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Educational policy analysis archives.
n Vol. 10, no. 10 (January 28, 2002).
Tempe, Ariz. :
b Arizona State University ;
Tampa, Fla. :
University of South Florida.
c January 28, 2002
Response to Michelson and to Willson and Kellow / Craig Bolon.
Arizona State University.
University of South Florida.
t Education Policy Analysis Archives (EPAA)
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1 of 17 Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 10 Number 10January 28, 2002ISSN 1068-2341 A peer-reviewed scholarly journal Editor: Gene V Glass College of Education Arizona State University Copyright 2002, the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES Permission is hereby granted to copy any article if EPAA is credited and copies are not sold. Articles appearing in EPAA are abstracted in the Current Index to Journals in Education by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Assessment and Evaluation and are permanently archived in Resources in Education .Response to Michelson and to Willson and Kellow Craig Bolon Planwright Systems Corporation (USA)Citation: Bolon, C. (2002, January 28). Response to Michelson and to Willson and Kellow. Education Policy Analysis Archives 10 (10). Retrieved [date] from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v10n10/.Abstract The criticisms and points made by both Michelson(http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v10n8/) and Willson and K ellow (http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v10n9/) in response to my article "Significance of Test-based Ratings" (http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v9 n42/) are here addressed. Michelson's ComplaintsMichelson's critique of "Significance of Test-based Ratings" rides herd on some fine points but misses main themes of the article. The a rticle's data include test scores for only 47 schools. As experts have warned, such a sma ll behavioral data set can typically provide stable coefficients for only one or two ind ependent variables. The work leading to the article aimed to see if one or two strong va riables could be found for this limited
2 of 17data set. As it happened, a dominant variable was f ound: community income. In seeking an expanded analysis, Michelson overload s the observations with independent variables, adding some with no evidence for underlying quality. While his approach associates more variance with a larger set of variables, he does not provide stepwise or combinatorial analysis for the incremen tal association of variance or conduct a sensitivity study to explore the likelihood that his results may be an artifact. Despite an undiscriminating approach, community income remains the strongest factor. The article, by contrast, emphasizes robust results obtained from accurate, traceable data and parsimonious models. It employs cross-validatio n, sensitivity analysis and combinatorial analysis. Weighting is introduced to construct models that will not be destabilized by smaller schools contributing to the data set. Apparently unsatisfied with his alternative, since community income is still the strongest factor, Michelson proceeds with polemics centered a round the notion that the article really has no news anyway, since (somehow) everybod y knows that high test scores go along with high incomes. Maybe everyone in his circ le does, but many people I encounter are surprised; they wonder why this shoul d be so. It is known, if not well known, that by the early 1 920s labor unions mounted protests against the social injustice of using IQ scores to place students in academic "tracks." They had found out that high IQ scores were strongl y associated with high family incomes. It is also known, if not well known, that by the mid-1950s the Educational Testing Service had found a regular progression of their average SAT scores with average reported family incomes. But these results are for "aptitude" tests. There have been limited published studies about the associations of social and school factors with state "accountability" test scores. Wi ll such a test be similar in social correlates to "aptitude" tests, or will it be diffe rent? Massachusetts is a useful laboratory for such a study. It did not begin "accountability" testing until 1998. It then created what is generally regarded as a state-of-the-art program The Massachusetts graduation requirement will not d irectly affect any student until 2003. Although Massachusetts has some communities w ith a history of aggressive testing, such as Worcester, before the school year ending in 2000 most schools made light to moderate responses to MCAS tests. These ci rcumstances help provide a good baseline.Problems for such studies are the rare availability of reliable, personal social-factors data and the limited social-factors data that one can cl early associate with individual schools. Most data collected and reported by schools either count disadvantaged populations or count eligibility for free or reduced-price lunch. This produces two common outcomes. One is correlations found for test scores with popu lation categories. The other is correlations found between test scores and poverty, since poverty or near-poverty income is the qualification for free or reduced-pri ce lunch. Beginning with Massachusetts school profiles, I als o found those correlations. But being familiar with the communities for which I had data, I decided to look at residuals. To me the residuals seemed to show a patternÂ—high score-r esiduals in high-income communities and vice-versa. Data for disadvantaged populations, poverty and other
