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1 of 23 Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 11 Number 8February 23, 2003ISSN 1068-2341 A peer-reviewed scholarly journal Editor: Gene V Glass College of Education Arizona State University Copyright 2003, the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES .Permission is hereby granted to copy any article if EPAA is credited and copies are not sold. EPAA is a project of the Education Policy Studies Laboratory. Articles appearing in EPAA are abstracted in the Current Index to Journals in Education by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Assessment and Evaluation and are permanently archived in Resources in Education .To Learn and to Belong: Case Studies of Emerging Ethnocentric Charter Schools in Hawai'i Nina K Buchanan Robert A. Fox University of Hawai'i at HiloCitation: Buchanan, N. K. & Fox, R. A. (2003, Febru ary 23). To learn and to belong: Case studies of emerging ethnocentric chart er schools in Hawai'i. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 11 (8). Retrieved [Date] from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v11n8/.AbstractThe fast growing charter school movement may be imp eded if charter schools are perceived as a vehicle for stratifying, segregating, and balkanizing an already ethnically, socio-economical ly divided population. This article defines ethnocentric schoo ls and describes three Native Hawai'ian charter schools. While they are very different in curricula and in emphasis on the Hawai'ian language and other features, they all have strong community support and a high d egree of parental

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2 of 23involvement and have access to funds available only for Native Hawai'ian programs. It may be easy to support the e xpenditure of public funds for ethnocentric charter schools in areas lik e Hawai'i where ethnic minorities have traditionally been underserved. The issues raised in this study may have broader implications for the evoluti on of American public education. The question is not what criteria to apply to distinguish schools of "good" choice from schools of "bad" choi ce. In final analysis we must ask, are schools of choice truly schools of choice, or not? Charter schools are the most rapidly growing force within the school choice movement. Based in a quasi-market ideology that couples paren tal choice with school autonomy (Whitty, 1997), charter schools have strong politic al support from both the conservatives and liberals (Kolbert, 2000; Rees, 2000). Some supp ort for charter schools is a thinly disguised attempt to privatize K-12 education. Othe rs support them as a natural extension of the larger school reform movement that seeks to improve public schools for all students (Peterson, 1998). Yet others favor the m as one way to avoid vouchers. One social issue that has the potential to impede the p rogress of charter schools is the possibility of re-stratifying, re-segregating and f urther balkanizing an already ethnically, socio-economically divided population (Bolick, 1997 ; Cobb & Glass, 1999; Crockett, 1999; Education Commission of the States, 1999; Sho kraii, 1996). In this paper, we define ethnocentric schools and discuss the difficu lty in arriving at such a definition, discuss historical factors that have contributed to the creation of ethnocentric charter schools in Hawai'i, describe three ethnocentric Nat ive Hawai'ian charter schools, and suggest implications that these cases might have fo r the charter school movement in general.Initially, this article was intended as a detailed study of ethnocentric charter schools in Hawai'i in an attempt to isolate common characteris tics of such schools. As the reader will see, however, the extent to which such schools are subjectively self-defined led us to focus more on policy issues on which to determin e the extent to which further (or expanded) support for such schools might be based.Ethnocentric SchoolsIn the past, public schools focused on building dem ocracy and assimilating ethnic minorities into a homogenized, uniquely American cu lture (Hlebowitsh & Tellez, 1997; Tyack, 1974). Today however, American society has b ecome an increasingly diverse 'salad bowl' where each group remains distinct and yet contributes to a pluralistic American culture (Ravitch, 1990). The charter schoo l movement has become one channel whereby an increasingly diverse public scho ol population can translate demography into curriculum.Ethnocentrism has been defined as "the feeling that one's group has a mode of living, values, and patterns of adaptation that are superio r to those of other groups" (Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 2000). Ethnocentric school s have roots in the Black Power movement of the 1960's and received impetus as the Council of Black Institutions established several afrocentric schools in the 1970 s to teach "children from the standpoint of their centeredness rather than their marginality" (Asante, 2002, np). Later magnet schools became a vehicle for Native American and African American educators to deliver ethnocentric education (Coffey, 2002).

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3 of 23Not all ethnocentric schools are the same. In gener al, they emphasize change in one or more of these areas: social environment, content, p edagogy, and/or language. Ethnocentric schools may provide a social environme nt that embraces cultural traditions and interpersonal relationship styles designed to i mprove student self-esteem and promote cultural identity. For example, students fr om the Columbus Afrocentric School strive to adhere to principles of "unity ( Umoja ), self-determination ( Kujichagulia ), collective works ( Ujima ), cooperative economics ( Ujamaa ), purpose ( Nia ), creativity ( Kuumba ), and faith ( Imani )" (Coffey, 2002, p.3). In Hawai'i, students from Makai Charter School kuai I ka nu'u ("strive to reach the highest"). Ethnocentric sch ools may also change the content emphasis to reflect the con tributions of their ethnic group. For Afrocentric schools that has meant teaching African history and relying on texts written about, and/or by, Black writers. For Native Americ ans, it has meant viewing history from an indigenous people's perspective. For Hawai' ian schools, it means "to apply the wisdom of our past to critically understand the pre sent and create our legacy for the future" (Makai Charter School Detailed Implementati on Plan). Ethnocentric schools may also adopt different pedagogies and teaching styles that they believe better match cultural teaching and learning. For example, the Na tive American schools may adopt a collectivistic, rather than individualistic, pedago gy that features collaboration and cooperative learning (Capozza, 1999). In addition to these changes, ethnocentric schools may incorporate native languages. Some start from E nglish instruction and incorporate native words. Others may immerse students in their native language and assume that these students will practice English outside of sch ool. We refer here to schools in which all or a major part of instruction is conducted in a language other than English as immersion schools.In this study, we initially defined ethnocentric ch arter schools operationally as schools whose mission is the promotion and study of one eth nic group as a means of providing students with a link to their cultural heritage, so metimes including language. (As the reader will see, we eventually conclude that this d efinition, itself, deserves further scrutiny.) As a result of participation in such sc hools, students may feel increased pride and confidence in their membership in the group. E thnocentric schools employ teaching strategies that are congruent with the learning sty les and preferred ways of processing and acting on information that reflect the cultural heritage of their target population. The stated goal of such schools is to use these as vehi cles for generating improved performance from students underserved by traditiona l schools. The definition of Native Hawai'ian varies depending upon the organization pr offering the definition. For example, as a criterion for service eligibility, bo th the Kamehameha Schools (a multi-billion dollar private academy funded by the estate of Bernice Pauahi Bishop for the "education of the children of Hawai'i") and the Office of Hawai'ian Affairs (established by the State of Hawai'i to manage fund s held in trust for Native Hawai'ians) define as Native Hawai'ian any person who can prove Hawai'ian ancestry, while the Department of Hawai'ian Homes (another agency which assists citizens of Hawai'ian ancestry to take up residency on lands that were or iginally held by the Hawai'ian monarchy) requires that a person have 50% blood qua ntum to be considered Native Hawai'ians. Throughout this paper, we use Native Ha wai'ian and part Hawai'ian to encompass any person of Hawai'ian ancestry.Ethnocentric Schools and the National Charter Schoo l Movement

