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African costume for artists

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Title:
African costume for artists the woodcuts in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo, 1598
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English
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Herrmann, Laura Renee
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Subjects / Keywords:
travel writing
theater costume
costume books
collecting
Cesare Vecellio
Dissertations, Academic -- Art History -- Masters -- USF   ( lcsh )
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government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

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Summary:
ABSTRACT: This study investigates the woodcuts of African dress in Cesare Vecellio's 1598 costume book Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo. While Vecellio's book has been previously studied to understand its contribution to sixteenth-century conceptions of human variation across geography and Venetian identity making, I concentrate instead on the book's intended function. In doing so, I show how its woodcuts of Africans, should be understood primarily as proposals for costumes to be used in new artistic productions. Vecellio situated his representations of African costume in a highly organized geographic framework that was shaped by travel narratives. These texts recorded voyages motivated, in part, by European political and economic interests in Africa.However, the resulting associations deposited in Vecellio's woodcuts are neutralized or at least complicated by the representations' hybridity, their inclusion in an early modern collection, and their status as models for artists to manipulate. Vecellio explained that all of the representations in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo displayed antiquity (antichità), diversity (diuersità), and richness (la richezza). Sixteenth-century theater directors insisted on these qualities for costume, which promoted both the imitatio naturae and superatio naturae of artistic productions. Costumes could simultaneously contribute to a painting or a theatrical performance's decorum and propriety by differentiating and correctly identifying figures, and its grazia or pleasure with their exoticism and sumptuousness.This study suggests that in their intended use, the images of African costume were participating in "translations" of African dress into costumes for European paintings and theater. During this process, they accumulated new meanings. The dressed figures were copied from art objects with varying degrees of removal from immediate African encounters and combined with texts from published travel narratives to create mythic bricolages of Africans. The decontextualized costumes, organized into a sartorial collection with a categorization that readers understood as flexible, were tentatively defined vestmentary signs available for further signification within potential artistic contexts.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2004.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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by Laura Renee Herrmann.
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Title from PDF of title page.
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Document formatted into pages; contains 175 pages.

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oclc - 57724305
notis - AJU6888
usfldc doi - E14-SFE0000573
usfldc handle - e14.573
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African Costume for Artists: The Woodcuts in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo 1598 by Laura Renee Herrmann A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Art College of Visual and Performing Arts University of South Florida Major Professor: Helena K. Szpe, Ph.D. David Wright, Ph.D. Naomi Yavneh, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 26, 2004 Keywords: Cesare Vecellio, collecting, costume books, theater costume, travel writing Copyright 2004, Laura Renee Herrmann

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ii Table of Contents List of Figures iii Abstract x Introduction 1 Chapter One: Mapping Africa: Vecellios Textual Sources for Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo 9 Chapter Two: "Translating" African Dress: Vecellio's Visual Sources for Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo 25 Chapter Three: A World of Costume in One Codex Shut 37 Chapter Four: Africans for Well-Fashioned Productions 48 Conclusion 67 Works Cited 70 Bibliography 76 Appendices Appendix A: Codicological Analysis of Habiti antichi et moderni 85 Appendix B: Illustrations 88

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iii List of Figures Figure 1. Frontispiece, Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi ne qval si contiene la descrittione dellAfrica (Venice: Giunti, 1550). 89 Figure 2. Prima Tavola (Map of Africa) Giacomo Gastaldi in Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Primo volume, & seconda editione delle navigationi et viaggi (Venice: Giunti, 1554). 90 Figure 3. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diuerse parti del mondo (Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590). 91 Figure 4. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598). 92 Figure 5. Prestor John Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), ff. 415v and 416r. 93 Figure 6. Prestor Johns Pages Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 416v. 94 Figure 7. Prestor Johns Chief Assistants Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 417v. 95 Figure 8. Ethiopian Nobleman Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 418v. 96 Figure 9. Ethiopian Girl Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 419v. 97 Figure 10. Ethiopian Soldier Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 420v. 98

