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Hockersmith, Kelly S.
h [electronic resource] :
archaeology and history of tupelo honey production in northwest Florida /
by Kelly S. Hockersmith.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
University of South Florida,
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
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Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 176 pages.
ABSTRACT: Several archaeological sites in the lower Apalachicola River Valley have evidence of beekeeping in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. At least two of these are also prehistoric sites (Depot Creek, 8Gu56 and Clark Creek, 8Gu60), which are Rangia (clam) shell mounds. Both sites are deep in the river swamp, which has the largest stand of tupelo trees in the world. The valley has a long tradition of beekeeping. Apiarists (beekeepers) would bring their bees by boat to remote locations in the swamps during the short tupelo flowering season to take advantage of the extensive forest. Tupelo honey has been commercially harvested since at least the nineteenth century, and has the reputation for being one of the finest honeys world-wide. It is prized for its light golden amber color and characteristic ability never to granulate, but to remain in a liquid state. Shell mounds in the swamps offered high ground on which to build honey production centers. Such remote locations also were ideal for moonshine stills, with the beekeeping and honey production as a plausible cover operation. A significant amount of historical artifacts was [sic] recovered from both sites to merit further research. A third site, Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) is a single component early-to mid- twentieth-century apiary consisting of a standing two-story honey house and scattered beekeeping equipment. Archaeological methods, historical research, and oral histories were used to document beekeeping in the Apalachicola River Valley. Exploration of beekeeping and honey production in this valley during the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries has offered significant data on a once notable industry and way of life in northwest Florida, comparable to other agricultural industries.
Adviser: White, Nancy Marie
x Applied Anthropology
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Apalachicolas Gold: Archaeology and History of Tupelo Honey Production in Northwest Florida by Kelly S. Hockersmith A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Nancy Marie White, Ph.D. Brent R. Weisman, Ph.D. Philip Levy, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 30, 2004 Keywords: historical archaeology, beekeep ing, apiary, gulf county, wewahitchka Copyright 2004 Kelly S. Hockersmith
Acknowledgements Many thanks to Jimmy Moses, Pat Millender, Roy Ogles, and George Watkins of the Apalachicola National Estuarine Research Reserve for your assistance, humor, and grand knowledge. Thanks to Dorothy Ward for her generous donation. Thanks are also due to George Core, the Lanier family, and Beth Moses for wonderful insight and many unforgettable stories of the good-old sweet da ys. Thanks to all USF graduate students who participated in my project, and special thanks to April Buffington, Rae Harper, Chris Smith, and Anya Frashuer for their field assi stance. Thanks to USF alum Karen Mayo for her help in this adventure. Thanks to USF Department of Anth ropology Professor Brent R. Weisman, and Department of History Professor Philip Levy for being on my committee, offering important recommendations, and guiding me thr ough my thesis. A debt of gratitude to my major professor Nancy Marie White for be ing a great mentor, and presenting to me such a sweet project and thes is topic. Most of all, thank you for expanding my archaeological knowledge and introducing me to the swamps of northwest Florida. A heartfelt thanks to my family for a ll their support. Thanks to my mother Roxanne Hockersmith for diligently searching for and finding the missing link. Last but certainly not least, thank you to my partne r, Tony Drzewiecki for reading numerous versions of this thesis, for being patient and accepting throughout the whole graduate experience.
i Table of Contents List of Tables iii List of Figures v Abstract ix Chapter One: Introduction 1 The Project 5 Chapter Two: Environment 7 Physiography 10 Geomorphology 12 Chapter Three: Regional History 14 Chapter Four: Florida Honey 23 Tupelo Honey 25 Chapter Five: History of Beekeeping 33 Beekeeping in Florida 38 Chapter Six: Methods 43 Historical Research 43 Archaeology 46 Depot Creek Shell Mound Apiary (8Gu56) 48 Clark Creek Shell Mound Apiary (8Gu60) 54 Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) 60 Oral History 66 Chapter Seven: Land Use and Settlement Patterns 75 Social Dimensions 81 Chapter Eight: Classification System and Patterns, for Historic Artifact Assemblages at Depot Creek and Clark Creek Shell Mound Apiaries 83 Orsers Millwood Classification 84
ii Depot Creek Shell Mound Apiary (8Gu56) 85 Foodways 86 Household/Structural 86 Personal 86 Labor 87 Unidentified Functionally 87 Clark Creek Shell Mound Apiary (8Gu60) 91 Foodways 91 Clothing 92 Household/Structural 92 Personal 92 Labor 92 Unidentified Functionally 93 Pattern Recognition 100 Chapter Nine: Cultural Material 104 Nails 104 Early Machine-Cut Nails 107 Modern Machine-Cut Nails 108 Wire Nails 110 Indeterminate Nails 111 Nail Analysis 111 Glass 120 Ceramics 125 Refined Ceramics 127 Coarse Ceramics 131 Buttons 134 Shell Buttons 136 Prosser Buttons 136 Metal Buttons 137 Plastic Buttons 138 Metal 138 Miscellaneous 139 Context for Artifact Deposition 143 Chapter Ten: Summary, Conclusi ons, and Future Research 146 Archaeological Significance 148 References Cited 149 Appendices 158 Appendix A: Excerpts Concerni ng the Honey Industry from an Interview with George Core 159
iii List of Tables Table 1 Summary of known apia ries of the Apalachicola River Valley 80 Table 2 Orsers 1988 Millwood typology with artifact examples 84 Table 3 Souths 1 977 artifact groups and related classes 85 Table 4 Summary of artifact functional categories/subcategories and provenience from Depot Creek shell mound (8Gu56) 88 Table 5 Summary of artifact functional categories/subcategories and provenience from Clark Creek shell mound (8Gu60) 94 Table 6 Comparison of South s (1977) Carolina and Frontier artifact patterns with Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries 100 Table 7 Summary of nails fr om Depot Creek shell mound apiary 105 Table 8 Summary of nails fr om Clark Creek shell mound apiary 106 Table 9 Pennyweight system for measuring nails 112 Table 10 Description of nails fr om Depot Creek shell mound apiary 113 Table 11 Description of nails from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 114 Table 12 Frequencies and pe rcentages of nail types from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 118 Table 13 Frequencies and pe rcentages of nail types from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 118 Table 14 American nail production 1886-1954 119 Table 15 Frequencies and per centages of glass by color from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 121
iv Table 16 Frequencies and per centages of glass by color from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 121 Table 17 Frequencies, percenta ges, and function of historic ceramics from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 126 Table 18 Frequencies, percen tages, and function of historic ceramics from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 126 Table 19 Summary of buttons from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 135 Table 20 Artifacts usable for dati ng apiaries at Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds 145
v List of Figures Figure 1. Map showing the Apalachi cola River Valley and project area 3 Figure 2. Gulf County map showi ng historical apiary sites investigated in 2002 and 2003 4 Figure 3. Tupelo stands along edge of the Apalachicola River 8 Figure 4. View of swamp along the ba nks of Clark Creek and at Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) 9 Figure 5. Physiographic areas of the Apalachicola River Valley 11 Figure 6. One of the last steamers to service the Chattahoochee-Apalachicola River, the John W. Callahan 22 Figure 7. Tupelo blossom 27 Figure 8. A platform used to guard hives from high water and ants 30 Figure 9. Lanier family honey house along Chipola River circa 1940 30 Figure 10. Workers at Whitfields Apiary 31 Figure 11. Workers loading barrels of honey onto a barge from a platform along the Apalachicola River 32 Figure 12. Langstroths origin al movable-frame hive 34 Figure 13. Illustration of Langstroths extractor 35 Figure 14. Lake Wimico 1852 plat map showing dense swamp, marshy areas, and Depot Creek 45 Figure 15. Depot Creek shell mound view of vegetation, cleared shell mound, and scattered artifacts 47
vi Figure 16. Infrared aerial photographs of Depot Creek and Clark Creek, and their surrounding swamp area 47 Figure 17. United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Lake Wimico, Florida, 1945 49 Figure 18. Map of Depot Creek shell mound apiary 50 Figure 19. Dock at the edge of Depot Creek 51 Figure 20. Brick firepl ace at Depot Creek shell mound 52 Figure 21. United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Jackson River, Florida, 1943 55 Figure 22. Map of Clark Creek shell mound apiary 56 Figure 23. Ruins of a boardwalk and a boat dock at Clark Creek shell mound apiary 58 Figure 24. Historic tub fr om honey extractor and stee l drum at Clark Creek shell mound apiary 59 Figure 25. United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Wewahitchka, Florida, 1943-44 showing Lower Chipola Apiary 62 Figure 26. An abandoned honey house at Lower Chipola Apiary 63 Figure 27. Interior of honey house and scattered wooden honey-making equipment 64 Figure 28. A queen bee cage recovered fr om Whites remote areas survey in 1998 65 Figure 29. Ben Lanier at his honey house; L.L. Lanier Jr and wife Martha 67 Figure 30. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic 1943 aerial photograph showing Myrtles and Laniers apiaries 68 Figure 31. L.L. Lanier Sr. and L.L. Lani er Jr. are shown tending bees in a photograph that appeared in The Saturday Evening Post 69 Figure 32. Workers unloading hives from tug boat onto a barge 71
vii Figure 33. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photograph 77 Figure 34. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photographs 78 Figure 35. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photographs 79 Figure 36. Graph depicting differences between Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries in artifact functional categor y percentages 98 Figure 37. Early machine-cut nail from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 108 Figure 38. Modern machine-cut nails fr om Depot Creek shell mound apiary 109 Figure 39. Wire nails found at Depot Creek shell mound apiary 111 Figure 40. Solarized bottle finishes, fr om Depot Creek shell mound apiary 123 Figure 41. An amber bottle finish and a base of a Clorox bottle with a diamond trademark from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 125 Figure 42. A whiteware rim sherd with blue floral design from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 127 Figure 43. A whiteware teacup and plate with a molded design from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 128 Figure 44. An ironstone (semi-porcelain ) serving bowl sherds from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 129 Figure 45. Ironstone serving bowl rim sher ds recovered from the surface of Clark Creek shell mound apiary 130 Figure 46. Albany slipped and salt-g lazed stoneware sherds from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 132 Figure 47. Herty Cup sherds recove red from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 134 Figure 48. Buttons recovered from ex cavations at Clark Creek shell mound apiary 135
viii Figure 49. A metal spoon, spoon bowl, and cast iron stove parts from Depot Creek shell mound apiary 138 Figure 50. A harmonica reed, a hinge and buckle fragments recovered from the surface of Depot Creek shell mound apiary 139 Figure 51. Hive body and a metal cove r from Clark Creek shell mound apiary 140 Figure 52. A porcelain doll leg and black glass faceted beads recovered from the surface of Depot Cr eek shell mound apiary 142
ix Apalachicolas Gold: Archaeology and History of Tupelo Honey Production in Northwest Florida Kelly S. Hockersmith ABSTRACT Several archaeological sites in the lower Apalachicola River Valley have evidence of beekeeping in the late ninet eenth to early twentieth centuries. At least two of these are also prehistoric s ites (Depot Creek, 8Gu56 and Clark Creek, 8Gu60), which are Rangia (clam) shell mounds. Both sites are deep in the river swamp, which has the largest stand of tupelo trees in the world. The valley ha s a long tradition of beekeeping. Apiarists (beekeepers) would bring their bees by boat to remote locations in the swamps during the short tupelo flowering season to take advantage of the extensive forest. Tupelo honey has been commercially harvested since at least the nineteenth century, and has the reputation for being one of the finest honeys wo rld-wide. It is pri zed for its light golden amber color and characteristic ability never to gra nulate, but to remain in a liquid state. Shell mounds in the swamps offere d high ground on which to build honey production centers. Such remote locations also were ideal for moonshine stills, with the
x beekeeping and honey production as a plausible cover operation. A significant amount of historical artifacts was re covered from both sites to merit further research. A third site, Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) is a single component early-to midtwentieth-century apiary consisting of a standing two-story honey house and scattered beekeeping equipment. Archaeological methods, historical resear ch, and oral histor ies were used to document beekeeping in the Apalachicola Rive r Valley. Exploration of beekeeping and honey production in this valley during the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries has offered significant data on a once notable indu stry and way of life in northwest Florida, comparable to other agricultural industries.
1 Chapter One: Introduction This thesis documents the historical and archaeological i nvestigations of beekeeping and tupelo honey production dating from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in the lower Apalachic ola River Valley, Gulf County, northwest Florida (Figures 1 and 2). Pi oneering beekeepers were among the earliest non-aboriginal people to explore the swamps of northwest Florida and take adva ntage of the natural resources. This work is significant for several reasons. First, it is the first investigation of archaeological remains from pioneering beekeep ers who brought bees to the swamps of the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers. Second, historical documents, oral histories, and archaeological data illustrate the long tradition of produci ng this rare honey, and keeping of the necessary bees in these remote areas. Th ird, due to the age of informants who have knowledge of the region and have worked in the tupelo honey industry, there is a limited time in which to record the stories. Fina lly, the importance of the tupelo honey industry to the economy and society of the region has been greatly ignored. Other industries such as lumber, fishing, turpentine, and citrus have overshadowed beekeeping and honeymaking (Tebeau 1980).
2 Historical archaeology has significantly co ntributed toward th e revealing of many facets of early beekeepers liv es. Many central questions can be answered. What was life like for beekeepers? Were the beekeepers living in the swamps? How was the honey produced? What structures were needed for beekeeping and honey production? Why was the area chosen for beekeeping, and is th ere a pattern as to where the apiaries are located? What kind of consumer goods did people bring with them to the swamps? These are just some of the topics to be investigated about beekeepers and tupelo honey production in northwest Florida. This thesis will begin to answer these questions by providing an inventory of existing surface f eatures and historic artifacts (surfacecollected and excavated) at these sites, asse mbling historic records relating to beekeeping and tupelo honey production, and documenti ng oral history interviews with key informants.
Figure 1. Map showing the Apalachicola River Valley and project area (adapted from Henefield and White 1986:12). 3
Figure 2. Gulf County map showing historical apiary sites investigated in 2002 and 2003. Map adapted from United States Geological Surveys Florida base map, 1940, Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division. 4
5 The Project As part of a long-term archaeological rese arch program in the Apalachicola River Valley, conducted by University of South Florida (USF), this project was a continuation of a survey of remote, less accessible areas of the valley from wh ich there is little archaeological (prehistoric and historic) in formation (White 1999). In the summers of 2002 and 2003, Nancy White, several student crews, and I revisited two prehistoric shell mounds in the swamps of the Apalachicola Rive r that were used as apiaries in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, and an early-to mid-twentieth-century honey house on the Chipola River, the largest tribut ary of the Apalachicola River, in Gulf County, northwest Florida. These sites are on ly reachable by boat, and we were fortunate to have the assistance of three great boat cap tains, Pat Millender, Jimmy Moses, and Roy Ogles of the Apalachicola National Estuarine Research Reserve (ANERR). Three historic apiaries were identified for this study as a result of prior archaeological surveys (Figure 2) directed by Nancy White. Depot Creek shell mound (8Gu56) and Clark Creek shell mound (8Gu60) we re located during surv ey of the middle and lower Apalachicola valley in 1985, after a local inform ant called the survey crew with information on their lo cations (Henefield and White 1986:67). These sites were later tested in 1987 and 1988 for research on the prehistoric components of the shell mounds (White 1994). Field crew s bagged historical cultural ma terials, such as nails and ceramics, but no further analysis of them was performed. Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) was recorded duri ng the Apalachicola Valley Remote Areas Archaeological Survey in 1998 (White 1999:26-28) during a brief visit of only a few minutes.
6 These sites were determined to cont ain significant archaeological remains pertaining to the historic t upelo honey industry, and worthy of further investigation. These archaeological remains included remnants of boat docks and boardwalks, a standing two-story honey house, brick fireplace, scattered bricks, and domestic refuse such as broken bottles, broken ceramics, nails, and fragments of rusted iron.
7 Chapter Two: Environment The Apalachicola River is the lowermost segment of the great drainage system that begins as the Chattahoochee River in the Blue Ridge Mountains of north Georgia (Figure 1). At the Florida border the confluence of the Chattahoochee and the Flint River, which originates near Atlanta, forms the Apalachicola, which then continues flowing southward for 108 navigational m iles (172 km) to the Gulf of Mexico (Livingston 1984:26). The Apalachicola is the largest river in te rms of flow in Florida, with the most fish and shellfish species, the highest de nsities of amphibians and reptiles north of Mexico, and a large number of unique ende mic flora and fauna. The Apalachicola system has some of the most unusual envi ronments in the country (Livingston 1984:2627). The major tributary of the Apalachicola is the Chipola River, which runs clear and spring-fed, unlike the muddy Apalachicola. The Chipola originates (Figure 1) in south Alabama at the confluence of several cr eeks and flows southward, paralleling the Apalachicola River on the west side, for some 100 miles until it takes an eastward turn into the bigger river near Apalachicol a River navigation mile 28 (White 1999:1). The subset of this environment of concern in this project is the lowest portion of this valley system, comprising the lower 45 navigation miles (United States Corps of
Engineers 1978) of the Apalachicola River and about the lower 20 navigation miles of the Chipola River. On the banks of these two larger rivers and also those of many tributaries and distributaries are vast stands of tupelos (Figure 3). The forested floodplain broadens along the lower river extending up to 7 km (11.3 mi) wide (Livingston 1984:20). Sixty different species of trees are found in this area; the most common forest type is oak-gum-cypress. Of this bottomland forest, at least 50 percent is tupelo, black gum, sweetgum, oak and cypress (Leitman 1984). The forested flood plain of the Apalachicola basin is the largest in Florida. The river bottomlands represent a floodplain habitat characterized by the river channel, sloughs, swamps and lowlands (Figures 3 and 4). The Apalachicola floodplain remains relatively intact as a functional bottomland hardwood forest. 8 Figure 3. Tupelo stands along edge of the Apalachicola River (photographed by K. Hockersmith, May 2003).
Figure 4. Top, view of swamp along the banks of Clark Creek (photographed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003). Bottom, view of swamp behind honey house at Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) (photograph taken by K. Hockersmith, May 2003). 9
10 Physiography The diverse physiographic zones of the en tire Apalachicola va lley system (Figure 5) include the Marianna lowlands on the upper west side, characterized by karst topography full of sinkholes and caves; the To rreya ravines on the upper and middle east side, with high pine-covered bluffs from which issue steephead springs; and vast lowlands on the middle and lower west side (whe re all the projects sites are located) full of old meander scars and oxbow lakes formed as the river channel continually migrated eastward through time. The lower river valley, from about river mile 45 south, is less than 50 feet (15 meters) in altitude. The floodplain is widest where the Chipola River joins the Apalachicola. Levees in this part of the river range from 5-20 feet (1.5-6 meters) in elevation, and rise 2-8 feet (0.6-2.4 mete rs) above the flood plain. The lowermost segment of the Apalachicola valley is a delt a characterized by vast swamp forests, freshwater, brackish and saltwater marshes, a nd thousands of tributar ies and distributaries (named and unnamed creeks, sloughs, bayous). Much of the middle and lower valley is a watery wilderness of oak, gum, cabbage palm, river birch, and cypress and tupelo forest (Livingston 1984; Watts 1972). B ecause of the low availability of oxygen in soil that is constantly saturated, the wate r variation in the floodplain in fluences the distribution of trees. The bald cypress and the tupelo are th e trees likely to be standing farthest out in the water along riverbanks, sl oughs, and floodplains (Figures 3 and 4). In the very wettest places, where no pines grow and ev en most hardwoods are drowned out, these
two hold on. The bald cypress and tupelo like wet feet in the muck of the swamps (Watts 1972:33). Figure 5. Physiographic areas of the Apalachicola River Valley (adapted from Means 1977:37). 11
12 Shrubs, vines, grasses, and herbaceous plants grow profusely where sunlight penetrates the canopy. Common herbaceous pl ants and vines include wild grape, greenbrier, saw palmetto, pois on ivy, and other water-tolera nt plants (Schuster et al. 2001). The soils are flooded in the spring for one month or more. The depth of the water table fluctuates slightly because of the tide. This area is not suited for cultivation of crops, woodland, pasture, hay, or urban and recreational development (though fishing and hunting are very important to the local people). Geomorphology The natural geomorphology of the river va lley involves the continual movement eastward of the whole river sy stem, leaving old meanders and other streams to form swamps with their tupelo forest. Hydrologic conditions are a primary factor in the creation and maintenance of ri ver floodplains. River flow builds floodplain features such as levees and ridges by depositing sedime nts during a flood. Floodplain streams and lakes are created from old river channels wh en the river changes c ourse (Light et al. 1998:15). River flow erodes the banks and be ds of floodplain streams when velocities are high enough to scour sediments and carry them downstream. Changes in river stage alternately connect and disconnect floodplain water bodies, changing the conditions for fishes and aquatic invertebrates, as well as for vegetation. Tupelo-cypress swamps are mostly located near the outside edges of the floodplain, but some swamps are located along stream channels.
13 Human impact has greatly influenced th e Apalachicola River Valley. Flow has been regulated with construction of the Jim Woodruff Dam at the northern point of the Apalachicola River. Fluctuations in the river level vary from year to year and from upper river to lower river. Dredging by the Army Corps of Engineers on a regular basis has also changed the course and depth of the river. This river no longer meanders freely, but is straightened and dredged pe riodically to make way for barges (Henefield and White 1986:3). Consequently, the dredging is fill ing up the swamps and sloughs with sand and lessening the flooding along the river. Tupelo trees need the fresh water from flooding, however the dredge-spoil and sand cut off th e tupelos only source of water (Holland 2003).
