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Educational policy analysis archives.
n Vol. 12, no. 28 (June 17, 2004).
Tempe, Ariz. :
b Arizona State University ;
Tampa, Fla. :
University of South Florida.
c June 17, 2004
Gender-segregated education in Saudi Arabia : its impact on social norms and the Saudi Labor Market / Roula Baki.
Arizona State University.
University of South Florida.
t Education Policy Analysis Archives (EPAA)
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1 of 15 A peer-reviewed scholarly journal Editor: Gene V Glass College of Education Arizona State University Copyright is retained by the first or sole author, who grants right of first publication to the EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES EPAA is a project of the Education Policy Studies Laboratory. Articles appearing in EPAA are abstracted in the Current Index to Journals in Education by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Assessment and Evaluation and are permanently archived in Resources in Education Volume 12 Number 28June 17, 2004ISSN 1068-2341Gender-Segregated Education in Saudi Arabia: Its Impact on Social Norms and the Saudi Labor Mark et Roula Baki The George Washington UniversityCitation: Baki, R., (2004, June 17). Gender-segrega ted education in Saudi Arabia: Its impact on social norms and the Saudi labor market. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 12 (28). Retrieved [Date] from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v12n28/.AbstractThis article examines the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia'sgender-segregated higher education system and how i t is used to transmit the Kingdom's traditional societal expecta tions to the employment sector. With Saudi Arabia's current need for economic change, the education system is retarding instead of accelerating reform. A background consisting of Sau di Arabian history, governing laws, religious beliefs and wome n's roles is examined. I then discuss the education system's pre servation goal by considering segregation, women's mobility,videoconferencing courses, and the roles of profess ors. I attempt to explain how the current education system fails t o prepare its students for the global economy: by limiting women' s access to the labor market, and by not preparing men for the realities of the global market and therefore creating the need for m igrant workers. In conclusion, conserving culture is signi ficant, but for economic change to occur, the extent of cultural co nservatism
2 of 15 and its effect on the education system need to be r e-evaluated. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a monarchy, headed b y the Al Saud royal family, with a council of ministers. Saudi Arabia's strong roots in religious and tribal histories date back to the eighteenth century with the joinin g of the first Ibn Saud to Muhammad ben Abdel Wahab. Ibn Saud was the ruler of the town of Dariya in Najd (AlMunajjed, 1997). Muhammad ben Abdel Wahab was a religious fundamentalist reformer who changed the worship and social practic es of Sunni Islam. He was viewed as a Mujaddid a voice that is sent by God at the on-set of ever y century to remind Muslims to return to the true revelations of the Qur'an Together, these two formed the religious movement called Wahabi (Cordesman, 2003)Â—also known as Salafi in the Arab world (Del Castillo, 2003)Â—which Saudi Arabia follows today. These two were unhappy with the decline of social v irtues in the eighteenth century and wanted to bring back the Â‘Golden Age of Islam,' an age of happiness in its simplicity and strict orthodoxy. They both attained this goal and Â“the union of ideology and military force led to the birth of a s tate: Saudi Arabia,Â” (AlMunajjed, 1997). In 1932, Abdel Aziz ben Saud consolidated th e entire peninsula and proclaimed himself King of Saudi Arabia (Cordesman, 2003). Saudi Arabia was economically weak, yet militarily and politically strong. It was not until 1938 that oil was discovered and led to a maj or economic boom in the 1970s. With this boom came the construction of houses, sch ools, and universities. Consequently, tribal authority was weakened since l abor needs increased in the cities, and many people had to move away from their traditional areas in order to work. Moreover, the new economy created an inflow o f foreign workers who came to help develop the country (AlMunajjed, 1997).Presently, Saudi Arabia is one of the richest count ries in the world and a major economic and political influence. Its status in the Islamic world is very strong and has also led to an increase in its participation in international relations. Being that it is the custodian of Meccah and Medinah, the two cit ies where Islam was born in the sixth century with the