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iv Figure 11. Campson Guari (Qansawh al-Ghawri), Sultan of Egypt Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 421v. 99 Figure 12. Admirals and Councilors of the Sultan of Egypt Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 422. 100 Figure 13. Moorish Nobleman of Cairo Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 423v. 101 Figure 14. Woman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 424v. 102 Figure 15. A Mamluk Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 425v. 103 Figure 16. A Christian Indian in Cairo Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 426v. 104 Figure 17. Noble of Barbary Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 427v. 105 Figure 18. Moorish Girl Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 428v. 106 Figure 19. Well-to-do Moor, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 429v. 107 Figure 20. African Woman, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 430v. 108 Figure 21. Black Moor of Africa Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 431v. 109 Figure 22. Man from the Kingdom of Tlemcen, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 432v. 110

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v Figure 23. African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 433v. 111 Figure 24. Woman of Average Condition Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 434v. 112 Figure 25. African Indian from Ceffala Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 435v. 113 Figure 26. An African Indian Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 436v. 114 Figure 27. Clothing of the Kingdom of Giabea in Africa Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 437v. 115 Figure 28. Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 438v. 116 Figure 29. Clothing of the Canary Islands Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 439v. 117 Figure 30. African Woman in the Indies Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice, Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 486v. 118 Figure 31. Colophon, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598). 119 Figure 32. St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria Gentile Bellini. 120 Figure 33. Reception of an Ambassador in Damascus Venetian artist. 121 Figure 34. Sarraceni Erhard Reuwich in Bernhard von Breydenbach, Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctum (Mainz: Erhard Reuwich, 1486). 122 Figure 35. Frontispiece, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581.) 123

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vi Figure 36. Man of Barbary, Albanian, and Greek Soldier Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 34. 124 Figure 37. Macedonian Girl, Lady of Alexandria, and Woman of Macedonia, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 39. 125 Figure 38. Oriental Indian Woman, Oriental Indian, and African Indian Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 54. 126 Figure 39. African Patriarch, Nobleman of Barbary, and Turk Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 55. 127 Figure 40. Three African Women, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 56. 128 Figure 41. African Indian Woman, Arab, and Arab Girl Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 57. 129 Figure 42. African Indian Woman, African Indian, and Oriental Indian, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis Gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 58. 130 Figure 43. Moor, Moorish Girl, and Ethiopian Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 59. 131 Figure 44. Two Ethiopians and an Ethiopian Girl Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 60. 132 Figure 45. Oriental Indian Woman, African Indian, and Oriental Woman Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis Gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 61. 133 Figure 46. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664). 134 Figure 47. Prestor John Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664), 346. 135

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vii Figure 48. Colophon, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664). 136 Figure 49. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860). 137 Figure 50. Clothes of Prestor John Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 422. 138 Figure 51. Prestor Johns Pages, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 423. 139 Figure 52. Prestor Johns Chief Assistants, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 424. 140 Figure 53. Ethiopian Nobleman Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 425. 141 Figure 54. Ethiopian Girl, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 426. 142 Figure 55. Ethiopian Soldier Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 427. 143 Figure 56. Clothes of Campson Guari or Great Sultan of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 428. 144 Figure 57. Admirals and Councilors of the Great Sultan Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 429. 145 Figure 58. Moorish Nobleman of Cairo Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 430. 146 Figure 59. Woman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 431. 147 Figure 60. A Mamluk Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 432. 148

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viii Figure 61. A Christian Indian in Cairo Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 433. 149 Figure 62. Noble of Barbary Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 434. 150 Figure 63. Moorish Girl Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 435. 151 Figure 64. Well-to-do Moor, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 436. 152 Figure 65. African Woman, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 437. 153 Figure 66. Black Moor of Africa Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 438. 154 Figure 67. Clothing of the Kingdom of Tlemcen Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 439. 155 Figure 68. Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 440. 156 Figure 69. African Woman of Average Condition Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 441. 157 Figure 70. African Indian from Ceffala Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 442. 158 Figure 71. An African Indian Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 443. 159 Figure 72. Clothing of Giabea, Kingdom of Africa Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 444. 160 Figure 73. Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 445. 161

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ix Figure 74. Clothing of the Canary Islands Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 446. 162 Figure 75. Les Noirs Auguste Racinet, Le costume historique vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1888), plates 67 and 68. 163 Figure 76. Partie spetentriaonale LAlgrie Auguste Racinet, Le costume historique vol. 3 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1888), plate 153. 164