14 Chapter Three: Regional History There is an extensive archaeological r ecord demonstrating some 12,000 years of continual habitation in the Apalachicola River Valle y (Milanich 1994; White 1994). Prehistoric inhabitants of the northwest coas t of Florida often, of their seafood garbage, constructed shell mounds. The first Europ eans were Spanish settlers who found the natural ports to be ideal. Th e Spanish used the Indian word Apalachicola in reference to the river and to all the Indians who lived along the lower part of the Chattahoochee River. Spanish mission efforts began early in the si xteenth century and several smaller missions were built at and near the forks of the F lint, Chattahoochee, and Apalachicola Rivers (Hann 1988; Tebeau 1980; Boyd et al. 1951). The first documented European occupations of the river valley area were these Spanish missions. Later in 1701, a Spanish outpost was placed on St. Joseph Bay (Weddle 1991). The English, operating from their new se ttlement of Charleston, and the Spanish at St. Marks and St. Augustine, engaged in a struggle for control of the Apalachicola country during the last part of the seventeenth century. When the Indian allies of the English raided the Spanish province of Guale, the Spaniards retreat ed to St. Augustine, and their Indian allies deserted the eastern pa rt of Georgia in favor of the Chattahoochee River. Dr. Henry Woodward led English activ ities in Apalachicola valley. When the Spanish learned of the English infiltration they sent a small detachment of troops to the
15 Chattahoochee. Woodward easily escaped capture, and the Spanish turned on the Indians, to force them to abandon their trade with the Carolinas (Owens 1966:8). While the middle reaches of the Chatta hoochee River lost population, the lower part of the river, from the forks to th e gulf, retained a si gnificant population of Apalachicola and Apalachee Indians (Tebeau 1980; Owens 1966). The Spanish maintained their tenuous hold on the Apalach icola River through the missions and the small fort of St. Marks. France began to move into the Gulf Coast at the close of the seventeenth century and this intensified the international struggle for the Apalach icola country. The outbreak of the War of Spanish Succession, Queen Anne s War to the Americans, created an alliance between the newcomers from France and the fading Spanish empire in North America (Tebeau 1980). The English governor, James Moore, warned the English in Charleston of a grand Franco-Spanish alliance. He saw the potential threat to English control of the rich Indian tr ade of the Southwest. Moore was given command of an army with orders to destroy the Spanish Indian s on the lower parts of the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers. Moore and the English Indian allies, mostly Yamassees, attacked the Spanish Indian villages and missions. His army was able to crush Spanish resistance in the Apalachicola and Apalachee country. To complete the destruction of Spanish power, Moore transplanted several t housand Indians and reestablished them in a town on the Savannah River (Tebeau 1980). One of the trib es that were forced to leave was the Apalachicola. The Chattahoochee-Apalachic ola River area was now almost depopulated,
16 and it would be several years before the Indi ans returned to make that area profitable again (Owens 1966:10-11). The Franco-Spanish alliance did not last long. Shifting inte rnational alliances altered circumstances at Pens acola in 1719 when Austria, Holland, France, and England went to war against Spain (Tebeau 1980:65-66) The French built Fort Crevecoeur and tried to occupy Saint Joseph Bay, a short di stance west of the entrance to the Apalachicola River. They quickly abandoned the fort, and a Spanish force then moved into it. After the peace treaty the Spanish di smantled the buildings and used the timber to help rebuild Pensacola. The Spanish, in an effort to prevent further French incursions along the gulf, erected a small fort just west of the mouth of the Apalachicola River, but this outpost was also evacuated after the peace treaty. The tr eaty provided for the return of Pensacola to Spain. The French saw their future in the Mississippi valley, not in the Gulf of Mexico (Tebeau 1980:66). The Seven Years War and the Treaty of Paris (1763) marked the beginning of a new period in the history of the Apalachicola country. The Treaty of Paris transferred the Floridas to England in return for Englis h evacuation of Havana. The newly acquired territory was divided by the Proclamation of 1763, and this division of East and West Florida marked the beginning of twenty year s of English occupation (Tebeau 1980). The Apalachicola River was the boundary between West and East Florida. Pensacola remained the only settlement that intere sted the English in West Florida. In the years prior to the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, the coasta l areas that are now Gulf County were occupied and abandoned by the Spanish, French, and English. The
17 Apalachicola River had been an area of intern ational intrigue for nearly three centuries, and still did not have a permanent non-aborigin al settlement near its banks. The earliest recorded exploration of the area by the Un ited States was by Andrew Jackson and his troops in 1814 (Tebeau 1980). Jackson, after signing the Treaty of Fort Jackson, heard the reports that the British were in Spanish Fl orida and prepared to move in that direction toward Pensacola (Owens 1966:46). Among the British force were two men who were to play an important part in the history of Apalachicola River Valley: Col onel Edward Nicholls and Captain George Woodbine. Nicholls and Woodbine, with the Br itish forces, withdrew from Pensacola as Jackson prepared to take the town. They t ook with them a large number of slaves that had been owned by Spanish citizens in Pensacola and by Forbes and Company. They went to the Apalachicola River, where, the east bank at Prospect Bluff, fifteen miles upstream from the Gulf of Mexico, they er ected a fort and supp lied it with artillery, powder, and shot. When the English finally with drew, they left the well-armed fort in the possession of the Indians and slaves, and it became known to Americans as Negro Fort. Most of the Indians moved away to the eastward, and some 300 runaway-slaves established a refuge for any others who chos e to join them, settling up and down the river from the fort. The refuge caused much alar m on the Georgia frontier and made travel on the river hazardous. Jackson ordered the fort destroyed and the slaves returned to their owners. Colonel Duncan L. Clinch led the mission to destroy Negro Fort. Hot shot from his invading ship fell into the powder magazi ne at the fort, and th e resulting explosion blew it up, killing 270 of 344 occupants (T ebeau 1980; Owens 1966). The incident
18 removed any immediate danger to users of the river. In 1818, Jackson ordered Lieutenant James Gadsden to build a fort over the ruins of Negro Fort. This fortification was to help quell the Seminole raids into Georgia (Owens 1966:62). Interest in the Apalachicola River kept pace with interest in Florida. The process of Indian removal in Florida began as soon as the territory was transferred from Spain to the United States, and the removal of Seminole Indians was completed for the Apalachicola-Chattahoochee-Flint area by 1843 (Owens 1966). The first decades of nineteenth century we re prosperous for the port towns of the Apalachicola River Valley. During the 1820s, the city of Apalachicola saw a marked growth in its importance as a port along the Gulf of Mexico. In 1835, the development of the towns of Apalachicola and St. Joseph was impacted by the validation of the Forbes Purchase. The U.S. Supreme Court recognized an old land grant and gave the Apalachicola Land Company legal rights to ove r 1 million acres of land. This meant the land that the people of Apalachicola had set tled would have to be purchased again. Disgruntled Apalachicola residents relocate d westward to coastal Gulf County and founded the city of St. Joseph on th e site of the current city of Port St. Joe (see Figure 2; St. Joseph Historical Society 1975). By the late 1830s, St. Joseph was the larg est city in Florida. The number of inhabitants in the St. Joseph Bay area increased in these early decades. With the collapse in the cotton market, St. Joseph became kno wn as a resort town. In 1838 and 1839, it was honored as the site of Floridas Constitutional Convention (Tebeau 1980; Owens 1966). The city of St. Joseph was short-lived. In 1841, tragedy struck the small towns of
19 St. Joseph and Apalachicola. Yellow feve r, possibly brought ashore by a schooner from the Greater Antilles, devastated the populati on for a period of four months. A severe hurricane on September 8, 1844, destroyed St. Jo sephs wharf, and what remained of the town. Storms played a decisive factor in any community along the Gulf Coast (Owens 1966). With as few as 500 inhabitants remaining, the town was forced to sell off its railroad and halt construction of its canal pr oject. The county seat was moved from St. Joseph to Abe Springs in Calhoun County (Childers 2001). With the outbreak of the Civil War (1861-65), the city of Apalachicola and the surrounding coastal area assumed a dual role of strategic military importance. Sheltered by the chain of offshore islands and situated on the river, which provided easy access to military and industrial centers in the interior, the city of Ap alachicola and its port offered refuge to vessels carry ing much-needed supplies to the C onfederacy. Union operations in the area were concerned with the blockade of the port and the destruction of the Confederate salt-producing inst allations. Salt works at St. Joseph Bay and St Marks, to the east and west of Apalachicola, respectiv ely, were destroyed. However, nothing took place, which had any major effect on events of the war. The Union forces assisted in the area's return to normal conditions, by collecti ng and restoring naviga tion on the river and in the bay. The port of Apalachicola thus achieved renewed activity as a clearinghouse for cotton and other trade merchandise, shipped from the river system to the Gulf (Tebeau 1980:234). Wewahitchka was the first permanent settlement in what is now Gulf County. Settlers from Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabam a, and some from older nearby settlements
20 founded Wewahitchka in 1875. The settlers clear ed the land, planted citrus groves, and began to build up apiaries for the producti on of honey. The pioneers from Georgia and Tennessee most likely brought the technol ogy of honey production with them to northwest Florida, since sourwood honey wa s produced early on in the Appalachian Mountain areas (Watts 1975). In addition to producing honey, the pioneers also raised stock and furnished timber for the small sawmills in the area. In the early nineteenth century, virtually all travel and commerce was dependent on rivers. Roads were used only to expand ri ver travel by connecting one river system to another. Floating downstream was much eas ier than riding in a wagon, and watercraft could manage a much larger load than a mule-drawn cart could haul (Willoughby 1999). Cotton prevailed in river cargo during the nineteenth century. Many of the early Wewahitchkans were riverboat men on th e steamboats plying the ApalachicolaChattahoochee-Flint River system. The steamboa ts were the mode of transportation to market the many barrels of honey and hundreds of oranges produced annually in Wewahitchka (St. Joseph Historical Society 1975:6-7). By the turn of the century, water tran sportation became less reliable, and its competition (railroads) improved. Steel rail bored deeper and deeper into the rivers terrain in the twentieth century. Rails ran in the same direction as the river as well as perpendicularly, and when railroads competed directly with the river, their more dependable and direct routes won. In additi on to the railroad, the river had to compete with improved roads.
21 The character of the freight carried by boat had also changed by the turn of the twentieth century. Cotton no longer predominated in river freight. In the place of cotton bales, general merchandise and naval stores such as resin and turpentine filled the streamers holds now. Beekeepers collected honey from tupelo trees on the riverbanks and shipped barrel after barrel via steamboats to market. One of the last steamers to service the Chattahoochee-Apalac hicola River system was the John W. Callahan (Figure 6), which struck a snag and sank in the Ch ipola River Cut-Off near Wewahitchka in 1923 (Willoughby 1999). At one time Wewahitchka was home to the Gulf County seat. Gulf County was created out of Calhoun County on June 6, 1925; Calhoun, in turn, had been carved out of Franklin County. Gulf County was the 66 th county to be created in Florida, and it was named for the Gulf of Mexico, which borders the county on the sout h and west. Locals dubbed Gulf County, with its cattle and its bee apiaries, as the land of milk and honey. With its abundant forests, inviting climate, ri vers, lakes, streams, and the beautiful St. Joseph Bay, this county has long been a paradi se for fishers and oyster folks, shrimpers, trappers, and hunters. Other important industries in the hi story of Gulf County included cattle-raising, nurseries, the production of fine timber, turpen tining, and in an earlier day, fruits, especially oranges, until winter freezes led to the abandoning the groves (St. Joseph Historical Society 1975).
Figure 6. One of the last steamers to service the ChattahoocheeApalachicola River, until it sank in 1923, the John W. Callahan (photographed by K. Hockersmith, with permission from the Wewahitchka Public Library). On board are barrels of honey and turpentine. 22
23 Chapter Four: Florida Honey Finding good locations for placing beehiv es is based on proximity to good honey flora, and is both an art and sc ience. It takes a good deal of care and often several years of experience at one location to determine su itability. In this regard, the beekeeper must learn to become a careful experimenter and observer (Sanford 2003a). Florida has a great variety of nectar-producing honey plants and a long growing season. Much of Floridas honey comes from the flowers of wild trees shrubs, and small pl ants (Sanford 2003b; Horton 1958). The extreme northern and west ern (panhandle) parts of the state are dominated by two areas, (1) the south coasta l plain which extends some distance into Alabama and Georgia, and (2) the north Flor ida flatwoods. The principle vegetation mix in both areas is evergreen and deciduous fore st, consisting of longand short leaf pine, oak and hickory in the upla nds; and cypress and gum in poorly drained areas. The bee forage (honey sources) in these areas are varied and include sourwood, tulip poplar, gallberry, saw palmetto, cabbage palm, partri dge pea and blackberry. Other nectar and pollen sources include white and black (sum mer) ti-ti, crimson clover, red maple and willow. The Apalachicola river area supports one of Florida's bestknown nectar sources, the white tupelo or ogeechee tree. The princi pal kinds of agriculture found in these areas
24 are cattle pasturage and forest -based (naval stores) interspe rsed with upland forage crops like corn, soybeans and peanuts. Elsewhere in Florida, the Central Fl orida Ridge, extending from southeastern Lake County in the north to southern Highla nds County in the south, is an area of deep, well-drained soils of low natural fertility. Th is area supports the major citrus industry of the state. Citrus is a major cultivated bee fora ge plant, and one of th e best nectar sources in the state. Many of the plants found in both southern coastal pl ain and north Florida Flatwoods are also found here but are often limited in di stribution due to large-scale agriculture. Gopher apple, pr airie sunflower, Nutall's th istle, and buttonbush are all found in central and south peninsular Florida. Some cultivated plants in the area besides citrus may also provide limited nectar and pollen such as loquats, kumquats, watermelons and other cucurbits (squash and cucumber). In swampy locations, cypress and gum predominate. The bee forage is dominated by saw palmetto, cabbage palm and gallberry, all major nectar sources. In the southern portion of the flatwoods, introduced plants like Brazilian pepper and the punk tree ( Melaleuca ) are excellent nectar sources, though they are very invasive and th erefore not recommended. The Florida Everglades is found south and west of Lake Okeechobee. This is the major winter vegetable-growing region in the st ate. The bee forage here is on the decline as large-scale agriculture increases, however, large natural areas still exist where plants like Spanish needles, clovers, gallberry, sa w palmetto and cabbage palm grow. Again, coastal areas are dominated by mangr ove, and the Brazilian pepper and Melaleuca are also well established in this area. In ge neral, the honey bees obt ain only small amounts
25 of nectar from the cultivated vegetables and fruits in this region, but are extremely important in the pollinati on of many of these crops (Sanford 2003a and 2003b). Although most bee plants are generally a ssociated with specific land resource areas, they are not necessarily confined to those regions. Many nectar-producing plants are statewide in distribution, al though certain localized habita t requirements must be met before they will grow and secret e nectar (Sanford 2003a and 2003b). Tupelo Honey The Ogeechee tupelo (white tupelo) bear s the name of a Georgia river, the Ogeechee, and was first officially recorded on another Georgia river, the Altamaha, by the famous father-son naturalists John and William Bartram. In his diary, October 3, 1765, John Bartram described a rare tupelo with large red acid fruite [sic] called limes, which is used for punch (Watts 1975:34). The official name of the Ogeechee tupelo is Nyssa ogeche Bartram. If the Bartrams had pa ddled up the Apalachicola River into northwest Florida, they would have found th e trees in greater abundance. Ignoring the tupelo stands along the Altamaha, Georgia beekeepers promote sourwood honey from the mountain regions. However, the Ogeech ee tupelos along the Apalachicola and Chipola River banks have been embraced by Florida beekeepers for well over a century. The tupelo region of northwest Florida embraces an area along both sides of the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers in Fra nklin, Gulf, Liberty, and Calhoun Counties (Figure 1). This area, some 15 miles wide and 100 miles long, forms the lower reaches of the Chattahoochee River system, adjoining the Gulf of Mexico on the south. It is here that the worlds chief supply of tupelo hone y is made. Centrally located in this
26 undeveloped region and fronting on the Gulf of Mexico is Gulf County. Wewahitchka, located in the north central section of Gulf County, is the nucleus of the tupelo honey industry of northwest Florida (Whitfield 1939). There are several sp ecies of tupelo in this area (black tupelo, Nyssa sylvatica and water tupelo, Nyssa aquatica ) all bigger and more upright then the Ogeechee tupelos along the riverbanks. The tupelo gum tree, both white and black, is native to the swamps and river bottoms of northwest Florida and grows profusely in them. It also grows in Louisiana, Mississippi and other southern states, but Gulf Countys beekeepers claim that the production of pure white tupelo honey has not been reduced to an exact science except in their locality (Wh itfield 1939). The black tupelo make s a darker and less desirable honey than the white, and mixing of the two is car efully avoided in the Wewahitchka region, where beekeepers have learned to manage thei r hives in such a way as to accomplish this. Fancy white tupelo honey comes from the white or Ogeechee tupelo (Nyssa ogeche) blossom (Figure 7) and is considered the choicest grade offered to the trade. Tupelo honey is delicately flavored, light in color, smooth in consistency, and not variable in any way. This honey is the only premium honey in the Un ited States that can be certified as pure or not blended with othe r honey sources (Watts 1975; Lanier 2003). In addition to these advantages, the pure wh ite tupelo honey has the remarkable qualities of never granulating (remains in a liquid state) and never becoming rancid (Whitfield 1939). Ordinary honey will usually granul ate; manufacturers must filter the honey, which means heating and putting it through an automatic filtering machine. However, tupelo honey does not need to go through this processing nor heati ng, since it does not
granulate. Its unique hydroscopic action kills bacteria and makes its growth impossible (Sawyer 1962). Aside from its delicious flavor, tupelo honey possesses many healthful qualities. A number of physicians have discovered that levulose, the type of fruit sugar in tupelo honey, is tolerated more by diabetics than any other sugar; for this reason tupelo honey has been recommend in small amounts to substitute for the use of refined sugar. Tupelo honey is speedily assimilated by the digestive system (Sawyer 1962). It contains about twice as much levulose as dextrose, the portion being 23 percent dextrose and 46 percent levulose, with the usual 4 or 5 percent of sucrose. The other 26 percent is a complex mix of water, vitamins, protein, and pollen. The average honey contains only about 39 percent levulose, and 34 percent dextrose (State Department of Agriculture 1943:25; Sawyer 1962; Hite 1967). The high amount of levulose is what keeps tupelo honey from granulating. Figure 7. Tupelo blossom (photograph used with permission from the Florida State Archives). 27
28 The tupelo season is comparatively brief. It lasts but three to four weeks, being at its peak from April 20 to May 15 under norma l conditions. Honey is removed three or four times from hives during this period, pract ically all the honey being removed the last time (State Department of Agriculture 1943). After the tupelo season, beekeepers would bring the bees upriver to Georgia and Alab ama by steamboats to other locations for different seasons (Hawkins 1920). Much of this beekeeping paradise is as little known to resident s of Florida as to the outside world. The forests are wild a nd conditions rough. Aside from the lumber industry, hunting, and fishing parties, the tupe lo tree was the only lure to bring modern culture to the banks of the Apalachicola. M. W. Shepherd in his letter to American Bee-Keeper wrote: The territory traversed by the Apalachicola River seems to be more perculiarly [ sic ] adapted to the production of honey than any section of the south that I have visited; and in fact, I might truthfully say, it is fully equal to any place in the states . (1901:7). Shepherd continues to describe the swamps along the Apalachicola, tupelo trees, and honey production: Practically, the country along the rive r is one vast swamp, covered with the water the greater part of the year and covered with a heavy growth of the famous tupelo gum which produces a honey very light in color, weighting fully twelve pounds per gallon and possessing the property of never granulating. . More bees can be kept here in on e apiary than any place I ever saw as many as 600 colonies in one place, and the yield per colony has been fully as good as in a yard where a less number is kept (1901:7). . I dont expect the bee-keepers wi ll rush into this country very soon, but for fear some might pull up stakes a nd come, regardless of results, I will tell them a few of the drawbacks. The first is the question of health, and I will say that from June 1 st to November 1 st the country is full of malaria. The only means
29 of getting from place to place is by boat and all supplies must be brought to the apiary through the swamps after being put off the steamboats. Your honey must be gotten from your apiary to where th e steamboats can get it on board; that means that often you must load your honey on a lighter and have it towed through the swamp by a small tug-boat (1901:8). Learning early of the superior quality of honey produced by the tupelo gum and the preference of the bees for it (late ninete enth to early twentieth centuries), local apiarists placed their colonies of bees on the riverbank or well into in the swamps, often ten, twenty, or more miles from any human ha bitation. Originally, river boats furnished the only links between the bee camps and the outside world. There were few roads that cut through to the edges of the swamp, and many apiaries were inaccessible except by boat. Apiarists leased most of the tupelo acreage from its owner, though some owned the land on which they operated. One of the essential requirements for t upelo honey apiaries is the platform or walk. Since high water floods the swamps dur ing several months of the year, it was necessary to construct platform s fourteen to sixteen feet hi gh and from 300 to 700 feet in length (Sawyer 1962). The plat forms we saw during boat surv ey on the Apalachicola and Chipola rivers were much lower and shorte r in length. Hives ar e placed in along the platforms in double rows (Figure 8). However, Shepherd did not see any use of platforms along the river in 1901: . There are but very few locations wh ere an apiary can be established on the river bank and on ground elevated above over-flow, and if there is such a location the other fellow is ahead of you a nd got his bees there. In fact, range is almost unlimited, but good dry places to lo cate an apiary are scarce. A person might build up platforms on which to set hi s bees, but it has not yet been done that I am aware of (1901:8).
Figure 8. A platform used to guard hives from high water and ants (photograph take in 1948, and used with permission from the Florida State Archives). The entire work of harvesting the honey and packing it for shipment was handled in the honey house at each apiary (Figure 9). Honey was packaged in barrels then delivered to river steamboats from the dock at the front of each apiary, or from the boat landings (Figures 9,10, and 11). 30 Figure 9. Lanier Family honey house along the Chipola River circa 1940 (photograph used with permission from the Florida State Archives).
