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Educational policy analysis archives.
n Vol. 10, no. 5 (January 14, 2002).
Tempe, Ariz. :
b Arizona State University ;
Tampa, Fla. :
University of South Florida.
c January 14, 2002
Power-discourse relationship in a Croatian higher education setting / Renata Fox [and] John Fox.
Arizona State University.
University of South Florida.
t Education Policy Analysis Archives (EPAA)
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1 of 16 Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 10 Number 5January 14, 2002ISSN 1068-2341 A peer-reviewed scholarly journal Editor: Gene V Glass College of Education Arizona State University Copyright 2002, the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES Permission is hereby granted to copy any article if EPAA is credited and copies are not sold. Articles appearing in EPAA are abstracted in the Current Index to Journals in Education by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Assessment and Evaluation and are permanently archived in Resources in Education .The Power-discourse Relationship in a Croatian Higher Education Setting1Renata Fox University of Rijeka Croatia John Fox University of Rijeka CroatiaCitation: Fox, R. & Fox, J. (2002, January 14). The power-discourse relationship in a Croatian higher education setting. Education Policy Analysis Archives 10 (5). Retrieved [date] from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v10n5.html.Abstract Croatian higher education system's public space is researched through a critical analysis of a Croatian faculty's discourse Representing a typical faculty social situation, two council meetingsÂ— rec orded in minutesÂ—are critiqued. Both meetings' minutes provi de evidence of discourse strategies of deception used by faculty p ower holders to create an illusion of consent. We attribute the success of the deception to council members' ideas about the Faculty's groups/i ndividuals, relations
2 of 16and issues related to the Faculty's hierarchy, thei r rank within that hierarchy, and their position within the Faculty's social network. To support our argument, we explore how the Faculty po wer holders' discourse is built on a power/ideology/language for mation. We conclude that, failing to critique the faculty's discourse, council members neglected their historical task of paving the way t o democracy. IntroductionAccording to research on the quality of teaching in Croatia's tertiary education conducted by Ledi et al (1998), the position of education and the te aching profession in Croatia is critical (cf. also Marinkovi ÂŠkomrlj 2000). Croatian students demand changes, b ut know that they do not have the power to initiate th em: their role is compulsorily passivised (Ledi et al 1998:633). Students' complaints range from a general lack of communication (mainly due to teachers' inaccessibil ity and/or unwillingness) to fear (created through teachers' threats /ibid. pp. 630-6 32/). Tertiary education in Croatia is financed by the Mi nistry of Science and Technology (MOST) and regulated by the Law of Higher Education and the Law of Scientific and Research Activity, both passed in 1994, and both ma rked by numerous "deficiencies, contradictions, lack of clarity and gaps" (Dika 199 8:V). In 1998, MOST published a "Blue Book," offering an interpretation of the laws Responsibility for a Faculty's finances is held by the dean who has the authority to allocate funds at his/her discretion. In Croatia's deteriorating economy with growing une mploymentÂ—presently about 25% (out of which only 20% are entitled to some social benefit /Gali 2000:3/)Â—and low (teachers') salaries (Matkovi 2000:5), control over finances means power. For ex ample, 10 per diems for travelling abroad approximately eq uals a teacher's monthly salary. There is a fierce battle going on out there between classes, groups, alliances and individuals: its purpose is to make or break relati ons of