Prophet Muhammad and Islam's holy book, The Qur'an (AlMunajjed, 1997), Saudi Arabia is considered the keeper of the Islamic religion. With that title comes a great deal of responsibilit y including the preservation of the Muslim religion.As a means of preservation, Saudi Arabia has adopte d the Qur'an and the Prophet's Hadith (written record of Muhammad's declarations) as its Basic Law of Government. It is based on equality in accordance w ith the Islamic Shari'a or Islamic law. The State's role is to protect Islam a nd implement its Shari'a The State will order its Â“people to do right and shun evil; i t fulfils the duty regarding God's call,Â” (Jerichow, 1998). The State will protect human righ ts as accorded by the Shari'a The history of the development of the Shari'a claims that the Shari'a is man-made. It is based on the interpretation of the divine messag es of the Prophet. The Shari'a was always supplemented by the thoughts and beliefs of Muslim men until it was finally decided that the Islamic laws were no longe r negotiable by ordinary Muslim men, and the rules of the Shari'a were thought to be finally settled (Jerichow, 1998 ). There is constant contention in all Arab and foreig n literature over the Islamic position on women. To understand this controversy, it is important to eschew all
3 of 15 generalizations about women in Islam, and to unders tand first, what is the actual teaching of Islam and second, what is the Wahabi interpretation of Islam. Prior to the Qur'an women Â“lived in subjugation and degradation,Â” (Al Munajjed, 1997). The Qur'an gave women equal, but not identical, rights with m en on personal, civil, social, and political levels. The Qur'an gave both genders duties to an equal degree. Women have the right to join in prayers in the mosque (religious temple) and to go on a pilgrimage to Meccah. Neither the Qur'an nor the Hadith prevented women from joining in public life. However, the Qur'an did warn that the mixing of the sexes could lead to Â“seduction and the 'evil co nsequences' that might follow,Â” (AlMunajjed, 1997). The Prophet was a proponent of modest clothing, but did not specify veiling the face (Yamami, 1996)Â—in fact, th e Prophet's wives did not veil their faces (AlMunajjed, 1997).According to the Qur'an Islam strongly believes in mandatory education fo r both men and women. A women needs to be educated in orde r to achieve perfection. Additionally, The Qur'an states that women have the right to work, and may work in commerce, industry, and agriculture as long as thei r work does not harm themselves, nor their family (AlMunajjed, 1997).Wahabism in its strict orthodoxy, interpreted the Qur'an 's warning about the mixing of sexes by tightly restricting any type of interac tion among unmarried and unrelated men and women (Del Castillo, 2003). The Arabs adopt ed the custom of veiling the face from past civilizations whose elite used to co ver themselves as a sign of status and prestige (Afkhami, 1995).In Wahabi Saudi Arabia, women, including foreigners, may not drive; and they may risk arrest for riding in a vehicle not driven by a chauffeur or a close male relative (Yamami, 1996). Women are not allowed to board publ ic transportation in order to travel between different parts of the country or ab road without written permission from their closest male relative. Men can travel an ywhere. Women are restricted in the use of public transportation when in the presen ce of men: they must enter the buses by a separate entrance in the back and occupy designated seating (Jerichow, 1998). The reason for such mobility restrictions on women is due to Saudi society's strong belief in family honor. The pride and honor of a woman's family is directly related to her chastity, known as ird Arab Â“sensitivity to ird is so great that an entire way of life has been built around it. Saudi society is structured to keep a woman within strictly defined limits that make it difficu lt if not impossible for her to lose her sexual virtue.Â” (Mackey, 2002) These restrictions s trongly impact the education and employment of Saudis, especially women.The Saudi Arabian Education System: Conserving Soci ety and CultureIn Saudi society and culture, a woman's primary rol e is that of nurturing mother and housewife (Sabbagh, 1996). Therefore, the marginali zation of women's education helped Saudi culture until the 1950s when a group o f young educated middle-class men appealed to the government to establish schools for girls. They were voicing their desire for educated wives who would benefit t he family, the children, and the harmony of the marriage. A social problem was revea ling itself; Saudi men were marrying educated foreign women, and Saudi girls we re remaining single