Figure 10. Top, worker filling a steel drum with tupelo honey at Whitfields Apiary (photographed in May 1960, and used with permission from the Florida State Archives). Bottom, worker is removing honey from a frame using a capping knife (photographed in May 1960, and used with permission from the Florida State Archives). 31
Figure 11. Workers loading barrels of honey onto a barge from a platform along the Apalachicola River (photographed in May 1960, and used with permission from the Florida State Archives). Many questions remain to be answered concerning settlement and lifeways of beekeepers and tupelo honey production in the lower Apalachicola River valley. The archaeological remains from the investigated historic apiaries present enough data to begin to determine if patterns exist concerning site formation processes. The site formation processes apparent at the apiaries along the Apalachicola and Chipola River are surface refuse disposal and abandonment processes. Site formation processes are reflected in artifact deposition and the limited amount of structures at the apiaries. 32
33 Chapter Five: History of Beekeeping The honey bee ( Apis mellifera Linnaeus) is not native to the Western Hemisphere. Stingless, social, honey -storing bees (Meliponids and Tri gonids) are native to the West Indies, as well as Central and South America, but not native to North America. These bees have been widely hunted for their hone y, and also kept in hives (Oertel 1980; Crane 1983). The first definite records of beekeep ing in Mexico and the Americas are from Juan de Grijalva in 1518 and Hernan Cortes in 1519 from the island of Cozumel off the east coast of the Yucatan peninsula (B rand 1988:73). There is no doubt that the Yucatans Maya practiced beekeeping or bee culture. The Indians of Mexico exploited the wild bees and also engaged in apiculture primarily to obtain the honey. This honey was used and still is used directly as f ood, for sweetening, and as an ingredient of a metheglin or mead (Brand 1988). The Yucatan peninsula continues to lead in stingless bee culture although the European bee is today more important than the native bees. Early in 1622, Apis mellifera bees were successfully introduced into the Colony of Virginia from England. Shipments of bees were made to Massachusetts between 1630 and 1638 (Brand 1988; Free 1982; Oertel 1980). Beekeeping was well established in Virginia and Massachusetts by the middle of th e seventeenth century, reached Florida (St. Augustine) in 1763, Kentucky in 1793, and was probably practiced throughout the eastern part of the United St ates by 1800 (Free 1982). In the 1850s, bees were shipped
from the eastern states to California. A few hives were taken over land, but most were sent by ship to Panama, by land across the Isthmus, and then by ship to California (Oertel 1980). In 1852, L. L. Langstroth, a Congregational minister from Pennsylvania, discovered beespace and revolutionized beekeeping. Beespace is the crawl space that bees maintain between and around the comb. By observing that bees left a space or passageway of approximately five-sixteenths of an inch between their combs, he discovered one of the most important habits of the bee. Langstroth developed a hive that was open at the top and contained hanging frames, each surrounded on all sides by bee space (Figure 12). Figure 12. Langstroths original movable-frame hive. Illustrated in A Practical Treatise on the Hive and the Honey Bee 1857 (published in Crane 1983:211; used with permission). 34
He made it possible for beekeepers to establish management for honey production (Grout 1949:2). In the period between the importation of honey bees by the early colonists and invention of the movable frame hive by Langstroth, beekeepers had little capability for managing their colonies of bees. Modern methods of beekeeping came very rapidly following Langstroths patent. There soon followed other inventions, which made large-scale, commercial beekeeping possible. The invention of the centrifugal honey extractor in 1865 (Figure 13) made possible large-scale production of extracted honey (liquid honey; Oertel 1980). Figure 13. Illustration of Langstroths extractor. This was the first extractor made in America (adapted from Pellett 1938:7) 35
36 Before the invention of the honey extractor, honey was sold in the comb (chunks of comb cut out and packaged). However, beekeepers recognized from the first that liquid honey was easier to produce and that it helped save the bees the effort of building new combs each year (Morse 1975:131). From the beginning of beekeeping in the 1600s until the early 1800s, honey was largely an item of local trade. Many farmers a nd villagers kept a few colonies of bees in box hives to supply their own needs and thos e of some relatives and neighbors (Oertel 1980). Moses Quinby of New York was the first commercial beekeeper in the United States, as his sole means of livelihood was producing and selling honey in the 1830s (Pellett 1938). Poor roads and the use of horse -drawn vehicles restricted the size of the area in which a beekeeper could manage profitably. With large quantities of honey availa ble in liquid form, it became common practice to adulterate it with an addition of syrup prio r to The Pure Food Law of 1906 (Grout 1949; Morse 1975). For this reason many beekeepers concentrated on the production of comb honey. In 1878, Charles Dadant stated a movement opposing the adulteration of honey and for the establishmen t of a federal law against such practices (Pellet 1938:206-213). The beekeeping industry joined him enthusiastically. The Pure Food Law of 1906 paved the way for an increasing supply of honey free from adulteration, and honey rapidly became accepted by the public as a pure food. Consumers were more confident in the purity of extracted honey, thereby increasing demand.
37 The period from 1875 to the First World Wa r is often called the golden age of beekeeping (Grout 1949:3). Large amounts of liquid hone y were shipped in wooden barrels in the last part of the nineteenth century. Th e proportion of commercial honey producers increased considerably while th e number of small producers decreased, many being put of business by bee disease. Many did not care to meet the competition which arose for honey in the markets when corn syrup became available and the cane and beet sugar industries expanded. This trend c ontinued until those beekeepers who were interested mainly in the returns, which they received, from their beekeeping efforts were in the majority (Grout 1949:4). The First World War caused a serious s hortage of sugar, and honey brought a high price. Consequently, the industry ma de great expansion and the production of honey offered full-time occupation for many people. As commercial honey producers increased the size of their operations, they f ound it difficult to pack and sell the crop on the retail market, and specialized honey pack ing plants developed in the 1920s. Packing plants now are very sophisticated in packing liquid honey (Oertel 1980:6). After the war, with better highways and the increased use of motor vehicles and more efficient methods of colony management and honey handling, commercial beekeepers throughout the United States were able to expand the size of their businesses. With cheaper energy resources, beekeeping became migratory, moving bee colonies seasonally to avoid colder weather and follow blooming plants. However, prices fell to a low figure and the demand for honey became sluggish after WWI (Grout 1949:4). The honey industry found that demand and price had sagged further than supply, and in the
38 depression years of the 1930s, the price of extracted honey dropped to 4 cents a pound (Grout 1949; Oertel 1980). With the beginning of the Second World War, the beekeeping industry again passed through a period of immense change. Honey was sought eagerly for use in place of sugar, which experienced a prolonged world shortage. The government deemed it necessary to place a ceili ng on the selling price of honey (Grout 1949:4). After the Second World War, an entire new group of beekeepers developed, the hobbyists. The hobbyist keeps bees for a wi de variety of reasons of which honey production or use of honey bee products is no t always the most important objective. They often keep bees for the pollination of crops. These individuals are the most common beehive owner today, but they own only a small number of colonies. Beekeeping in Florida Most people assume that the Spanish conquistadors introduced the European honeybee into Florida in the si xteenth century. The late Donald Brand (founder of the Department of Geography at the University of Texas) proposed that the early colonial Spaniards and Creoles in New Spain were not beekeepers, and soon most of the European bees were quite wild or feral (1988:81). Benjamin Smith Barton, in his 1793 disc ussion of the introduction of the European bee into the New World, quoted Willia m Bartram as believing that the bee had been in East Florida for perhaps a hundred years. Elsewhere John Bartram and his son William Bartram, who were in Florida in the 1760 and 1770s, commented on the great numbers of wild bees and the great quan tities of honey and wax obtained by both local
39 Seminoles and Whites (Bartram 1773; Sl aughter 1996; Weisman 1999:17). Barton (1802) stated that the honey bees in Fl orida, after having b een introduced by the Spaniards, had by 1785 increased into i nnumerable swarms (Oertel 1976:156). The Native Americans in east Florida traded bees wax and honey to the Spaniards in Cuba and to White traders in the area for trade goods William Bartram in 1792, recorded his own experiences, and noted that he and his friends cut down a bee tree on the banks of the St. Johns River in 1765 and obtained consider able honey (Oertel 1976:156). William Bartram observed bees that escaped from nearby British plantations. In several instances, Bartram had a drink consisting of honey in water in northern Florida given to him by plantation owners (Oertel 1976:156). The Eur opean bee reached West Florida some time prior to 1763, and it is likely that after th e early imports all in crease was by natural swarming (State Department of Agriculture 1943; Oertel 1980). One of the first commercial apiaries of any significance in Florida was established in connection with a lemon and orange grove on the present city of Daytona Beach by a New York company in 1872 (Wilder 1928). The production of lemons, oranges, and honey made a very good combination. The company came southward during early fall in time to gather their fruit and honey. After sp ending a few months in Florida, they would sail back to New York in the spring with a cargo of Florida fruit and honey. This practiced excited considerable attention around New York as well as in certain Florida towns (Wilder 1928). Furthermore, beekeepi ng attracted commercial activity because of its low entry costs relative to other agricultural operations.
40 S. S. Alderman, from Ohio, started th e next apiary of any importance at his orange grove located near Wewahitchka in what is now Gulf County. By 1898, Aldermans apiary contained 1,300 colonies of bees, with about 2,500 other colonies scattered around the Dead Lake area (Figure 2) Another pioneer, W. S. Hart, who came to Florida about 1879, establishe d an apiary at Hawks Point at Indian River in Volusia County. He soon became known as one of the leading beekeepers in Florida (State Department of Agriculture 1943:17). This early development of beekeeping in Florida took pla ce between 1872 and 1888. Florida was still largely an undevelope d frontier at that time (Tebeau 1980:17). Pioneer beekeepers experienced difficulties in starting apiaries, for th ey had to get their bees into the forest. The beekeepers lived in remote sections of Florida, which could be reached only by small vessels, and were seldom visited by those from other parts of the country. Still, the success of S. S. Alderm an and W.S. Hart soon caused reports to be widely circulated that an average of one barrel, or four hundred pounds, of honey per colony was being secured in Florida. This report meant much to Florida in beekeeping, for almost at once people began to establish apiaries all over the state and to put in modern equipment (Wilder 1928:5). The Unite d States Census report showed Florida had only 4,000 beekeepers with 40,000 coloni es of bees in 1900, and by 1956 Florida was third in the nation in honey prod uction (State Plant Board 1956:8-9). The Florida State Beekeepers Associa tion was organized at Gainesville on October 6, 1920. It was anticipated that the association would make for rapid improvement in the beekeeping indust ry of Florida (Cutts 1996).
41 Beginning in the 1930s early methods of harvesting and marketing of Florida honey gave way to more complex methods. The demand for Florida honey increased greatly with improved methods in marketing. General progress in agriculture has brought a substantial growth in beekeeping. The industr y is not confined to rural districts, but now extends to the backyards of towns and city suburbs. Florida beekeeping reached its highest point in the late 1970s and early 1980s, with Florida often ranking number one in the nation in honey production. However, Tracheal and Varroa mites (honey be e parasites that lead to decline and death of infested colonies), competition from foreign imports, and the high costs of beekeeping are the most important threats to the industry (Mai rson 1993). Florida beekeep ing is declining, as is beekeeping nationwide, despite the sizable benefits associated with the apiculture industry (Hodges et al. 2001; Mairson 1993). Florida beekeeping has now become almost totally migratory. Most bees in the state are moved annually, and half of Floridas bees are moved to nor thern states in the summer for pollination or honey production (Cutts 1996). Florida bees also pollinate many important fruit and vegetable crops, in cluding specialty citrus, blueberries, strawberries, cucumbers, squash, watermelons, and avocados. Honey bee pollination activity is responsible for incr eased yields of these crops. Today, Florida still has a large apicul tural industry, with an estimated 258,000 honey bee colonies operated by 700 full-time or sideline commercial beekeepers and an additional 500 hobbyist beekeeper s. Florida is currently the fourth-largest honey
42 producer in the United States, with a production level of 25.58 million pounds in 1999. The apicultural industry is beneficial to Florida's economy (Hodges et al. 2001).
43 Chapter Six: Methods This archaeological and historical project investigating tupelo honey production is the first research of its kind to take place in northwest Florida. The major goal of this project is to document some of the social a nd natural relationships, and the global market of beekeeping and honey production in the Apal achicola River Valley, as part of USFÂ’s ongoing archaeological investigations in this region. Three histor ic apiaries were investigated using documentary record s research, maps and aerial photographs, archaeological fieldwork, and oral hi story interviews of local experts. Historical Research Documentary records contain a substantial amount of information that must be located and then sorted through to find the data that apply to the ar ea under investigation. The process is very time-consuming, and unf ortunately, not all r ecords will be found. Research was carried out at Gulf and Cal houn County courthouses, local libraries, and Florida State University Library. Much of th e beekeeping literature from the Institute of Food and Agricultural Science (IFAS) library in Gainesville was also reviewed during this research. The county seat for the land that is now part of the project area has been moved many times. The county seat was in Apalach icola (Franklin County) before Gulf County was carved out of Franklin and Calhoun Counties, then moved to the rival city St. Joseph,
44 when Calhoun County was created in 1838 (Gul f County Historical Society 1975:25). With the decline of St. Joseph the county seat was moved to Abe Springs (Calhoun County). Later it was moved to River La nding near Blountstown and still later to Blountstown proper. The creation of Gulf County in 1925 necessitated another move, and Wewahitchka was the selection. Forty year s later it was moved to its present location in Port St. Joe. Historical documents are located in these locations. For example, the Gulf County courthouse contains no land record s prior to 1925, the ye ar Gulf County first became separate from Calhoun County. Tracing specific individuals to the three historic apiaries in the project area was not feasible through legal documents at th e two county courthous es. Most of the swampland where the project area is located was not well surveyed, and some portions are not even surveyed into sections. For example, on the 1852 Plat map, the area surrounding Lake Wimico (where Depot Creek shell mound, 8Gu56, is located) is labeled as dense cypress and gum swamp (Figure 14). There were no records in the tract books on the project area. Still, many beekeepers did not own the land where they kept their bees because they were migratory beekeepers and they leased the land from either the state, or big landowners such as the St. Jo e Paper Company and the Magnolia Oil Texas Company. An extensive document research was done on the history of beekeeping in northwest Florida, including i nvestigations at libraries in the valley, as well as at the closest university library, in Tallahassee at Fl orida State University. The public library in Wewahitchka in 2003, had a display on tupe lo honey production and many documents
45 related to beekeeping and the hone y industry in the area. The Strozier Library at Florida State University had a set of 1943 aerial photographs of the Apalachicola River Valley produced by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, with marked apiaries along the river. These aerials were helpful in understanding land use and settlement patterns of the apiaries in the river valley. I referred to academic literature, jour nals, and web sites on beekeeping in the United States and Florida to for background unde rstanding of this di stinctive agricultural practice. Florida has a strong history in beekeeping and many lo cal beekeeping/honey production associations, as noted in the previous chapter. Figure 14. Lake Wimico 1852 Plat map show ing dense swamp, marshy areas, and Depot Creek (LABINS: http://data.labins.org/2003/index.cfm ).
46 Archaeology My own research began with, USF fiel d crews conducting archaeological survey at three historical apiary lo cations along the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers in 2002 and 2003. The scope of this project was limite d to surface survey, which included surface collections, mapping, and photographs. The sites investigated in this study were chosen based on previous investigati ons and the potential to cont ribute information on various levels. A comprehensive surface survey had not been performed at these sites, and one of the main goals of this project was to provide a more detailed pict ure of the historical archaeological resources on the sh ell mounds. Two of the sites investigated in this study had structural remains and artifacts on th e surface; Depot Creek shell mound (8Gu56) had a dock and fireplace and the Lower Chi pola Apiary (8Gu104) had a building. Clark Creek shell mound had only dock pilings at the edge of the creek a nd scattered artifacts on the surface. Getting to the sites was very time consuming and a factor which determined limited research. Therefore it was crucial to gain the most amount of information at the investigated s ites in the least amount of time. Both Depot Creek and Clark Creek she ll mounds had part of their mound summit vegetation cleared and topography altered for beekeeping (Figure 15). The shell mounds offered high, dry locations for such an operation. Depot Creek mound summit has planted fig trees among the native hardwoods a nd palms. On the summit of both mounds glass and ceramics were scattered; on the highest part of the mound and people would have worked and camped. On the slopes of each mound was abandoned machinery and equipment. The slopes of the mounds probably ac ted as the refuse or garbage area.
47 Figure 15. Depot Creek shell mound (8Gu56) view of vegetation, cleared shell mound, and scattered artifacts (photographe d by N. White, June 1987, view facing west). The two shell mounds, because much of their vegetation was removed, clearly appear as white elongated shapes in the mids t of the thick forest on infrared aerial photographs (Figures 16). Figure 16. Infrared aerial photographs of Depot Creek (le ft) and Clark Creek (right), and their surrounding swamp are a. The shell mounds shows up as white streaks in the photographs (adapted from original images at the ANERR, Eastpoint, FL).
48 The historic impact on Depot Creek a nd Clark Creek shell mounds was minimal due to the remote location in th e swamps. It is important th at the archaeologist consider the effect of reoccupation and land disturban ce during the historic period. It is not unusual for prehistoric landscapes such as shel l mounds to be distur bed by historic period occupations. Â“In the last hundred years many shell-bearing sites have had their topography altered, vegetation clea red, prehistoric material (e specially shell) mined, and their coastal portions eroded or artificially stabilized Â” (Thomas and Thomson 1992:61). This thesis is an attempt to do justice to the overlooked late nineteenthto early twentieth-century human activity and occupa tion at Depot Creek a nd Clark Creek shell mounds. Depot Creek Shell Mound Apiary (8Gu56) This large shell mound sits on the s outh bank of Depot Creek, a long winding tributary emptying into Lake Wimico from the southwest. Lake Wimico is a large elongated lake considered to be a former main channel of the Apalachicola. It now flows into the river from the west via the Jacks on River. The site sits 200 m south of the immediate creek bank but is aligned roughl y parallel with it (White 1994:20). The United States Geological Survey (USGS) Lake Wimico, Florida, 1945 quadrangle map, though not showing any elevated ground, notes the site by marking it with a square indicating a building, and a north-south dash ed line indicating where the elevated boardwalk was (Figure 17). The Depot Cr eek shell mound is 130 m long and 40 m wide at its widest point w ith a long axis at 115 or just south of due east-west. The main body of the mound runs 100 m east-west, with a sma ller projection to the southeast for another
49 30 m averaging 16 m wide (Figure 18). The mound rises at the highest point 1.8 m above the surrounding wetland (White 1994:21). Th e shell mound was chosen for an apiary/ bee camp because of its elevation in the swamp. Figure 17. United States Geologica l Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Lake Wimico, Florida 1945 Depot Creek shell mound (8Gu56) is marked by a square and a dashed line showing a boardwalk used by beekeepers to get through the swamp (adapted from USF lab verison).
50 Figure 18. Map of Depot Creek shell mo und apiary, 8Gu56 (adapted from White 1994:22).
51 Henefield and White first recorded the site in 1985 when a local informant called the survey crew with information on its lo cation (1986:66-68). They located the shell mound (with the help of maps and aerial photog raphs), in the remote areas of the vast swamp. A small boat is needed to naviga te through the creek, and then a good hike through the swamp is required. At the entrance point from the bank are the ruins of a small wooden dock built to faci litate access for the beekeepers (Figure 19). From this dock seem the ruins of a wooden walkway to the mound, not usable today except use some old planks to fill in extremely low s pots in the long walk through the ankle deep muck. Figure 19. Dock at the edge of Depot Creek (Photographed by N. White, July 1985, view facing south).
52 On the summit of the mound, there is a br ick fireplace that sits up on a cement slab (Figure 20). The fireplace measures 3.8 feet in height from the concrete slab, which is 3 inches thick. The width of the fireplace is 6 feet. The depth of the fireplace is 2.6 feet. The fireplace opening is 2.3 feet wide, 3 feet high, and 1.8 feet deep. The fireplace is made of yellow and red corrugated brick. Figure 20. Brick fireplace at Depot Creek shell mound, 8Gu56 (photographed by N. White, June 2002, view facing east). At the time of the first archaeological i nvestigation, a shovel te st extending to 36 cm in depth was placed at the south edge of the summit the shell mound. Historical
53 artifacts were found mixed with abor iginal pottery, flakes, fauna, and Rangia shells (Henefield and White 1986:67). White (1994) later test ed this site in 1987, when U SF field crews excavated four 1 m x 1 m test units (see Figure 18) to investig ate the prehistoric components (Late Archaic and Early Woodland). Excavations were not sp ecifically carried out to look for historic features and none were noted. However, histor ic artifacts were recovered from the test units. After a maximum of 30 cm excavation, sh allower in most cases modern intrusions and materials such as glass and iron disappear ed and prehistoric potsherds became larger, suggesting little disturbance af ter the original prehistoric deposition (White 1994:24). Not all materials on the surface and first c ouple levels represent the refuse of modern times; in fact many prehistoric artifact s (pottery and chert) also were recovered on the surface and in the first couple levels of excavation. A total of 9 historic artifacts were recovered from Level 1, 2, and wall cleanup of Test Unit A. All test units were excavated in 15 cm arbitrary levels. Test Un it B, Level 1, at a depth of 15 cm, yielded 17 historic artifacts. In the other levels of Test Unit B onl y prehistoric artifacts were recovered. Only two historic artifacts we re recovered from Te st Unit C, and three historic artifacts from Test Unit D (refer to Figure 18). One would expect to find some remains of domestic animals at a hist oric site, but none were recovered. All soils except for those sa ved for flotation or future research were dry screened through Â” (6.35mm) hardware mesh (USF did not have waterscreening equipment in the 1980s), but the inability of the sticky, clayey soil to pass th rough the screen meant that the screens were used essentially as a sorting boards (White 1994:23).