3 of 17school categories did not appear to tell the whole story, so I sought income data for school populations.It turned out that the only generally available dat a were from the 1989 U.S. Census of Population and Housing. Somewhat to my surprise, pe r-capita community income from a decade prior to the test scores proved to be a st rong and robust factor. The article recounts the modeling of data in the sequence it oc curred. The major theme, which Michelson does seem to under stand, is that income appears to matter at all ordinary levels, not just at the thre shold of poverty. Part of this may be self-fulfilling prophecy, when test scores are used to grant or deny advancement, but there is probably more. I don't accept Michelson's guesses about the phenomenon. I have different hypotheses but won't trust those either w ithout evidence. Another theme, which Michelson seems to ignore, is that community income, as distinct from family income, may have a powerful effect. Tha t is merely a suggestion in the article, of course. It would take a study of indivi duals to differentiate the influences. A fortuitous circumstance for this study was the pa ttern of New England cities and towns, which form legal boundaries around small, di verse clusters of population. That can also be found elsewhere in the U.S., such as ne ar Philadelphia or Cleveland, but in the more recently settled areas it is rare. Instead a large city has usually been allowed to swallow up many neighbors, and the remaining suburb s do not have the diversity of the urban neighborhoods. Social data collected within c ity boundaries can be very difficult to reaggregate, as happens in the City of Boston.The following paragraphs respond to Michelson's obs ervations item by item: (1) Michelson first complains about what he calls a "non-sequitur." The article's abstract says, "The state [of Massachusetts] is treating sco res and ratings as though they were precise educational measures of high significance." And indeed it is doing just that. As the article later points out, getting 23 instead of 24 correct answers on a tenth-grade mathematics test can be enough for Massachusetts to deny a student a high-school diploma. Such a small difference can produce a huge effect, since high-school graduation has great influence on lifetime income.The article's abstract goes on to say that a "revie w of tenth-grade mathematics test scores...showed that statistically [Massachusetts s cores and ratings] are not [precise educational measures of high significance]." And in deed the scores are not precise. As the article shows, the variability of score average s is so large that at least several years will be needed to see whether there are definite tr ends for most schools. As the article also shows, the educational significance of the sco res is highly questionable. As with "aptitude" tests, scores closely track income level s. Once predictions based on income have been subtracted, few schools can be distinguis hed. There is little to indicate that these scores may measure what schools achieve, as c ontrasted with what social advantages or disadvantages students bring to schoo ls from their backgrounds. (2) Michelson complains the article "has not said w hat success on these tests is supposed to imply." That's not my job; it's the job of an ag ency in charge of the tests. What the article says is that no studies "have shown that MC AS test scores have practical significance, in the sense of predicting success in adult activities to any greater degree
4 of 17than could be done with knowledge of student backgr ounds." It should be a responsibility of government, when u sing tests so as to cause drastic life consequences for young people under its care, to de monstrate objectively that its tests accurately and fairly measure skills of critical an d lasting importance. Massachusetts has failed to do this. It merely says its tests are sim ilar to other tests, which also lack practical validation. A physician acting in such a cavalier way toward a patient would be at risk of fines or jail.The topic of the article, however, is school rating s. We maintain public schools to equip all young people with skills and knowledge essentia l to support themselves and to carry out civic responsibility. Schools in rich and poor communities alike strive to do this. School ratings that mostly track incomes of communi ties are unlikely to reflect actual levels of effort or achievement by the schools. The Massachusetts tests lack practical validation, and the ratings based on those tests ap pear to measure characteristics of communities more than they do those of schools.(3) Michelson complains about dropping Boston schoo ls from part of the data analysis. That part of the analysis focuses on community inco me. As the article indicates, given Boston's complex mix of exam schools, magnet school s, district schools, cross-enrollment and busing, it was not possible to determine community income for individual schools. If one wants to expand the data set, it would more fruitful to add other Massachusetts cities and towns than to spend the large amount of effort needed to reaggregate Boston data by schools with any accurac y. (4) Michelson complains about weighting by number o f test takers, but aside from an appeal to prejudice he does not try to explain why an unweighted analysis would be of more use. For example, one way to handle complaint (3) might be to aggregate all of Boston's schools and use citywide per-capita income and other factors. Would it then be useful to treat all of Boston, with a population of 589,141, as equivalent in weight to Winthrop, with a population of 18,303? Despite this grievance, as Michelson later shows, unweighted analysis leads to similar pattern s of results. No reviewer of this article raised concerns about weighted models.(5) Michelson objects to lack of a marker variable for schools with vocational programs in the same facility as academic programs. However, some such schools have only vestigial programs, while other schools enroll larg e fractions of their students in vocational programs, with year-to-year changes depe nding on local circumstances. Massachusetts school profiles did not record these programs uniformly when study data were assembled and do not provide program enrollmen ts. A marker variable can be wildly inaccurate. Later Michelson also proposes a marker variable for exam schools. Boston's exam schools are known to vary widely in s electivity, and a marker variable will not account for that.(6) Michelson's complaint about weighting by number s of test takers while also including school population as a variable in one of the analysis steps is reasonable; the correlation is quite high. However, I supplied Mich elson with a file of all data used for the article. As I saw and he should readily have fo und, both weighted and unweighted analysis show low significance for this variable. I did not think that putting an additional analysis into the article would add much informatio n, but perhaps a comment about checking unweighted analysis should have appeared.