4 of 15 (AlMunajjed, 1997). The first public schools for gi rls were not established before the early 1960s. Gradually, a separate girls' education system developed that now offers free schooling from primary school to the doctoral level (Sabbagh, 1996). As of 1997, Saudi Arabia had seven universities wit h 68 colleges and another 61 women-only colleges (Jerichow, 1998). Based on the Saudi Arabian Information Resource website, in 1998, the King Khaled bin Abdu l Aziz University was founded for a total of eight universities. It also has 56 s pecialized colleges for fields such as health, teacher training, and technology, and 70 te chnical centers for agriculture, commerce, and industry (Jerichow, 1998). The number of males graduating annually from univer sity rose from 795 in 1970 to 21,229 in 1999, while the number of fema le graduates rose from 13 to 21,721 Â– ending in a total that slightly exceeded the number of male graduates.The number of Saudi women graduating from universit y has grown at an average rate 2.5 times that of male graduates durin g the last decadeÂ….(Cordesman, 2003) Social and professional restrictions on women are e nabling them to stay in school longer than men and to receive higher degrees (Cord esman, 2003). However, the education that they are receiving maintains societa l expectations and imposes limitations on women.As mentioned above, the Shari'a is embodied in Saudi education programs, and the goal of education is to instill in Saudi society a particular vision of the moral and religious life. One way in which education is being used to preserve Wahabi Saudi society and culture is through segregation of the s exes. The education system treats the sexes differently due to their different societ al expectations. Males and females are directed into different courses by a differenti al tracking system. Males are taught about male activities; and females, about their nur turing roles as mothers and housewives. Even the curricula in universities diff er for women and men based on the courses available to each to take (AlMunajjed, 1997). Although women are now receiving an education, that education is still dic tated by Wahabi beliefs. Another Wahabi belief, that was mentioned earlier, is that of mob ility: women in Saudi Arabia do not have easy access to transportat ion. This can impair their education and is a second way in which education is being used as a societal control. While distance education was available at different times at three of the eight universities, as of 1991, only the King Abdul aziz University in Jeddah offers such a program. Therefore, in order to attend a uni versity, a women needs to have a chauffeur or a readily available relative, to drive her to and from the campus. Some universities, such as King Saud University in Riyad h, offer limited on-campus residential accommodations for female students who do not live nearby (Rawaf and Simmons, 1991). However, very few Saudi women can u tilize such accommodations given the fact that many families reject even the t hought of their daughters living outside their home (Sabbagh, 1996), harkening back to the idea of family honor. The problem of mobility can completely restrict som e women's access to education. A third way that social and cultural conservatism i s applied by the education system is through the use of videoconferencing. The use of this modern innovation to
5 of 15 Â“uphold ancient social practices,Â” began due to a s hortage of female professors (Mackey, 2002). This phenomenon came into existence in the Saudi hi gher education system solely because it accommodates the reception by female students of televised lectures conducted by male in structorsÂ…[through the] live transmission of video and audio signals f rom specially equipped classes attended by male students to female classes (Nakshabandi, 1993) This videoconferencing method allows instruction wi thout the teacher and the students ever meeting face-to-face (Mackey, 2002). Whenever direct contact with male professors is deemed absolutely necessary, suc h as in areas of medicine and business, it is reluctantly and warily permitted. O therwise, the use of videoconferencing is strongly recommended (Nakshaba ndi, 1993). Each one of these classrooms is attended by the mal e professor and his male students. A fixed remote-controlled video camera is provided as well as a receive-only telephone line. The professor clips th e portable lavaliere onto his clothing; the microphone is Â“linked by cable to stu dio sound-input,Â” (Nakshabandi, 1993). This setup allows him to be the only one to hear his female students and to only be able to contact them by being videotaped. T he corresponding classroom in the girls' facilities is composed of several tables each seating three to four girls. On each table there is a color