domination (Fairclough 1999a). Whereas the West clearly understands what democracy means, "postcommunist nations do not" (Savitt 1995:17). For them the emerging "ne w order" is only vaguely defined and understood. The scene, to quote Josip upanov, Croatia's leading sociologist, is a "unique combination of incompetency and corruption" (Srdo 2000:5), dominated by the need for power and money (Fox 2000; Fox & Fox 2001) This article researches the Croatian higher educati on system's public space through a critical analysis of a Croatian faculty's discourse For the purpose of this analysis discourse is understood as a collection of intercon nected texts, i.e. communicative events wherein social, cognitive and linguistic act ions converge (Beaugrande 1997:10). Representing a typical faculty social situation, tw o council meetingsÂ—recorded in minutesÂ—are critiqued. Each meeting minutes is evid ence of a discourse strategy (the how and what to say) of an act of deceptionÂ—an atte mpt to move "someone's thinking in a wrong direction" (Ng & Bradac 1993:118), where "w rong" means away from the speaker's real intentions or feelingÂ—used by Facult y power holders to create an illusion of consent.As we shall show, the acts of deception feature kno wledge and opinions about teachers'
3 of 16 (actual) selves, other council members (e.g. studen ts), goals of interaction and important social dimensions of the council meeting itself. Cr itiquing the council meeting minutes, we shall demonstrate how "the semiotic (language, d iscourse in the abstract sense, text) figures as an element of the social" (Fairclough 20 00:186). Put another way, we shall use the council meetings to systematically explore the "opaque relationships of causality and determination" (Fairclough 1999a:132-133) between ( a) the council members' discursive practices and (b) wider social and cultural structu res, relations and processes in the Croatian higher education system and Croatia itself Finally, we look for a solution.2.0 Council MeetingsThe following two cases refer to council meetings h eld at the Faculty for Ore Searching, Blue River University, Croatia (henceforth Faculty) Case 1: A dean election campaignSetting: The Faculty for Ore Searching suffers from "massivity": over 2000 students in a comparatively small and inadequa tely equipped building (7 classrooms, 50 PCs). There is a pronoun ced tendency of increasing the total number of students through enr olling part-time students, paying students and opening dislocated de partments. Due to sheer numbers, pedagogical standards defined by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST)Â—for example, the maxi mum permitted group sizeÂ—are not respected. Students fe el cheated and, consequently, are dissatisfied.The winning candidate in a dean election campaign u sed the slogan "A chair for every student." He expanded the propos ition in his program as follows: "From now the number of student s to be enrolled will be limited and a new improved organisation of teaching processes will put a stop to overcrowded classrooms and lectu re theatres." He never kept his promise: In fact, the total numbe r of students was increased. The dean's breech of electoral promise i nvited a reaction on two levels: Teaching and administrative staff kept pretending e verything was fine. If, for example, asked how (academically,administratively, physically) this enormous number of students should be dealt with, the vice-dean for teaching wo uld say with a saintly smile: "one day it will be better." Any r eference to the mass of students was considered an attack on the Fa culty. Teachers who, for whatever reason, had to refer to the issue at the Faculty's council meeting, would ritually start with: "Please do not misunderstand me. I would be the last person to criticise this house, but we seem to have a problem with numb ers ...." As a rule, any reference to "massivity" is omitted fro m council meeting minutes. 1.
