Jurjo Torres Santom (Spain)Universidad de A Carlos Alberto Torres (U.S.A.)University of California, Los