television monitor and a one-way telephone line that may be used to contact the professor by lifting the rec eiver. This setup ensures that only the girls can see the professor and begin a convers ation with him. The girls can hear each other's questions, but in the male classroom, only the professor can hear them. If he so chooses, he may relay the posed ques tion to his male students. The girls' classrooms are usually supervised by a femal e teacher's aid who keeps attendance and order, and supervises tests (Nakshab andi, 1993). Some of the criticisms of such a teaching method ar e that 1) communication is difficult because of classroom noise, 2) boredom ki cks in due to a lack of participation, and 3) there is no group discussion possible (Rawaf, 1991). In Abdussalam Nakshabandi's (1993) paper, Videoconferencing; King Saud University (Saudi Arabia) an older study by Alsaadat and Afifi concluded th at female students thought it difficult to read the blackboard and sim ultaneously watch the professor on the television screen; that professors felt that th e majority of class-time was used to focus on the female students; that all the professo rs and the majority of male and female students felt that an extensive amount of ti me was wasted in repeating female students' questions to male students; and th at simultaneous instruction affects comprehension negatively for males, but pos itively for females (Nakshabandi, 1993). This last conclusion comes as no surprise if female students monopolize most of class time. This third way of co nserving Wahabi society does however have a positive effect on the education of women; it promotes it, as opposed to the first two ways mentioned (segregatio n and lack of mobility) which retard it.A fourth and final way that education maintains the Wahabi status quo is through the roles imposed on male and female professors. In an interview with Dr. Mariam Al-Jawini, the Deputy Principal of the Girls School at The Islamic Saudi Academy in Alexandria, Virginia, she divulged, although her ex perience is some 25 years old at
6 of 15 this point, that the role of the female professor w as not taken as seriously as the role of the male professor. For example, grading. After grading her students' exams, the female professor had to submit them for review by a male professor. This is similar to the situation in which the testimony of a woman in court is worth half the man's testimony (Joseph, 2000). Where men are the bread w inners and women the nurturers, Dr. Al-Jawini also claims that the unive rsity system is tougher on males than females: for the same results on a test, a mal e student will get a lower grade than the female student.The role of the teacher echoes Saudi society's cons ervative nature. When teaching, professors have to watch what they are saying to bo th male and female students. They cannot always say what they want to say; they have to say what should be said. An example is a male anthropology professor's class discussion with his male students on Darwin's theory of evolution and the mi ssing link, Â“ Â‘I had to explain what Darwin thought but at the same time say, Â‘as Muslim s we don't agree with that, but I have to teach you about Darwin so you're aware of w hat he said,' Â” (Del Castillo, 2003). Saudi society is not only preserved through education by promoting segregation and enforcing the restrictions on women 's mobility, but also through the professor's role as an educator.The Saudi Arabian Education System: Its Failure to Prepare Saudis for the Global EconomyAlthough women constitute 58 percent of all univers ity graduates in Saudi Arabia, their educational background still does not guarant ee them a job after graduation. The Saudi education system limits women's access to labor markets and participation in the global economy. The education system does so in two ways. The first way is by restricting women's entry into cert ain fields of study. Women are excluded from studying engineering, journalism, pha rmacy, and architecture. Such fields are reserved for the men (Cordesman, 2003), as are the better research and laboratory facilities. Women appear to be studying dentistry, education, medicine, nursing, and public administration among a few othe r professions. Â“In some fields of study, such as natural and social sciences, the num ber of female university graduates exceeds the number of male graduates. In these areas women now represent a major and underutilized human resource, Â” (AlMunajjed, 1997). According to available data, women are being traine d by and large for teaching and clerical jobs and this is Â“limiting their access to the labor market,Â” (Cordesman, 2003). The rationale for this tracking appears to b e that Â…these occupations are an extension of women's dome stic roles, and utilize the stereotypical women's qualities of cari ng, nurturing, and service to others. They are also deemed culturally and religiously appropriate because they help maintain gender-segre gation through women's work with other women in segregated work en vironments. (Sabbagh, 1996) This leads to the second way in which education lim its women's accessibility to the job market: by restricting their access to certain jobs. The increasing minority of females aspiring to a career in a nontraditional fi eld will most likely be subjected to discrimination and will probably end up working in education or healthcare (Budhwar and Yaw, 2001), or in business, retail sales, or th e media which offer fewer