54 The 1987 excavations are pertinent to this pr oject, because historic artifacts were bagged by provenience and taken back to the lab at USF. However, none of these materials were ever analyzed. Other than a ta bulation of the historic materials, there was only discussion of the prehistoric inhabitants and their cultural material on the shell mounds in the final report (White 1994). In 2002, in addition to reconnaissance su rvey the USF field crew took a metal detector over the summit of the shell mound. We recovered metal spoons and abundant unidentified metal objects by this method. Clark Creek Shell Mo und Apiary (8Gu60) Clark Creek shell mound is a large Rangia shell midden pile on the west central side of the lower Apalachicola Valley delta. It sits amid low wetlands 800 m north of a tiny tributary of Clark Creek, which flows into the Jackson River, a former main river channel, which today flows eastward out of Lake Wimico and into the Apalachicola River. This mound is also a former apiary, and is labeled as such on the Jackson River, Florida, 1943 USGS quadrangle map (Figure 21). In contrast with Depot Creek shell mound apiary, the old quadrangle map does not show any black square indicating a building. But it does show a dashed line indicating the wooden walkway running north from the tiny stream.
55 Figure 21. United States Geologica l Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Jackson River, Florida 1943 Clark Creek shell mound is labele d as an Â“ApiaryÂ” and a dashed line showing a boardwalk used by beekeepers to get through the swamp (adapted from USF lab version). This shell mound is 110 m long and 35 m wide (Figure 22), and rises about 1.75 m above the surrounding wetland (White 1994:1 15). Where not cleared, the site is covered with palms, some planted fig trees, and natural ground cover. Its long axis is oriented at about 110 degrees, or east-southeast to west-nor thwest, and itÂ’s slightly curved. The site is very diffi cult to reach, as the tidally influenced tiny creek is often barely big enough to navigate, even in a sm all boat. Clark Creek shell mound would have
56 been ideal high land in the sw amps for beekeepers and also far away from the riverbank to allow for other activities such as moonshine and hunting. Figure 22. Map of Clark Creek shell mo und apiary, 8Gu60 (adapted from White 1994:116).
57 This site was first recorded during Hene field and WhiteÂ’s survey in 1985. There were ruins of a wooden walkway made by the beekeepers (Figure 23). Only pilings of a dock remain along the bank of the small tributar y (Figure 23). No structural features were visible at Clark Creek shell mound. However, there were discrete areas on the mound summit with a concentration of historic materials relating to beekeeping activities (see Figures 22 and 24). They placed a shovel te st to 50 cm in depth at the time of the first investigation of the site. Brick fragments (from apiary), aboriginal pottery, clamshell fragments, Busycon shell fragments, and unidentified bone were found in the shovel test. Bricks were scattered all over the mound summit (Henefield and White 1986:71). In July 1988, White relocat ed the shell mound, and three 1 m x 2 m units were excavated (White 1994:118). The prehistori c cultural components dated to the late Archaic and Early Woodland, as at Depot Creek. The densest concentration of historic artifacts (n=107) came from Test Unit C Level 1 (see Figure 22). Li ke at Depot Creek, all test units were excavated in 15 cm arbi trary levels. Test Unit C was Â“close to a concentration of modern arti facts left from the time of the apiaryÂ” (White 1994:121). Historic artifacts were found in the first four levels (0-60 cm) of the test units, mixed with prehistoric pottery (White 1994:121). Crew me mbers bagged all historic artifacts from test unit excavations.
58 Figure 23. Top, ruins of a boardwalk le ading to Clark Creek shell mound apiary, 8Gu60 (photographed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003). Bottom, pilings from a dock along the bank of the tributary off of Clark Creek (photographed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003, view facing east).
59 Figure 24. Top, historic t ub from honey extractor and concrete blocks at Clark Creek shell mound apiary, 8Gu60 (photogra phed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003). Bottom, ruins of a steel drum at Cl ark Creek shell mound apiary, 8Gu60 (photographed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003).
60 More historic artifacts were recovere d through excavation at Clark Creek shell mound (total of 131) than at Depot Creek she ll mound (total of 28). This may be due to the different screening methods for the site s. At Depot Creek the soils were not waterscreened, but at Clark Creek soils were waterscreened. However, flotation samples were taken for each level of excavation at both sites, and Clark Creek also had more historic material from fl otation samples. The two shell mound apiaries present an in teresting situation. Depot Creek shell mound has a standing brick fireplace, but no ot her standing structures. Clark Creek shell mound has no standing structures. The apiari es at the mounds were identified through surface features (concentrations of historic material). Thes e features do not represent the complex history that took place at these site s. The building at Depot Creek shell mound was dismantled or never existed. The firepl ace could be the only structure built on the mound by the beekeepers. People may have only kept beehives on the mound at Clark Creek and did not see the need for a building. Furthermore, no records or documentation was found on the specific families or individu als who worked at th e shell mound apiaries. Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) The third site described in this thesis is a single-compone nt early twentiethcentury apiary, consisting of a standing structure and some archaeological remains. The site is located on the southwest bank of th e Chipola River halfway between Piney Reach Slough and Van Horn Slough, roughly a mile due west from the Apalachicola River at navigation mile 31(White 1999:26). During boa t survey along the lower Chipola River, as part of Nancy WhiteÂ’s survey of re mote areas of the Apalachicola Valley
61 investigations in 1998, this ab andoned apiary was easily visible from the boat. On the Wewahitchka, Florida, 1943-44 quadrangle (Figure 25) this building is marked, but it does not appear on the 1990 quadran gle. Though today it is in a very remote place, its location is about a half mile above Piney Reach Slough, which would have led right to the Apalachicola River, making it fairly accessible by water. The building is in fairly good shape (Figure 26), with metal sides standing well, though wooden steps and other wooden structural elements had decayed. The upper story of the honey house would have held the hone ycomb, which dripped honey into the tank below (Figure 27). There were very few artif acts other than bits of fencing and rotten lumber. A queen bee cage was the only artif act recovered from the site (Figure 28). The honey house is in good condition and has potential to yiel d information on the production of tupelo honey and the buildings where work took plac e. The building is a wooden structure with metal sides. The interior of the honey house has the holding tank in place. This honey house is th e only remaining structure known along the Apalachicola and Chipola River from the booming days of tupelo honey in the 1920s1940s. No artifacts were recovered from Lower Chipola Apiary during survey in May 2003, due to high water and swamp surrounding th e building (Figure 4). However, we did investigate and photograph the honey house and apiary e quipment at the site. We were fortunate to have Jimmy Moses (a beekeeper/honey maker) with us during the investigations at Lower Chipola Apiary to expl ain some of the interior of the structure.
62 Figure 25. Left, United State Geologi cal Survey (USGS) quadrangle map, Wewahitchka, Florida, 1943-1944 showing Lower Chipola Apiary marked as a square (see arrow).
63 Figure 26. An abandoned honey hous e at Lower Chipola Apiary, 8Gu104 (photographed by N. White, July 1998, view facing southwest). Building shows high water marks from various floods.
64 Figure 27. Top, interior of the honey ho use showing bottom story and holding tank (photographed by K. Hockersmith, May 2003). Bottom, scattered wooden honeymaking equipment and steel barrels surro und the honey house (photographed by K. Hockersmith, May 2003, view facing west).
65 Figure 28. A queen bee cage recovered durin g WhiteÂ’s remote areas survey in 1998. Bee breeders send them in a cage to beekeepers, who place the captive in a queenless hives (Mairson 1993:87).
66 Oral History This project focuses on beekeeping of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in the lower Apalachicola River Vall ey. Several people are familiar with early tupelo honey production and beekeeping, and are still living in the area. Some of these people actually worked in honey houses al ong the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers. Field survey included intervie wing local apiarists in the Apalachicola River Valley and other old-timers. All interviews were videotaped. Oral histories were collected from Ben and L.L. Lanier Jr., George Core, Jimmy and Beth Moses, and George Watkins. These in dividuals have lived in the river valley all of their lives and have many co lorful stories to tell about Floridas distinctive tupelo honey industry. L.L. Lanier Jr. and his son Ben (F igure 29) of Wewahitchka are second-and third-generation beekeepers. L.L. Lanier Jr.s father, Lave rnor Laveon Lanier Sr., first sold tupelo honey commercially in 1898. L. L. Lanier Sr. did not want to continue in the logging industry in north Florida; he b ecame interested in beekeeping and the honey business. He went to see S. S. Alderman (a wealthy local farmer and beekeeper) about starting an apiary. Alderman did citrus hone y, and was the first to start an apiary in Wewahitchka. However, L. L. Lanier Sr. a pprenticed with a Mr. Acord (I was not given a first name) as a beekeeper. Acord was from Ohio, and moved to Wewahitchka in the
late 1880s. After L. L. Lanier Sr. knew the trade, he started his own apiary on rented swampland owned by a Texas company (Magnolia Oil Company), which was looking for oil in the swamps of the Apalachicola and Chipola River. He recognized the distinctive qualities of the swamps around Wewahitchka. The swamps produce a variety of honey that is in commercial production nowhere else in the world. Figure 29. Top, Ben Lanier at his honey house (photographed by K. Hockersmith, June 2003). He is standing next to a modern day honey extractor. Bottom, L.L. Lanier Jr. and wife Martha (Bens father and mother) (photographed by K. Hockersmith, May 2003). 67
L.L. Lanier Jr. took over his fathers honey business in the 1940s. None of L. L. Lanier Sr.s other sons and nephews wanted to be in business; taking care of the bees was hard work. The Lanier family had 900 colonies at one time on the walks (platforms) along the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers during the booming days of honey (1920s-1940s). The Laniers had a dock half a mile south of Douglas landing (Figure 30). Figure 30. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic 1943 aerial photograph showing Myrtles and Laniers apiaries. Aerial photograph also shows the Chipola River running nearly parallel to the Apalachicola River. 68
This dock and apiary was featured in a photograph that appeared in The Saturday Evening Post in September 1949 (Figure 31). In 2003, when I interviewed him, L. L. Lanier Jr. was 80 years old and retired from the honey business. Figure 31. L.L. Lanier Sr. (standing, left) and L. L. Lanier Jr. (holding pole) are shown tending bees in a photo that appeared in The Saturday Evening Post, September 3, 1949 (reprinted with permission of The Saturday Evening Post c 1949 BFL&MS, Inc). L. L. Lanier Jr. told of a woman (Mrs. Nightingale) having an apiary on Depot Creek shell mound. She was in the honey business to put her daughters through college. It is interesting to note that he also remembered the woman selling moonshine to another local beekeeper. Beekeepers had to purchase large quantities of sugar to feed their bees, but conceivably the sugar could have been used for moonshinig operations. When a local informant first told White and Henefield about Depot Creek shell mound in 1985, he also 69
70 mentioned a woman beekeeper. L. L. Lanier Jr. once stayed at Depot Creek shell mound apiary overnight, and he recalled a one-room house on the mound. He thinks that the St. Joe Paper Company tore down the house when they acquired the land. This could explain the standing brick fire place at Depot Creek shell mound and the scattered bricks on the summit of the mound. Yet, I could not find any written records or deeds indicating that Mrs. Nighti ngale had a bee camp or house at Depot Creek shell mound. L. L. Lanier Jr.s son Ben followed in the steps of his father and grandfather before him. Ben and his wife Glynnis operate the family busin ess today. Ben thinks that the Lower Chipola Apiary was owned and opera ted by Ernest Whitfield. The Laniers are related to the Whitfields, who were also in the tupelo honey business. Ernest Whitfield had five sons and none of them carried on the honey business. Ben Lanier is definitely the last of his kind. Ben was aske d to provide consulting service for Ulees Gold a Hollywood movie by award-winning Tallahassee filmmaker Victor Nunez, released in June 1997. The movie is about a beekeeper (portrayed by Peter Fonda) who keeps bees in the swamps of north Florida. The beek eeper becomes involved with bank robbers who hide money in a truck in the swamps. Today Ben Lanier and L. L. Lanier Jr are advocates for putting an end to dredging of the Apalachicola River. They be lieve dredging kills a lot of the swamp and tupelo stands in the Wewahitchka area, a nd that the sand from dredging needs to be removed from the swamp. In addition to interviewing the Laniers, I asked them to identify photographed historic material from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds.
The Laniers recognized many of the artifacts as equipment for beekeeping and honey production. George Core is a resident of Port St. Joe who worked in the honey industry as a teenager. Mr. Core is now 80 years old. He knows a lot of local history and was Clerk of Gulf County court for 50 years before his retirement. Core currently writes up local history and was able to expand our knowledge about the tupelo honey business. He was interviewed as part of USFs 2002 survey project; excerpts of this interview pertaining to my research appear in the Appendix of this thesis. Core once worked for Anthony Marks who had five apiaries along the Apalachicola River. He remembers that some of the apiaries had buildings. Marks had a houseboat with equipment for extracting honeycomb from frames (Figure 32). Figure 32. Workers unloading hives from tug boat onto a barge. The barge had an extracting room and contained living quarters for workers. This barge may be similar to the workboat that George Core worked on as a teenager (photographed on May 6, 1948, and used with permission from the Florida State Archives). 71
72 This workboat had room to store barrels, and it would take barrels to a warehouse in Apalachicola. At the warehouse honey was put into cans, and later glass containers were used instead. Cores job was to turn the honey (turn the extr actor). Core also recalled that a man named Joe Anthony also ha d an apiary on the Apalachicola River and a warehouse in Apalachicola. George Core explained to us that the sh ell mound apiaries had also been used as moonshine stills during the prohibition year s (1920-1933). The tupelo honey industry was at its peak during prohibition. He believ es that most apiaries in the Apalachicola River Valley were blinds (cover operations ) for whiskey making. Moonshiners needed something sweet, and grain and base sugar was not available in larg e quantities so honey was used in its place. The whiskey was made for local consumption. Core knew of only one commercial tupelo honey bus iness during that time, the Lanier family business. Core claims that all the other apia ries only sold a small amount of tupelo honey. The Lanier family sold tupelo honey beyond the local community. Core, like L.L. Lanier Jr., also menti oned a woman beekeeper who lived in the swamps on Depot Creek shell mound. He referred to the woman as Mrs. Nightingale from Apalachicola. He found a story in the coroners jury records about a murder that took place at Mrs. Nightingales apiary. He also knew of a man named Beneki who had an apiary at Clark Creek Shell Mound. Be neki and Nightingale scandalously lived together in Apalachicola accordi ng to him (see Appendix). Jimmy Moses and George Watkins keep bees along the Apalachicola River today. They carry out the traditional wa y of gathering tupelo honey. They still use boats to get
73 to the tupelo stands, whereas most beekeeper s in the area have moved out of the swamp. Watkins learned everything he knows about b eekeeping and tupelo honey from his uncle, Homer Marks of Apalachicola, undoubtedly of the family of Anthony Marks. Marks is 99 years old and still keeps bees, but not in the swamp. George, with his enthusiasm for tupelo honey and beekeeping recruited Jimm y. George and Jimmy are not full time beekeepers, as they also work for the Apal achicola National Estuarine Research Reserve, but do make some income by se lling their honey at locally. Jimmy helped with the USF field crew on a boat survey of the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers in May 2003. It was very beneficial to have him along on survey, because he identified beekeeping equipment and how honey would have been processed in the honey house at the Lowe r Chipola Apiary. Beth Moses (Jimmys wife) worked in the honey houses as a young girl in Sumatra, a nearby town in Franklin County on the east side of the Apalachicola River. She recollects that women participated in the honey business by working in the hot and sticky honey houses, slinging (turning the extractor) and bottling the tupelo honey. Some still carry out the tradition of tupe lo honey production in the Apalachicola River Valley, but they are few and dwindli ng. The memories of tupelo honey production in the river valley can provide details fo r a historic study, and provided invaluable information. Informants remembered and identified how tupelo honey was once produced, distributed, and consum ed in local contexts long go ne. The information from archaeological materials overlapped with that of oral histories and provided a meaningful
74 interpretation on the socioeconomic and envir onmental factors of beekeeping in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in the Apalachicola River Valley.
75 Chapter 7: Land Use and Settlement Patterns The investigated apiary sites need to be compared with ot her agricultural and industrial sites. Industrial sites include the remains of the technologies and workplaces of extractive industries, such as mi ning, logging, manufactur ing, transportation, agriculture and food processing, power, and co mmunication systems. They also include the remains of residential sites and other domestic activities, such as boardinghouses, work camps, and company towns, and they include industrial landscapes (Hardesty and Little 200:97). These sites illustrate a transient form of economic activity, often of very short duration, conducted by persons tempor arily residing in the region, and linked closely to external markets (Hardesty 1988). Since the activities of industrial sites are focused on particular resources production is situated in those locations where the resources naturally occur. Due to the transient mode of resource exploitation, a resour ce-base pattern of settlement evolves. Settlements in an industrial frontier include camps, where resource collection and processing occu r; at least one permanent settlement (entrept), which serves as a processing, collection, and redistribution center linking the camp with the outside world; and sometimes, intermediate s upply centers, which ofte n were attached to the camps and moved with them (Lewis 1984: 267). The impermanence of the resource base requires the movement of camps and results in their periodic abandonment.
76 Tupelo honey production is carried ou t only in a specific region where the resource (the tupelo tree) occurs naturally in the swamp and along the banks of the Apalachicola and Chipola rivers. Most apia rists practiced migratory beekeeping, because they found it profitable to move their hi ves to southern Georgia during the summer months, where plenty of natura l pollen is available. In s outhern Georgia the bees were subjected to the process of preparation for the brief period of tupelo flow, which in normal seasons is at its height from the middle of April to the middle of May (Whitfield 1939:75). The bees were brought back to their home apiary (in Flor ida) in January to begin operation all over again. From January to March the bees feed on a variety of early blooming plants. However, local residents of Wewahitchka and Apalachicola also had bee camps along the Apalachicola and Chipol a Rivers. Beekeeping and honey production technologies were imported, used for a short time, and abandoned. At the end of the tupelo honey flow the honey houses and platfo rms were abandoned until the next years honey flow. The production of tupelo honey does not follo w the same smooth roads as that of other honeys. The problems of transportati on north and return, the location of the apiaries with reference to owners homes, as well as the ordinary expenses and replacements, all make necessary a price s lightly higher than that of other honeys. Tupelo beekeeping is an amphibious opera tion: a strange combination of applied apiculture and courageous struggle with the natural forces of the indomitable Apalachicola and its wilderness swamp (Thorpe 1971:373). Before tupelo honey producers could sell to canners and commissioned people, the honey had to be robbed
from the hives and placed into barrels for easy transportation. Tupelo honey was once much sought for by packers for blending with other honey to keep down their granulation. At one time the chief markets for tupelo honey were the large pharmaceutical houses. Numerous maps show apiaries along the Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers that were in operation during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s (Figures 33-35). Table 1 is a compiled list of known historic apiaries in the lower Apalachicola River Valley from Corps of Engineers 1943 and 1978 aerial photographs, interviews with local residents of the river valley, and previous surveys carried out by Nancy White. Interestingly, none of the three apiaries I investigated appear on the Corpss aerial photographs, possibly because they were abandoned by the 1940s. Figure 33. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photograph. Aerial showing Acordss apiary and two unnamed apiaries. 77
Figure 34. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photographs. Top, showing Lanier apiary and one unnamed apiary. Bottom, aerial photograph showing Connells and Myrtles apiaries. 78
Figure 35. War Department (Corps of Engineers) Apalachicola River System Topographic Survey 1943 aerial photographs. Top, aerial showing Anthonys apiary. Bottom aerial showing Estess apiary. 79
80 Table 1. Known apiaries of the Apalachicola River Valley. Name/ Owner Location on River (river mile) USGS Quadrangle Estimate time of operation Source Apiary (no name) 25.3 Forbes Island, FL 1982* 1940s-1970s War Department1943; USACOE 1978 Apiary (no name) 26 Kennedy Creek, FL 1945 1940s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978 Apiary (no name) 38 Wewahitchka, FL 1945 1940-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978 Apiary (no name) 13 Jackson River, FL 1943 1970s USACOE 1978 Acords Apiary 27.3 Kennedy Creek, FL 1945 1940s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978 Anthony Apiary Joe Anthony 11.3 Jackson River, FL 1943 1920s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978; Core 2002 Clark Creek shell mound 8Gu60 Beneki? Jackson River, FL 1943 1920s-1930s Henefield and White 1986; White 1994 Core 2002 Connells Apiary 32.5 Wewahitchka, FL 1945* 1940s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978 Depot Creek shell mound 8Gu56 Nightingale Lake Wimico, FL 1945 1920s-1930s Henefield and White 1986;White 1994; Core 2002; Laniers 2003 Estes Apiary 8 Jackson River, FL 1943 1940s-1970s War Department 1943;USACOE 1978 Hensler Apiary Gus Hensler 3.5 (on the Chipola River) Wewahitchka, FL 1945* 1920s-1940s Core 2002 Hoffman Apiary Lieut. Humphrey 8.5 Jackson River, FL 1943* 1920-1940s Core 2002 Lanier Apiary 2.3 (on the Chipola River) Kennedy Creek, FL 1943 1920s-1950s War Department 1943; Laniers 2003 Lanier Apiary 39.7 Wewahitchka, FL 1943 1920s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978; Laniers 2003 Lower Chipola Apiary 8Gu104 5 Wewahitchka, FL 1943 1930s-1940s White 1999 Marks Apiary 6.2 Jackson River, FL 1943* 1920s-1940s Core 2002 Marks Apiary 10.2 Jackson River, FL 1943* 1920s-1940s Core 2002; Wakins 2003 Mark Apiary 12 Jackson River, FL 1943* 1920s-1940s Core 2002 Myrtles Apiary 29.5 Kennedy Creek, FL 1945 1940s-1970s War Department 1943; USACOE 1978 Nesbit Apiary 21.5 Fort Gadsden, FL 1973* 1930s-1940s Core 2002 Whitfield Apiary Joe Whitefield ? 1920s-1960s Core 2002 and Laniers 2003 *Quadrangle map does not have the apiary labe led or marked with a square for a building.