5 of 17(7) Michelson's complaint about using only "per pup il expenditure" (regular education) as an estimator for financial support is directed t o the wrong party. Massachusetts citizens have protested for years about poor report ing of school spending. As the article says in an appendix, Massachusetts is finally adopt ing a uniform system of detailed financial reporting. The first published data from the new system will be available some time in 2004.(8) Michelson makes an attempt to estimate cross-ef fects of Boston's exam school system in lowering scores of district schools. Howe ver, as the article says, there is evidence that many ambitious parents whose offsprin g who are not accepted to an exam school of their choice send them outside Boston pub lic schools: to parochial schools, other private schools and suburban schools. It woul d take far more resources than the data for this study provide to investigate cross-en rollment effects accurately. (9) Michelson objects to the use of unadjusted R2 to report the variance associated in successive steps of analysis. This would be a reaso nable complaint if there were no dominant variable and one needed to account in deta il for relative contributions of multiple variables, but that was not the result fou nd in the study. Using adjusted R2would intensify the dominance of the community inco me variable, because adjusted R2values obtained when adding more variables to a mod el are lower than unadjusted values. In his use of adjusted R2, Michelson does not show that the assumptions of adjustment are actually satisfied for the data.(10) Under "A Change of Method," Michelson again ob jects to dropping Boston schools from part of the analysis and seems to miss the poi nt where the change occurs. He states that text following Table 2-10 and a figure in Tabl e 2-13 report an unadjusted R2 value of .80 for three variables, while Table 2-15, he sa ys, reports a value of .86 for only two variables. This seems to puzzle him; he says he can "see no reason for" it. Actually, the R2 value of .86 for two variables is reported in the paragraph preceding Table 2-14. This paragraph begins by saying that an alysis starting with that table applies "only to schools outside the City of Boston." A pos sible cause of the increase in R2values is, as the article says, that one cannot acc urately determine community income for individual Boston schools. When analyzing mainly sc hools with unambiguous community income, one is looking at a less noisy da ta set. The procedure and the reason for it are clearly stated.(11) In his objections to the article's use of unad justed R2, Michelson makes much of the difference in R2 values between the analyses that include the Bosto n schools and those that don't. Unlike Michelson, the article does not try to compare R2 between these analyses. They don't use the same data set. Without knowing what is not known about the social factors for individual Boston schools, c omparisons like those Michelson suggests will not be meaningful.(12) Michelson also seems unsure when weighted or u nweighted analysis is being used. Weighting by number of test participants is describ ed in the paragraph preceding Table 2-3, the first analysis reported in the article, an d was used for that and all following
6 of 17analyses (except, as the article states, those in F igure 2-3). Readers are occasionally reminded that models are being weighted in this way If Michelson uses unweighted analysis or a different weighting factor, such as s chool population, then he will get different results.(13) Michelson's Table 2 and Table 3 offer what he calls an "all schools replication" of analyses in Table 2-14 and Table 2-16 of the articl e. The two paragraphs preceding Table 2-14 in the article discuss problems of reagg regating data for Boston schools and introduce analyses that consider only the remaining schools, reported in Tables 2-14 through 2-16. An "all schools replication" is not a replication. Since he doesn't use the same data set in his Tables 2 and 3, Michelson gets different results. When he uses the same data set in his Tables 4 and 5, he gets the sa me results as the article contains. Michelson notes a concern about excluding only Bost on schools in Table 2-14 and Table 2-16, since Quincy, Lynn and Newton also have multi ple high schools. The article makes the same observation in its summary analysis, Section 2.D, and presents in Tables 2-20 and 2-21 and in Figures 2-8 through 2-10 resul ts excluding all four of these communities from the data set.