7 of 15 opportunities (Jerichow, 1998). Their other option would be to become active in women's charitable societies (Afkhami, 1995).There is a productivity crisis in the Saudi labor f orce due to the status of female employment in the country and the lack of rapid cha nges that Â“are needed to take advantage of the comparatively high educational sta ndards of young Saudi women,Â” (Cordesman, 2003). By limiting women's access to th e labor market through restrictions on certain areas of study and on acces s to certain jobs, education is not preparing Saudi women for the global economy and is once again only helping to preserve the socially accepted status quo.Not only is education not preparing women, it is al so not preparing men for the realities of the global labor market. Until recentl y, most young affluent Saudis believed that they did not have to work, and if the y did, that they need not apply themselves because they did not need to climb the c orporate ladder. They would go straight Â“from school to an executive suite,Â” (Vivi ano, 2003). Economists are now saying that the educational system is failing to me et the demands of modern industry. Â“The companies who come to us are looking for skilled workers, business grads, engineers, and technicians,Â” said Nasser Sal ih al-Homoud, director of an unemployment office in Buraydah, and Â“few Saudis qu alify,Â” (Viviano, 2003). The problem is that these young Saudis took their bache lor's degree in Islamic philosophy (Viviano, 2003) or in whatever minimal d egree is needed for a public sector career. The reality is that the education sy stem is not preparing Saudi men for the occupational needs of their kingdom's econo my, specifically for the private sector. The Islamic Philosophy degree has become a useless field and a joke. Such lack of appropriate occupational education has crea ted the need for migrant workers in Saudi Arabia.Saudi Arabia estimates the number of guest workers at 7 million in a population of 16 million (Pressure in Saudi Arabia, 2000). These foreign workers have filled positions in the oil and banking sectors (Jerichow, 1998) and occupy roles as corporate managers, engineers, physicians, and scie ntists. They are provided extravagant salaries with great benefits (Viviano, 2003). Some foreign laborers also work in jobs that are not desirable to young Saudis due to their lack of social value (Cordesman, 2003).Saudi Arabia is looking for economic change. The go vernment is working on developing a Saudi workforce by encouraging Saudi n ationals to participate in all sectors of the economy. Saudi nationals replacing f oreign workers is also known as Saudization Saudization is said to require a higher level of participation by both genders (AlMunajjed, 1997). The government has made certain occupations only available to Saudi citizens, has increased some wor k visa fees, and has set minimum wages on some jobs in order to increase the employer's cost when using foreign labor (Jerichow, 1998). In order to achieve the substantial change that the country is looking for, the Kingdom needs to re-eva luate its education system. Its contribution to the Saudization process must assessed, specifically in training an d educating Saudis in fields necessary to achieve max imum workforce capabilities and in promoting the expansion of the private secto r, which has the potential to create many local jobs but lacks skilled Saudi work ers (Looney, 2004). The responsibility of higher education should be to replace these foreign laborers with qualified Saudi men and women. (Pressure in Sa udi Arabia, 2000) The