81 Both Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries are distinctive from other apiaries along the Apalachicola and Chipola River due to their isolation in the swamp. Most apiaries were placed ri ght on the riverbanks to make for easy access, and tupelo trees grow more profusely along the edges of the rivers. However, Depot Creek and Clark Creek do not fit the land se ttlement pattern and maybe e vocative of an earlier time when existing high ground (prehistoric mi ddens) was sought as opposed to the later practice of building a platform. They also ma y have been chosen deliberately for their remoteness for moonshine production. The third site investigated in this project, Lower Chipola Apiary (8Gu104) does match the settlem ent pattern. It is located right on the bank of the Chipola River. Social Dimensions The bee camp is the focal point of soci al information abou t the tupelo honey frontier. The social interactions that take place at the bee camp are expressed in the morphology and the activity of settlements. Small, short-lived camps are most likely to be invisible in the usual documentary sources of demographic information, such as the federal population census, tax assessment ro lls, and city directories (Hardesty 1988). Furthermore, if some of the apiaries we re cover operations for moonshine ventures knowledge of the site would be kept to a mi nimum. Many possibili ties exist for the use of the shell mound apiaries. Documentary records and oral history accounts suggest that families, and small single-sex (all male groups) lived and wo rked at the bee camps/apiaries. The
82 archaeological record at the three historical apiaries I investigated suggests the presence of women and children, as discus sed in the next chapter Nevertheless, the bee camps along the Apal achicola and Chipola Rivers fell out of use after the late 1940s as pro cessing centers for tupelo honey. Many of the structures at the camps were dismantled. The original and subsequent occupation or use of these camps is not only documented by historical reco rds but also by archaeological remains. Thus surface remains and excavated artifacts, such as building materials and domestic refuse, have great potential for adding to the knowledge of historical bee camps and tupelo honey production along the banks of th e Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers. The next chapter discusses artifact classificat ions and attributes to examine possible functional patterns and time of occupation.
83 Chapter Eight: Classification Systems and Patterns for the Historic Artifact Assemblages at Depot Creek and Clark Creek Shell Mound Apiaries Artifact classification systems for historic cultural material range from a few simple categories and subcategories to someti mes an all-embracing hierarchical system. Some systems are related to established artif act patterns, others ar e not. Some of this variation can be accounted for by differences in time period, culture and setting (e.g., urban versus rural). Functional systems ar e usually preferred ove r technological ones based on raw materials. F unctional systems offer the archaeologist behavioral characterizations of artifacts assemblage s and comparisons between sites, between social/economic classes, and other possibilities, allowing more meaningful interpretation of material culture (Walker 1999:172). The functional typology and others like it are based, in part, on the idea that the items in use today are enough like those used in Americas past to ensure that a commona lity of function can be assumed (Orser 1988:232). Historic artifact assemblage classifica tions such as Stanley Souths (1977) and Charles Orsers (1988) are inte nded to assist in characteri zing and comparing sites in terms of function. In Souths classification (1977) and Orsers modified version (1988), for example, assemblages in which archit ecture-related artifacts are prominently represented are interpreted as reflecting short-term habitations located far from the source of material goods, while those with ample kitchen-related ar tifacts are thought to reflect
84 longer-term occupations located close to the source of goods. The former pattern South named the Frontier Pattern and the latter the Carolina Pattern. Orsers Millwood Classification I chose Orsers Millwood classification system for the historic artifacts from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds, b ecause it was based on nineteenth century and of the twentieth-century rural settings The Millwood Typology has five categories and 19 subcategories (Table 2). I added a sixth categor y Unidentified Functionally (UF). This category is useful, since there ar e plenty of unidentified historic objects from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiari es. Orsers typology is a modification of Stanley Souths (1977:95-96) artifact Group and Class system (Table 3) used to define his Carolina and Frontier Patterns, typically used for pre-nineteenth-century contexts. Table 2. Orsers 1988 Millwood Ty pology with Artifact Examples. Category Subcategory Artifact Example 1. Foodways a. Procurement ammunition b. Preparation cooking vessels c. Service ceramic tableware, flatware d. Storage stoneware, glass bottles, canning jars e. Remains faunal, floral 2. Clothing a. Fasteners buttons, buckles, rivets b. Manufacture scissors, thimbles c. Other shoe leather, meta l shoes shanks, clothes hanger 3. Household a. Architectural/Construction nails flat glass, spikes, mortar, bricks, slate b. Hardware hinges, tacks, nuts, bolts, staples, hooks c. Furnishings/Accessories stove parts, lamp parts, furniture pieces 4. Personal a. Medicinal medicine bottles b. Cosmetic hairbrushes, hair combs, jars c. Recreational smoking pipes, toys, musical instruments d. Monetary coins e. Decorative j ewelry, hairpins, beads f. Other pocketknives, fountain pens, inkwells 5. Labor a. Agricultural barbed wire, fence wire, fence staples, harness buckle, hoes, plow b. Industrial tools
Table 3. South's 1977 Artifact Groups and Related Classes. Groups Related Artifact Classes Kitchen ceramics, wine bottles, case bottles, tumbler, pharmaceutical type bottles, glassware, tableware, and kitchenware Bone bone remains Architectural window glass, nails, spikes, construction hardware, and door lock parts Furniture furniture hardware Arms musket balls, shot, spruce, gunflints, guns palls, gun parts, and bullet molds Clothing buckles, thimbles, buttons, scissors, straight pins, hook and eye fasteners, bale seals, and glass beads Personal coins, keys, personal items Tobacco Pipe tobacco pipes Activities construction tools, farm tools, toys, fishing gear, stub-stemmed pipes, ethnobotannical, stable and barn, miscellaneous hardware, other, and military objects Depot Creek Shell Mound, 8Gu56 Depot Creek Shell Mound collection is small, consisting of 115 objects, of which 99 are functionally identified. Table 4 presents a summary of objects by functional category, from surface collection, shovel test, and arbitrary Levels 1 (0-15 cm) and 2 (15-30 cm) of Test Units A, B, C, and D (see Figure 18). The greatest number of historic artifacts (n=80) came from the surface. The Foodways category comprises the largest percentage, 51.4 percent of the collection. Following in order of decreasing abundance are the categories Household/Structural, 23.5 percent, Unidentified Functionally (UF), 13.9 percent, Labor, 6.1 percent, and Personal 5.3 percent; no artifacts were recovered belonging to Clothing category. These percentages include unidentified objects. In the following discussion, the percentages of artifacts in each category are presented without including in the calculation of unidentified artifacts. 85
86 Foodways The functional category with the greate st representation, 59.4 percent of the assemblage, is that of the Foodways cate gory. Artifacts relating to the Foodways category include: a .38-40-caliber Winchester cartridge and a 10 gauge shot gun cap head in the Procurement subcategory (2.0 percent); whiteware and other tablewares and spoons in the Service subcategory (9.0 percent); and stoneware and bottles in the Storage subcategory (48.4 percent). The high percentage in the st orage subcategory is to be expected if beekeepers were camping at th e apiaries. The Preparation and Remains subcategories were not represented in the collection. Household/Structural Comprising 27.1 percent of the assemblage, artifacts relating to Household/Structural category include early machine-cut, modern machine-cut, and wire nails in the subcategory Archite ctural/ Construction (17.1 percen t). Other artifacts in the subcategory Architectural/Construction included fl at glass, roofing slate, and mortar (6.0 percent). The subcategory Hardware incl udes an iron hinge ( 1.0 percent), and the subcategory Furnishings/Accessories includes cast iron stove fragments and shelf glass fragment (3.0 percent). Personal Two medicine bottle finishes for a cork cl osure, an opaque glass rim of a cosmetic jar, a porcelain doll leg, a harmonica reed, and a possible snuff tin fragment comprise the Personal category (6.0 percent). The cosmetic jar might suggest th e presence of women,
87 whereas the doll leg implies the company of ch ildren, although this is not necessarily the case. These artifacts evoke real individual lives. Labor An iron buckle, machine pin, turpentine pot (Herty Cup), and graphite battery cores, make up the Labor category (7.0 percen t). The iron buckle, pin, and battery cores were from machinery. Generators and old auto mobile batteries were most likely used to run machinery, since electricity was not availabl e in this remote area. The Herty Cup is well known as representative of the turpenti ne industry in northwest Florida though its use in the swamp, far from pine trees, is unknown. Unidentified Functionally Three fragments of unidentified glass (two of which are melted), 12 unidentified metal artifacts, mostly iron, and 1 clear thin plastic fragment make up this category (13.9 percent). It is not uncommon for historical sites to have a large number of unidentified artifacts.
88 Table 4. Summary of Depot Creek shell mounds historic ar tifacts by functional category/subcategory* and provenience Surface Shovel Test (0-36 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Wall Clean up (0-30 cm) TUB Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 2 (15-30 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID a. Procurem ent: .38 caliber cartridge 1 1 0.9 1.0 10 gauge shotgun cap head 1 1 0.9 1.0 b. Preparation c. Service UID partial whiteware bowl 1 1 0.9 1.0 UID whiteware 3 3 2.6 3.0 whiteware sherds, gray/white 3 3 2.6 3.0 metal spoon 1 1 0.9 1.0 metal spoon bowl 1 1 0.9 1.0 d. Sto rage stoneware (B=burned) 17 1(B) 18 15.7 18.2 UID clear bottle glass 2 2 1 2 10 17 14.8 17.2 UID solarized bottle glass 2 2 1.7 2.0 UID amber bottle glass 2 1 3 2.6 3.0 UID green bottle glass (B=burned) 4 (2B) 1 54.35.0 metal crown bottle cap fragments 1 2 3 2.6 3.0 e. Rem ains 1. Foodways Total Foodways Artifacts 39 1 2 1 2 12 2 59 51.4 59.4 2. Clothing a. Faste ners Table 4. Continued on the next page.
Table 4. (Continued) Table 4. Continued on the next page. Surface Shovel Test (0-36 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Wall Clean up (0-30 cm) TUB Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 2 (15-30 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID b. Manufacture c. O ther 2. Clothing (continued) Total Clothing Artifacts 0 a. Architectural/Construction flat glass (window glass) 3 1 43.44.0 Slate 10.91.0 1 Mortar 10.91.0 1 early machine-cut nail 1 10.91.0 machine-cutnail 21.72.0 1 1 wire nail 8 2 2 1 13 11.3 13.1 UID nail fragment 1 10.91.0 b. Hard ware iron hinge 10.91.0 1 c. Furnishings/Accessories stove parts 2 21.72.0 shelf glass 10.91.0 1 3. Household/ Structural Total Household/Architectural Artifacts 18 2 2 4 1 27 23.5 27.1 a. Medic inal patented medicine bottle finish and neck, solarized glass 2 21.72.0 b. Cos metic opaque glass rim ofjar 1 1 0.9 1.0 c. Recreati onal porcelain dollleg 1 1 0.9 1.0 4. Personal harmonicareed 1 1 0.9 1.0 89
90 Table 4. (Continued) Surface Shovel Test (0-36 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Wall Clean up (0-30 cm) TUB Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUD Level 2 (15-30 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID snuff tin fragment? 1 1 0.9 1.0 d. Monetary e. Decorative f. O ther 4. Personal (continued) Total Personal Artifacts 6 6 5.3 6.0 a. Agricultural iron buckle 1 1 0.9 1.0 machinepin 1 1 0.9 1.0 b. Industrial turpentine pot (Herty Cup) 2 2 1.7 2.0 battery cores (automobile?) graphite 2 2 1.7 2.0 Steel drum plug 1 1 0.9 1.0 5. Labor Total Labor Artifacts 7 7 6.1 7.0 a. Glass 2(1B) (B) 32.6 1 b.Metal 8 2 1 1 12 10.4 c. Plastic 1 1 0.9 d. O ther 6. Unidentified Functionally Total UF Artifacts 11 2 1 1 1 16 13.9 Total with UF Artifacts 81 3 4 3 2 17 2 2 1 115 100.2** Total without UF Artifacts 70 3 2 3 2 16 1 2 99 99.5 *Orser (1988) presents this classification system, with the exception of Category 6. **Total percentage more than 100 due to rounding up.
91 Clark Creek Shell Mound, 8Gu60 Similar to Depot Creeks collection of hi storic artifacts, the Clark Creek shell mound collection has a small amount of historic artifacts, consisting of 209 objects, of which 169 are functionally identified. Ta ble 5 presents a summary of objects by functional category, from surface collection, shov el test, and arbitrary Levels 1, 2, and 3 of Test Units A, B, and C. Unlike at Depot Creek shell mound, th e Household/Structural category comprises the largest percenta ge, 43.8 percent of the collec tion at Clark Creek. Figure 36 shows the differences among artifact func tional category percen tages from the two shell mound apiaries. At Clark Creek, follo wing in order of decreasing abundance, are the categories Foodways, 16.3 percent; Uniden tified functionally (UF), 22.2 percent; Labor, 13.2 percent; Clothing, 3.0 percent; and Pe rsonal, 1.9 percent. These percentage include unidentified obje cts. In the following discussion, percentages of categories are presented without unidentified artifacts in cluded in calculation of percentages. Foodways The functional category with the secondgreatest representa tion, 20.4 percent of the assemblage, is that of Foodways. Artifacts relating to the Foodways category include a .22-caliber copper cartridge in th e Procurement subcategory (0.6 percent); an enamelware pot in the Preparation subcateg ory (0.6 percent); white ware and porcelain in the Service subcategory ( 14.4 percent); and machine-made bottle finishes, a pitcher base, glass fruit jars, a metal jar lid, a nd a Budweiser beer can in the Storage
92 subcategory (4.8 percent). The Remains subcategory was not represented in the collection, though some of the oyster she ll and fish bone was probably historic. Clothing Six buttons making up 3.6 percent of the artifact assemblage represent the Clothing functional category. Buttons are a co mmon find at historical sites, since they can be easily lost. Household/Structural The functional category with the greate st representation, 56.9 percent of the assemblage, is that of the Household/Structur al category. The major ity of this category includes modern machine-cut, wire nails, and indeterminate nail fragments (45.4 percent). Other artifacts in the Architectural/Construction subcategory are bricks, cement fragments, roofing slate, and mortar fragments (8.5 percent). An iron staple, pipe, and S hook make up the Hardware subcategory (1.8 percent). The Furnishing/Accessories subcategory include s an amber glass Clorox bottle base (0.6 percent). Personal Only two black glass faceted beads, an enamelware washbasin, and a possible cosmetic jar base make up the Personal cate gory (2.4 percent). The beads and cosmetic jar could suggest the presence of women at Clark Creek shell mound. Labor Wire fragments, large and small metal springs, and a machine bolt comprise the Labor category (16.9 percent). However, st eel drums and a honey extractor tub were on
93 the slope of the mound toward the edge of the swamp. They are not included in these percentages. Unidentified Functionally Fragments of unidentified glass and meta l artifacts, mostly iron, make up this category (22.2. percent).
94 Table 5. Summary of Clark Creek shell mounds artifact s by functional category/subcategory* and provenience. Surface Shovel Test (0-50 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Level 3 (30-45 cm) TUA Level 4 (45-60 cm) TUB Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 3 (30-45 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID a. Procurement .22 caliber cartridge (brass) 1 1 0.5 0.6 b. Preparation green enamelware pot 1 1 0.5 0.6 c. Service UID whiteware, blue floral design 1 1 2 0.9 1.2 UID whiteware 3 1 3 1 8 3.7 4.8 whiteware teacup rim sherd, blue floral design 1 1 0.5 0.6 whiteware teacup, molded floral design 1 1 0.5 0.6 whiteware plate rim sherds, molded relief shell edges (not decorated) 4 4 1.9 2.4 whiteware saucer plate rim sherd molded shell edges not decorated 1 1 0.5 0.6 whiteware teacup base sherd 1 1 0.5 0.6 ironstone serving bowl, pink and gold design, decal 3 3 1.4 1.8 1.Foodways ironstone serving bowl, multicolored floral decal, Homer Laughlin China Co. East Liverpool, OH 1926+ 3 3 1.4 1.8 Table 5. Continued on the next page.
95 Table 5. (Continued) Surface Shovel Test (0-50 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Level 3 (30-45 cm) TUA Level 4 (45-60 cm) TUB Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 3 (30-45 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID d. Storage amber bottle [beer?] finish, 1 1 0.5 0.6 clear bottle glass rim 1 1 0.5 0.6 clear bottle glass finish 1 1 0.5 0.6 purple glass [pitcher?] base 1 1 0.5 0.6 clear glass [fruit] jar 1 1 0.5 0.6 clear glass [fruit] jar rim 1 1 0.5 0.6 metal jar lid 1 1 0.5 0.6 Budweiser beer can, flat top and pull tab tearshape opening 1 1 0.5 0.6 e. Remains 1. Foodways (continued) Total Foodways Artifacts 23 4 1 4 2 34 16.3 20.4 a. Fasteners Prosser four hole button 1 1 0.5 0.6 shell four hole button 1 1 0.5 0.6 2 piece metal button stamped with the words Panama (top) and Mobile (bottom) 1 1 0.5 0.6 metal button with grain design 1 1 0.5 0.6 2. Clothing black domed shoe button with attached metal eyelet 1 1 0.5 0.6 Table 5. Continued on the next page
96 Table 5. (Continued) Surface Shovel Test (0-50 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Level 3 (30-45 cm) TUA Level 4 (45-60 cm) TUB Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 3 (30-45 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID plastic two hole button 1 1 0.5 0.6 b. Manufacture c. Other 2. Clothing (continued) Total Clothing Artifacts 1 5 6 3.0 3.6 a. Architectural/Construction brick 5 4 9 4.2 5.5 cement fragments 1 1 2 0.9 1.2 slate 2 2 0.9 1.2 mortar 1 1 0.5 0.6 machine cut nails 1 3 3 3 1 18 7 2 38 17.9 23.0 wire nails 1 3 5 26 35 16.5 21.2 indeterminate nail fragments 1 1 2 0.9 1.2 b. Hardware iron staple 1 1 0.5 0.6 pipe, ferrous 1 1 0.5 0.6 hook, ferrous 1 1 0.5 0.6 c. Furnishing/Accessories amber glass Clorox bottle base 1 1 0.5 0.6 3. Household/ Structural Total Household/Structural Artifacts 13 4 6 3 10 1 1 46 8 2 93 43.8 56.4 a. Medicinal b. Cosmetic opaque white glass jar base 1 1 0.5 0.6 enamelware wash basin, white with red stripe around rim 1 1 0.5 0.6 4. Personal c. Recreational Table 5. Continued on the next page.
97 Table 5. (Continued) Surface Shovel Test (0-50 cm) TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Level 3 (30-45 cm) TUA Level 4 (45-60 cm) TUB Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 3 (30-45 cm) Total Percent w/UID Percent wo/UID d. Monetary e. Decorative black faceted beads 1 1 2 0.9 1.2 f. Other Total Personal Artifacts 2 1 1 4 1.9 2.4 a. Agricultural wire fragments from a hive frame 20 20 9.4 12.1 b. Industrial large ferrous springs 5 5 2.4 3.0 small ferrous springs 2 2 0.9 1.2 Machine bolt with nut attached 1 1 0.5 0.6 5. Labor Total Labor Artifacts 5 22 28 13.2 16.9 a. Glass amber bottle glass 1 1 0.5 0.6 cobalt blue glass string rim fragment. 1 1 0.5 0.6 clear glass fragments 11 3 14 6.6 8.5 solarized glass fragment 1 1 0.5 0.6 b. Metal iron objects 2 21 5 28 13.2 17.0 galvanized fragments 2 2 0.9 1.2 c. Plastic d. Other 6. Unidentified functionally Total UF Artifacts 5 2 32 8 47 22.2 Total with UF Artifacts 48 10 4 12 1 1 107 24 2 212 100.4** Total without UF Artifacts 43 4 10 4 10 1 1 75 16 2 165 99.7 *Orser (1988) presents this classification syst em, with the exception of Category 6. **Total percentage more than 1 00 due to rounding up.