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4 of 23National and state charter school reports provide d ata about the ethnic/racial and 'at-risk' distribution of students in state or chartering dis tricts (Center of Urban and Public Affairs at the University of Texas Arlington, Tex as Center for Educational Research and Center for the Study of Educational Reform at t he University of North Texas, & Center for Public Policy at the University of Houst on, 2000; Nelson, et al, 2000; Public Sector Consultants Inc., 2001; Wells et al., 1998). So, for example, a Michigan study reports "the percentage of minorities in the studyarea charter schools is higher than in both the state as a whole and the traditional publi c school districts in which the charter schools are located" (Public Sector Consultants Inc ., 2001, np). However, Crocket (1999), in her study of California charter schools, found that charter schools were 63% Whiter than their sponsoring districts. Other resea rchers note that aggregate data reported in such national and state studies may act ually mask ethnic stratification (Berv, 1998; Cobb, Glass & Crockett, 2000; Fusarelli, 2000 ). These reports focus on the issue of White flight and skimming the brightest students into elite schools. They, however, fail to explore the impetus for, and dynamics demon strated in, the purposeful creation of ethnocentric schools of choice for indigenous stude nts, students of color and minority populations.Native Hawai'ian Charter SchoolsHawai'i is the only single -district state in the U nited States. An elected Board of Education (BOE) appoints the Superintendent of Scho ols, serves as a policy-making governing body and establishes priorities for the a llocation of state funds subject to the political realities within which it must operate. I n 1994, pressure from school reform advocates resulted in legislation that allowed for 25 existing schools to convert to student-centered schools, specifically avoiding the term charter school. Student-centered schools were given some budgetary control and the o pportunity to request waivers of some rules and regulations from the Department of E ducation (DOE). Only two schools out of 253 chose to convert.Legislation enabling twenty-five New Century Public Charter Schools including start-ups, school-within-school programs and whole school conversions was passed in April of 1999. By September of 1999, over thirty gr oups had submitted letters of intent to become charter schools. The new law clearly attr acted two distinct populations whose needs were not met by the current system. The first group consisted of Native Hawai'ian communities (50% of the letters of intent from thro ughout the state). The second overlapping group consisted of programs and groups from the neighbor islands (60%). In Hawai'i the central administration of the DOE an d most other government agencies are located on the island of Oahu, geographically s mall but with the largest population. The other inhabited islands are often referred to a s the neighbor islands. The primary reasons for starting charter schools in Hawai'i app ear to be autonomy from a distant center of control and the desire to serve a neglect ed special population of Native Hawai'ian and part Hawai'ian children.Although some form of state governing board for edu cation exists in all fifty states, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, the state of Hawai'i is the only single statewide school district lead by a single state superintende nt responsible for all public k-12 education accountable to a single Board of Educatio n. This reflects the history of the state that, until as recently as 1955, was controll ed by an elite, primarily White oligarchy

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5 of 23of plantation owners. The vast majority of citizens are descended either from displaced Native Hawai'ians or from populations imported from Japan, China, Korea, Portugal, and other countries to work in the fields (Langlas, 1998). Both the organization and the philosophy of the Haw ai'i State Department of Education has tended to reflect its heritage, with highly cen tralized decision-making, dependence upon rules, regulations and rubrics, and the pervas ive view that the central administration knows best (Dotts & Sikkema, 1994). The Department of Education oversees two hundred fifty-three schools, one hundr ed eighty thousand students and sixteen thousand employees (Office of the Superinte ndent/Planning, Budget, and Resource Development Office, 2001). This is compli cated by recent dramatic increases in the number of at-risk students. Since the 1990-1 991 school year the total school enrollment has grown by 8.3% while the number of st udents who receive free or reduced lunches has grown by 66%; are identified as in need of special education services by 97%; and have limited English proficiency by over 7 0%. Only 49.4% of the school population is considered not disadvantaged (Office of the Superintendent/Planning, Budget, and Resource Development Office, 2001). Thi s comes at a time when Hawai'i leads the nation in unemployment and 31% of Hawai'i 's children live in families where no parent has full-time, year round employment (PRB /KIDS COUNT, 2002). Hawai'i has also been cited as having one of the largest av erage school sizes in the nation and the lowest annual increase in spending for education of comparable states (Office of the Superintendent/Planning, Budget, and Resource Devel opment Office, 2001). It is not surprising that this has resulted in a school syste m that is given a grade of C or less by 73.9% of the people in the Hawai'i Opinion Poll on Public Education 2001. Adding to the stresses placed on Hawai'i's school s ystem has been a growing realization on the part of indigenous Hawai'ians that society i n general (and the school system in particular) was neither meeting their needs nor sen sitive to their culture (Buchanan, 1998). Native Hawai'ians make up 0.8% and part Hawa i'ians 17.5% of the population of Hawai'i (Schmitt, 1998). A variety of structures un ique to the state of Hawai'i originated with the forcible overthrow of Hawai'ian Queen Lili uokalani. Hawai'ian as a medium of instruction in the public schools was banned in 189 6. Beginning in the late 1960s a cultural renaissance began that resulted in the rev ival of dance, music, cultural practice and language. In 1978 the Hawai'i Constitutional Co nvention declared Hawai'ian to be one of the two "official" languages of the state an d mandated the provision of educational programs in Hawai'ian language and cult ure. By 1984, a determined group of Hawai'ian speakers successfully launched the fir st Punana Leo and Kaiapuni Hawai'i program that created preschool language immersion p rograms (Kapono, 1998). Legislation in 1986 expanded the immersion program k –12 with the result that immersion programs became, for the first time, a re sponsibility for the already-overburdened public education system.Like many social movements, the demand for educatio nal reform initiated in 1983 by "A Nation at Risk,", reached Hawai'i (in the middle of the Pacific, 2500 miles from its nearest neighbor) considerably later than on the ma inland. Indeed, it was not until 1989 that the Hawai'i Legislature directed Hawai'i's Dep artment of Education to design a School Community Based Management approach to incor porating parents, community leaders and teachers into educational decision-maki ng. The SCBM program, though relatively short lived in Hawai'i, was notable prim arily for two features; the extreme limitations placed upon genuine efforts at reform b y the central administration and the

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6 of 23incorporation of traditional Hawai'ian values such as lokahi (harmony), kokua (helpfulness), laulima (cooperativeness) by local groups seeking reform. The community-based decision-making that was allowed re quired consensus and emphasized avoidance of embarrassment over substance (Hawai'i State Department of Education, 2002).In 1995, the Legislature, recognizing that the Boar d of Education was unable or unwilling to bring about genuine school reform, pas sed legislation empowering local groups (under strict limitations) to form "Student Centered Schools" which, while public in most ways, were allowed limited local autonomy u nder a local school advisory board. These were to become the precursors of the Charter School movement in Hawai'i. Although, typical of Hawai'i, the two conversion sc hools which were established under this legislation were located in two of the most ec onomically elite areas in the state. The population of students at each of these two schools identified as indigenous Hawai'ians or part Hawai'ian are only 20% and 13% respectively while the largest ethnic populations at these schools are 59% White at one a nd 42% Japanese at the second. Although nominally locally controlled, these school s operated with virtually the same faculty and school level administration, followed a lmost all Department of Education curricular, financial, and personnel procedures, re mained in the buildings which they had previously occupied and, for many, were distinguish able from traditional public schools in only superficial ways. In 1999, when the Legislature, abandoning even more aggressively its efforts to bring about change within the state educational system, passed Hawai'i's fir st real Charter School empowering legislation, the two Student Cen tered Schools became Hawai'i's first "New Century Charter Schools." Soon, with th e encouragement of the Federal Charter School Program, more than 30 groups prepare d to compete for the remaining twenty-three charters permitted under the law. This paper, however, focuses on an unexpected (by some) phenomenon which emerged as th e various planning groups developed Detailed Implementation Plans (DIPs) in p ursuit of the much-sought-after Charters and, thereby, some freedom from the centra l Department of Education. Sixty percent of the founder groups were located on islands distant from the state capital (Honolulu) located on the island of Oahu. And, eve n more striking, 50% identified themselves as being ethnocentrically Hawai'ian. Fo r some, this meant a focus on the language and, indeed, five charter schools are curr ently conducted all or in part in Hawai'ian (referred to in Hawai'i as "immersion" sc hools). For others, the focus was on Hawai'ian culture as a nurturing environment (absen t, the argument went, in traditional public schools) within which disadvantaged students of Hawai'ian ancestry were more likely to learn. Still a third group sought to app ly Hawai'ian epistemology as a means of conveying both traditional and Hawai'ian subject ma tter. What began as a law to empower the creation of a li mited number of charter schools became a strong force for ethnocentric education in the state. This paper examines three Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter schools on the islan d of Hawai'i (referred universally as the "Big Island" to distinguish its name from that of the state).MethodsWe selected three self-defined ethnocentric charter schools operating on the Big Island.