4 of 16 Students felt let down and objectedÂ—via theirrepresentativeÂ—to the situation at the council meet ing. The students' representative quoted the election slogan A chair for every student and openly stated that the promise had not been kept. His objection was disregarded; what is more, he was verbally attacked by his colleague, another studentrepresentative, during the meeting. His discussion was not mentioned in the meeting minutes. Following the mee ting, he was advised not to "create any more problems." When informed about their representative's failure, students reac ted with a graffito scribbled all over the Faculty: Every student gets a chair, but not at this faculty The issue was never referred to again. It was omitted from meeting minutes. The stu dent representative's objection to this omission, raised at the subsequent council meeting, was also omitted from t he meeting minutes. 2. 2.1 Case InterpretationThe act of deception here is built upon the metapho r chair a shorthand for the dean's explicit promise stated in his program: "From now on the number of students to be enrolled will be limited and a new, improved organisation of teaching processes wi ll put a stop to overcrowded classrooms and lecture theatres." The success of the metaphor chair can be explained through a 3 phase procedure: identification, interpretation and acceptance. The procedure is founded on Kintsch's (1989:185-209) construction-integration model of di scourse processing. First, all possible meanings (not just the relevant ones) of a word are initially activatedÂ—the identification stage. Following this, non-relevant meanings are soon deactivatedÂ—the interpretation phase, while the relevant ones raise their activation and spread into the rest of the discourseÂ—the acceptance phase. Operations w ithin the model make it probable that out of the whole meaning potential of a word, the intended (ascribed) meaning is highlighted.Related to chair then, identification is the interactants' (dean's teachers', students') awareness of the existence of the metaphor, enabled through shared social knowledge. In the interpretation phase, non-relevant meanings (e. g., building a new lecture theatre as a possible solution to the space shortage) are deacti vated. Interpretation is a result of the interactants' agreement on the ascribed meaning of the metaphor (reducing the number of students). The power of chair lay in its transparency and conventionality which enabled it to become a part of the electoral body's social cognition. Captured by their wishes with which the metaphor perfectly harmonised the voters oversaw its arbitrariness and eagerly consumed the offered virt ual reality. Their inability (or unwillingness) for reflective analysis of the Facul ty's discourse prevented them from seeing A chair for every student as an act of deception. Finally, in the acceptance phase,
5 of 16 the ascribed meaning of chair raised its activation and spread into the rest of t he Faculty's discourse. Acceptance confirmed the reali ty of the metaphor. For all those teachers (and students) who saw reality as defined by chair (cf. Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 156-158), the metaphor was true. Case 2: Access to informationSetting: The dean is perceived by both Faculty staf f and students as an autocratic manager who relies on coercive/reward po wer and forces compliance. He gives selected Faculty council membe rs (both teachers and students) privileges (e.g., fees, grants) which theyÂ—in order to maintain social relationshipÂ—have to honour through obedience. During his first year of office the dean assumed to tal control of the institution. All information about national/interna tional conferences/events is collected in his office. The dean personally decides on who gets what information. According to him, allocation of information is in the best interests of the Facu lty: teaching staff receive information related to their area of teachi ng and scientific affiliations. Every now and again, however, teacher s do complain of not having been informed of a particular event (Not e 2). A case in point is the Croatian association of Ore Engineers' annual meeting held in hotel Glitzy, Zagreb, which was attended by Faculty management. Surprisingly, teachers actually living in Zagreb were not informed. Another similar example is the Internatio nal jubilee congress Ore Searching and the Environment held in China, which the dean attended. Information about the congress w as never passed on to teaching staff. Again, criteria of access to information were questioned by teaching staff. It was pointed out th at environmental issues are covered by three Faculty teachers in the ir graduate and postgraduate courses, who have published in this fi eld both in Croatia and abroad (which the dean has not).1st Council meetingA member of the teaching staff, JJ, raised the ques tion of access to information. He stated that not all teachers were b eing informed about national/international conferences, and that criter ia for disseminating information were not transparent. He suggested, the refore, a central information portfolio, which would contain all conf erence-related information received by the Faculty, to be kept in the library, available to all staff.The dean objected, claiming that conference informa tionÂ—depending on the conference topicÂ—was allocated to relevant F aculty departments, and that the system worked just fine.JJ pointed out that what he was suggesting was tota l communication,