Figure 36. Graph depicting differences between Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries in artifact functional category percentages. Functional Categories010203040506070FoodwaysClothingHousehold/ArchitecturalPersonalLaborUFPercentage Depot Creek Clark Creek 98
99 These artifact categories represent trends in consumer behavior at both Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds. The ratios of categories and types of artifacts can reveal preferences concerning choice of pr oducts used by the beekeepers/honeymakers. At Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds surface deposits and excavated material represents foodways, household/architectural, clothing, personal, and labor artifacts, all of which emphasize a dependence on consum able goods purchased from an outside market. The foodways category (specifically the storage subcategory) seems to have been the focus of consumer activity in th e Depot Creek artifact collection. Glass containers used to store food products incl ude bottles and jars. Glass fragments from bottles were recovered from th e site along with sherds of stoneware vessels, which could also be used to store food products. Stone ware was the most common type of ceramic found. The other subcategory of foodways repres ented in this collection is service. Tableware, such as whiteware, was used in se rving of food at the apiary. Whiteware may have been used due to its relatively lower cost and ease of replacement. Ceramic and glass objects included within the foodways cat egory are easily broken, preserve well in most soils, and were generally used in la rger quantities than other objects (Orser 1988:234). Overall, the high percentage of cultural material grouped into the foodways category suggests that Depot Creek shell m ound was indeed a domestic site, and that the beekeepers/honeymakers participated in the larger regional economy. In contrast, at Clark Creek shell mound the beekeepers consumer activities were focused on the household/architectural category. Artifacts such as nails and bricks
suggest construction and/or destruction occurred at the apiary. The labor category was also well represented at this site and shows the importance of labor related to beekeeping and honey production. However, the foodways category along with the subcategories of storage and service suggest a domestic site as well, and a connection with the regional economy. Pattern Recognition Table 6 presents a comparison of Depot Creek and Clark Creek historical assemblages organized by Souths (1977) eight artifact groups and by Orsers five categories (1988). British colonial Carolina and Frontier patterns, Souths Groups are broadly comparable to Orsers Categories. The Depot Creek and Clark Creek percentages exclude the unidentified artifacts. Table 6. Comparison of South's (1977) Carolina and Frontier artifact patterns with Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries. South's Groups Orser's Categories Carolina Range Frontier Range Depot Creek Clark Creek Depot Creek Clark Creek Kitchen 51.8-69.2 22.7-34.5 57.8 20.4 Foodways 59.4 20.4 Architecture 19.7-31.4 43.0-57.5 24.8 55.5 Household/ Structural 27.1 56.3 Furniture 0.1-0.6 0.1-0.3 Arms 0.1-1.2 1.4-8.4 1.9 0.6 Clothing 0.6-5.4 0.3-3.8 5.6 Clothing 3.6 Personal 0.1-0.5 0.1-0.4 0.9 1.2 Personal 6.0 2.4 Tobacco 1.8-13.9 1.9-14.0 Activities 0.9-2.7 0.7-6.4 13.7 16.6 Labor 7.0 16.9 Significant differences exist between the South and Orser systems. The most important one is that Orser includes arms-related artifacts under his Foodways category in the Procurement subcategory, an addendum appropriate for the rural south. Orser also 100
101 added Souths Furniture group to his Houshold/Structural category and Tobacco to his Personal category. Orsers Personal categ ory also includes toys (Recreational subcategory) and medicinal bottles (Medicinal subcategory), whereas the former would be in Souths Activities group and th e latter in the Kitchen group. The Depot Creek shell mound historic artifact collection, can be organized by Souths or Orsers classifications for comp arison. Either way it manifests Souths Carolina Pattern in that the Kitchen/F oodways percentages are dominant, with 57.8 percent (as organized by Souths criter ia) and 59.4 percent by Orsers, and the Architecture/Household-Struct ural category secondary in importance with 24.8 (South) and 27.1 percent (Orser). However the Furn iture, Clothing, and T obacco categories are not represented in these hist oric artifact collections. More noteworthy, is how the Personal percentages (0.9/6.0) dramatically exceed the Carolina range (0.1-0.5). The Activities/Labor percentages (13.7/7.0) also exceed the Carolina range (0.9-2.7). The enhanced Carolina Pattern demonstrated by the historic artifact collection from Depot Creek shell mound is explained by the special function of the site, as an apiary, hence the enhanced Activities/Labor percentages. The enhanced Personal category percentages are due to artifacts th at fall into the medicinal and recreational subcategories. Oral history, th e archaeological record, and arti fact patterns show that the site was not just a place of work. People may have lived in a house on the mound beyond the tupelo honey season. George Core did remember staying in a house at Depot Creek shell mound. Still, until further study and excavation produce more information
102 including an increased artifact sample, it remains the best estimation that the apiary was seasonality reoccupied during the tupelo honey flow. The historic artifact collec tion from Clark Creek shell mound apiary is unlike that from Depot Creeks apiary; it is more similar to Souths Frontier Pattern. The Architecture group (55.5 percent) or Household/Structural ca tegory (56.3 percent) is the prominent category, with the Kitchen group ( 20.4 percent) or F oodways (20.4 percent) category being secondary. However, the Activities group (16.6 percent) and Labor category (16.9 percent) noticeably exceed the Frontier range (0.7-6.4 percent). The enhanced Frontier pattern demonstrated by the historic artifact collection from Clark Creek shell mound is also because it had a special func tion as an apiary. However, unlike the apiary at Depot Creek, th ere are no structures at Clark Creek, except the dock and walkway ruins to indicate a house or a lengthy occupation. The artifact collection suggests the apiary was solely a place of work. In George Cores interview he remembered working very hard during th e day at his employers apiary along the Apalachicola River. He did not mention peopl e camping or staying at the apiary over night. The workers either stayed on the workboat or return ed to town for the night. Looking at the two apiary collections sepa rately shows noticeable differences in patterns. However, it might be more appropriate to look at the two ap iary collections as a whole to distinguish a patte rn and account for variability among the sites. Joined together there are a total of 264 historic artifacts from bot h shell mound apiaries; this number excludes unidentified ar tifacts. The two apiaries together illustrate Souths Frontier pattern, Household-Structural ca tegory (45.5 percent) is prominent with
103 Foodways category (35.2 percent) being sec ondary. It is not surprising that, when combined, the sites fit well in to Souths Frontier pattern, because they are in a remote area where consumer goods are less. The hi gh Labor percentage (13.3) represents the industrial-activity taking pl ace at the apiaries. At this point, the distribution of artif acts at Depot Creek and Clark Creek can be associated with beekeepers/honeymakers. Whether these distributi ons relate to all apiaries and tupelo honey production sites is far from being even preliminarily established. A typology and pattern for frontie r agricultural practices such as beekeeping could be created, however, that is beyond the scop e of this thesis. My hope is this work will be useful for further research and analysis.
104 Chapter Nine: Cultural Material This chapter examines in detail the cons iderable body of artifac ts relating to late nineteenthto early twentieth-centuries occupation and beekeeping at the sites investigated. Recovered arti facts included nails, glass, ceramics, buttons, metal, and other miscellaneous objects. Historical cultur al material from previous field surveys of the sites were reanalyzed and compared with recent surface-colle cted artifacts. Nails Nails are one of the most abundant ar tifacts found at Depot Creek and Clark Creek apiaries. No nails were recovered from the Lower Chipola Apiary, though they were certainly present holding the structure together. Of the recovered artifacts, nails accounted for 15 percent of Depot Creeks co llection and 35.9 percen t of Clark Creeks collection. The value of nails as chr onological indicators for the two shell mound apiaries is debatable. Yet, nails are among the most commonly-o ccurring artifacts found at sites dating to late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, and, as such, they should be an important data source since there are no written records showing exact dates when these sites were occupied. Nails ha ve generally been used to provide terminus ante quem and terminus post quem dates for sites. For example, the presence of modern machinecut nails on a site suggests it must have been occupied in the 1830s or later.
Another dating technique is seriation, in which artifacts are ordered on basis of an attribute with chronological value. Given that wrought nails preceded cut nails, and both preceded wire nails, seriation should be a valid technique on nineteenth-century sites (Adams 2002:67). Nails, like all artifacts, tell a story about the people who utilized, made, shipped, and sold them. Nails in at least five measures can yield valuable information: (1) size and style, which often imply the specific use within a structure, (2) renovation of structures, (3) technology in manufacture, (4) technological and marketing lag in acquisition by user, and (5) chronology (Adams 2002:66). Size and style, technology in manufacture, and chronology aspects of nails recovered from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds are discussed in this thesis. For the purpose of this discussion, nails from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds have been divided into four classes: Early Machine-Cut Nails, Modern Machine-Cut Nails, Wire Nails, and Indeterminate (see Tables 7 and 8). Table 7. Summary of nails from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Surface Shovel Test (0-36 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUB Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) Total Depot Creek (8Gu56) N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT (grams) Early machine-cut 1 36.9 1 36.9 Machine-Cut 1 1.9 1 5.7 2 7.6 Wire 8 94.2 2 31.8 2 12.3 1 6.7 13 145 Indeterminate 1 0.4 1 0.4 Total Artifact Count and Weight 9 96.1 2 42.6 2 31.8 3 12.7 1 6.7 17 189.9 105
Table 8. Summary of nails from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). 106 Surface TUA Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUA Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUA Level 3 (30-45 cm) TUA Level 4 (45-60 cm) TUB Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 1 (0-15 cm) TUC Level 2 (15-30 cm) TUC Level 3 (30-45 cm) Total Clark Creek (8Gu60) N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT N WT (grams) Machine-Cut 1 3.8 3 3.4 3 3.3 3 3.6 1 1.5 18 20.5 7 13.3 2 15.2 38 64.6 Wire 1 4.8 3 3.4 5 16.1 26 22.6 35 46.9 Indeterminate 1 2.1 2 1.3 3 3.4 Total Artifact Count and Weight 2 8.6 6 6.8 3 3.3 8 19.7 1 1.5 1 2.1 44 43.1 9 14.6 2 15.2 76 114.9
107 Early Machine-Cut Nails Machine-cut nails are best identified by the presence of two parallel then converging shank surfaces, ending in a stub (blunt) point. Jeremiah Wilkinson of Cumberland, Rhode Island, in 1775 devised a way of producing nails from iron plates (Adams 2002; Fontana and Greenleaf 1962:52). Adams (2002:68) suggests a new date range of post 1790 to ca. 1820 for the ear ly machine cut nails, although the archaeological literature generally uses a date of ca. 1815 for the introduction of cut nail technology. These early nails were first made in a cutting machine and then taken to a separate machine for heading. The nail head s continued to be ha nd-wrought until 1807, when Jesse Reed of Boston received a patent for a nail-cutting a nd -heading machine. The heads of earlier machine-cut nails therefore resemble those of wrought nails. These early cut nails were made until the late 1830s and are distinguishe d by the tapering near the head and the irregular sh ape of the head (Nelson 1968). One early machine-cut nail (Figure 37) wa s recovered from many years of survey at the two shell mound apiaries. This nail wa s recovered from a shovel test excavated to 36 cm in depth at Depot Creek shell m ound in 1985 (Table 7; Henefield and White 1986:67). This nail has a hand-wrought (rose) he ad, but the shaft is uniform. The nail is bent in a 90 degree angle near the point, suggest ing that is was definitely utilized. This nail has a pennyweight of 60d. In sizes from 16d to 60d heads are thicker and have a raised platform of metal on top. This is because heavier and more repeated blows are required to drive heavier nails and the h eads must be heavier to withstand the punishment. Such heads are rarely found in archaeological specimens because the driving
of these nails flattens the heads completely. Only on nails that were driven partially or not at all would the thicker heads remain (Fontana and Greenleaf 1962: 56). The early machine-cut nail from Depot Creek suggests that the builder drove it into some type of hard wood part way until it was accidentally bent. Nails that are 20d or larger were used for framing a house, construction, or similar activities. No early machine-cut nails were recovered from Clark Creek shell mound or lower Chipola Apiary. Figure 37. Early machine-cut nail from Depot Creek shell mound/apiary (8Gu56). Modern Machine-Cut Nails Examples of modern machine-cut nails have the characteristic uniform flathead. After ca. 1840, cut nails were generally made with the iron fiber running lengthwise. Cut nails remained the dominant form until they were surpassed in production by wire nails in 108
the late nineteenth century. Past this time, cut nails were produced in very limited quantities (Rempel 1980). However, there was a rise after 1920, due to the increased use of concrete construction, since machine-cut nails are used in joining wood to concrete (Adams 2002:72). Modern cut-nails were found at both Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds (Figure 38). The Depot Creek shell mound collection has a total of two modern machine-cut nails (Table 7). One was recovered from a general surface survey of the mound in 1985. The other was recovered in the same shovel test as the early machine-cut nail. On the other hand, the Clark Creek shell mound collection has a total of thirty-eight modern machine-cut nails (Table 8). One was surface-collected, and the other thirty-seven were excavated from Test Units A and C. Most of the nails came from Test Unit C, and this in not surprising since this unit was close to a concentration of modern artifacts left from the time of the apiary (White 1994:121). The first three levels of Test Unit C (0-45 cm) contained nails and glass fragments that were mixed in with sherds from both prehistoric components (White 1994). Figure 38. Modern machine-cut nails from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). 109
110 Wire Nails Since about 1890, wire nails have become the standard type, recognized by their round heads, sharp points, and round, untapered shanks. The first American production of wire nails was from machines either imported or adapted from existing European models (Nelson 1968:9). The earliest wi re nails were not made for building construction, but rather in the smaller si zes for pocket book frames, cigar boxes, etc. (Adams 2002:69; Nelson 1968:10). The mach ine-cut nail was generally a superior nail for building purposes, depending upon the woods being used. Many farmers still prefer building barns with them (Adams 2002:69). Larg er size (for archite ctural construction) would not be present until the 1850s. Fro m circa 1851-1883, wire nails may begin to accumulate in sites in small numbers, but were probably not used in building structures simply because so few were produced (Adams 2002:70). Eight wire nails were recovered from the surface of Depot Creek shell mound (Figure 32). Three of them were excavated from the first two levels of Test Units A, B, and C (15-30 cm) (Table 8). One wire nail was surface-collected duri ng a general surface survey of Clark Creek shell mound, and thirty -four wire nails were excavated from the first three levels (0-45 cm) of Test Units A and C (Table 8). One of the wire nails from Test Unit A level 2 (15-30 cm) was burned and deliberately cut. Most of the wire nails were excavated from Test Unit C (the unit closes t to a concentration of modern artifacts). The morphology of the wire nails from Depot Creek hint that the builder often miss-hit the nail during construction and/or they were using a very hard wood, as many were bent.
Figure 39. Wire nails found at Depot Creek shell mound/apiary (8Gu56). Indeterminate Nails One indeterminate nail was excavated from the first level (0-15 cm) of Test Unit B at Depot Creek shell mound (Table 7). Two indeterminate nails were recovered from the second level (15-30 cm) of both Tests Unit B and C at Clark Creek Shell Mound. These nails are poorly preserved, being heavily corroded and fragmentary, and analysis of them was not possible. Nail Analysis The length of each nail was measured and assigned a pennyweight (Table 9). The pennyweight system is applied to both machine-cut and wire nails. The term penny, as it refers to nails, originated in medieval England to describe nail sizes according to their price per hundred. The letter d was the designation for the English penny, and then the same abbreviation was used to indicate a pound in weight. Nails slowly became standardized by size rather than price. For example, a 2d nail is 1 inch long. Each higher number represents an increase in length of 1/4 inch, up to 12d (3 1/4 inch long; Nelson 111
1968). After 12d, the penny system becomes more irregular. Small construction nails are defined as 2d-5d and are used in the final stages of carpentry. Nails from 6d-16d are called medium construction and are used for most purposes. Large construction nails are those which are 20d or larger and are used for framing and other similar activities (Fontana and Greenleaf 1962). The shapes of the head (rose, round or rectangular), the shank (rectangular or round), and point (blunt, broken, or sharp) were also noted for this analysis (Tables 10 and 11). Table 9. Pennyweight system for measuring nails (Fontana and Greenleaf 1962:56). 1 = 2d 3" = 10d 1 = 3d 3 = 12d 1 = 4 d 3 = 16d 1 = 5d 4" = 20d 2" = 6d 4 = 30d 2 = 7d 5" = 40d 2 = 8d 5 = 50d 2 = 9d 6" = 60d 112
Table 10. Description of nails from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). *Indicates the present length of the nail. Catalog no. Provenience Length (mm) Head Shank Point Penny Weight Comments 8Gu56-1 shovel test 132 rose, T-head rectangular tapered blunt 60 d early machine-cut nail, bent 90 degrees near point 8Gu56-1 shovel tes t 63 rectangular rectangular blunt 8d 8Gu56-8 Surface 124 round round sharp 40d 8Gu56-8 Surface 103 round round sharp 20d 8Gu56-8 Surface 65 round round blunt 8d 8Gu56-8 Surface 128 round round sharp 40d 8Gu56-8 Surface 103 round round blunt 30d 8Gu56-8 Surface 69 round round blunt 9d 8Gu56-8 Surface 72 round round sharp 9d bent 90 degrees near point 8Gu56-17 TUA Level 2 88* round round ? ? end deliberately cut? Burned 8Gu56-17 TUA Level 2 89 round round sharp 16d bent near middle 8Gu56-62 TUB Level 1 64 round round sharp 8d 8Gu56-62 TUB Level 1 77 round round sharp 10d 8Gu56-83 TUC Level 1 72 round round sharp 9d bent near point 8Gu56-02-01 Surface 79 round round sharp 10d 8Gu56-97-3 Surface 37 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d 113
114 Table 11. Description of nails from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Catalog no. Provenience Length (mm) Head Shank Point Penny Weight Comments 8Gu60-12 TUA surface 66 round round sharp 8d 8Gu60-13 TUA level 1 44* round round ? 5d badly corroded at point 8Gu60-13 TUA level 1 43 round round sharp 5d 8Gu60-13 TUA level 1 20 round round broken 2d 8Gu60-13 TUA level 1 38 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d 8Gu60-13 TUA level 1 39 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d 8Gu60-14 TUA level 2 29 rectangular rectangular blunt 2d 8Gu60-14 TUA level 2 41 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d bent 90 degrees near point 8Gu60-15 TUA level 2 33* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded 8Gu60-16 TUA level 3 78 round round sharp 4d bent near point 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 41 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d partial head 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 19* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 38 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d badly corroded near the point 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 41 round round sharp 4d 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 36 round round sharp 4d bent near middle 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 52 round round sharp 6d bent 90 degrees near point 8Gu60-17 TUA level 3 63 round round sharp 8d bent 90 degrees near head 8Gu60-18 TUA level 4 39 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d 8Gu60-86 TUC surface 36 rectangular rectangular broken 4d 8Gu60-87 TUC Level 1 20* ? rectangular broken 2d 8Gu60-89 TUC Level 2 23 rectangular rectangular broken 2d badly corroded 8Gu60-89 TUC Level 2 31 ? rectangular broken 2d badly corroded 8Gu60-89 TUC Level 2 21* ? rectangular broken ? badly corroded and split 8Gu60-93 TUC Level 3 83 rectangular rectangular blunt 12d badly corroded 8Gu60-93 TUC Level 3 51 rectangular rectangular broken 2d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-109 TUA Lev e l 1 22* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded Table 11. Continued on the next page.
115 Table 11. (Continued) 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 27 rectangular rectangular Broken 2d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 31 rectangular rectangular Broken 3d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 40 rectangular rectangular blunt 4d From flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 26 rectangular rectangular blunt 2d From flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 23* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 27* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 38* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 14* ? rectangular ? ? badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 10* rectangular rectangular ? ? head and small amount of shank, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 16* rectangular rectangular ? ? head and small amount of shank, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 4* rectangular ? ? ? head only, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 37 ? rectangular blunt 4d From flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 19* rectangular rectangular broken 2d From flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 10* rectangular rectangular broken 2d head and small amount of shank, from flotation sample B 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 13* broken rectangular broken 2d From flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 11* broken rectangular broken 2d From flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 30* ? rectangular broken 3d Bent 90 degrees near point, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 18 round round sharp 2d From flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 52 round round sharp 6d Bent 90 degrees near point, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 51 round round sharp 6d From flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 87 round round ? 16d badly corroded near point, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 29 ? round Sharp 2d from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 69 round round Sharp 8d bent near head from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 40 round round Sharp 4d from flotation sample A fraction Table 11. Continued on the next page.
116 Table 11. (Continued) 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 51 round round sharp 6d badly corroded and bent near head, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 16 ? round sharp 2d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 25 ? round sharp 2d bent near head from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 26 round round ? ? from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 16 ? round sharp 2d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 32 round round sharp 3d from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 20 round round sharp 2d bent near point, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 26 round round sharp 2d from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 19* round round broken ? badly corroded, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 26 round round sharp 2d part of head is broken, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 16 round round sharp 2d from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 39 round round sharp 4d badly corroded, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 6* round round ? ? head and small amount of shank, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 6* round round ? ? head and small amount of shank, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 15 ? round sharp 2d badly corroded and missing head, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 7* ? round ? ? partial head and some shank, from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 18* ? round ? ? from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 18* ? ? ? ? from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-150 TUC Level 1 12* ? round ? ? from flotation sample B fraction 8Gu60-152 TUC Level 2 51 ? rectangular blunt 6d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-152 TUC Level 2 24* ? rectangular broken 2d from flotation sample A fraction 8Gu60-152 TUC Level 2 29 rectangular rectangular blunt 2d badly corroded, from flotation sample A fraction *Indicates the present length of the nail. I tried William Hampton Adams model for dating these sites of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries by examining producti on figures for wire nails to
117 obtain date ranges for the apia ries at Depot Creek and Clar k Creek shell mounds. This model was generated for dating sites built of machine-cut nails (Adams 2002:66). Adams believes using this model of comparing freque ncies of cut vs. wire nails will work best with well-documented, short-term occupations and with sites that were occupied by people poor in material culture. The apiaries at both Depot and Clark Creeks were short occupation sites (presumably only three weeks out of the year) and in a very remote part of the country, but not well documented. Using this model may provide some notion of the construction date for the sites and socioeconomic indicators for the beekeepers. The frequency of nail types at Depot Creek is 18.8 percent machine-cut nails and 81.2 percent wire nails (Table 12). These percentages were then compared to the American nail production for 1886-1954 (Ada ms 2002: 73). The American nail production figures suggest a construction date circa 1897 as nail production for that year was 19.0 percent cut and 81.0 percent wire (Tab le 15). At Clark Creek the percentages were 52 percent machine-cut a nd 48 percent wire (Table 14 ), suggesting a construction date circa 1891; American nail production fo r that year was 54.9 percent cut and 45.1% percent (Table 15). The high frequency of modern machine-cut nails at Clark Creek shell mound may be due to recy cling activities and lack of access to wire nails, or perhaps cut nails were preferred over wire nails in building a nd repairing honey houses, box hives, and other beekeeping and honey pr oduction equipment. Time lag, reuse, acceptance of material culture, other artifacts, and socioeconomics of the region all need to be considered.