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7 of 23Although all three share certain common characteris tics, their significant differences permitted examination of a variety of different app roaches. The first—a total immersion Hawai'ian language charter school—is situated on th e campus of an existing traditional Department of Education school that conducts its cl asses in English. While the charter school classes are conducted in the Hawai'ian langu age, its curriculum and structure reflect traditional knowledge and skills Having previously operated as a school-within-a-school on its campus, it might appr opriately be considered a conversion charter school in many ways. This school—called Ma kai Charter School (MCS) for this report—is located in a community with an extremely high percentage of Native Hawai'ian residents.The second, located some sixty miles from MCS, came into existence as Koa Public Charter (KCS) school by combining three components: a 9th – 12th grade school-within-a-school sited on a local traditiona l high school campus a pre-existing private primary (preschool – 4th grade) total immer sion Hawai'ian language school and a newly-created 5th through 8th grade middle school. Classes are conducted in English, although the Hawai'ian language is heard frequently from both students and teachers. At the time of its formation as a public charter schoo l, the school moved out of its previous site on a high school campus and might appropriatel y be seen as a start up charter school. The ethos of the school reflects the found ers' belief that traditional Western education has both failed Native Hawai'ian children and has eroded traditional Hawai'ian value systems.The Hilo Charter School (HCS), a start up charter s chool underwritten by an existing Foundation dedicated to the preservation of Hawai'i an culture and values, lies somewhere between the other two in its educational philosophy. It is conducted in English (although, as above, the Hawai'ian language may be heard everywhere throughout the school) and, while heavily devoted t o the "Hawai'ian way of life," is less negative about the perceived failure of traditional Western education. Of the three schools, HCS draws most heavily on its connection t o the local community and to the Hawai'ian elders (kupuna) associated with its spons oring Foundation. It is located on a fourteen-acre site provided by the Foundation and l ooks forward to significant construction of classrooms and instructional facili ties. In Hawai'i, as a condition of being granted a Chart er by the state Board of Education, each school must submit a Detailed Implementation P lan (DIP) setting forth the philosophy, pedagogy and organization of the propos ed charter school. We, co-founders of the University of Hawai'i Charter School Resourc e Center, have followed the development of charter schools in Hawai'i from the start. We began by studying the DIP from each of the three schools, with particular foc us on statements about ethnic identity and the values of ethnicity and the use of the Hawa i'ian language. From this, we identified the following questions to be directed t o the schools: What historical factors contributed to the creation of this ethnocentric public charter school? What major changes stimulated or discouraged the cr eation of your school? In what way does the actual operation of the school reflect the ethnocentric goals of your mission? How are resources (including physical space and hum an resources) funded? How accurate were the initial estimates of school costs ? How are decisions made when funds are insufficient to cover all costs?

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8 of 23What is the interaction between physical space and school mission? What implications do you think your school has for the charter school movement in general? In addition to interacting closely with these schoo ls in the pre-start-up period and reviewing the DIPs, we visited each school at least once to conduct formal interviews. Students were observed at work and at play. Member s of the staff were interviewed. Since two schools have been operating for less than a year and one for two years, objective evaluation of educational effectiveness i s not yet available. This report seeks to address (1) the extent to which the affect of th e entire school reflects its ethnocentric nature and the goals of its founders, (2) the degre e to which the founders and members of each school community have been able to create a n institution which reflects the aspirations in their DIP and (3) anecdotal evidence of the extent to which the Department of Education has supported or impeded sc hool development. The results reported here are less designed to be e xhaustive than to identify public policy issues related to ethnocentric charter schools for which further study is indicated.Case 1 – Makai Charter SchoolFinding the office of Makai Charter School (MCS) is a challenge. No signs distinguish it from the other classrooms and offices that house bo th a k-6 regular DOE school and Makai charter school. According to the most recent School Status and Improvement Report (2001), 24.2% of the students at the DOE sch ool are Hawai'ian and another 66.3% part Hawai'ian for a total of 90.5%. Hawai'ia n/part Hawai'ian student enrollment at Makai CS is above 94%. This can be compared to t he two nearest DOE elementary schools whose student bodies are 46% and 33% Hawai 'ian/part Hawai'ian respectively. The old wooden structures appear to need refurbishi ng, and the hallway that leads to the MCS office passes a storage area of broken desks an d other miscellaneous furniture. The office is a semi-underground area with painted pipe s and exposed wiring running along the ceiling. Despite the less than ideal physical s urrounding, the principal, secretary, and clerk are productively engaged at their computers a nd phones preparing for the 8:15am to 2:15 pm school day to begin. They interrupt thei r normal routine and, joined by a young counselor, all enthusiastically greet us and answer questions with pride about their school.Originally, MCS was a Hawai'ian Language Immersion school-within-a-school (SWIS) established as continuation of a Punana Leo languag e immersion preschool, part of the Native Hawai'ian cultural renaissance. As a school within a school, there was tension between the regular DOE and SWIS staff. Becoming a charter school meant new autonomy and self-determination. It empowered the s taff to make more decisions about how and what to teach as well as how to schedule th eir time. This is the first year of operation as a charter school. The 149 students are grouped into seven classrooms (grades k/1, 1/2, 3/4, 4, 5, 5/6, 6). Even though e fficiency concerns have forced the school into multi-grade groups one class still h ouses 31 students. MCS has adopted a trimester calendar and extended school day that fac ilitate language learning by replacing summer vacation with fall, winter and summer intersessions with the longest a one month summer inter-session. This is also designed t o counteract the effects of Hawai'i's short school year, the shortest of any state.