6 of 16 i.e., all research-related information available to all teachers, which, in his opinion, would be in the best interest of the o rganisation. The dean called over three teachers (heads of depar tments for economics, management and foreign languages). They confirmed that the system worked just fine and there was no need t o change it. Students did not participate in the discussion (Not e 3). 2nd Council MeetingJJ objected to the minutes of the 1st meeting. (Cou ncil meeting minutes are circulated to council members almost fo ur weeks after the meeting, usually less than a week before the next m eeting.) There was no mention of his discussion. He repeated his discu ssion and requested that it be included in the minutes. The r ecording secretary declared she would include it in the minutes.3rd Council MeetingThe minutes of the 2nd meeting noted JJ's discussio n as follows: "JJ objected to the minutes of the 1st meeting, as his discussion was not correctly interpreted." Again, JJ objected to this, stating that he had originally objected to the minutes of the 1st meeti ng because his discussion was omitted, not wrongly interpreted. The recording secretary consulted her notebook and said: "That's correct. This is my mistake. It will be recorded in the minutes."4th Council MeetingThere was no mention of anything at all related eit her to JJ's discussion or secretary's admission of error in the minutes of the 3rd meeting. 2.2 Case InterpretationThe act of deception here is built on a continuum o f misrepresentations (cf. Metts, 1989) of JJ's suggestion, ranging from omission of releva nt information in meeting minutes to falsificationÂ—contradiction of truthful information Omission is marked by silence; falsification by a particular lexical choiceÂ—the us e of interpreted rather than omitted It would be a mistake to define the omission of inf ormationÂ—in effect silenceÂ—negatively, i.e. as a mere absence of speec h. All omissions in the meeting minutes had propositional content, which made them equally important to any formational unit of linguistic production and any e lement of discourse (Fox 2001:23). Both omissions (in the 1st and 3rd meeting minutes respectively) were made to produce an impression of consent, aimed at controlling publ ic space. Whereas the verb interpret represents a cognitive endocentric process featuri ng "inner"
7 of 16events and is associated more to mental or data-bas ed activities, omit represents an exocentric process, featuring "outer" events and is associated more to behavioral or material-based activities (cf. Beaugrande 1997:208213). Interpreting entails effort and attention on behalf of an agent, it involves a subj ect (someone who interprets). It is a process open to the agent's control, who can either initiate it or refrain from it. Omitting entails a simple non-effortful static quality. It e mphasises the process in its own right. Whereas a process of interpretation has no direct target, omission tends to have a direct target, an affected entity expressed as an object, for example JJ's suggestions. Use of the word interpreted instead of omitted in the minutes created inferences crucial to the success of the act of deception. The dean wa s portrayed as intensely cognitively involved in the Faculty's discourse. At the same ti me, he was removed from the discourse as the sole agent who had no direct targe t. The Faculty's discourse became a shared one with no affected entity. Briefly, skillf ul formulation of meeting minutes created a virtual reality where JJ's objection was lost, and, consequently, the dean's accountability to the objection. A potentially disc reditable situation was turned into a creditable one.3.0 Explaining the success of deceptionIf, as our above anaylsis suggests, we accept that (1) faculty power holders committed acts of deception, and (2) assume that Faculty coun cil members were cognizant of the deceptions, then, council members' absence of parti cipation and criticismÂ—expressed through their persistent silenceÂ—was, in effect, a vote of acceptance. Why did council members accept the deceptions?We argue that their acceptance was a result of thei r social cognition of the Faculty's discourse: dominating social norms and rules which were simply translated into "specific constrains of discourse" (see van Dijk 19 96:167). Social cognition is a socially shared system of social representations which may b e "conceptualized as hierarchcal networks organized by a limited set of relevant nod e-categories. Social representation of groups, for instance, may feature nodes such as App earance, Origin, Socioeconomic goals, Cultural dimension and Personality. These ca tegories organize the propositional contents of social representations, which not only embody shared social knowledge, but also evaluative information, such as general opinio ns about other people as group members' Briefly, social representations include "s ocially shared cognitive representations, about social phenomena, including social groups, social relationships, or social issues or problems" (van Dijk 1996:166).Social cognition includes too what van Dijk has cal led individual "(situation) models", i.e. cognitive representations of personal experien ce and interpretation, which include personal knowledge and opinions of other persons, o f specific events and actions (van Dijk 1996:166). Models are the cognitive counterpar ts of situations. 3.1 Routine overlearned reaction of complianceOne social representation which perhaps explains co uncil members' reluctance to criticise during the council meetings was a "routin e, overlearned reaction" of compliance (Folkes 1985:133), subject to their involvement in the message (the lower the involvement, the less critical the information proc essing), their preparedness for the