(14) Again, Michelson objects to dropping Boston sc hools from the data set and proposes a different model into which he introduces marker variables, "Michelson's 5-Factor Model." I considered such an approach duri ng the study but rejected it for the reasons stated under his complaint (5): these marke r variables may wildly misrepresent what they claim to identify. In rejecting weighting for his model, Michelson exposes it to instability from smaller schools that are well off the trend lines. He does not explain his reasons for the choice.Here, from a reader's perspective, Michelson is exp loring new ground. He has different techniques for analyzing different sets of data and seems to have different motives. His model ignores conservative recommendations for beha vioral data by using too many variables in a final model for the size of the data set. He does not try to overcome the potential problems in this approach with a sensitiv ity study to explore probable ranges of results from such a model. He does not review any p otential weakness of his marker variables. He does not provide readers with stepwis e or combinatorial analysis for incremental association of variance, only first and last steps. He does not attempt any cross-validation. He does not explain his rejection of weighting. The results shown in Michelson's Figure 1 may represent a robust pattern or they may be a statistical artifact. As previously stated, the article emphasizes robust results obtained from accurate, traceable data and parsimonious models. It employs cross-validation in Table 2-13, sensitivity analysis in the exploration of outliers in and near Tables 2-18 and 2-19, and combinatorial analysis in Table 2-12. Weighting is introduced beginning at Table 2-3 to construct models that will not be destabilized by s maller schools contributing to the data set.(15) Besides offering no stepwise or combinatorial analysis of his own, Michelson objects to such analysis in the article, shown in T able 2-12 and 2-15 and discussed in Section 2.C. A curious objection, since stepwise an d combinatorial analyses are common, helpful approaches to understanding the rel ative influences of multiple factors. A better objection would have been to call at this point for the use of adjusted R2, since when the assumptions of adjustment can be satisfied the adjustment will discount added
7 of 17factors of low significance.(16) Michelson characterizes the article's discussi on of limited English proficiency as "political" and claims the article largely ignores it. Readers can judge for themselves. Section 2.C of the article says, "The factor Â‘Perce nt limited English proficiency' was the second strongest influence on predicted test scores ." It offers hypotheses for further investigation suggested by this finding. It then go es on to discuss relative significance of factors "Percent African American," "Percent Hispan ic / Latino," and "Percent Asian or Pacific Islander." (Unlike Michelson, I prefer long er, more informative factor names to "bosnoex" and other mysterious abbreviations.)(17) Michelson claims the article ignores what he c alls "specification" effects in the evolution of model equations. In fact, several part s of the article address just such effects, and the article as a whole is an extended model development. In particular, the discussion of Table 2-6 emphasiz es how an economic factor captures variance otherwise associated with disadvantaged po pulations. Table 2-7 is presented to show how a model without the economic factor loads significance onto population categories. The analysis in Table 2-12 shows how di fferent model equations reveal the weakness of one factor. Discussion around Table 2-1 4 shows how the factor "Per-capita community income (1989)" supplants the significance of the factor "Percent free or reduced price lunch." (Unlike Michelson, I assume r eaders are familiar with such effects and do not need a lecture.)(18) Arguing about his marker variable for vocation al programs, Michelson ignores the lack of data characterizing the programs or the stu dents who enroll in them. It might be that the programs draw many students from low-incom e families or families who do not speak standard English as a first language. It migh t be that the programs neglect skills or knowledge being tested by MCAS. There could also be a combination of these factors, or there might be some critical but wholly differen t factor. Data available for the study were insufficient to address the issue, and the art icle says so. I believe it is unwise for Michelson to introduce a marker variable without in vestigating the environment. (19) Similarly, arguing about his marker variable f or Boston exam schools, Michelson relies on personal recollections and anecdotes, but he ignores the complex social characteristics of Boston and the lack of reliable data for estimating cross-enrollment effects, which only begin with the exam schools. A study by the Mumford Center at the University of Albany indicates that parochial and o ther private schools have such large effects that the incidence of poverty among the hou seholds of Boston public school students substantially exceeds the incidence in the city population. As with vocational programs, data available for the study were insuffi cient, and the article says so. Again, I believe it is unwise for Michelson to introduce a m arker variable without investigating the environment.(20) Caught up in personal anecdotes, Michelson ign ores findings about individual communities reported in the article that appear sig nificant. Belmont substantially outscored predictions, while Marblehead scores were considerably lower than predicted. Sensitivity analysis suggests robust results, not a rtifacts. Neither community is known for extremes in population or education; a review t hat compares and contrasts them might be of interest and of practical use.