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9 of 23The MCS classrooms contain typical k-6 colorful pos ters and student work evident on the walls, hanging from the ceiling and stored on s helves around the room. Before these students enter the school for the day, they gather outside on the lawn and ask permission to enter the school. The principal's chant gives th em permission to enter and reminds them of their responsibilities to learn and behave. This Hawai'ian protocol is followed each day. In one class a 6th grader stands at the front and spells one of the weekly words and then reads his sentence to the class. In anothe r, the teacher reads a story, and yet in another students work independently on math workshe ets. All the teachers at MCS are licensed by the Hawai'i State Teacher Standards Boa rd. The MCS vision is "Inspired by our past. Empowered by our identity. Prepared for the future." Its mission is to be a "culturally-based i ndigenous k-6 Hawai'ian Language Immersion school…" that "promotes Hawai'ian ways of knowing to strengthen and revitalize a Hawai'ian identity…" in "experientialbased Hawai'ian learning environments" (DIP). The school's goals for student s are the development of literacy and communication skills, personal and social responsib ility and thinking and reasoning skills. The Experiential-Based Activity Model (EBAM ) designed to help students explore interdisciplinary problems and practical ap plications of knowledge and information (Moersch, 1994) is one of the main stra tegies employed at MCS. The Hawai'i Content and Performance Standards II (HCPSI I) that are mandated for use by all DOE schools guides the curriculum at MCS along with a commitment to Hawai'ian language immersion, culture and values. Since the H awai'i Assessment Program has no tests translated into the Hawai'ian language, the s chool is considering whether to begin formal English instruction earlier (currently being in 4th grade) and thus become more fully bilingual. There is a tension between helping Native Hawai'ian students be successful in the modern world and restoring the na tive language that may not contribute to economic or social growth.To assess student progress toward meeting HCPSII, t he school has adopted Work Sampling System's developmental checklists (Rebus P lanning Associates, 1994) to replace traditional repost cards. In addition, MCS has adopted the Hawai'i State Superintendent Accountability Design and the Nation al Study of School Evaluation as part of a school accountability system in addition to adopting a sound fiscal responsibility plan.Students of any ethnicity may apply to MCS but the full immersion curriculum clearly places practical limitations on entering students. Students who enter without Hawai'ian language preschool experience, have experienced onl y English instruction in grades k –5, or do not speak Hawai'ian at home are less like ly to succeed in the immersion program. The first item on the application asks par ents to: Please initial before the box ALL that are applicab le: [ ] The student is currently attending {language immersion school within a school} and will be returning in SY 2002-2003.[ ] The student is a sibling of a returning stude nt. [ ] The student is a transfer student.

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10 of 23[ ] The student has no Hawai'ian language backgro und. (For Kumu info only.) The sense of community and inter-generational conti nuity is an essential part of the Hawai'ian culture. Indeed, the immersion school mo vement has, from its very beginning within the DOE, provided for mandatory parental inv olvement. This continues to be one of the most striking characteristics of Hawai'ian e thnocentric charter schools. Before selection is made, parents must complete an agreeme nt to participate form that states: I (We) understand and agree that my (our) child(ren ) will be educated through the medium of the Hawai'ian language. I (We ) understand that one (1) formal English class will be introduced in the 4th grade and will continue through 6th grade.I (We) understand and agree that I (we) actively s upport my (our) child's (ren's) learning through the availability of Hawai' ian language classes, self-help books with cassette tapes and pre-taped v ideo coursework if I (we) are not yet fluent in the Hawai'ian language.…enrollment is contingent on space availability and acceptance of the charter school's vision, mission and goal statement s. In addition parents must agree to attend at least t hree parent meetings a year, two student activities a year and contribute two hours per mont h in volunteer work for the school. Currently 6% of the students are non-Hawai'ian. Man y students come from out of the geographic area.Case 2 – Koa Charter SchoolUpcountry Hawai'i offers lush landscape, almost con stant wind and alternating sun and clouds and rain. Koa Charter School (KCS) is off th e main road unannounced by signs and situated on 6 acres of agricultural land lent t o the school by the Department of Hawai'ian Homelands and another 4 acres used in col laboration with the YMCA about 10 miles away. The first site has a house that has been converted into offices: the nerve center of the school. Approaching the office one p asses a large warehouse, two large and one small white-tarped quonset huts. The wareho use serves as a computer and technology lab, library, lunch distribution site an d instructional space. The two quonset huts are divided into two classrooms each with book shelf dividers between the rooms. Usually two adults work with eight to twelve studen ts on a variety of skills each morning. The huts have cement floors and slanting s ides that have wire strung to hold brightly colored student work. Whiteboards are set along the walls and bright Hawai'ian cloth is suspended from poles that support the hut. One side is usually open but can be closed by fastening tarps at both sides. Most stude nts are in multi-aged groups. School always starts with Hawai'ian protocol like the one described above at MCS. One formal English class we visited consisted of ei ght 2nd – 6th graders who were all on about the same level studying English sight words, copying them on one page and using them in sentences on another page. Some students ha ve come to KCS from language immersion programs and others from regular DOE scho ols, so skills in English and Hawai'ian make instruction a challenge for KCS teac hers. Children from the two classes in the hut gathered outside on the lawn before lunc h to pule (pray); an important activity

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11 of 23at any gathering of Native Hawai'ians.The KCS vision is to become a comprehensive educati on and service center for Hawai'ians of all ages. The school evolved from two antecedents: one a 9th-12th interdisciplinary academy school within a school, a nd the other a Hawai'ian Immersion preschool – 4th grade. These combined and included the intermediate grades to form a k-12 bilingual charter school. Its founders believe that indigenous peoples have the right to design and control their own education and furth er that Hawai'ian people can be successful in the 21st century without giving up th eir culture, language and traditions. The founders believe that Hawai'ian culture has det eriorated because of Western philosophy, religion and laws that advocate that ma n subdue the earth for profit and personal gain rather than exist as stewards of the land. Another impetus for the school was a desire to slow the out migration of Hawai'ian s and develop an economy that would allow Hawai'ian graduates to remain in the islands. The KCS vision is "strive to reach your highest potential" (DIP). Students and staff a t KCS are expected: to love one another, take care of their responsibilities, give and receive help, and be thankful for what they have.Eighty-eight-percent of the school's 150 students a re Native Hawai'ians/part Hawai'ian. With Federal funding in addition to the per-pupil D OE allotment, the school has been able to operate with 51 ‘teachers', some licensed a nd others educational aides or specialists. In addition to grants specifically for Native Hawai'ian education, KCS receives Title 1 funds. They serve 15 (10% of the K CS population) special education students and provide gifted and talented activities through a federal Native Hawai'ians grant for all students. KCS boasts an attendance ra te of 97%, one of the highest in the state. By comparison, the nearest DOE school, a mi ddle school, reports a population of 34.3% Hawai'ian/Part Hawai'ian. 13.7% of the stude nts at the DOE school participate in special education programs and average daily attend ance is 91.4% (Department of Education School Status and Improvement Reports, 20 00-2001). The KCS curriculum is a balance of culturally drive n and standards based strategies that emphasize: reading, writing and communication in bo th Hawai'ian and English; the ability to apply math and science; the ability to a ccess, evaluate and use a variety of technologies; to apply critical thinking and proble m solving; the mastery of academics, culture and workplace skill; and the development of work ethics necessary for economic self-sufficiency.Originally, the plan was to have two multi-aged gro ups of students with approximately 25 elementary, 25 middle and 25 high school aged st udents in each group. Each group was to remain together for a full year and work on theme-based interdisciplinary projects related to Hawai'i that had social significance for Hawai'ians. Through the projects students would demonstrate essential competencies a nd performance standards including technology and career explorations and would contri bute to sustaining healthy economy in the community. Each group would spend two days each week at a lab site; either the Hawai'ian Homelands site in the rainy, forest or th e dry-land ocean site. They would spend the other two days documenting their projects On Fridays, students would participate in Student Development Workshops where they would explore careers, engage in community service and work with mentors i n the community on personal development such as health and fitness. Everyday Mo nday through Thursday students would: 1) use the Hawai'ian language for opening an d closing protocol; 2) have 20 minutes of Total Physical Response that emphasized both the Hawai'ian language and