8 of 16content of the message, and on their need for cogni tion (Petty and Cacioppo 1986). In a world where information production is much faster t han information consumption, an individual's attention is inevitably diverted from message content to message form (Cialdini 1984; Redfern 1989). If the form of a mes sage appears appropriate, the audience will be less inclined to question its cont ent (Ng & Bradac 1993:133-134). The Faculty's council meeting minutes are excellent exa mples of appropriate "orderly interaction" (cf. Fairclough 1999a:28): an interact ion which makes most participants feel (or pretend to feel) that things are "as they shoul d be." A perception of orderliness was created by preplanned turn taking (during the meeti ng), which eliminated the need for a wider discussion. Individual power holders' turns ( dean's, vice-deans', secretary's, heads of departments', "initiated" students' representati ves") were fitted harmoniously together. Besides two individual challengers, nobody objected to either properties or effects of the discourse.Both Case 1 (except for the student representative) and Case 2 (except for JJ) are marked by council members' low involvement and low need for cognition. In case 1 there was a manifest difference between teachers' a nd students' attitude towards the message ( A chair for every student ). Accepting the message at its face value, the teachers demonstrated a low involvement and low nee d for cognition. As the message was announced well in advanceÂ—copies of the candida tes' applications for the dean's office were submitted to all members of the council two weeks before the council meetingÂ—unpreparedness for the message is not an ex planation (or excuse). Repeatedly questioning the validity of the message, students, on the other hand, manifested a high degree of criticism, high involvement and a high ne ed for cognition. Their individual (situation) model was different to that of their te achers'. Similar to Case 1, council members (teaching staff) in case 2 again demonstrated low involvement manifested in the absence of discussion (out of 36 teachers present at the council meeting, nobody expressed an opinion). As t he agenda for the council meeting was distributed to council members almost a week in advance, unpreparedness, for the message, as in Case 1, cannot serve as an explanati on for lack of response. Council members showed too a very low need for cognition. T hey uncritically processed information, and refused to accept the idea of tota l communication, which in itself aimed for an increased level of cognition. They rejected the idea of total communication not only within a particular social situation (council meeting), but also on a metalevel. Although aware of the fact that total communication would have been in their interest, students refrained from comments. Their low degree of criticism was a clear sign of low involvement and a low need for cognition. In contra st to Case 1, the students' behavior here was similar to that of their teachers.To sum up, both case 1 and case 2 council meeting m inutes show council members' overlearned reactance of compliance manifested in t heir low degree of criticism, low involvement in the message and low need for cogniti on. Individual variations (in Case 1 a students' representative, in Case 2 JJ) were a re sult of individual cognitive representations which were at variance from the res t of the council. We argue, however, that what really influenced council members' behavi our are social representations primarily related to the Faculty's hierarchy, their rank (title) within that hierarchy, and their position within the Faculty's social network (willingness to participate in relationships of authority, reciprocation and ingra tiation). We suggest that it was the dominating group's power/ideology/language formatio n which influenced council
9 of 16members' social cognition, which, in turn, enabled the power holders to successfully use the strategies of deception.3.2 PowerThe dean's authority gave him the legitimate right of function "to give orders and expect to be obeyed" (Smith & Vigor 1991:21). Creating obl igations through giving selected members of staff extra assignments cum fees, which they had to honour through obedience to maintain social relationships, he was able to influence their behaviour through reciprocity. By enhancing the rewarding asp ects of cooperation through pointing out similarities between himself and staff members, through self-deprecation and other-enhancement (Dickson et al 1993:1155), he was able to create ingratiation. For example, in Case 2, the secretary took the blame fo r incorrect minutes to save her boss from public embarrassment. Acting in line with rule s of a reciprocity network, she symbolically reinforced her subordination, and made the dean's face "shine more clearly" (Jackall 1996:99). In return, she could hope for ce rtain perquisites, such as protection for mistakes made, fees for "extra-assignments," benevo lent treatment etc., as such is "the business of preservation of privilege" (Lomnitz 197 7:206). 