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x African Costume for Artists: The Woodcuts in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo 1598 Laura Herrmann ABSTRACT This study investigates the woodcuts of African dress in Cesare Vecellios 1598 costume book Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo. While Vecellios book has been previously studied to under stand its contribution to sixteenth-century conceptions of human variation across geography and Veneti an identity making, I concentrate instead on the books intended function. In doing so, I show how its woodcuts of Africans, should be understood primarily as proposals for costumes to be used in new artistic productions. Vecellio situated his representations of African costume in a highly organized geographic framework that was shaped by travel narratives. These texts recorded voyages motivated, in part, by European political and economic interests in Africa. However, the resulting associations deposited in Vecellios woodcuts are neutralized or at least complicated by the representations hybr idity, their inclusion in an early modern collection, and their status as models for artists to manipulate. Vecellio explained that all of the representations in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo displayed antiquity ( antichit ), diversity ( diuersit ), and richness (la richezza ). Sixteenth-century theater direct ors insisted on these qualities for costume, which promoted both the imitatio naturae and superatio naturae of artistic productions. Costumes could simultaneously contribute to a painting or a theatrical performances

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xi decorum and propriety by differentiating and correctly identifying figures, and its grazia or pleasure with their exoticism and sumptuousness. This study suggests that in their inten ded use, the images of African costume were participating in translations of African dress into costumes for European paintings and theater. During this process, they accumulated new meanings. The dressed figures were copied from art objects with varying degr ees of removal from immediate African encounters and combined with texts from publis hed travel narratives to create mythic bricolages of Africans. The decontextualized costumes, organized into a sartorial collection with a categorization that reader s understood as flexible, were tentatively defined vestmentary signs available for further signification within potential artistic contexts.

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1 Introduction Non picciola laude merita, chi ben veste le sue figure. The man who clothes his figures well does deserve high commendation. Fabrini in Dialogo della Pittura di M. Lodovico DolceTP1PT This study examines the twenty-five woodcuts of Africans and their accompanying printed descriptions in Book X of Cesare Vecellios costume book Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (fig. 4), which was published at Venice by Bernardo Sessa in 1598. My goal is to formulate a r eading of the representation of Africanicity in Vecellios book that takes into account t he images and the texts associated with them and the contexts within which they appeared. Elucidating the purpose of this codex and the nature of its creation is essential to this project. Habiti antichi et moderni is by far the most compr ehensive and organized of the numerous compendiums of world costume published across Europe during the second half of the sixteenth century. It is the second edition of Vecellios costume book and contains five hundred and seven woodcuts of clothed figures. The printed figures are surrounded by strapwork borders and accompanied by texts in both Italian and Latin. When it is compared with the first edition of Vecellios costume book, De gli habiti antichi et moderni di diverse parti del mondo (fig. 3), which was published in Venice by Damian Zenaro in 1590, its innovations st and out clearly. Vecellios 1598 edition includes eighty-seven new woodcuts, a more precise system of geographical classification, Latin translations, heavily ab ridged introductory texts and descriptions of TP1PTLodovico Dolce, Dialogo della Pittura di M. Lodovico Dolce, Intitolato LArentino in Dolces Aretino and Venetian Art Theory of the Cinquecento trans. and ed. Mark Roskill (Toronto, 2000) 151.

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2 costumes, and more extensive indices. The costumed figures are organized geographically and chronologically into twelve books titled by geographical regions including Italy, Spain, France, England, Northern Europe, Germany, Poland, Turkey and Greece, Hungary, Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Cesare Vecellio, a distant cousin of Titian, designed the images, and the Nuremberg Formschneider Christoforo Guerra Thedesco da Norimbergo cut the plates.TP2PT Vecellio was born in Pieve di Cadore in the north of the Veneto around 1521. He was active in Titians workshop and completed his own public and private commissions. In addition to the two editions of his costume book, he published a book of lace patterns called Corona delle nobili et virtuose donne He died in Venice in 1601. Like his lace book, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo was intended as a resource for artists. Cesare Vecellio announced in his introduction that the principal characteristics of his woodcuts were their antiquity ( antichit ), diversity ( diuersit ), and richness (richezza ).TP3PT Contemporary theorists of the theater deemed these qualities essential for costume. Dress was also i mportant for enhancing the artifice of and identifying the figures in late sixteenth-century historia painting. The images of Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni were intended to be used by artists to create dress for figures of Africans in paintings and for actors portraying Africans in performances. Bronwen Wilson has established that in early modern Eu rope, clothing registered the class, sexual status, profession, and nationality of its wearer.TP4PT Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter TP2PT Tracy Timmons, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo as an Indicator of the Late Sixteenth-century Venetian Social Order , M.A. thesis (University of South Florida, 1996) 20. TP3PT Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice, 1598) f. [2r]. TP4PT Wilson, The Eye of Italy: The Image of Venice and Venetians in Sixteenth Century Prints, PhD diss (Northwestern University, 1999) 152-154.