8 of 17(21) Michelson's objections to the residuals discus sion around Figures 2-4 and 2-5 in the article ignores the increase in slope of the line o f fit. These figures were placed in sequence so that this effect could be easily seen. Michelson is correct in his observation that annual score averages and score changes are li mited predictorsÂ—the point made with Figures 2-9 and 2-10 in the article. With Mich elson's scatterplot of successive year residuals from "Michelson's 5-Factor Model" in his Figure 3, he might raise a question about the anomalous behavior of Swampscott, which t he article called attention to in discussing Table 2-11.(22) Under "The Town View," Michelson begs the ques tion of the article. He contends that "the highest scoring students are exactly who we would expect them to be, those from the highest income places...." Yes, if you loo k at the plot of average scores versus income in the abstract of the article, that is what you would expect. But if you hadn't seen the data, would you know? Perhaps, as he seems to suggest, Michelson is privy to inside information. Most of us have to look at the data to find out. (23) Michelson's "Final Remarks" include the polemi cs previously mentioned. In these, he contends that "MCAS tests are designed to measur e individual achievement" and seems to want to make this an affair of honor. True or false, meaningful or otherwise, that's not the topic of the article, which also see ms to have escaped Michelson. Likewise, the article is concerned neither with what Michelso n calls "beliefs" about its findings nor (certainly, in an article using statistical inferen ce) with causality.Summary of Response to MichelsonThe topic of the article, "Significance of Test-bas ed Ratings for Metropolitan Boston Schools," is the meaning and usefulness of school r atings that are entirely based on MCAS test scores. The article shows, for the years and tests it reports, that within the variations of test score averages the Massachusetts Department of Education could have produced nearly the same ratings simply by scaling income data from the Department of Revenue. As an appendix to the article notes, Secti on 1I in Chapter 69 of the Massachusetts General Laws directs the Department o f Education to set up a school rating system with a broader approach than it has u sed so far: "The system shall employ a variety of assessment in struments on either a comprehensive or statistically valid sampling basis Such instruments...shall include consideration of work samples, projects and portfolios, and shall facilitate authentic and direct gauges of student p erformance." This provision was written when the state was admin istering tests on a sampling basis that were inspired by NAEP, which tries to acknowle dge a variety of learning orientations. In narrowing its current approach to a single test series, Massachusetts may have emphasized only the cognitive skills sampled b y "aptitude" tests. Certainly it fails to honor the spirit of its laws.Unlike the impression Michelson gives of his outloo k, I don't see statistical analysis as a card game, playing to get a high multiple R score w hile discounting the quality of data. Statistics won't identify causes or distinguish cau ses from effects. At best one can find robust patterns that justify investigation by other means. Knowing, for example, that community income provides a strong, persistent fact or for certain test scores may
9 of 17motivate someone to find out why this happens and m ight eventually lead to better understanding of how or what to teach or test.Knowing that factors may have some influence will n ot help an investigator unless their influence is major. In this vein, someone with a sc ientific or engineering background will tend to apply a p <0.05 criterion as a rough, first cutÂ—the criterion to which Michelson takes such pained exception. That isn't a signal of existential meaning; it's a value judgement. If there isn't much more than a 95 percent chance of significance, then another phenomenon is probably a better object of o ne's attention. Anyone who tries to chase down all the "Michelson 5-Factor[s]" with sur veys or experiments is risking a waste of energy in blind alleys.Michelson's reported confusions with the article su ggest that he would really like to analyze different data sets with different techniqu es. That's fair, of course, and it might yield some new information. But it really proposes a different article, which Michelson seems to have begun in the guise of a critique.As "Significance of Test-based Ratings" shows, Mass achusetts school ratings, based solely on MCAS test scores, are not precise educati onal measures of high significance. Score variations are large, and scores appear to re flect heavily the social advantages or disadvantages that students bring to schools from t heir backgrounds, not necessarily the effectiveness of the schools themselves.Willson's and Kellow's ConcernsWillson's and Kellow's concerns about "Significance of Test-based Ratings" focus largely on what they say are "theoretical" and stan dards issues. The article presents data, models and correlations associating state "accounta bility" test scores used to construct school ratings with social and school characteristi cs. It does not endorse any "theoretical" framework or invoke any institutional standard of judgement. Willson and Kellow also raise issues about construction and con tent of tests and discuss data developed by identifying individual students. While these are reasonable subjects of inquiry, they are not the topic of the article.The article explores the potential significance of school ratings based on "accountability" test scores. The study on which the article was bas ed looked at average test scores and social and school factors for 47 geographically clu stered schools to see if one or two strong factors could be found for this limited data set. A dominant factor was found: community incomes. Results show that the test score s track community incomes so closely that it is questionable whether the scores measure efforts or effectiveness of the schools.Willson and Kellow seem to feel that income inequit ies should no longer be considered particularly relevant to educational issues, since funding has been equalized. Although both their home state of Texas and mine of Massachu setts have school funding equalization programs, both states also continue to encounter strong disagreements and lawsuits over the issue, for example: "In a lawsuit filed against the state of Texas, low er-wealth school districts allege that the state's current funding scheme for education fails to meet the equity and efficiency standards established by a 19 94 Texas Supreme Court