3.2 IdeologyAware of changing alliances and balances, the dean knew that his power depended not only on his hierarchical position, but also on his ability to naturalise (Fairclough 1999a:27-35) his discourse through ideology: the gr eater the level of naturalisation, the more difficult it is to recognise discourse as an i deological representation of reality. For the dean, ideology became essential to produce and reproduce relations of power and domination (Fairclough 1995:14). He was able to use ideology "in the service of power" (Thompson 1990) simply because he had the social po wer to make his discourse seem as non-ideological "common sense", opaque and accepted as the Faculty's discursive norm. Carrying the Faculty's ideology, the dean's discour se had to be perfectly naturalised. The instrument of naturalisation in Case 1 was a metaph or ( chair ) and in Case 2 lexical choice ( interpreted instead of omitted ). Naturalisation enabled the Faculty's ideology The institution will serve personal interests of the po wer holders to be turned into an opaque Individual interests (meaning, in fact, the interests of the dean's oppo nents) must be sacrificed for a common goal. As any other ideology, the Faculty's ideology was hidden, rendering the dean's power untraceable, and thus es tablishing an ideal frame for deception.3.3 Power hidingAs argued by Ng and Bradac (1993:191), power hiding is the most subtle and complex of all powerÂ—language relationship models. The powe r-hiding effect of the dean's discourse is seen in contradictions between publicl y declared intentions and actions. Whereas both the electoral slogan and meeting minut es claimed the Faculty's primary objective to be quality, in reality, promises were broken and channels of communication closed. Both Case 1 and Case 2 show a combination o f, predominantly individual, power to and, predominantly collective, power over (cf. Ng and Bradac 1999:3). Power to is visible in the dean's efforts to achieve his person al goals and hinder others' achievements
10 of 16of goals (through total control of the Faculty and personalised criteria). Power over is visible in the Faculty's social network through whi ch the dean maintains relations of authority, reciprocity and ingratiation (e.g. the s ecretary taking the blame for the dean). Both cases confirm Foucault's (1980) great truism t hat the residence of power is neither an individual nor an institution, but a network of human relations. Is there a solution?4.0 Towards a SolutionThrough control of knowledge and a strategic use of the Faculty's discourse, the dominating group is able to manufacture consent, es sential for power/ideology reinforcement. The relationship between power and d iscourse at the Faculty has simply become a question of democracy, and, as Fairclough (1999a:221) emphasised, "those affected need to take it on board as a political is sue." Both teachers and students are in a need of social emancipation which, inevitably, is about tangible matters, such as the right to work, access to resources and distribution of wealth (cf. Fairclogh 1999b:233-234). With time, th e dominated group's (most teachers, students) forced compliance should create a resentm ent which, if turned into an organised force and used as an impetus for a power struggle, could become an instrument of resistance. The rebellion of the oppr essed will of course be resisted by the present power holders. As Faculty management tends to rely on coercive power, the first prerequisite of resistance will be courage (cf. Kre itner & Kinicki 1992). Only if enough audacity and persistence for a prolonged personal s truggle is accumulated by the oppressed, can there be a "rising of consciousness" (ibid. p. 234), which in turn will empower the oppressed to engage in a struggle towar ds emancipation. In their resistance, the Faculty's oppressed will n eed a leader, a person who will function as a "catalyst" (Fairclough 1999b:234). It is gener ally believed that the catalyst should possess two qualities: (1) some theoretical knowled ge to be able to assume the role of a coach, and (2) the experience of the oppressed in o rder to gain trust and be accepted by the group. In real life, however, the catalyst is o ften a dissident from a dominating group who, anticipating change in the balance of power, s omersaults into the new role. At any rate, it is through a catalyst's assistance that th e Faculty's oppressed will start learning how to deal with discourse-related issues of power.The first sign of changing social representations a nd individual situation models of the Faculty's council members will be questions related to ideology and discourse: What is the Faculty's ideology? What is the relationship between the Faculty's ideo logy and the dominant discourse? How transparent is the Faculty's dominant discourse ? Learning about the effects of ideology upon discour se, and, in turn, of discourse upon ideology should help the dominated group to denatur alise the Faculty's ideology, i.e. recognize it as such. The bond between social deter minations (a struggle for power maintenance) and discourse effects (naturalisation of ideology), previously opaque to many participants, will become clearer. Increased d iscourse awareness will provide the oppressed with the means to "challenge, contradict and assert" in an environment where the power network expects them to "agree, acquiesce and be silent" (Fairclough 1999b:235).