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3 Stallybrass have since made a similar argument.TP5PT In an artistic culture that called for artwork that imitated nature ( imitatio naturae ) in its ordered decorum, Vecellio attempted to create a record of local customs that w ould allow artisans to differentiate between and properly identify their figures. Importantly, he was also concerned with selecting African representations that would be successful with audiences who valued grazia and the artists ability to exceed the physical world (superatio naturae ). The clothed Africans printed in Habiti antichi et moderni are copied from earlier visual sources that were removed by varying degrees from immediate contact with actual Africans. As such, the images participated in a complex process of translating African costume from original bodies into possible costumes for anticipated bodies in potential European representations. Vecellio reduced and altered the already r evised contexts of the clothed bodies and presented them for use, in whole or in part, in new artistic productions, each with its own system of self-referential meaning. Moreover, the categorization of these the images within Vecellios codex would have been implicitly understood as fluid. Consequently, the African bodies and their vest ments were open to a wide possibility of definitions rather than attached to fixed characterizations. Habiti antichi et moderni was initially studied alongs ide other sixteenth-century costume books as a social document recording local dress.TP6PT Such research was also concerned with how imagery was borrowed among the codices within the genre. More TP5PT Peter Stallybrass and Ann Rosalind Jones, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge, 2000) 2-4. TP6PT Habiti antichi et moderni is considered in Karl Kups survey of costume books in the New York Public Library. See Some Early Costume Books, Bulletin of the New York Public Library 40 (1936): 926-932 and also his exhibition catalogue coauthored with Muriel Francis Baldwin, Costume, Gothic and Renaissance: Some Early Costume Books (New York, 1937). For a more recent survey of costume books including Vecellios, see Jo Anne Olian, Sixteenth Century Costume Books, Dress: The Journal of the Costume Society of America 3 (1977): 20-48.

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4 recent studies have centered on how the costumes in Habiti antichi et moderni represent Venetian identity.TP7PT Many of the non-Venetian woodcuts, including those of the Africans, have been defined in previous scholarship as appropria ted copies of clothing from other costume books that did not reflect actual dress at the time the book was printed.TP8PT Though often lifted from other representations and at times misidentified or improperly dressed according to actual local customs, the figures throughout the codex should be considered in their entirety and not only for their cont ribution to Venetian mythologizing. In this respect, Bronwen Wilson acknowledges the i mportance of these costume prints as a register of geographic variation at a time when knowledge about the world and its occupants was rapidly expanding, and clothing functioned as a key indicator of identity.TP9PT She proposes that costume books codified clothing and thereby reduced the expressive potential of bodies into stereotypes that fixed differences between people. My study seeks to expand the discussion about this codex by focusing on how its intended use should inform our understanding of its illustration. I acknowledge that Vecellios conception of Africa is rooted in the exploration literature of Europe. His images are, therefore, associated with the economic and territorial interests of European TP7PT Traci Timmons defines Habiti antichi et moderni as an indicator of Venetian social order in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo as an Indicator of the Late Sixteenth-century Venetian Social Order, M.A. thesis (University of South Florida, 1996). Bronwen Wilson argues that printed representations were the locus of Venetian identity using Vecellios costume book as one of her many examples in The Eye of Italy: The Image of Venice and Venetians in Sixteenth Century Prints, PhD diss (Northwestern University, 1999). TP8PT See Olian, 29 and Timmons, 4-5 and 22-26. Timmons asserts the central position of the Venetian costumes in Habiti antichi et moderni because of the unreliability of non-Venetian costume. TP9PT Bronwen Wilsons paper Vecellio and Physiognomy presented on April 3, 2004 at the Renaissance Society of America annual meeting addressed the geographical variation among the faces of the costumed North African and Japanese figures. Also, see her discussion on pp. 144-190 in The Eye of Italy.