10 of 17decision. Plaintiffs in the suit claim that tax exe mptions for, among other things, country clubs and sports franchises represe nt lost property tax revenues that would otherwise be allocated to fundi ng the state's schools. These breaks reduce school funding by an estimated $500 million, according to the plaintiffs. A statewide property t ax to correct the state's school funding inequities failed in the last sessio n of the Texas legislature." (from Texas Education Funding, 1998 ) "Residents Advocating Government Equity, or RAGE, s ought $50,000 from Barnstable County to continue a private lawsuit, br ought in the name of eight Cape schoolchildren to the Massachusetts Supr eme Judicial Court. The suit asks the court to intervene and make the s tate legislature carry out its constitutional duty to adequately finance aid t o schools. That includes changing the aid formula to better serve towns like those on the Cape, with relatively high property values but also with high growth rates. Several Cape towns are also owed $14.7 million in back aid. (from Milton, 1999 ) Willson and Kellow don't consider recent evidence s uch as Grissmer, et al., 2000 that income levels may influence test scores independent ly of school funding. In Figures 2-6 and 2-7 the article "Significance of Test-based Rat ings" shows, for the communities studied, that per-capita community income is strong ly associated with average test scores while school spending shows very little asso ciation with average test scores. Willson and Kellow make a vague statement that "all sorts of predictors" (other than income) might produce strong correlations with test scores, but they don't offer any evidence. Why not? If strong predictors were so eas y to come across, surely they could dredge up a few. Actually, an appendix to the artic le provided Willson and Kellow with real data to test such a proposition, the social an d school factors that the article analyzes. The results are in Figure 1. Figure 1. Scatterplots of scores versus factors The scatterplots in Figure 1 of this response inclu de the schools contributing to the summary analysis of the article, in its Figures 2-8 through 2-10. The ordinate of each scatterplot is the school-averaged test score for 1 999. Although several factors have significant correlations, Factor 8 provided dominan t and robust association of variance in a multifactor model. In the article, this factor is identified as "Per-capita community income (1989)." Another factor proportional to comm unity income would certainly act as an effective substitute.
11 of 17Willson and Kellow maintain that using "aggregate m easures" may yield "misleading conclusions." PossiblyÂ—but from what kind of data a re the test-based school rating systems themselves constructed? "Aggregate measures ," I believe. Willson and Kellow don't seem to be disturbed that all test-based scho ol rating systems, those they like as well as those they don't, are subject to similar po tentials for distortion. In their objections about "mixing levels of analysi s," Willson and Kellow do not seem to have followed the article closely. Preliminary anal yses through Table 2-8 use only school-based data. Intermediate steps, introducing per-capita incomes from the census, warn about problems from mixing levels. The summary analysis, Section 2.D, presents in Tables 2-20 and 2-21 and in Figures 2-8 through 2-10 the results from only communities with a single high school. For those sc hools, there is only one level. The summary analysis has no level mixing.Despite sensitivities over "mixing levels of analys is," Willson and Kellow sometimes seem to confound issues of evaluating personal test scores in the context of personal factors with issues of evaluating test-based school ratings in the context of school and community factors. The article is focused on the la tter topic, not the former. Willson and Kellow say that measures such as percen tages of students qualified for free or reduced-price lunch would be "more appropriate" than per-capita income for the purposes of the articleÂ—an opinion they don't expla in or defend. The article shows that test scores are closely associated with incomes at all income levels found in the communities studied. Its results suggest that commu nity income, as distinct from family income, may have substantial influence. A study of individuals would be needed to resolve the influences.When typical incomes were well beyond poverty level s, as in many communities studied for the article, the percentage of high-school stud ents qualified for free or reduced-price lunch became a poor proxy for income. A model using income directly was statistically much more effective. Willson and Kellow argue that this would be less of a problem for elementary-school students, but they neither cite n or present evidence. In a study focused on lower-income Florida communities Tschinkel, 1999 did find an association between test scores and "supported lunch" that was about as strong as the article finds between test scores and income for Massachusetts communitie s near Boston. Willson and Kellow review MCAS tests and AREA/APS Standards ( Committee, 1985, 1999 ), but the article does not invoke those or any oth er institutional standards. It is not focused on testing at a personal level, as standard s are. Instead it is concerned with school ratings based on test scores. However, in th is context Willson and Kellow are surely aware that jurisdictions such as California and Chicago ignored some of the AREA/APS standards in using commercial achievement tests for promotion and graduation tests. Other jurisdictions such as Texas and Massachusetts claim they comply with those standards but have legalistic interpreta tions. Scattterplot data from Texas that Willson and Kello w show in their first figure could not be compared with data from Massachusetts in the art icle, because Willson and Kellow did not provide data, cite a source from which to o btain data, or translate their "economic disadvantage" index to income. They do no t say whether their index reflects household or community income, nor do they evaluate the accuracy of the index as an