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12 of 23physical fitness; 3) do a problem of the week to as sure that students engage in problem-solving and record their work in a journal; and 4) engage in sustained uninterrupted reading for pleasure.However, when the school opened, the teachers found that it was difficult to meet the needs of k-12 students within a single group. They modified the grouping so one group consist of k-5th grade and the other 6th – 12th gra de students. Mornings are used to develop basic skills. Each student is pre tested in reading, writing. and math and multi-aged group according to skill. In the afterno on, these same groups engage in projects. This unanticipated change in the basic f ormat of instruction is too new to allow either the school or the authors to evaluate the ex tent to which it re-defines the original goals of the founders. It does, however, provoke s ome suspicion about the ability of even the purest educational philosophy to withstan d educational reality and the day-to-day pressures of dealing with undereducated children.Case 3Hilo Charter SchoolSeventy students, 5 core teachers and many voluntee r community members conduct classes on an undeveloped fourteen-acre site and se veral subordinate sites (all located within about a mile of each other) in a community w ith one of the highest populations of Hawai'ians (and, not coincidentally, one of the low est economic levels) in the state. One hundred percent of the students at HCS is Native Ha wai'ian. Ironically, the location of the sites (some of which front directly on the Paci fic Ocean) makes the land on which the school sits some of the most valuable in the st ate. As the beneficiary of its sponsoring Foundation, Hilo Charter School will, in the future, enjoy facilities beyond the reach of many schools. For now, however, the s ite is largely undeveloped and classes are held in various structures ranging from a large undifferentiated room in a brand new community hall to an open air structure c onstructed of pipe frames and agricultural tarpaulins. Students play in an open field combining breathtaking beauty with a total lack of recreational facilities. The campus, as is the case at KCS and several other ethnocentric Hawai'ian schools, is heavily pl anted with indigenous plants; most of which have economic, cultural or spiritual signific ance to the Hawai'ian people Agriculture (and aquaculture), geneology, and navig ation/astronomy form the core of the educational experience at KCS and in Hawai'ian cult ure, which places emphasis on the relationship of people to each other and to the lan d and the sea. The school conducts classes for children from 7th t hrough 12th grade. A pre-school operated separately by the Foundation occupies a si te at the far end of the campus. A separate large room with few partitions and no inte rior walls serves as school office, staff workroom, lunchroom, meeting room, etc. Mult iple activities are conducted in the single-room community hall. Four or five classes s imultaneously meet in corners of the room. One portion of this large space is given over to fifteen new lap top computers that sit on low, Japanese-style tables and are in heavy use by students. The contrast between the rustic nature of the site and the enviable arra y of technology is striking. The relative quiet and calm demeanor of the student s at the school, even during lunch and recess, was noteworthy. With few teachers in ev idence and no intrusive adult supervision during recess free play, students seem happy and self-directed. The end of recess was announced by the blowing of a conch shel l (a traditional Hawai'ian call) by one of the teachers. It was interesting to observe the relative ease with which the

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13 of 23students finished their field games (most involving a dodge ball-type game) and returned without complaint to their lessons. Familiar boy-g irl posturing often observed on 7th -12th grade campuses was not in evidence. Lessons a re conducted with the students sitting on the floor (in traditional local fashion, everyone removes his or her shoes at the door). In some cases, the students were arrayed in semi circles around the teacher. In others, the classes were obviously more diffuse, wi th the students reclining at short-legged tables while the teacher moved from gr oup to group. Observers used to traditional classrooms might find the room unsettling. There are no chairs and few tables. There was not a blackboard in sight. No walls separated one class from the others. The room was, however, surp risingly not chaotic. Noise level was at a minimum because there was very little offtask talking between the students in different groups. In fact, it was difficult to fin d a student whose face was not intently directed either toward the teacher (in those classe s where teachers stood at the front) or at his or her work (in those classes where the teac her moved from group to group). Lessons cover traditional topics (ultimately state legislation requiring evidence of adherence to Hawai'i's Performance and Content Stan dards both motivates instruction and limits the extent to which innovation can occur ) but there was obviously a project-based flavor to the classes. One group, fo r instance, combined art, science and language as they worked on landscape plans for the campus. Other groups study the Hawai'ian approach to astronomy, their relationship to the land and the sea, ecology and Hawai'ian health. Apart from the physical arrangeme nt, the classes did not look substantially different from those in most schools. The difference was in the affect; in the expectations (and proffering) of respect that H awai'ian children traditionally give to adults.The Hawai'i charter school law does not require it, but one of the Director's first comments was that all teachers at HCS were licensed He gave us a tour of the campus and then sat down for an extensive interview and di scussion. "Hawai'ianness" at this school manifests itself primarily in two ways: focu s on Hawai'ian-related, project-based instruction and respect for the Hawai'ian environme nt and community with which the school closely relates. Subject matter selection i s driven largely by the Hawai'i Performance and Content Standards and is, therefore not that dissimilar from other, non-ethnocentric schools. It is not clear which is cause and which is effect; the traditional manner in which all of the teachers hav e been trained or the fairly traditional pedagogy."Regular" classes for students take place both on t he main campus and on two nearby sites; one for agricultural projects and the other for ocean-related activities. Teachers teach from Monday through Thursday and meet togethe r on Fridays. On Fridays, the school imports local resource persons to provide an enriched elective environment with heavy emphasis on Hawai'iana (hula, fishing, canoei ng). Perhaps the most significant evidence of the ethnoc entricity of the school, as reported by the Director, is its situation within the local, Na tive Hawai'ian community. Relations with parents and community leaders are very close, with parents and (importantly in the Hawai'ian community) grandparents being seen as mem bers of the holistic educational team. The importance of kupuna (Hawai'ian elders) is infused throughout the school. HCS is eligible for a variety of federal and privat e supplementary funds without which

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14 of 23they would not survive. HCS is also fortunate beca use its sponsor Foundation has access to significant land (of the three schools st udied, Hilo is the only one with its own campus for which it can make permanent plans) and s ources of funding. This means that HCS can focus its energies on educational developme nt; not finding and funding facilities.DiscussionThe questions that originally motivated this study were modified to be more consistent with the Hawai'ian tradition of 'talk story'(Dotts & Sikkema, 1994). The respondents were obviously very proud of what they had created and "wanted to talk about what they wanted to talk about;" firmly but persistently resi sting efforts to re-focus. Upon reflection, we were reminded that Native Hawai'ians rely on verbal, rather than written, history (Langlas, 1998). We concluded that the bes t course of action was to let the study take us wherever it went. The discussion which fol lows attests to the value of that approach.The three schools studied were at once significantl y different and strikingly similar. Each school is a Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter sch ool largely on the basis of self-definition. All three DIPs and sets of promo tional materials describe the unique and fragile nature of Hawai'ian language and cultur e. MCH writes of "Hawai'ian ways of knowing" and "experiential-based Hawai'ian learn ing environments" while KCS emphasizes "the Hawai'i indigenous people culturall y-driven educational milieu" and HCS advocated "rebuilding a Hawai'ian intergenerati onal community." Although the literature contains descriptions of Hawai'ian epis temology (Meyer, 2001) and attempts to describe the Hawai'ian worldview, we observed f ew attempts made by these ethnocentric schools to define their own terms. On e is left with the sense of "we know it when we see it." However, both state and federal s tatutes place severe limitations on the ability of a publicly funded charter school to disc riminate in any fashion. Therefore, the actual extent to which the ethnicity of any Hawai'i public charter school can be identifiably Hawai'ian can be attributable to locat ion (schools located in ethnically identifiable neighborhood tend to draw from the loc ality; particularly in regions with limited public transportation) and parental selecti on (not surprisingly, an emphasis on Hawai'ian language and culture is disproportionatel y of interest to ethnically Hawai'ian families). Nevertheless, the populations of the th ree schools are overwhelmingly composed of students who identify themselves as Haw ai'ian or part Hawai'ian (MCS 94%, KCS 88% and HCS -100%).Each school clearly identifies itself as a member o f the Hawai'ian ethnocentric school subset of Hawai'i public charter schools. In 2000, the leaders of one of the three schools founded Na Lei Na'auao, an organization of identifi ably Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter schools that has grown to include 12 such schools i n the state. In addition, a statewide Hawai'i Association of Charter Schools (HACS) with representatives from ethnocentric and non-ethnocentric charter schools meets periodic ally to liaise with the Department of Education and to lobby for improvement (or lobby ag ainst deterioration) of state charter school enabling legislation. However, Na Lei Na'a uao remains as a clearly identifiable "ethnocentric schools only" organization. A bill pa ssed by the Hawai'i Legislature in April, 2002 would allow non-profit organizations su ch as Kamehameha Schools to run conversion charter schools with augmented operation al funds from their non-profit organization in geographic areas that have large po pulations of Hawai'ian/part Hawai'ian