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5 powers. Moreover, the costumes are presented in a structured grid of strapwork borders and seem, like Wilson argues, to codify fashion. However, I argue that these bodies are able to retain ambiguity and neutralize their connection with economic expansionism.TP10PT This was possible because most costumes were hybrids of previous representations of Africans. Also, by locating them within an early modern collection, Vecellio invited his audience to shuffle the costumes into a variety of classificatory schemas. Most convincingly, the images were intended as models for artists to manipulate and include in their own projects. Their ultimate signification was largely dependent on the user of the codex. My primary concern is to shed light on the ambiguous and multivalent signification of Vecellios representations. This brief examination of the Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo fits into a larger discourse proposed by Claire Farago in Reframing the Renaissance that called for the revision of art historical paradigms for studying the Renaissance to make room for cultural transmission and suggestions that non-European art played a ro le in defining European conceptions of art.TP11PT First, I explain how these images are par t of a cartographic understanding of the African continent by examining the European travel writing that functioned as the grids that contained the visual knowledge about Africans presented in Habiti antichi et TP10PT This phenomenon can be considered anticonquest. This term was invented by Mary Louise Pratt to discuss strategies of representation whereby Europeansubjects seek to secure their innocence in the same moment as they assert European hegemony. She explores this them in eighteenthand nineteenth-century travel writing in her book Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992). See especially her definition on page 7 and Part I Science and Sentiment, 1750-1800. TP11PT Introduction in Reframing the Renaissance (New Haven, 1995) pp. 1-20, especially, 3-13.

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6 moderni I show how these images are consequently related to European interests in Africa. Second, I explain that Habiti antichi et moderni s woodcuts and their accompanying texts participated in a complex process of cultural translation in which African dress acquired new signification. I will rely on the concepts of translation and bricolage in addressing Vecellios strategi es for collecting costumes for his book. Deborah Howard asserts that as stylistic elements are translated from one culture to another, they acquire new meanings.TP12PT As signifiers, the African costumes acquired new signifieds when they were translated into different cultures, contexts, or media. Bernadette Bucher argues that the appropr iation of images and texts in a travel book mimics the mythmaking process of bricolage defined by Claude Lvi-Strauss in that those responsible for the book use the images and texts available to them in order to create a myth of the place to which the images and text refer.TP13PT In making his book, Vecellio created mythico-historical African costumes by combining available texts with unrelated, but available images, making what were essentially new signs with ambiguous meaning. This investigation traces the transformation of African dress from garments in Africa into clothing for the two-dimensional printed figures and explains how the assemblage and decontextualization of the figures made them available for further signification. After establishing how Vecellio constructed his images of Africans, I show that Vecellios entire set of costume woodcuts functions as an early modern collection. TP12PT Venice and the East (New Haven, 2000) pp. xiv-xv. TP13PT Icon and Conquest: a structural analysis of the illustrations of de Bry's Great voyages (Chicago, 1981) 13-23.

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7 Martin Kemp has argued that the items within the assemblages of curiosity cabinets were not to be viewed within the strict parameters of their classifications.TP14PT Instead, they were observed as multivalent objects simultaneously existing in several groups, exhibiting both similarities and differences with other pieces of the collection. Habiti antichi et moderni is structured to allow for a similar jostling of objects among defined categories. The indices and figure titles loosen the paramet ers of geographic divisions, allow a given figure to be identified with many groupings, and illuminate the ways it is the same as and different from other figures. The capacity for intellectual play and marvel associated with the curiosity cabine t was built into the printed pages of Vecellios costume collection. Africans were not contained with in their geographic category nor rendered completely understandable through Vecellios text ual explanation of their dress. Instead, the woodcuts seemed poised for exchange among categories, and readers were able to establish their own relationships among dr essed bodies across geography. The printed books structure encouraged the reader to engage in his or her own cut and paste. The reader could establish the potential groupings in which a woodcut belongs. As a result, the images of Africans are open to possibilitie s of definition rather than attached to fixed characterizations. The intended use of the volume was real ized as artisans cut and pasted the printed costumes, or portions of them, to invent costumes for bodies in new artistic productions. After establishing the import ance of costumes role in upholding both the propriety and grace of Renaissance artifices, I discuss costumes role in both Venetian painting and Italian theater in the late sixteenth century. I argue that Vecellio designed TP14PT Wrought by No Artists Hand in Reframing the Renaissance ed. Claire Farago (New Haven, 1995) 177-196.