12 of 17income proxy for communities with typical incomes w ell above poverty. There is a further, critical problem in trying to c ompare results from the Texas "accountability" testing program with those from Ma ssachusetts. As many experiences show, teachers, students and parents adapt defensiv ely to testing programsÂ—the higher the stakes, in general, the stronger the defenses. Education agencies also respond in a variety of ways to public reactions. Massachusetts patterns from 1998-1999 might be compared with Texas patterns from 1985-1986, when T exas testing began, but Massachusetts tests from 1998-1999 more closely res emble contemporaneous Texas tests than the Texas tests from 1985-1986.Texas started "accountability" testing in 1985 and is now more than ten years into a second generation of tests (TAAS). It has been enfo rcing a graduation test requirement and maintaining its Accountability Rating System fo r more than eight years. By the late 1990s, there were widespread reports of weeks spent on test cramming, of "TAAS rallies," of heavy school spending on test prep mat erials and consultants, and of scandals over falsifying reports (see McNeil, 2000 for examples). Some observers such as Haney, 2000 suspect dropout rates have been redefined to conc eal problems. Massachusetts started "accountability" testing in 1 998. Its graduation requirement will not directly affect any student until 2003. Massach usetts has some communities with a history of aggressive testing, such as Worcester; b ut before the school year ending in 2000 most schools made light to moderate responses to MCAS tests, and the Board of Education discounted most concerns about higher dro pout rates. Baseline data for "Significance of Test-based Ratin gs" were from 1998 and 1999, the quietest years of the MCAS program. Differences bet ween those years were used to estimate variability, and the 1999 scores were used for most of the effects models. These data reflect conditions of Massachusetts schools be fore most strong responses. Scores from 2001, unavailable when the study was conducted clearly show effects of strong responses, which will probably grow. Under state th reats to take over or close low-scoring schools, there have already been heavy efforts to increase scores in some schools, involving test cramming that would be fami liar to Texans; and there have been widely reported score increases.In a short paragraph after their Texas scatterplot data, Willson and Kellow again object to correlating income with test scores, claiming in come to be "uninterpretable." One is reminded of Tevye from Fiddler: "Impossible! Impossible!" Of course, the interpret ation is entirely possible. Grissmer, et al., 2000 do it, the Nader organization does it, the Educational Testing Service does it, and if they tr y a bit harder, Willson and Kellow can do it too.Willson and Kellow advocate teaching and learning m etrics sometimes called the "value-added model" (e.g., by McLean, et al., 1998 ). Sanders has popularized a variant of this approach, and he supports it commercially ( Sanders & Horn, 1995 ). The stability and significance of ratings based on such methods h ave recently been questioned by Kane & Staiger, 2001b who also estimate contributions to score volatili ty from several sources.Consistent with the article's observation (not "err or") under Figure 2-10, Willson and Kellow also find year-to-year score changes exhibit ing low significance. The
13 of 17Massachusetts Department of Education uses a scorechange metric ( Mass. DoE, 1999 ) slightly more robust than year-to-year changes. Kane & Staiger, 2001a propose filters applied to several years of scores for better metri cs. Willson and Kellow might compare score volatility estimates, by sources, that were o btained by Kane & Staiger, 2001b from North Carolina elementary school testing again st the within-year and between-year score variations from Texas testing.Willson and Kellow complain that the article does n ot explore the content of MCAS tests. As previously stated, the article's focus is on significance of test scores for constructing school ratings, not on internal proper ties of the tests. However, the article provided Willson and Kellow with references to the full MCAS test content ( Mass. DoE, 2000a for 2000) and technical manual ( Mass. DoE, 2000b for 1999), which Massachusetts publishes on the Internet. They have had unlimited access to these documents for any reviews they find "appropriate."In their Table 3, Willson and Kellow present a corr elation matrix of score changes from Texas elementary schools plus social and school fac tors. Again it was not possible to compare Texas data with Massachusetts data from the article. The article associates factors with scores, while Willson and Kellow assoc iate them with score changes for cohorts of identified students. There are also at l east two major problems with results that Willson and Kellow present. First, they have s core changes with high volatility. Obtaining a robust pattern would require multiple y ears, perhaps with filters such as Kane & Staiger, 2001a propose. Second, they have social and school fact ors with substantial correlations, but they offer no multifa ctor model and no stepwise or combinatorial analysis of variance.Willson's and Kellow's title for their critique ech oes a shopworn slogan of the education hustlers: that school-based standard test scores ar e sending us a "message." Other than a bundle of sticks, what might that message be? A que stion rarely asked about "accountability" programs is whether their tests me asure anything useful. What they measure is whether a test-taker, in a constrained s ituation, can interpret isolated fragments of information, solve small, arbitrary pu zzles, recall miscellaneous items, or write in a simplistic style. Otherwise such situati ons may rarely be encounteredÂ—except perhaps with crossword puzzles or quiz shows.Life's challenges are hardly ever so neatly package d as the questions on a school-based standard test. They are often far more difficult: g rasping people's real wants and needs, seeing advantages where others see limitations, org anizing experience to make sense of it, understanding one's own blind spots, persisting against adversity, motivating people and guiding them. In most circumstances other than getting certificates that depend on results from those tests, how would the results be of practical use? Attempts to measure education effectiveness using the current generatio ns of state "accountability" tests may be mansions built on sand.Associations of incomes with "aptitude" test scores have been recognized in the U.S. for more than 80 years. There are related studies about effects of poverty on cognitive development, such as Smith, et al., 1997 but the underlying behaviors at higher incomes are not understood much better now than they were i n the 1920s. Flynn, 1984 showed that average IQ scores have been rising dramaticall y over time, suggesting that the underlying behaviors involve training or experience Recently Dickens & Flynn, 2001 proposed an interpretive model, but so far little i nvestigation of it has been reported.