11 of 165.0 ConclusionIn this article, we have argued how a power/ideolog y/language formation enabled acts of deception to be used for personal gain at the cost of democracy. In both Case 1 and Case 2, we attribute the success of deception to the cou ncil members' social cognition of the Faculty's discourse which supported the dean's powe r and teachers' acceptance. The absence of interfaceÂ—with exception of student repr esentative's reaction in Case 1 and JJ's in Case 2Â—between council members and the Facu lty's discourse is evidence of compliance for tangible reasons: right to study, ri ght to work, salary and promotionÂ—prerogatives which in a democratic enviro nment are taken for granted. The capacity for language critique (increased criti cal language awareness, which enables one's participation in discourse and patterns of so cial power) is usually given to the individual through educational institutions (Hawkin s 1984; Fairclough 1999a:220). Suggesting how to construct a "linguistics for the next century" (Candlin 1999:x), CDA contributes, as pointed out by Urry (2000:174), to assuring full cultural participationÂ—in terms of possessing information, representation, kn owledge and communicationÂ—of all social groups within world society, thus paving the ir way to "global citizenship." Failing to critique the faculty's discourse, council member s neglected their historical task (cf. Fairclough 1999a:220): inculcation of cultural mean ings, social relationships and identities, improvement of communicational skills, and, above all, development of capacity for language critique.Through manufacturing consent, Faculty power holder s naturalised the "subject positions" of Faculty staff and students (Faircloug h 1999b:105). Not until the Faculty's discourse becomes more transparently related to ide ology, will Faculty staff and students be able to transform from "powerless subjects" to powerful participants" (Fairclough 1999b), and become part of the power-language link. Only then, will discourse at the Faculty for Ore Searching move into an associationa l public space where "differences are brought together" and become "action in concert (Arendt 1973:56). Emancipation of the Faculty's staff/students will be attained throu gh language, but also manifested in it. This is inevitable, for power goes to those who are "seen to do well" (Kanter 1977), and who is more aware of that than the oppressed?Notes1 Research for this article was realised within a thr ee year (1997-2000) ALIS (Academic Links and Interchange Scheme) project Hotel & Tourism Management Education Development Supported by the British Council and MOST, it was one of a series of research projects aimed at aiding universities in p ostcommunist transitional countries in developing their courses and curricula.2 Withholding information is typical for authoritari an management, who, perceiving knowledge as power & money, will not share it easil y. Anybody who insists on free information dissemination is treated as a menace to the organisation's power structure (cf. Davenport 1994; Legge 1995).3 In a more participative climate, JJ's suggestion c ould have been used for creating a
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13 of 16Hawkins, E. (1984). Awareness of Language: An Introduction CUP Jackall, R. (1996) The Social Structure of Manageri al Work. In Barry Castro (ed.) Business & Society OUP Kanter, R. 1977. Men and Women of the Corporation New York: Basic Books Kintsch, W. (1989) The representation of knowledge and the use of knowledge in discourse comprehension. In R. Dietrich and C Graum ann (eds) Language Processing in Social Context North Holland, Amsterdam, pp. 185-209 Kreitner, R. & Kinicki, A. 1992. Organizational Behavior 2nd Edition. Burr Ridge, Illinois: IRWIN Lakoff, G. and Johnson, M. (1980) Metaphors We Live By. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press Ledi, J., Kova, V. and Rafajac, B. (1998) Students' Position Rega rding the Quality of the Teaching Process at the University. DruÂštvena istraivanja, 4-5. pp. 619-637 Legge, K. 1995. Human Resource Management: Rhetorics and Realities. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. Lomnitz, L. A. 1977. Networks and Marginality Academic Press, New York Marinkovi ÂŠkomrlj, E. (2000) Fundamental Academic Principles Destroyed. Novi List 22. May 2000, p. 14Matkovi, M. (2000) There are not many paupers in Croatia, but 80% of all citizens feel poor. Vjesnik 20. September 2000, pp. 1, 5 Metts, S. (1989) An exploratory investigation of de ception in close relationships. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 6, pp. 159-179 Ng, S. & Bradac, J. (1993) Power in Language Newbury Park: SAGE Publications Petty, R. E. & Cacioppo, J. T. (1986) Communication and persuasion: Central and peripheral routes to attitude change. New York: Springer Verlag Redfern, W. (1989) Clichs and Coinages Oxford: Basil Blackwell Savitt, R. (1995) Critical Issues of Privatization: A Managerial Perspective. In R. Culpan & B. N. Kumar (eds.) Transformation Management in Postcommunist Countrie s: Organisational Requirements for a Market Economy Westport: Quorum Books Smith, N. and Vigor, H. (1991) People in Organizati ons. OUP Srdo, S. (2000) Our Management is Incompetent and Corru pt. Novilist, 22 May 2000, p. 5 Thompson, J. B. (1990) Ideology and Modern Culture Cambridge: Polity Press
14 of 16 Urry, J. 2000. Sociology beyond Societies London: Routledge van Dijk, T. A. (1996) Social cognition and discour se. In H. Giles and W. P: Robinson Handbook of language and social psychology. Chichester: John Wiley and SonsAbout the AuthorsRenata Fox Faculty for Tourism and Hospitality Management University of Rijeka 51410 Opatija, POB 97, CroatiaEmail: Renata.Fox@hika.hr Tel: ++385/51/292-633Renata Fox (PhD, University of Zagreb, Croatia) is an assistant professor at the Faculty for Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her classro om teaching includes graduate courses in English for Management, German for Manag ement and a postgraduate course in Business Communication. Dr. Fox has lead a proje ct Hotel & Tourism Management Education Development. Her research interests lie in the area of communic ation, critical discourse analysis and cultural studies. She is the author of the book Business Communication and has published in English for Specific Purposes, The International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management and Revue de tourisme. John Fox Faculty for Tourism and Hospitality ManagementUniversity of Rijeka 51410 Opatija, POB 97, CroatiaEmail: firstname.lastname@example.org Tel: ++385/51/292-633John Fox (PhD, University of Zagreb, Croatia) is a senior lecturer at the Faculty for Tourism and Hospitality Management, Opatija, Croati a. He has taught English in a number of countries in transition, and has particip ated on professional courses for the tourist industry. Dr. Fox is co-author of two books : What an Entrepreneur Should Know and Animation in Tourism. He has conducted research in communication and beh aviour in the hospitality industry. His findings have been published in The International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, Rev ue de tourisme and in proceedings of international conferences.Copyright 2002 by the Education Policy Analysis ArchivesThe World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is epaa.asu.edu General questions about appropriateness of topics o r particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, email@example.com or reach him at College of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 8 5287-2411. The Commentary Editor is Casey D. Cobb: firstname.lastname@example.org
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