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8 his book and images in order to meet the needs se t out by artists creati ng or directing the design of costume. As such, these woodcuts imaged costume that could be used as the source for dress in new representations where it would acquire additional meaning. In semiotic terms, Vecellios African images we re not necessarily participating in the codified signification of Africanicity for early modern Europe, but were instead offering possibilities for European artists to shape African identit y by supplying a source of ambiguous signifiers. In short, Vecellios African costumes are a visual vocabulary made available for signification in new artistic contexts.

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9 Chapter One Mapping of the African Continent: Vecellios Textual Sources for Book X Vecellios 1598 Habiti antichi et moderni includes two indices as part of its opening texts. Walter Ong has explained that the idea for indices in printed books was based upon a rhetorical strategy called index locorum or index of places intended to help one recall headings within ones memory under which arguments were categorized.TP15PT The loci were vague psychic places in the mind where ideas were stored. With the advent of print, the index came to refe r to the physical locations within a book where the reader could visibl y locate particular information. According to Ong, the intellectual world increasingly re lied on visuality after the invention of print. Another visual strategy for spatial organization was mapping. Scientific advances and increased navigational exploration encouraged the cartogra phic impulses of early modern Europe. For instance, new editions of Ptolemys Geographia included updated spatial projections of the earth.TP16PT The internalized spatial sensibilit y also influenced printed narratives, like those referred to by Tom Conley as cartographic writing. TP17PT I posit that with its grids spread out across pages and its foliat ion substituting for coordinates, Habiti antichi et moderni is modeled upon the same diagrammatic representation of space that was shaping much of early modern knowledge. In this instance, costumed bodies, instead of land, fill the charted pages. TP15PT Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London, 1982) 125. TP16PT Revised editions of Ptolemy were printed at Basel in 1542 and 1545. TP17PT The Self Made Map (Minneapolis, 1996).

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10 The costumed bodies of Africans that mark the space in Book X are plotted on a grid of European travel writing that formed Vecellios conception of Africa. Vecellio based his idea of Africa largely on descriptions of travel to Africa compiled by Giovanni Battista Ramusio in Navigationi et viaggiT originally published in 1550 (fig. 1). The many subsequent editions confirmed its popularity and financial success.TTP18PTT TThe purpose of Ramusios three-volume collection of travel writing was to reconcile Ptolemys geographic propositions with navigational knowledge gathered on r ecent voyages and to expose the readership to the fantastic and marvelous adventures that occurred on these trips. Ramusio was a secretary for the Venetian government. He had an interest in literary matters and participated in the editing of several of Aldus Manutius editions of classical texts. He gathered narratives fr om several outlets, including his literary colleagues, diplomatic contacts, and alre ady published travel accounts, translated them into Italian, and introduced them to his read ers. Maps made by Giacomo Gastaldi, the one time Cosmographer to the Republic, accompany the texts. They included three of Africa in Volume One and a fourth of West Africa in Volume Three (see fig. 2). Volume One of Navigationi et viaggi contains primarily fifteenthand sixteenth-ce ntury accounts of European viaggiatori in Africa. TP18PT Delle Navigationi et Viaggi de Ramusio was published in Venice by Giunti. Editions for volume one: first edition 1550, second edition 1554, third edition 1563, fourth edition 1588, reprints of fourth edition 1606, 1613. Editions for volume two: first edition 1559 [1564]?, second edition 1574, third edition, 1583, fourth edition 1606 [1613]?. Editions for volume three: first edition 1556, reprint for first edition 1565, third edition 1606 [1613]?. See George Parks, The Contents and Sources of Ramusios Navigationi in Navigationi et Viaggi, Venice 1563-1606 (Amsterdam, 1970) 1: 1-39. "Ramusio's Literary History," Studies in Philology 52 (1955): 127-148, also by Parks, informs my discussion of Ramusio.