8 of 15 International Labor Organization and the World Bank published studies in the late 1990s suggesting that the Saudi education system wa s deteriorating and failing to properly prepare males and females for future jobs. Between 1995 and 1999, out of 114,000 graduates, only 10,000 graduated with engin eering degrees as opposed to 48,000 with social science and literature degrees ( Cordesman, 2003). Â“There's a need to minimize the skill mismatches between what the education and training systems are producing and the needs of employers in the private sector,Â” (Al Ajaji, 1995). Men and women need to access jobs that are c ompetitive in the market, that utilize the education and training of the new Saudi generation, and that deliver valuable profits. Â“ Saudization that menializes the native Saudi workforce is the last thing the kingdom needs.Â” (Cordesman, 2003) The Sau di American Bank has estimated unemployment to be about 15 to 20 percent for males between the ages of 20 and 29. If women were to be included, this av erage would increase significantly. More than 100,000 Saudi males enter the workforce annually, but the private sector is only producing enough employment for one out of three job seekers. The Economist in 2000 estimated that the Saudi economy should gr ow by six percent annually to create enough jobs for the young male Saudis entering the labor market. In reality, the Saudi economy has bee n growing by an average rate of two to zero percent (Budhwar and Yaw, 2001). Accord ing to the World Bank, the per capita GDP growth of Saudi Arabia could have been 7 percent higher had there been fewer barriers to the employment of women (Isl am, 2003). The education system must focus on the needs of the private sector, since this is where new jobs will be created. Presently, the educ ation system is producing too many graduates that are only qualified to work in t he public sector. By changing the focus of education to fit the needs of the private sector, there will be an increase in research and development and an increase in private sector opportunities that will require a decreased use of foreign labor and an inc reased use of Saudis, men and women (Looney, 2004).As Saudi Arabia expands its economy and its private sector, more opportunities are likely to arise for women due to the Kingdom loosen ing its employment policies. This liberalization will occur once Saudization takes its toll on guest workers and frees up more jobs for Saudis, and when private sector oppor tunities increase. Some might say that gender roles will remain constant since Sa udi Arabia is intent on preserving its traditional values (Jerichow, 1998), but others see the roles changing slowly: in 1990, 47 percent of university graduates in medicin e were women (Joseph, 2000). The patient, Â… a man Â… The doctor, a female physici an who makes house calls. The scene reflects how gender roles ar e slowly changing in the medical profession Â– women not only work elbowto-elbow with men, but treat them too. Yet other norms haven't changed at all. (Kingdom on Edge, 2002)ConclusionEducation by itself does not increase jobs and cann ot always predict the needs of the economy. Adding the cultural and social barrier s that exist in Saudi Arabia to the mix, it is difficult to predict where Saudi Arabia is heading. Will Saudization succeed and make available many job opportunities for young male and female Saudis? Will education focus more on the needs of the economy as opposed to the acceptable
9 of 15 norms of Saudi society? Will the government relax i ts social restrictions on women to accommodate its economic needs? The Saudi govern ment is looking for economic change. In order for such a change to occu r, the education system needs to be re-evaluated. Preserving society and culture is important, but the extent of preservation needs to be revisited in order for edu cation to prepare both men and women for life in the global economy.Female participation in the labor market is still v ery low. The Saudi government has been creating new jobs for women. Changes to women' s rights have been occurring, though at a snail's pace; but as a Saudi businessman once said, Â“Â‘You should think of Saudi as a kind of giant Vatican Ci ty. Only then can you begin to understand its conservatism.'Â” (Islam, 2003)ReferencesAfkhami, Mahnaz. (1995). Faith and Freedom: Women's Human Rights in the Muslim World New York: Syracuse University Press Al Ajaji, Adel. (1995). Obstacles to the Employment of Male Saudi Universit y Graduates by the Private Sector in Saudi Arabia. Ph.D. dissertation, The Graduate School of Education and Human Development, The Geor ge Washington University Al-Jawini, Dr. Mariam. (2003). Deputy Principal of the girls' school at the Islamic Saudi AcademyAl-Sharhan, Jamal A. (1993). The use of audio-visua l aids in teaching: A study in the Saudi girls colleges. International Journal of Instructional Media, 20 (3), 263-273. AlMunajjed, Mona. (1997). Women in Saudi Arabia Today London: Macmillan Budhwar, Pawan S. and Yaw A. Debrah. (2001). Human Resource Management in Developing Countries. London: Routledge Cordesman, Anthony H. (2003). Saudi Arabia Enters the Twenty-First Century Connecticut: PraegerDel Castillo, Daniel. (2003, March 28). Teaching Th rough an Electronic Veil. Chronicle of Higher Education, 49 (29), pp. A48, 1p, 1c Doumato, Eleanor Abdella. (2000). Getting God's Ear. New York: Columbia University PressIslam, Faisal. (2003, October 4). Women's Place Sho uld Be in The Workforce. The Guardian, electronic version. http://www.observer.co.uk Jerichow, Anders. (1998). The Saudi File. New York: St. Martin's Press Joseph, Suad. (2000). Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East. New York: Syracuse University PressKingdom on Edge: Saudi Arabia Â– Torn Between Ancien t Traditions and the Modern World, Saudis Search for Balance in the Post-9/11 G lare. (2002). National