14 of 17State "accountability" tests may be heavily weighte d for the same cognitive skills that are sampled by "aptitude" tests, leading to associa tions with income like those that "Significance of Test-based Ratings" finds.As this article shows, Massachusetts school ratings based solely on MCAS test scores, are not precise educational measures of high signif icance. Score variations are large, and scores appear to reflect heavily the social advanta ges or disadvantages that students bring to schools from their backgrounds, not necess arily the effectiveness of the schools themselves.ReferencesBolon, C. (2001). Significance of test-based rating s for metropolitan Boston schools. Education Policy Analysis Archives 9 (42). October 16, 2001, available at http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v9n42.Committee to Develop Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing, Novick, M. R., Chair (1985, revised 1999). Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing Washington, DC: American Educational Research Assoc iation and American Psychological Association.Dickens, W. T., & Flynn, J. R. (2001). Heritability estimates versus large environmental effects: the IQ paradox resolved. Psychological Review 108 (2), pp. 346-369. Flynn, J. R. (1984). The mean IQ of Americans: mass ive gains 1932 to 1978. Psychological Bulletin 95, pp. 29-51. Grissmer, D. W., Flanagan, A., Kawata, J., & Willia mson, S. (2000). Improving Student Achievement: What NAEP State Test Scores Tell Us. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corp. Haney, W. (2000). The myth of the Texas miracle in education. Education Policy Analysis Archives 8 (41) at http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v8n41 Kane, T. J., & Staiger, D. O. (2001a). Improving School Accountability Measures. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 8156. Kane, T. J., & Staiger, D. O. (2001b). Volatility in School Test Scores. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.Massachusetts Department of Education (1999). School and District Accountability System Massachusetts Department of Education (2000a). Release of Spring 2000 Test Items. Available at http://www.doe.mass.edu/mcas/2000/release/ Massachusetts Department of Education (2000b). MCAS 1999 Technical Report. Available at http://www.doe.mass.edu/mcas/2000/news/pdf/99techre p.pdf McLean, J. E., Snyder, S. W., & Lawrence, F. R. (19 98). A school accountability model. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Mid-So uth Educational Research Association, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 4-6, 1998.
15 of 17 McNeil, L. M. (2000). Contradictions of School Reform, New York, NY: Routledge. Milton, S (1999, February 25). Town lawyers endorse funding of RAGE lawsuit. Cape Cod Times, Barnstable, MA. Sanders, W. L., & Horn, S. P. (1995). Educational a ssessment reassessed. Education Policy Analysis Archives 3 (6) at http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v3n6.html Smith, J. R., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Klebanov, P. K. (1 997). Consequences of living in poverty for young children's cognitive and verbal a bility and early school development. In G. J. Duncan & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds.), Consequences of Growing Up Poor (pp. 132-167). New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.Texas education funding challenged in new lawsuit ( 1998, May 8). Daily Tax Report. Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs.Tschinkel, W. R. (1999, April 25). Poverty, not bad schools, hinders learning. Miami Herald.About the AuthorCraig BolonPlanwright Systems CorpP.O. Box 370Brookline, MA02446-0003 USAEmail: email@example.comPhone: 617-277-4197Craig Bolon is President of Planwright Systems Corp ., a software development firm located in Brookline, Massachusetts, USA. After sev eral years in high energy physics research and then in biomedical instrument developm ent at M.I.T., he has been an industrial software developer for the past twenty y ears. He is author of the textbook Mastering C (Sybex, 1986) and of several technical publication s and patents. He is an elected Town Meeting Member and has served as membe r and Chair of the Finance Committee in Brookline, Massachusetts.Copyright 2002 by the Education Policy Analysis ArchivesThe World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is epaa.asu.edu General questions about appropriateness of topics o r particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, firstname.lastname@example.org or reach him at College of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 8 5287-2411. The Commentary Editor is Casey D. Cobb: email@example.com .EPAA Editorial Board
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