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15 of 23students. Kamehameha Schools was founded at the be ginning of the last century by the estate of Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop for the "e ducation of the children of Hawai'i." It has grown to a multi-billion dollar private educ ational institution serving only children of Hawai'ian ancestry. The entrance of th is institution into the establishment of Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter schools may signific antly change the financial and political balance of the charter school movement in Hawai'i. While Wells, Lopez, Scott and Holme (1999) identifi ed a composite category of California charter schools that were termed "urban, ethnocentric, and grassroots charter schools", the ethnocentric charter schools in Hawai 'i share characteristics that do not fit this category. Hawai'i schools are primarily rural and focus on the indigenous Native Hawai'ian culture. The three cases reported here ca n be described in a number of dimensions: physical environment, personnel, source s of funding, relationship with parents and the community, curriculum structures, p edagogy and language, and educational goals.The physical environment seemed determined by wheth er the charter school was a new start-up or a conversion program; true for non-ethn ocentric conversion and start-up charter schools as well as the ethnocentric schools In our sample, the conversion SWIS, MCS, remained in a traditional classroom setting wh ich appeared to contribute to a more traditional delivery of instruction. The two startup charter schools, KCS and HCS, were challenged by the need to create new physical space s and adapt to non-traditional classroom spaces and these uncommon settings appear ed to make it possible to try innovative programs in more natural settings. So, f or example, students at HCS could spend their afternoon classes at the beach studying water quality or conducting reef fish surveys as part of their course of study.While many of the teachers and members of the staff at the three charter schools are Hawai'ian, the percent of teachers of Hawai'ian/par t Hawai'ian ancestry was lower than that of the school population. At both MCS and HCS, all of the teachers were licensed and the school leaders valued the credibility that this brought. At the more rural KCS, the leaders used federal, state and private grant f unds to hire 51 "teachers." Of these only 5 are licensed. KCS is currently using federal gran t money to fund an alternative Hawai'ian teacher education program that will enabl e them to grow their own licensed teachers.At this time every non-ethnocentric charter school in Hawai'i has experienced broken fiscal promises and bureaucratic interference. Ind eed, three start-up charter schools have litigation (Note 1) in progress against the state a nd the Board of Education asserting that charter schools receive substantially less money th an other public schools and, more specifically, less money than they were originally promised. It is notable that none of the three are Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter school s. While it is not the purpose of this article to examine the validity of these claims, it is unarguable that the financial condition of Hawai'i's charter schools is bimodal. Ethnocentric charter schools are surviving; the rest face bankruptcy. The three scho ols in this sample all have outside funding from federal grants specifically earmarked for Native Hawai'ian education, health and environment and several state-based Nati ve Hawai'ian foundations. In addition, the Hawai'ian charter schools have access to land and in some cases existing buildings that can be or are being used to house sc hools. While all schools recognize the value of parental i nvolvement in their child's education,

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16 of 23the Hawai'ian charter schools each have a character istically Hawai'ian commitment to parental and community connection to the school. KC S envisions "a comprehensive Native Hawai'ian learning center or kauhale which can address the educational and cultural needs of all stakeholders from womb to tom b." HCS is determined to be a part of the Hawai'ian community so shares space with a p re school and a hula halau as well as other social services by and for Native Hawai'ia ns. Within each school, parents are expected to engage in their children's education in a variety of ways. At MCS students are expected to learn the Hawai'ian language along with their keiki (child). At all three schools, parents participate in parent-teacher conf erences and attend performances of their children during the year. There is also a str ong kupuna program that encourages grandparents and aunts and uncles to come to the sc hool and work with students. They may teach Hawai'ian crafts, tell ‘ Olelo No'eau traditional stories, or perform more mundane tasks like serving lunch or accompanying st udents on excursions. The curricula at these ethnocentric schools are oft en based on topics of particular relevance to Native Hawai'ian culture such as genea logy, navigation, and aquaculture. They also include instruction in traditional crafts and cultural practices. However, the pedagogy seems to reflect what Wells, Lopez, Scott and Holme (1999) characterize as progressive and student-centered pedagogy as distin ct from factory-like "modern" public schools. All three schools report the use of projec t based, experiential, interdisciplinary curricula. They also use a variety of alternate ass essment techniques and hands-on learning and performance-based tasks that are infus ed with technology. Two specific grants have provided state of the art computers and provide for gifted and talented education for all students. All of these characteri stics are recommended practices for all students from all ethnic backgrounds.Another distinction between the schools is the use of the Hawai'ian language. This varied considerably in the three schools in this sa mple. MCS relied on full immersion for k – 3rd grade students and introduced the forma l study of English in 4th grade. KCS aimed to provide bilingual instruction and accommod ate all Native Hawai'ian students. The language is important for the connection to the culture and deeper understanding of things Hawai'ian but not to the exclusion of Englis h, the language of commerce and entrance into socio-economic self-sufficiency. HCS did not focus on the language for utilitarian reasons or language renaissance per se but used it as a connection to the community and connection to the past that would imp rove student perceptions of self in today's world.Finally, these charter schools articulated a need t o prepare students educationally for the future for different reasons. MCS wanted their k-6 students to be able to enter any middle school and be successful as speakers of Hawa i'ian and agents of the culture. That has led them to reconsider the introduction of Engl ish instruction. KCS clearly expect its graduates to "perpetuate Hawai'i native culture, la nguage and traditions into the next millennium"…and… "transform their neighborhoods int o more sustainable communities, and agents for the preservation of Haw ai'i's unique natural resources." They expect students to go to the community college or local university and return to their community to stop the out migration of succes sful Native Hawai'ians. HCS wants students "to sustain and develop the local, traditi onal community, natural environment and people. The children and school are resources t hat focus on community energy and pride. The Foundation that supports HCS is dedicate d to making life in the community better and more prideful.