Table 12. Frequencies and percentages of nail types from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Nail Types Number (%) Classifiable Number (%) Early machine-cut 1 (5.9) Machine-cut 2 (11.8) 3 (18.8)* Wire 13 (76.4) 13 (81.2) Indeterminate 1(.5.9) N/A Totals 17 (88.32) 16 (100) *Classifiable numbers are combined because both are machine-cut nails Table 13. Frequencies and percentages of nail types from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). Nail Types Number (%) Classifiable Number (%) Modern machine cut 38 (50.0) 38 (52.0) Wire 35 (46.0) 35 (48.0) Indeterminate 3 (4.0) N/A Totals 76 (100) 73 (100) 118
119 Table 14. American nail production, 1886-1954 (adapted from Adams 2002:73). Year Cut Nails Wire Nails Total % Cut % Wire 1880 5,056,600 -----5, 056,600 ------1886 8,160,973 600,000 8,760,973 93.2 6.8 1887 6,908,870 1,250,000 8,158,870 84.70 15.3 1888 6,493,591 1,500,000 7,993,591 81.20 18.8 1889 5,810,758 2,435,000 8,245,758 70.50 29.5 1890 5,640,946 3,134,911 8,776,857 64.30 35.7 1891 5,002,176 4,114,385 9,117,011 54.90 45.1 1892 4,507,819 4,719,524 9,227,343 48.80 51.2 1893 3,048,933 5,095,945 8,144,878 37.40 62.6 1894 2,425,060 5,681,801 8,206,861 30.40 69.6 1895 2,129,894 5,841,403 7,971,297 26.70 73.3 1896 1,612,870 4,719,860 6,332,730 25.40 74.6 1897 2,106,799 8,997,245 11,104,044 19.00 81.0 1898 1,572,221 7,418,475 10,562,917 14.90 85.1 1899 1,904,340 7,599,522 11,408,202 16.70 83.4 1900 1,573,000 7,234,000 8,807,000 17.10 82.9 1901 1,542,240 9,803,822 11,346,062 13.60 86.4 1902 1,633,762 10,982,246 12.616,008 12.90 87.1 1903 1,435,893 9,631,661 11,067,554 13.00 87.0 1904 1,283,362 11,926,661 13,210,023 9.70 90.3 1905 1,357,549 10,854,892 12,212,441 11.10 88.9 1906 1,189,239 11,486,647 12,675,886 9.40 90.6 1907 1,109,138 11,731,044 12,840,182 8.60 91.4 1908 956,182 10,662,072 11,619,154 8.20 91.8 1909 1,207,507 13,016,053 15,123,650 8.00 92.0 1910 1,005,233 12,704,902 13,710,135 7.30 92.7 Table 14. Continued on the next page.
120 Table 14. (Continued) Year Cut Nails Wire Nails Total % Cut % Wire 1911 967,636 13,437,778 14,405,414 6.70 93.3 1912 978,415 14,659,700 15,638,115 6.20 93.8 1913 842,038 13,559,727 14,401,765 5.80 94.2 1914 769,665 13,132,814 13,002,470 5.90 94.1 1915 775,327 14,583,026 15,358,353 5.00 95.0 1916 764,835 17,147,665 17,912,500 4.30 95.7 1919 263,896 12,429,195 12,693,091 2.10 97.9 1921 318,008 11,297,861 11,615,869 2.70 97.3 1923 460,061 17,375,606 17,835,667 2.60 97.4 1927 -----14,819,159 -----------1929 -----------------------1931 457,962 8,177,139 8,635,101 5.30 94.7 1947 567,260 16,154,020 16,721,280 3.30 96.7 1954 1,569,000 11,870,020 13,439,020 11.70 88.3 *T his table is adapted from Adamss American Nail Production Table (2002:73). Glass Container glass manufacturing technique is not easy to determine unless basal and lip sherds are present. A majority of the glass fragments recovered during surface survey and excavation at the apiaries were small frag ments; thus form and function could not be ascertained. The most reliable indicator for dating container glass manufactured after the Civil War is the treatment of the lip, if the vessel is a bottle. Bottle lips were laid on by hand until the mid-1870s, when the lipping tool was introduced (Jones and Sullivan 1985:43). Fully mold-formed lips appear in the 1880s, although they were not common until the 1890s. With the invention of the fully automatic Owens machine for bottle and jar manufacture in 1903, machine-made cont ainers became ubiquitous (Jones and Sullivan 1985).
Glass color can also be used as a very relative dating tool. Color was the main attribute for evaluating the bottle glass from Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries (Tables 16 and 17). Colored bottle glass recovered from the two sites included amber, clear, cobalt blue, green, milk (opaque), and light purple (solarized) glass. The most common bottle glass at both sites was clear. However, there is less variety at Clark Creek than at Depot Creek. Table 15. Frequency and percentage of glass by color from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Color Frequency (%) Frequency of Classifiable Types Amber 3 (8.0) Clear 20 (52.6) Lime green 5 (13.2) Milk 1 (2.6) Solarized 4 (10.5) 33 (100)* Flat Glass 4(10.5) N/A Indeterminate 1(2.6) N/A Totals 38 (100) 33 (100) *Classifiable numbers are combined. Table 16. Frequency and percentage of glass by color from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). Color Frequency (%) Frequency of Classifiable Types Amber 3 (12.0) Clear 18 (72.0) Cobalt 1 (4.0) Solarized 1 (4.0) Purple 1 (4.0) Milk 1(4.0) 25 (100)* Totals 25(100) 25 (100) *Classifiable numbers are combined. 121
122 After 1880, clear glass was desired by the food-processing industry, so customers could see the product (Colwill 1974; Jones a nd Sullivan 1985). Decolorizing agents, such as manganese dioxide and selenium, had to be added to the glass mixture to produce clear glass. Manganese-treated glass is initially clear, but changes to an amethyst (light purple) color, when exposed to ultraviolet rays or sunlight. The use of manganese continued until 1914, when WW I cut off trade with the primary source of manganese, Germany (Jones and Sullivan 1985). After circa 1890, colors includ ing blue and white milk glass were also being produced. Li me green glass was introduced in the 1940s (Berge 1980). At Depot Creek shell mound no whole bot tles were recovered, only parts of bottles (lip, neck, and base) a nd fragments. A clear glass bottle finish (lip) and neck were recovered from the surface of the mound. Not much can be said about this bottle finish, because it is melted. Other glass fr agments were also found in a melted state, indicating some fire activity perhaps from the fireplace on the mound. One melted glass fragment was recovered from the first level of Test Unit B, and this test unit is closest to the fireplace. Other clear bottle glass fragment s consisted of two solarized bottle finishes with square banded lips and cork closure da ting to ca. 1890 (Figure 40). These could be from patented medicine bottles. The b eekeepers probably brought with them selfadministered medicines, possibly due to the un availability of a physician. One solarized bottle base with a valve mark was recove red from the site. This mark is a nonsymmetrical indented groove on the base, f ound on wide-mouthed containers and milk bottles from 1930s into 1950s (Toulouse 1969:58 3). A valve mark is made using a valve
that ejects the parison (partsize mold to give initial shape to the hot glass) out of the mold so that it can be transferred to the blow mold for completion (Miller and Sullivan 1991:99). Figure 40. Solarized bottle finishes from Depot Creek shell mound/ apiary (8Gu56). Three fragments of amber bottle glass were collected from Depot Creek shell mound. Amber glass has general application, including for alcoholic beverages, because it is able to protect its contents from light. A lime green bottle base and fragments, and one string rim milk glass fragment were recovered from general surface survey and test unit excavations. Lime green glass has a versatile use, but most commonly it was utilized for soda bottles. Milk glass had numerous uses for medicine, cosmetics, toiletry, food 123
124 and specialty items. Other glass found at Depot Creek shell mound included fragments of clear pressed shelf glass and window (flat)glass. At Clark Creek shell mound an amber (Fi gure 41) and a clear bottle finish were recovered from the surface. A milk glass jar base and a solarized base of a pitcher (or some thing that held liquid) we re also recovered. The type s of glass fragments found at Clark Creek shell mound differs from thos e of Depot Creek shell mound. A small fragment of cobalt blue glass was recovered from the surface. Cobalt blue glass was used for medicine, cosmetics, and specialty use c ontainers. One whole glass fruit jar and a fragment of a fruit jar rim was surface-colle cted. The whole fruit jar had a number 6 on the base. These fruit jars had no embossing, but were probably used by the beekeepers to hold honey or other liquids (moonshine). Cl ear glass jars with fancy labels were preferred over tin cans by consumers, because of the visibility of the product (Grout 1949). A base of an amber-colored Clorox bottl e was also found (Figure 41). Initially, liquid bleach was manufactured for industrial pu rposes. However, to save the ElectroAlkaline Company from foreclosure, they expa nded into the indivi dual household market by manufacturing 15-ounce amber glass pint containers. This new household version quickly gained popularity and the company distributed their product throughout the country. In 1928, Electro-Alkaline Comp any went public and became the Clorox Chemical Company. The Clorox diamond tr ademark on the bottom of the base was placed on bottles from 1929-1930 (Sandelin 1998 ). Clorox may have been used to disinfect beekeeping equipment and prevent the bees from getting diseases.
Figure 41. An amber bottle finish and a base of a Clorox bottle with a diamond trademark from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). 125 Ceramics Ceramics are usually the most important class of artifact commonly found on historic sites because vessel form, paste, glaze and decoration changes have been well documented through time. Ceramics are classified according to the firing temperature of the clay. Ceramics are also broadly grouped into two major categories, refined and coarse, based on the amount of refining undergone by the clay in the process of manufacture. Wares fired at the lowest temperature are called earthenware and are not vitrified. Earthenwares are porous and will not hold water unless glazed. Most tablewares are a refined type of earthenware, such as whiteware. Unrefined earthenwares such as the yellowwares, redwares, and terracotta are often used for coarse utility vessels,
such as flowerpots. The next higherfiring temperature wares are the stonewares, which are partially vitrified and will hold water without a glaze. Ironstone and semi-porcelain are refined stonewares, while coarse stonewares include salt-glazed, Bristol-glazed, and Albany slip-glazed crockery. The ceramics fired at the highest temperature are porcelains. Refined ceramic types recovered from Depot Creek shell mound and Clark Creek shell mound include whiteware and ironstone. Coarse ceramic types recovered included salt-glazed, Bristol glazed, Albany slip-glazed stoneware, and Herty Cup sherds (Tables 18 and 19). Whiteware, or earthernware, was the most common type of ceramic found. This may possibly be due to the relatively lower cost and ease of replacing earthenware compared to porcelain (Adams 1977:64). Table 17. Frequencies, percentages, and function of historic ceramics at Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Ceramic Types Number (%) Function White earthenware 7 (25.9) Tableware Stoneware 18 (66.7) Utility (crockery?) Herty Cup 2 (7.4) Turpentine Totals 27 (100) Table 18. Frequencies, percentages, and function of historic ceramics at Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). Ceramic Types Frequency of Types (%) Function White earthenware 15 (71.4) Tableware Ironstone 6 (28.6)) Fine tableware Totals 21 (100) 126
Refined Ceramics Whiteware recovered from Depot Creek include sherds from tableware (bowls, plates, and saucers). One molded partial bowl with the term Made in USA on the base, a whiteware plate base with a footring, and platter body sherds were recovered from the surface of the mound. Three thick sherds with a gray and white swirled glaze were also found, and could be from a washbasin. Whiteware sherds from the surface of Clark Creek shell mound included a rim with a blue floral transfer-print design, molded plate rim sherds, molded saucer rim, teacup base, teacup with molded floral design, and undecorated bowl rim sherds (Figures 42 and 43). The base of the teacup and interior were burnt (post depositional), showing that the teacup was used a great deal. Undecorated whiteware sherds and one sherd with a blue floral transfer print design were recovered from Level 1 (0-15 cm) of Test Unit C. Plain, undecorated whiteware, often with a molded rim, is common after 1820. It was the cheapest form of table service and was found in most households by 1840. It enjoyed a long production and is recovered from contexts that postdate 1930 (Esary 1982:186). Figure 42. A whiteware rim sherd (8Gu60-87) with blue floral design from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). 127
Figure 43. Top, a whiteware teacup with a molded floral design (8Gu60-1), from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). The base of the teacup is slightly burnt. Bottom, whiteware plate with a molded rim (8Gu60-03-01), from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). 128
No ironstone tableware was recovered from Depot Creek shell mound, where other evidence suggests more domestic activity. Ironstone sherds were found at Clark Creek shell mound. One ironstone (semi porcelain) bowl base with the makers mark Homer Lauglin Virginia Rose Made in USA H 42 N 8 was recovered from the surface of the mound (Figure 44). 129 The interior center of the bowl has a decal (colored glaze) rose pattern (Virginia Rose). This design (decal) dates from 1926 to circa 1970 (Kovel 1986: 178, 241). Decalomania (decals over glaze) was introduced in the 1860s but these ceramics were not widely manufactured until the 1890s. In the late-1930s, colored glazes were introduced by Homer Laughlin and several California potteries. Colored glazes were popular during the time from 1930 to the 1960s. The other ironstone sherds are fragments of a bowl rim Figure 44. Left, interior center of an ironstone (semi porcelain) bowl (8Gu60-1) showing the Virginia Rose decal, from Clark Creek shell mound/apiary (8Gu60). Right, Homer Laughlin makers mark on the base of same porcelain bowl.
ith pink and gold design (Figure 45). Rim and body sherds from this bowl were found on the ms recovered from the surface of Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). onstone was heavier and harder than earthenware, and as a result was more durable and expensive. From 1870s to the 1920s ironstone was the most common type of tablewe. Mail-order catalogues at the turn of the twentieth century, such as these of Sears Roebuck and Co. and Montgomery Ward, made it more readily accessible to the general public. w ound over three different years from general surface survey. Interestingly, the sherds were dispersed over the mound, and not in one location. The ironstone sherdwere later refitted in the lab. Figure 45. Rim sherds (8Gu60-1 and 8Gu60-99-1) of an ironstone serving bowl, Ir ar 130
131 Coarse Ceramics alt-glazed, the earliest form of stoneware was invented in the fifteenth century in Germ ull ra, local potte rs had access to store-bought glaze in the form of Albany ous clay from the Hudson River near Albany, New York, which there ed. Other stoneware co nsisted of body sherds. All stonew s S any, and is produced by throwing co mmon salt (sodium chlori de) into a kiln f of white-hot stoneware. The salt vaporizes and the sodium combines with the silica in the clay to produce a hard, heat resistant-f ilm of sodium silicate glass on all exposed surfaces of the vessel (Franklin and Longmi re 2001: 35). After the Civil War and Reconstruction e slip, a brown silici vitrifies at stoneware firing temperatures. Another store-bought glaze was Bristol glaze, an opaque white felspathic/zinc oxide slip th at was invented in Bristol, England, during the 1860s (Zilmer 1987). Bristol glaze and Alba ny slip often appear together on factory made stonewares dating from 1890-1930, in the form of the familiar brown and white crockery, which fills antique stores There were a substantial number of manufactories producing stoneware in the South, and coarse utilitarian ceramics were us ually of local manufacture. However, are few known potters in Florid a during the late ni neteenth early twentieth centuries. Alabama, Georgia, and Tennessee were rich in stoneware potters. The majority of historic ceram ics from Depot Creek are the combined Albany slipped (interior) and Bristol glazed (exterior) stoneware sher ds (Figure 46). A jug rim handle, and base were surface-collect are sherds from Depot Creek are salt -glazed, and come from utility vessel form (Figure 46). The stoneware sherds could represent mineral water jugs, ink bottles,
crockery, moonshine jars, or pickle jars. One stoneware sherd from Depot Creek was badly burnt. ek shell mound/apiary (8Gu56). Bottom, Bristol and salt-glazed stoneware sherds from Figure 46. Top, Albany slipped and salt-glazed stoneware sherds from Depot CreDepot Creek shell mound/apiary (8Gu56). 132
133 Surprisingly, no stoneware was recove red from Clark Creek shell mound. erhaps there was no need to store food at Clark Creek shell mound apiary, and no vernight stays at the site. However, ir onstone and whiteware tableware was brought om the beekeepers home to Clark Creek, so meals may have been prepared at the piary, suggesting a domestic use of the site. Yet, the presence of stoneware at Depot reek shell mound hints that there was a lengthy stay at this apiary, and the beekee y urpentine erged to ry the new company manufactured and made the red clay cups (Forney 1985). P o fr a C pers/honeymakers needed vessels for storage. The ceramics used by the beekeepers indicates further participation in the wider consumer market of popular American culture. Herty Cup sherds are a common artifact found in the Apalachicola River valle and all over Florida, and da te to the turpentine industry from 1900-1930s. In 1902, Dr. Charles H. Herty introduced hi s patented Herty Cup at th e meeting of the T Operations Association in Jack sonville, FL (Smith 2003). Several naval stores m form the Consolidated Naval Stores Company, which created the Chattanooga Potte Company. In 1904 The flowerpot-like collector was used to gather valuable gum from pine trees. Naval stores production (turpentine industry) in Florida was at its peak from 1910-1942 (Forney 1985:277). Fragments of a Herty cup were surface-co llected from Depot Creek (Figure 47). However, pine trees are scarce in the swam p, which is usually not a place for collecting the necessary sap for turpentine. People who kept bees and made honey might have made their regular living in the logging a nd turpentine industry. Perhaps Herty Cups
134Creek Shell Mound. Figure56). Buttons can be mrd rubber, metal, lastic, and other synthetics as well as numerous other materials. Roderick Sprague (2002:111) suggests that the button is one of the most ubiquitous historic artifacts found at archaeological sites. The most obvious functions of buttons is to keep clothing in place, closed, or decorated. The form of the button can provide a clue as to what its exact use may have been. Buttons can also befer clothing, occupation, sex, and age. were used for storage, by the beekeepers like stoneware crockery. No Herty cup sherds were found at Clark 47. Herty Cup sherds recovered from Depot Creek shell mound/ apiary (8Gu Buttons ade of shell, bone, porcelain, plant material, ha used to in p
135 (8Gu60). Top row, black Prosser domed shoe button and brass button with grain button. Shell, Prosser, metal, and plastic buttons were recovered from Clark Creek shell mound (Figure 48). The diameter, material type, number of holes, and type of centerwere recorded for all buttons (Table 20). No buttons were recovered from Depot Creek Shell Mound. Figure 48. Buttons recovered from excavations at Clark Creek shell mound apiary design. Bottom row, shell button, brass work button, and Prosser (porcelain) Table 19. Summary of buttons from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). Material Diameter (mm)# of holesType of Center Comments Shell 11.48 4 depressed Prosser 14.47 4 depressed Prosser 10.24 domed domed shoe button (black color), metal shank metal (brass?) 13.94 depressed grain design on the front Metal (brass?) 16.21 flat stamped on the front, two pieces Plastic 13.81 2 depressed
136 In the United States, freshwater shells are used for utilitarian buttons. It is difficult to date shell buttons with certainty be th long history of shell as a button material. All types of holes, shanks, shapes, decorations, and sizes are used for shell buttons (Luscomb 1967:177-180). Commelly-m were introduced into the United States from France in 1855 (Fontana and Greenleaf 1962:98). One four-hole shirt shell button was recovere d from Test Unit C Level two (15-30 cm) at Clark Creek shell mound. Prosser Buttons Prosser buttons or small chinas ar e easily identified by the following characteristics; the smooth topside, the unde rside with an orange peel surface, and a noticeable seam around the edge (Sprague 2002) Sprague considers the introduction of Prosser buttons as one of the more precise ly dateable events in the area of common personal items and gives an excellent terminus post quem of 1840 (2002:111). The Prosser process of button manufacture involved the preparation of fine clay with the addition of quartz or finely ground ceramic wast ers, a small amount of moisture, and then pressing this mixture into cas t-iron molds. After being tu rned out of the mold, the buttons were fired in a muffle furnace at a temperature sufficient to transform the clay into a highly fired ceramic button, approachi ng or even achieving the level of porcelain (Sprague 2002:111-12). One white Prosser di sh button and a black domed shoe button were recovered from Test Unit C Level 2 (15-30 cm) at Clark Creek shell mound. Shell Buttons cause of e rcia ade shell buttons
137 e d om Clark Creek shell mound. This type monly referred to as automatic or bachelor buttons, and could be attached e nth Small metal or Prosser domed buttons were used on shoes until a bout 1930. Black and white were the most popular colors. The 1927 Sears catal og shows this button in us only on ladies T-strap shoes and infants s hoes (Gillio et al. 1980:27). The black dome button from Clark Creek shell mound most lik ely came from a ladys shoe, because its size would be too big for that of an infant shoe. Metal Buttons Probably the most common metal button mate rial was brass, and it has been used in the United States since the 1800s for mens clothing and uniforms. From 1800 to about 1860, one-piece buttons were made; afte r about 1860 two-piece buttons were made (Gillio et al. 1980:23). A twopiece (brass?) button with a cord design around the edge and a grain design in the center was recovered fr of button is com and removed from a garment without sewing. These buttons were advertised by Sears, Roebuck & Company. This decorative butt on was probably from a piece of ladys clothing. Another possible brass, two-piece, mens work-clothes button was recovered from Test Unit C, Level 2, (15-30 cm), at Clark Creek. The front of the button is stamped with the names of two cities, Mobile (Alabama) and Panama (Florida). Workclothes buttons were two-piece metal buttons used on mens jackets, coats, and overalls. The face of the button was usually made of br ass and was embossed w ith the name of th clothing manufacture. The backs had Sanders type wire shanks In the late ninetee century, this type of button was widely used (Gillio et al. 1980:27).
iaries, including ire, hooks, cast iron stove parts, hinges, buckles, spoons, crown bottle caps, buttons, shotgun cap heads, barrel hoop fragments, and an enamelware washbasin weiser beer can, dating to about the1960s, was re from the surface of Clark Creek shell piary (8Gu56). Right, cast iron stove parts from Depot Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Harmonicas were inexpensive and a popular musical instrument that crossed social, ethnic and economic boundaries thcenturies. Historically, this small instrument has bildren, Plastic Buttons The manufacture of synthetic plastic buttons expanded after 1930. One plastic shirt button was recovered from Clark Creek Test Unit C Level two (15-30 cm). Metal Many metal artifacts were recovered from both shell mound ap w harmonica reed, and pot (Figures 49 and 50). Much of the metal is badly corroded and unidentifiable. Unexpectedly, no food tin cans were recovered from the apiaries. However a Bud covered mound. Figure 49. Left, a metal spoon and a spoon bowl, from Depot Creek shell mound/a roughout the nineteenth and twentieth een associated mainly with ch 138
139w-income groups and African-Americans. The harmonica is also associated with leisurelFigure 50. Top, harmonica reed recovered from the surface of Depot Creek shell shell mound apiary (8Gu56). Miscellaneous Artifacts specific to beekeeping and honey-making activities included beehive parts, a metal hive cover, wooden frames, a queen bee cage, and a honey extractor tub (Figure 51). The parts of a beehive (hive body part), metal beehive cover and honey lo y activities. mound apiary (8Gu56). Bottom, hinge and buckle fragments from Depot Creek
ough were not removed from the site, due to their size; they were too heavy and bulky carry on the long walk through the ankle-deep swamp. The dimensions of the beehive ox are approximately 18 in length, 14 in width, and 9 depth. The queen bee age (Figure 28) was the only artifact recovered from Lower Chipola Apiary. Screens nd other wooden artifacts were noted and photographed at the Lower Chipola Apiary. hese artifacts attest to the agricultural aspect of life at the apiary/ bee camps igure 51. Top, hive body (part of a beehive) at Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). Bottom, a metal beehive cover, placed over the top of hives for moving on barge, from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60). tr to b c a T F a 140
141 ther miscellaneous items recovered fr om Depot and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries included a porcelain doll leg, black faceted beads, slate, mortar, cement, and bricks (Figure 52). Porcelain dolls are objects, which are sup posed to be carefully cared for by children. However, in the event of breakage of arms, legs, and even heads, parts maybe replaced. Sears, Roebuck & Company and Montgomery Ward advertised in their catalogs many spare parts for dolls to repl ace damaged ones (Wilkie 2000103). The shell mound apiaries are situated in a rural area, where the labor of childre n was vital to the economc survival of families (Wilkie 2000). The potential contribution of children must be acknowledged at both Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mound apiaries. wide variety of women s jewelry was made during the time from 1920s to 1950s. An exact date range and type of jewe lry for the two black gl ass faceted beads is not available. The presence of ladies items (jewelry, a T-strap shoe button, and cosmetic jar fragments) found in the archaeological r ecord at Clark Creek shell mound apiary may imply that women took part in beekeeping and honey production activ ities at the shell mound. Indeed, we do have the story from two informants about the beekeeper Mrs. Nightingale. O i A
142Figurell mound apiary (8Gu56). Bottom, two black glass faceted beads dating from 1920s to 52. Top, a porcelain doll leg recovered from the surface of Depot Creek she1950s, from Clark Creek shell mound apiary (8Gu60).