10 of 15 Geographic Web Site:http://magma.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0310/featur e1/index.html Lee, Valerie E. and Marlaine E. Lockheed, 1990. The Effects of Single-Sex Schooling on Achievement and Attitudes in Nigeria. Comparative Education Review, 34 (2) 209-232. Looney, Robert (2004, March). Development Strategie s for Saudi Arabia: Escaping the Rentier State Syndrome. Strategic Insights, 3 (3). http://www.ccc.nps.navy.mil/si/ Mackey, Sandra. (2002). The Saudis: Inside the Desert Kingdom. New York: W.W. Norton & CompanyNakshabandi, Abdussalam A. (1993). Videoconferencin g; King Saud University (Saudi Arabia). International Journal of Instructional Media, 20 (2), 127-136. Pressures in Saudi Arabia. (2000). Center for International Higher Education. Boston C ollege. http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/Ne ws20/text13.htm Rawaf, Haya Saad Al; Simmons, Cyril. (1991). The ed ucation of women in Saudi Arabia. Comparative Education, 27 (3), 287-295. Sabbagh, Suha. (1996). Arab Women: Between Defiance and Restraint. New York: Olive Branch PressSaudi Arabia Scales Back on Foreigners. (2003).http://www.itp.net/features/104693323568493.htmThe Saudi Arabian Information Resource. (2003).http://www.saudinf.com/main/c6n.htmViviano, Frank. (2003, October). Kingdom on Edge: S audi Arabia Â– Torn Between Ancient Traditions and the Modern World, Saudis Sea rch for Balance in the Post-9/11 Glare. National Geographic p2-41 Yamami, Mai. (1996). Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives New York: New York University PressAbout the AuthorRoula BakiThe Graduate School of Education and Human Developm ent The George Washington University2134 G Street, NW Washington, DC 20052, USAEmail: email@example.comRoula Baki is a graduate student at The George Washington Uni versity's Graduate School of Education and Human Development studying International Education. Her two focus areas are the Middle East/North Africa (M ENA) region, and gender issues. Ms. Baki has lived in Lebanon, Dubai, and France, p rior to living in the United
11 of 15 States. For the past six years, she has been employ ed by Tetra Tech, EM Inc. The World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is epaa.asu.edu Editor: Gene V Glass, Arizona State UniversityProduction Assistant: Chris Murrell, Arizona State University General questions about appropriateness of topics o r particular articles may be addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, firstname.lastname@example.org or reach him at College of Education, Arizona State Un iversity, Tempe, AZ 85287-2411. The Commentary Editor is Casey D. Cobb: email@example.com .EPAA Editorial Board Michael W. Apple University of Wisconsin David C. Berliner Arizona State University Greg Camilli Rutgers University Linda Darling-Hammond Stanford University Sherman Dorn University of South Florida Mark E. Fetler California Commission on TeacherCredentialing Gustavo E. Fischman Arizona State Univeristy Richard Garlikov Birmingham, Alabama Thomas F. Green Syracuse University Aimee Howley Ohio University Craig B. Howley Appalachia Educational Laboratory William Hunter University of Ontario Institute ofTechnology Patricia Fey Jarvis Seattle, Washington Daniel Kalls Ume University Benjamin Levin University of Manitoba Thomas Mauhs-Pugh Green Mountain College Les McLean University of Toronto Heinrich Mintrop University of California, Los Angeles Michele Moses Arizona State University Gary Orfield Harvard University Anthony G. Rud Jr. Purdue University Jay Paredes Scribner University of Missouri Michael Scriven University of Auckland Lorrie A. Shepard University of Colorado, Boulder Robert E. Stake University of IllinoisÂ—UC Kevin Welner University of Colorado, Boulder