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17 of 23Although all three of the schools described in this study were located on the same island, they lie a significant distance from each other in communities with very different demographics, climates, and economic bases. Howeve r, Hawai'i's unique single-district educational system make them all part of the same s tructure. They are all painted both by their ethnocentricity and by their need to survi ve as charter schools in an essentially hostile environment. Indeed, it may be difficult t o determine which plays a more central role in the formation of the character of the three schools: being a charter school or choosing an ethnocentric theme. What appears clear however, is that organizations cannot develop on the strength of what they are not Rather, even as efforts are made to break from educational practices which no longer se rve the needs of our children, successful schools are those which stand for something, not against something. The temptation to postpone judgment about the effec tiveness of public ethnocentric charter schools in Hawai'i or the propriety of spen ding public funds on them is tempered by an appreciation of the disagreement over what co nstitutes "effectiveness" in this context. Proponents of objective normative evaluat ions of student learning could legitimately argue that the data aren't yet availab le. But our observations of the extreme satisfaction exhibited by all stakeholders in the e thnocentric charter schools we examined leads us to question the traditional crite ria used to evaluate public schools. It is clear to us that these schools serve a purpose; they provide an education strongly preferred by its target client group which shows no obvious signs of being inferior to that provided by the over-burdened traditional sys tem. If some normative evaluation is justified, it is nevertheless clear that it should not be the only criterion on which to assess the success of these schools.Charter schools in Hawai'i, whether ethnocentric or not, are almost all associated with one or another special interest group. One, for in stance, is clearly populated by children and grandchildren of the white "children of the six ties." Another was founded on the premise that nutrition (both its study and practice ) is at the center of good learning. Still another relies heavily on the Waldorf approach. Na tionally, charter schools can be found based upon a military/patriotic model or a Gr eat Books (largely written by dead white males) curriculum. Each of these uses public funds for openly parochial purposes. It is our experience that these extremely diverse s chools share essential characteristics: 1) their school communities are very satisfied and happy with them; and 2) they have had to overcome significant obstacles placed in th eir way by the traditional educational establishment.In some aspects, the Hawai'ian ethnocentric charter schools we observed exemplify best practices that are almost universally acknowledged. They are small schools in a state which has the largest average school size in the co untry. They employ a self-selected group of teachers whose passion and enthusiasm lead them to endure significant hardship (tenure, retirement benefits, salary level s at charter schools are all issues in a state with universal public sector collective barga ining). High levels of parental involvement and community support for these charter schools are the envy of their traditional counterparts.It may be easy to support the expenditure of public funds for ethnocentric charter schools in areas where ethnic minorities have tradi tionally been underserved. What is more problematic is contemplating what might happen if other special interest groups (ethnocentric or not) made similar educational argu ments. Would one make the same

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18 of 23supportive arguments in favor of an ethnocentric ch arter school in New York, for instance, seeking to connect students to their Ital ian roots, or a Chicago charter school conducted entirely in Polish? Are schools of choic e schools of choice, or not? We believe that the question is not what criteria t o apply to distinguish schools of "good" choice from schools of "bad" choice. Rathe r, we should be looking at what this whole phenomenon presages for American public educa tion. It seems likely to us that we are observing the opening rounds of a long term struggle between schools of choice and the traditional educational system. On one sid e are a growing number of individuals banded together into groups by their mutual interes ts and values who have stopped trying to fix the public school system in favor of struggling for the right to start their own. On the other side is a much larger group advo cating the continuation of the current system and resisting change. The United States saw a similar phenomenon approximately one hundred fifty years ago. We are witnessing a serious reassessment of some of American education's most cherished axioms. The inclusion of minorities lose s its attractiveness when it is AGAINST THE WILL of those minorities. The maintena nce of a free, appropriate public education loses its luster when clients chal lenge its appropriateness. Ultimately, we believe that public education is facing its own choices: lead, follow, or get out of the way.NotesNew state legislation passed in May, 2002 (Senate B ill 2512, Hawai'i State Legislature), forbids lawsuits by Charter Schools a gainst the Department of Education. 1.ReferencesAsante, M. K. (2002). Imperatives of an Afrocentric curriculum. [On-line]. Available: http://twist.lib.uiowa.edu/tenthree/afroc.htm (For additional information see: http://www.asante.net/articles/index01.html ) Berv, J. (1998). Charter schools and the compromise of equity: An evaluation of Colorado's charter school legislation. (ERIC Docume nt Reproduction Service No. ED 437 459) Bolick, C. (1997). School choice, the law and the c onstitution: A primer for parents and reformers. The Heritage Foundation: Roe Backgrounde r #1139. [On-line]. Available: http://www.heritage.org/library/categories/educatio n/bg1139.html Buchanan, N. K. (1998) Education. In S. P. Juvik & J. O. Juvik (Eds.) Atlas of Hawai'i (3rd ed.) (pp. 278-281). Honolulu, HI: University o f Hawai'i Press. Capozza, K. L. (1999). Education innovation: Indian alternative schools. American Indian Report 15 (7), 24-25. Center of Urban and Public Affairs at the Universit y of Texas Arlington, Texas Center for Educational Research and Center for the Study o f Educational Reform at the (2000). Texas open-enrollment charter schools: Eval uation 1998-99. [On-line].

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19 of 23Available: http://www.tea.state.tx.us/charter/eval99/index.htm l Cobb, C. D., & Glass, G. V. (1999). Ethnic segregat ion in Arizona charter schools. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 7 (1), np. [On-line]. Available: http"//epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v7n1/ Cobb, C. D., Glass, G. V. & Crockett, C. (2000). The U.S. charter school movement and ethnic segregation. Paper presented at the annu al meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orleans, Apri l, 2000. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 445 414) Coffey, A. J. (2002) Magnets of many colors: Ethnoc entric answers to education. [On-line]. Available: http://www.kip.jcomm.ohio-state.edu/ethnocentric_ed ucation.htm Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia (2000). (6th ed.). [On-line]. Available: http://www.encyclopedia.com/articles/04247.html Crockett, C. M. (1999). California charter schools: The issue of racial/ethnic segregation. Unpublished dissertation available at UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Dotts, C. K., & Sikkema, M. (1994). Challenging the status quo: Public education in Hawai'i 1840-1980. Honolulu, HI: Hawai'i Education Association. Education Commission of the States (1999). Charter school equity. [On-line]. Available: http://www.ecs.org/clearinghouse/13/70/1370.htm Fusarelli, L. D. (2000). Texas: Charter schools and the struggle for equity. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Edu cational Research Association, New Orleans, April, 2000. (ERIC Document Reproducti on Service No. ED 444 254) Hawai'i State Department of Education (2002). Schoo l Community-Based Management Homepage. [On-line]. Available: http://www.Hawai'i.gov/scbm/scbm.html Hawai'i State Department of Education Planning, Bud get, and Resource Development Office, (2001). School status and improvement repor ts. [On-line]. Available: http://doe.k12.hi.us/ Hlebowitsh, P., & Tellez, K. (1997). American education: Purposes and promise. Belmont CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Kapono, E. M. (1998). Hawai'ian language renaissanc e. In S. P. Juvik & J. O. Juvik (Eds.) Atlas of Hawai'i (3rd ed.) (p. 199). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai'i Pres s. Kolbert, E. (2000, October 9). Unchartered territor y: Is there money to be made off the failure of public education? The New Yorker 34-41. Langlas, C. M. (1998) History. In S. P. Juvik & J. O. Juvik (Eds.) Atlas of Hawai'i (3rd ed.) (pp. 169-182). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai'i Press. Merriam-Webster online dictionary. [On-line]. Avail able:

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20 of 23 http://www.m-w.com/cgi-bin/dictionary Moersch, C. (1994). Labs for learning: An experient ial-base action model. Oregon: National Business Education Alliance. Nelson, B., Berman, P., Ericson, J., Kamprath, N., Perry, R., Silverman, D., & Solomon, D. (2000). The state of charter schools 2000 fourth year report. Accessed November 2000, Washington DC: Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education. National Commission on Excellence in Education (198 3). A nation at risk: The imperative of educational reform. Washington, DC: U .S. Department of Education. National Study of School Evaluation (2002). [On-lin e]. Available: http://www.nsse.org Office of the Superintendent/Planning, Budget, and Resource Development Office, (2001). Hawai'i opinion poll on public education 20 01. Honolulu, HI: Department of Education. [On-line]. Available: http://doe.k12.hi.us/ Office of the Superintendent/Planning, Budget, and Resource Development Office, (2001). The superintendent's eleventh annual report on school performance and improvement in Hawai'i. Honolulu, HI: Department of Education. [On-line]. Available: http://doe.k12.hi.us/ PRB/KIDS COUNT (2002). Children at Risk: State Tren ds 1990-2000, Special Report. [On-line]. Available: http://www.aecf.org/kidscount/c2ss/ Peterson, P. E. (1998). Top ten questions asked abo ut school choice. In D. Ravich (Ed.), BPEP Conference on the State of Urban Education in America. (pp. 57-62). The Brookings Institute, Washington DC: The Brookings I nstitute, Brown Center on Education Policy. Public Sector Consultants Inc., & MAXIMUS Inc. (200 1). Michigan Charter School Report. [On-line]. Available: http://www.voyager.net/psc/charter/index.html Ravitch, D. (1990). Multiculturalism: E Pluribus Pl ures. The Key Reporter 56 (1), 1-4. Rebus Planning Associates, Inc. (1994). The work sampling system (3rd edition). Ann Arbor, MI: Author. Rees, N. S. (2000). School choice 2000 annual repor t, The Heritage Foundation: Roe Backgrounder # 1354. [On-line]. Available: http://www.heritage.org/library/categories/educatio n/bg1354.html Sarason, S. B. (1998). Charter schools: Another flawed educational reform? NY: Teachers College Press. Shokraii, N. (1996). Free at last: Black Americans sign up for school choice. Policy Reviews, The Journal of American Citizenship November/December #80. [On-line]. Available: http://www.policyreview.org/nov96/backup/shokraii.h tml Schmitt, R. C. (1998).Population. In S. P. Juvik & J. O. Juvik (Eds.) Atlas of Hawai'i

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21 of 23 (3rd ed.) (pp. 183-197). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai'i Press. Tyack, D. B. (1974). The one best system Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wells, A.S., Artiles, L., Carnochan, S., Cooper, C. W., Grutzik, C. Holme, J., Lopez, A., Scott, J., Slayton, J., & Vasudeva, A. (1998). Beyo nd the rhetoric of charter school reform: A study of ten California school districts. UCLA. Wells, A. S., Lopez, A., Scott, J, & Holme, J. J. ( 1999). Charter schools as postmodern paradox: Rethinking social stratification in an age of deregulated school choice. Harvard Educational Review 69 (2), np. [On-line]. Available: http://www.edreview.org/harvard99/1999/su99/s99well s.htm Whitty, G. (1997). Creating quasi-markets in educa tion: A review of recent research on parental choice and school autonomy in three countr ies. In M. W. Apple (Ed.), Review of Research in Education (pp. 3-47). Washington DC: American Educational Research Association.About the AuthorsNina K. Buchanan is an Educational Psychologist and Professor of Ed ucation at the University of Hawai'i at Hilo and is Co-Director th e UH Charter School Resource Center. She has co-edited (with John F. Feldhusen ) Conducting Research and Evaluation in Gifted Education: A Handbook of Metho ds and Applications Her latest work has been in talent development through innovat ive high school programs. She is a contributing editor of Roeper Review and serves on the Local School Boards of the West Hawai'i Explorations Academy and Wai Ola Publi c Charter Schools. Email: ninab@hawaii.eduRobert A. Fox is a Professor of Physics in the Department of Phy sics and Astronomy, University of Hawai'i at Hilo where he also serves as Co-Director of the University of Hawai'i Charter School Resource Center. He has ser ved as an elected member of the Hawai'i State Board of Education. Current research interests include the affect of collective bargaining on charter schools and the st ruggle between charter schools and the traditional educational establishment.Copyright 2003 by the Education Policy Analysis ArchivesThe World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is epaa.asu.edu General questions about appropriateness of topics o r particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, glass@asu.edu or reach him at College of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 8 5287-2411. The Commentary Editor is Casey D. Cobb: casey.cobb@unh.edu .EPAA Editorial Board Michael W. Apple University of Wisconsin David C. Berliner Arizona State University

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22 of 23 Greg Camilli Rutgers University Linda Darling-Hammond Stanford University Sherman Dorn University of South Florida Mark E. Fetler California Commission on Teacher Credentialing Gustavo E. Fischman California State Univeristy–Los Angeles Richard Garlikov Birmingham, Alabama Thomas F. Green Syracuse University Aimee Howley Ohio University Craig B. Howley Appalachia Educational Laboratory William Hunter University of Ontario Institute ofTechnology Patricia Fey Jarvis Seattle, Washington Daniel Kalls Ume University Benjamin Levin University of Manitoba Thomas Mauhs-Pugh Green Mountain College Les McLean University of Toronto Heinrich Mintrop University of California, Los Angeles Michele Moses Arizona State University Gary Orfield Harvard University Anthony G. Rud Jr. Purdue University Jay Paredes Scribner University of Missouri Michael Scriven University of Auckland Lorrie A. Shepard University of Colorado, Boulder Robert E. Stake University of Illinois—UC Kevin Welner University of Colorado, Boulder Terrence G. Wiley Arizona State University John Willinsky University of British ColumbiaEPAA Spanish Language Editorial BoardAssociate Editor for Spanish Language Roberto Rodrguez Gmez Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico roberto@servidor.unam.mx Adrin Acosta (Mxico) Universidad de Guadalajaraadrianacosta@compuserve.com J. Flix Angulo Rasco (Spain) Universidad de Cdizfelix.angulo@uca.es Teresa Bracho (Mxico) Centro de Investigacin y DocenciaEconmica-CIDEbracho dis1.cide.mx Alejandro Canales (Mxico) Universidad Nacional Autnoma deMxicocanalesa@servidor.unam.mx Ursula Casanova (U.S.A.) Arizona State Universitycasanova@asu.edu Jos Contreras Domingo Universitat de Barcelona Jose.Contreras@doe.d5.ub.es

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23 of 23 Erwin Epstein (U.S.A.) Loyola University of ChicagoEepstein@luc.edu Josu Gonzlez (U.S.A.) Arizona State Universityjosue@asu.edu Rollin Kent (Mxico)Universidad Autnoma de Puebla rkent@puebla.megared.net.mx Mara Beatriz Luce (Brazil)Universidad Federal de Rio Grande do SulUFRGSlucemb@orion.ufrgs.brJavier Mendoza Rojas (Mxico)Universidad Nacional Autnoma deMxicojaviermr@servidor.unam.mxMarcela Mollis (Argentina)Universidad de Buenos Airesmmollis@filo.uba.ar Humberto Muoz Garca (Mxico) Universidad Nacional Autnoma deMxicohumberto@servidor.unam.mxAngel Ignacio Prez Gmez (Spain)Universidad de Mlagaaiperez@uma.es DanielSchugurensky (Argentina-Canad)OISE/UT, Canadadschugurensky@oise.utoronto.ca Simon Schwartzman (Brazil)American Institutes for Resesarch–Brazil(AIRBrasil) simon@sman.com.br Jurjo Torres Santom (Spain)Universidad de A Coruajurjo@udc.es Carlos Alberto Torres (U.S.A.)University of California, Los Angelestorres@gseisucla.edu


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