143 mound apiaries indicate a usage of the mounds as apiaries starting in th e late nineteenthearly twentieth centuries, and ending in the late 1940s (Table 21). The best date range of occupation is 1878-1943, and a median date of 1911. This date range is very consistent with the historic d oral history data. It was not until June 24, 1878, when the first homestead patents were granted west of the Apalachicola River (Vickrey 1998). Artifact manufacture initial and terminal date averages were used to determine the median date ranges of the apiaries at the shell mounds. However, one must keep in mind that these sites were rural and very remote. Therefore, time lag and reuse are considered major factors when arriving at a date range fo r the shell mound apiaries from recovered artifacts. Certain artifact types may have been favored for reuse over others. Durable artifacts, such as glass, ceramics, and nails may have remained in use for storing other materials long past their original purchase. No rthwest Florida, for the most part, was still a frontier in the 1930s. Yet, the beekeepers of the Apalachicola River valley were buying merchandise that was part of popular culture in America. Rural families could purchase the items directly from a local merchant or ha ve the items ordered specifically for them. The beekeepers, their families, and other work ers were not bringing with them their most expensive possessions to the apiaries. Th e beekeepers were not spending a lengthy amount of time at the mounds; rather it was mo re like a camp situati on, similar to hunting or fishing camp. Contexts for Artifact Deposition Artifacts recovered from Depot and Clark Creek shell documents an
144 Second consideratio production of illegal alcohol Depot und a about at e n of de posited artifacts may be from But no artifacts have a specific conne ction with moonshine, so we might need more oral history or other information to document this activity at the apiaries. A third group of deposited artifacts, such as the beer can, may come from visitors to the mounds after the beekeepers (post 1940) for example hunters and looters Creek shell mound has several l ooters holes present. Furthermore, the mounds would be an excellent place for hunters to rest a nd keep dry in the swamp. The shell mo apiaries may have been hunting camps before and after the honey season. But no Vienn sausage cans or recent oysters, which ar e best indicators of hunters from 1960s-1990s, were recovered from either shell mound. Overall, surface-collected and excavated hist oric material can tell us more the people, possibly families, who carried out beekeeping and tupelo honey production Depot Creek and Clark Creek shell mounds. The artifacts played an important part in th lives of the people who worked and camped at the apiaries. Using artifact data combined with historical documents and oral history, we can to begin to unde rstand the relationship between the swamp and beekeepers.
145Table 2ell mounds (8Gu56) and (8Gu60). 0. Artifacts usable for dating apiaries at Depot Creek and Clark Creek shArtifact types Median dateDate rangeSource Ironstone Virginia Rose (Homer Laughlin China Company) 1948 1926-1970Kovel and Kovel 1986:1 78 Stonew are nat ural slip exterior and interior 1888 1875-1940Greer 1981:264 Bristol glazed exterior, Albany slip interior 1908 1890-1925Greer 1981:264 Bristol glazed exterior and interior 1915 1890-1940Greer 1981:264 Whiteware undecorated 1900 1820-1980South 1977:212 molded/embossed 1870 1840-1900Lewis and Haskell 1981:203 Bottle/Container Glass solarized 1898 1880-1915Colwill 1974:4;IMACS 1992:472 milk 1925 1890-1960IMACS 1992:472 light green 1925 1860-1990+IMACS 1992:471 amber 1925 1860-1990+IMACS 1992:472 amber Clorox bottle with diamond trademark 1929.5 1929-1930Sandelin 1998:1 cobalt 1925 1890-1960IMACS 1992:472 clear 1932.5 1875-1990+IMACS 1992:472 Nails early machine-cut 1822.5 1815-1830Adams 2002:72, Nelson 1968 modern machine-cut 1860 1830-1890Adams 2002:72, Nelson 1968 wire 1940 1890-1990+Adams 2002:72, Nelson 1968 Beer Cans Budweiser flattop pull ring 1973.5 1964-1983Maxwell 1993:96 Buttons Prosser 1885 1850-1920IMACS 2001:475 shell 1887.5 1855-1920Fontana and Greenleaf 1962:98; IMACS 2001:475 plastic-synthetic post 1930 IMACS 2001:475 Best Date Range of Occupation 1911 1878-1943
146 Chapter Ten: Summary, Conclusions, and Future Research This study of beekeeping and tupelo honey production during th e late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in the lower Ap alachicola River valley was initiated in order to document data on this impor tant agricultural practice a nd industry. Scholars have traditionally neglected comprehensive research on historic industries and agriculture in northwest Florida, and especia lly in the swamps. Many may vi ew these late apiaries as lacking antiquity, and beekeepers as ordinary agriculturalists trying to make a living off the land during the last century. Howeve r, exploration of beekeeping and honey production in the river valley has offered sign ificant data on a once notable industry and way of life in northwest Florida. This way of life remains as only memories to a small number of locals of Gulf County, Florida. Though it was romantic ized by the Hollywood movie, it is a shrinking industry. The Annual Tupelo Honey Festival is held at Wewahitchka in May, and it is here that few remaining Gulf County beekeepers come to sell their honey to the locals. A great amount of information has b een accumulated about beekeepers and tupelo honey producers of the lower Apalachicola River valley as a result of this study. This knowledge presents archaeo logists with a glimpse of these pioneering beekeepers lives. Settlement patterns of apiaries al ong the Lower Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers reflect how the natural featur es of the river system attr acted the honey industry. Early
147 beekeepers interacted with existing landscape features (s hell mounds) because they offered high ground in the low-lying swamp. Later beekeepers built platforms and honey houses along the two rivers so th ey could process the honey on site, and not have to go so deep in the forest. Having the platforms located on the riverbanks made it easy for loading honey onto steamboats and larger barges. Many northern beekeepers migrated to the river valley to take advantage of the t upelo honey flow. Due to the short season and migratory beekeepers, they did not build th eir homesteads in the swamps. Beekeepers camped at the apiaries during the honey flow. The apiaries were many miles from town and only accessible by boat. Settlement patterns and oral history information on beekeeping and tupelo honey production reveal a successful agricultural endeavor connected with the abundance of tupelo tree s along the Lower Apalachicola and Chipola Rivers. It is hypothesized that the apiaries were not occupied for lengthy period of time, due to the lack of structures and small amount of recovered ar tifacts. The abandoned beekeeping equipment at the shell mounds a nd at the Lower Chipola Apiary provides information on the technology and manufactur ing behind tupelo honey production. Some bias in the record is present due to post-depositional processes, which include looting. Organic matter, metal fragments, and other vulnerable artifacts were subject to poor preservation in the swampy northwest Fl orida environment. The artifacts also represent consumer choices. Domestic refu se, such as ceramics and glass, were recovered from both shell mound apiaries. Artif acts such as the doll leg and harmonica suggest that the entire family worked together at the apiaries. Th e archaeological record
148 provides meaningful data on beekeeping and tupelo honey production in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. Further research on migratory agricultural practices in Apalachicola River valley is needed in order for comparison to be made to other specialized industries and agriculture in Florida. Archaeological Significance Regionally, the apiary sites of the lower Apalachicola River Valley are significant because they are representative of distinc tive early modern river swamp adaptation that can be compared to other industries, such as lumber, naval stores, and citrus, of the same time period in northwest Florida. Finally, th ese sites have national significance as they represent the exploitation of a lesser-known area of th e United States. Floridas exceptional tupelo honey industry must be ackno wledged as part of the economic growth of the state and the counties involved. Therefore, the people who contributed to this prized honey industry must be studied if hist ory of agriculture from late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries is to be well understood. Most important, overlapping site analysis with oral histories and historical documents does tell of a former way of life in the Apalachicola River Valley and offers significant data and patterns on a once notable industry and way of life in northwest Florida. The recognition of patterns can serve as a basis for comparisons to other contemporaneous historic activitie s or industries in Florida.
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159 Appendix A: Excerpts Concerning the Hone y Industry from an Interview with George Core, June 17, 2002. (Transcript of full interview included as part of Archaeology and History of the St. Joseph Buffer Preserve, report in preparation by Nancy White, USF Anthropology Department) White: Kelly is doing her research, especially on the material evidence of the apiaries. We went up to Depot Creek, that shell mound, th e other day. There is a nice chimney in there that we took pictures of, and I know you mentioned that they had a still. Core: Most of the bee apiaries way back, the on es I knew about, were blinds for whiskey making. Now they did sell a little bit, but there was only one I knew was real commercial, and that was Laniers. You had to have something sweet to make moonshine. Do you know about how you make it? Hockersmith: No, I am not sure. Core: Well you use a grain, some kind of grain, and thats the base of it. Then you have to ferment the grain after you put your wate r in it. Then your grain and water, and something to make it ferment. Sugar is the best and easiest to get, but back then you couldnt get any sugar, so they used honey and syrup. In our area, moonshine was the number one money crop, number two was the cattle and hogs, and number three was the timber. White: Back then would be an er a starting when, ending when? Core: The era Im talking about is from 1920 on up through WWII, and the early 1940s. During WWII, prohibition ended, then you could buy legal. The term here was not legal, it was store-bought. So, you could get storebought whiskey. It was cheaper to buy store-bought whiskey than what the sugar cost at one time, so they slowed down the moonshine business. Let me tell you about Anthony and Marks, and the reason I know more about them, than any other apiary, is because I worked with them one summer. They had five apiary stands, not equipment, but you know the stands up on stilts. Not at all of them, some of them had a little building at one end or the other or in the center somewhere to keep some little tubes, one thing or the other out of the rain. Then they had a houseboat that would sleep about fifteen. I lived on that houseboa t that summer, and in the houseboat they had all the equipment they needed to take th e raw honey, I mean the honey from the hives and the combs they were in, extracted it, and put it into barrels. Then they had enough room on there to store, Id say maybe thirty barrels Then all along, as you were getting close to filling up your storage space, they had a boat, a workboat that would come along. It could take about three barrels at a time, and they would pick up and take the barrels to
160 Appendix A. (Continued) Apalachicola, where they had a warehouse. The warehouse was upstairs on the second floor of the Grady Market[old historic bu ilding in downtown Apalachicola]. Have you all been by the Grady Market? My daughter owns that. Upstairs at that time was vacant, and they used that to store the barre ls. Then from the barrels they would put it into mostly cans, later they would put it into glass jugs. So on the barge we had a full time cook; thats all he did is cook. We ha d a drunken foreman; he stayed drunk all the time. You could see the bumps two or thre e places in his hand where beestings had poisoned him. White: Maybe thats why he was drunk all the time. Core: Yeah, I think it was. You know, people would not believe this unle ss they actually saw it. He had a moonshiner who delivered to him one gallon, in an old vinegar-like jug, every afternoon just about sundown. The boo tlegger was in a small boat, and he was taking it [moonshine] to Apalachicola where it w ould be sold up there. He would pick up Mr. Anthonys empty jug and put a full one ba ck, and never say a word to anybody. That was every day. Then we had two people out on the walkways that took the honey out of the hives. We had two people who had speci al-made wheelbarrows and they had a flat body with a little edge around it, ju st a little edge to keep the hive from sliding off. You could put only two of those, see the hives were in sections and some of them went up five, six, way up. They had another man, a nd he had this steam knife, which was a special-made thing with a blade with steam r unning inside of it. There was an engine and it shook all the time. Hockersmith: Was he cutting honey off the combs? Core: Yeah, you take your comb, and just ease it down near the bottom. Honey would come off and get in a vat and slide over ther e in a tremendous big vat. Then he would take the frames of honey that he put across here and put it in the big barrel container. It had sections in it. It had a pin in the mi ddle and had sections coming at him. You put frames in each section. My job was to turn the engine on and watch it. We had little numbers on the engine, but I dont remember what they were. I turned it to number two, and it would go slow for maybe, I forget the number of minutes, but we had it timed. I couldnt remember that for a long time so I had it written down and tacked up there so I would see it. You run the first one then you speed it up a little bit. When you get the last honey out, the reason you didnt do it fast is because you sling the whole thing out, you see, cause it was so heavy. I mean it was really whirling when you finish it. Now that honey went down in the second story, see we were up in the first story, they were down there. Down there it fell in a big treme ndous vat, homemade wood vat, and it fell on a frame with, I call it hardware wire, you know the little wire. I am not sure if thats what it was, but it looked like that. Then they had rows of cotton, bi g rows of it that just fit the frame. So, they roll out that fresh cotton and put it there. The honey would come down
161 Appendix A. (Continued) on that screen. The screen and cotton would catch all the little fragments of wax, old dead bees, whatevers there. White: Dirt? Core: Yeah, and when it came through there it was ju st as pretty as water. You could just eat it. From there we had a man that rolled and kept the barrels in the right place. We could usually finish one of those apiaries by 3:30 or 4:00 in the afternoon, and then we would tow the houseboat to the next one. White: They were always on the water? Core: Yeah, and most of the others had a house at each apiary. Mr. Anthony alone, a different Anthony, Mr. Joe Anthony, had an apiary on the Apalachicola River. I know where all these are, and I can give you the names if you need them. On the Apalachicola River, after I quit working fo r the other Anthony, he gave me a key, well he didnt give me a key, but he told me where he had a key hidden, in fact he had several hidden. He had one of these big tremendous platforms, one of the largest we had. Right in the center off the platform was a big house, a big build ing, and thats where they slept and had a warehouse with all kinds of equipment. Then they had two other houses on each end, and that was for equipment. I didnt know what was in one of those houses; I could only go into the big house. White: Now did he own the land also? Core: No. White: Then who owned the land? Core: I think at that time the Texas Company owned it. White: So did he have to pay a rental fee or something? Core: I suspect he did. White: Well there are two prehistoric shell mounds that we know of that have the apiaries on them at Depot Creek and Clark Creek. Core: Yeah, now Clark, there is a story on that one it might be too long for you. Clarks Creek is where Mr. Beneki, I am not sure how to spell it right B-E-N-E-K-I is what I have seen a number of times, and I dont know why I cant spell it. Mr. Beneki had the Clarks Creek apiary, Mrs. Nightingale had the Depot Creek apiary, and they were one of
162 Appendix A. (Continued) the first, I dont know what you call it today when a boy a nd girl live together not married, what do you call that? They had a hom e in Apalachicola, a nd the title was in Mrs. Nightingales name, but they stayed mo st of the time at Mrs. Nightingales home on Depot Creek. Now both of those places cat ered to moonshiners. They were both Germans. Mr. Beneki was a little bald-heade d fellow, and he was not outgoing at all. But, Mrs. Nightingale, the church anything, now I dont know if she went to church or not, but the church was always wanting somebody to make cakes and pie, sitting people at funerals, and she was always doing that kind of thing. They lived up there and they were in cahoots some how; I dont know what it was. I have some records, and I have written a little Rotary program on a murder that took place at Mrs. Nightingales bee apiary. I wont go into that, but it was almost like a movie. It was real fun thing for me to get these old records from the courthouse. I found them in the coroners jury records. I found the cases according to the witn ess that came before the jury, he said he found a man very sick and about to die at Mrs. Nightingales bee apiary. He didnt say why the man was hurt. It came out that the Nightingale and Beneki operation of whiskey was supposed to have been distributed in Apalachicola by a man named Humphrey. Humphrey was kingpin, no he was a Lieutenant, and he was the one who kept everybody in the same organization. So, the banker, they had bankers in moonshine, they put you in business. Theyll furnish everything, they see you get your sugar, whatever you need, but you have to se ll your whiskey through them, and then they distributed to their outlets. Now, St. Joe ha d an outlet and St. Joe had something happen to their stills. They paid, the ones that operated the stills fo r Mrs. Nightingale and Beneki, a little more per gallon than Mr. Humphreys bunch was paying. Well you cant do that, cant. Its like Al Capone, so th ats what happened in there. White: Do you know what year the murder was? Core: I have all the records in there. White: But, it would have been probably in th e early thirties, or something like that? Core: It was in the thirties, yes. Thats happened in several cases around the area. Another one in Wewa [Wewahitchka] I found. White: So that was Mrs. Nightingales chim ney that we photographed on that Depot Creek shell mound? Core: Oh the Depot Creek one, yeah that was Nightingales. Hockersmith and White: They actually had a house?
163 Appendix A. (Continued) Core: Oh yeah, they had a nice place. White: Before prohibition was there still a t upelo honey industry going on? There must have been. Core: Yes. White: But, just it maybe t ook off more [afterwards]. Core: It really took off more. They didnt ha ve as many people in the apiary business back then. Now, I have five for Anthony and Marks, Nightingale, and Beneki. Now Humphrey, theres a big story on him, and I know first hand about some of his work. Hes the one who had the man killed, his men did. Humphrey was the Lieutenant for the Apalachicola Inn. He had his operations on I ngram Island, a beautiful place. He had a big warehouse, a home, and several litt le outbuildings, a ni ce little compound. Hockersmith: We found some old Corps of Engin eer maps from 1943 that had several apiaries marked off, and one of them was Anthony. White: You have a lot of them listed. Core: Lets see, the Hensler. H-E-N-S-L-E-R. He made the best whiskey; this is according to everybody that drank whiskey back then, in cluding my daddy. He had the best, they called it honey rum, he made it all from honey, didnt use sugar. White: The whiskey that they made was all for local consumption in these two counties? Core: He had one outlet in Apalach icola, and that was Harleys Drug Store. It was not a drug store it was a whiskey things, this was before prohibition. I had been in there so many times with my daddy. Out front when you go in it look just like a drug store. Had the prettiest mirror. White: Did it go beyond say, Franklin C ounty? Any of the whiskey? Core: No, he sold all of hi s whiskey right there. White: So the market locally was good enough to make money doing that, and the other ways people made money were the usual cattle and some cotton? Core: In Apalachicola they we re doing seafood pretty good. Not much farming, hardly any farming.
164 Appendix A. (Continued) White: You have a whole list of apiaries? Core: Well yeah. Anthony and Marks they had one on the St. Marks River, Sauls Creek, Apalachicola River across from Hidden Johnson Then they had one on Bellman Creek and one on the Brothers River. So they had fi ve there, then the tw o from Nightingale and Beneki, Humphrey had the two. Humphreys main honey place was at Hoffman Creek. Then Mr. Henslers at Howard Creek. Th ere was one way up named Acords, and that was up around the brickyard. Then the Lani ers in Wewa. There were two Lanier brothers and they both had apiaries. Jo e Whitfield had one; he may have had two apiaries. Now he was the banker of the Wewahitchka operation, and they made their moonshine anywhere out in the woods. A nother German, Nesbit had an apiary up around the brickyard. Those Lanier boys can tell you more about the operations up there then I know about. White: Theyre still going strong. Core: Oh yes. As far as I knew they were ne ver in the whiskey business. I think they made some of the better honey. They were pros at it.