12 of 15 Terrence G. Wiley Arizona State University John Willinsky University of British ColumbiaEPAA Spanish & Portuguese Language Editorial Board Associate Editors Gustavo E. Fischman Arizona State University & Pablo Gentili Laboratrio de Polticas Pblicas Universidade do Estado do Rio de JaneiroFounding Associate Editor for Spanish Language (199 8Â—2003) Roberto Rodrguez Gmez Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico Argentina Alejandra Birgin Ministerio de Educacin, Argentina Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Mnica Pini Universidad Nacional de San Martin, Argentina Email: email@example.com, Mariano Narodowski Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Argentina Email: Daniel Suarez Laboratorio de Politicas Publicas-Universidad de Bu enos Aires, Argentina Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Marcela Mollis (1998Â—2003) Universidad de Buenos Aires Brasil Gaudncio Frigotto Professor da Faculdade de Educao e do Programa dePs-Graduao em Educao da Universidade Federal F luminense, Brasil Email: email@example.com Vanilda Paiva Email:firstname.lastname@example.org Lilian do Valle Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil Email: email@example.com Romualdo Portella do Oliveira
13 of 15 Universidade de So Paulo, Brasil Email: firstname.lastname@example.orgRoberto Leher Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil Email: email@example.com Dalila Andrade de Oliveira Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizont e, Brasil Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Nilma Limo Gomes Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizont e Email: email@example.com Iolanda de OliveiraFaculdade de Educao da Universidade Federal Flumi nense, Brasil Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Walter KohanUniversidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil Email: email@example.com Mara Beatriz Luce (1998Â—2003) Universidad Federal de Rio Grande do Sul-UFRGS Simon Schwartzman (1998Â—2003) American Institutes for ResesarchÂ–Brazil Canad Daniel Schugurensky Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Univers ity of Toronto, Canada Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Chile Claudio Almonacid AvilaUniversidad Metropolitana de Ciencias de la Educaci n, Chile Email: email@example.com Mara Loreto Egaa Programa Interdisciplinario de Investigacin en Edu cacin (PIIE), Chile Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Espaa Jos Gimeno SacristnCatedratico en el Departamento de Didctica y Organ izacin Escolar de la Universidad de Valencia, Espaa Email: Jose.Gimeno@uv.es Mariano Fernndez EnguitaCatedrtico de Sociologa en la Universidad de Sala manca. Espaa Email: email@example.com Miguel Pereira Catedratico Universidad de Granada, Espaa Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Jurjo Torres Santom Universidad de A Corua Email: email@example.com
14 of 15 Angel Ignacio Prez Gmez Universidad de Mlaga Email: firstname.lastname@example.org J. Flix Angulo Rasco (1998Â—2003) Universidad de Cdiz Jos Contreras Domingo (1998Â—2003)Universitat de Barcelona Mxico Hugo Aboites Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana-Xochimilco, Mxi co Email: email@example.com Susan StreetCentro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social Occidente, Guadalajara, Mxico Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Adrin Acosta Universidad de Guadalajara Email: email@example.com Teresa Bracho Centro de Investigacin y Docencia Econmica-CIDE Email: bracho dis1.cide.mx Alejandro Canales Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Rollin Kent Universidad Autnoma de Puebla. Puebla, Mxico Email: email@example.com Javier Mendoza Rojas (1998Â—2003) Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico Humberto Muoz Garca (1998Â—2003)Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico Per Sigfredo ChiroqueInstituto de Pedagoga Popular, Per Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Grover PangoCoordinador General del Foro Latinoamericano de Pol ticas Educativas, Per Email: email@example.com Portugal Antonio TeodoroDirector da Licenciatura de Cincias da Educao e do Mestrado Universidade Lusfona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, Lisboa, Portugal Email: firstname.lastname@example.org USA
15 of 15 Pia Lindquist WongCalifornia State University, Sacramento, California Email: email@example.com Nelly P. StromquistUniversity of Southern California, Los Angeles, Cal ifornia Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Diana RhotenSocial Science Research Council, New York, New York Email: email@example.com Daniel C. LevyUniversity at Albany, SUNY, Albany, New York Email: Dlevy@uamail.albany.edu Ursula Casanova Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Erwin Epstein Loyola University, Chicago, Illinois Email: email@example.com Carlos A. Torres University of California, Los Angeles Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Josu Gonzlez (1998Â—2003) Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona EPAA is published by the Education Policy Studies Laboratory, Arizona State University