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11 Vecellio had access to Navigationi et viaggi in his friend and patron Odorico Pillones library at his villa in Belluno in the north of the Veneto.TP19PT In Degli habiti antichi et moderni Vecellio mentioned the generous hospitality of the Pillone family, their collections, and their library.TP20PT Odoricos father Antonio began the library, purchasing primarily classical texts.TP21PT Odorico had a broader focus for the library, which reflected his keen interest in travel literature among a variety of other topics.TP22PT Around 1580, Vecellio was commissioned to paint the fore-edges of the codices in the Pillone library. Vecellio had access to Ramusio and Theodore de Brys 1591 edition of Hariots Virginia the source for some of his representations of American costumes.TP23PT Vecellio evidently spent his time at Belluno doing more than just decorating his patrons books. He was also gathering information from t hem about the universes cosmography and the costumes that identified the national and social identities found there. TThe following survey of Vecellios Africans shows that he relied heavily on the printed travel narratives in Ramusio for his understanding of African geography and people. As a result, Book X reflects the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa and the subsequent increase in European exploratory activity around the Africas coasts. The geographic orientation of the Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni is towards regions where there were European economic interests.TTP24PTT Vecellios dependence on navigational TP19PT Anthony Hobson. The Pillone Library. The Book Collector VII (1958): 28-37. See also the following catalogues of sales of books from the Pillone Library: Pierre Bers, Bibliothque Pillone (Paris, 1957) entry no. 153; Pierre Bers, Un groupe des livres Pillone (Paris, 1975?) entry no. 34; and Alan Keen, The Venetian Library (London, n.d.) entry no. 128. TP20PT Hobson, 29. TP21PT Ibid. TP22PT Ibid., 30. TP23PT Ibid., 36. See also entry no. 49 in Keen and entry no. 137 in Bibliothque Pillone TP24PT For the history and geography of Africa during this period, I rely primarily on Roland Oliver and Anthony Atmore, Medieval Africa 1250-1800 (Cambridge, 2001). More extensive essays and

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12 and diplomatic travel narratives biases his choi ce of locales in favor of areas where shipping was vital for either the Venetian or Portuguese economies, or areas where potential trade or political alliances would o ffer security and foster commerce. Vecellio plotted African costumes across a projection of European economic potential in Africa. Vecellio opened Book X of his codex with a finely dressed Christian king of Ethiopia, members of his court, and examples of his subjects (fig. 5-10). Ethiopia, sometimes referred to as Abyssinia in this period, had a long Coptic Christian tradition imported from Egypt and Syria between the fourth and sixth centuries.TP25PT The polity had been ruled by the Solomonid dynasty since 1270. These kings claimed to be in the lineage of the ancient kings of Aksum w ho considered themselves to be the descendents of a union between the biblical King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.TP 26PT Vecellio named this king Prestor John (fig. 5).TP27PT Prestor John first gained European fame in Historia de duabus civitatibus the chronicle of Otto, bishop of Freising, written in 1125. Otto relate s Hughs, the bishop of Jabala (Lebanon), description of a wealthy, Christian king in the East making war with the infidels. a certain Johannes a king and a priest, living in the Far East .who like all his people was a Christianmade war on the brothers, the kings of the Persians and Medes, the Samiardi, and stormed the capital of their kingdom, Egbattana.Presbyter Iohannes ... was victorious, putting the Persians to flight with the most bloodthirsty slaughterafter this victory the said Iohannes had advanced to the help the church of Jerusalem, but when he had reached the Tigris he had not been able to take his army across the river additional valuable information about fifteenth and sixteenth century in African are in Roland Oliver, ed. The Cambridge History of Africa vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1977); D.T. Niane, ed. General History of Africa vol. 4 (London, 1984); and B.A. Ogot, ed. General History of Africa vol. 5 (London, 1992). TP25PT Oliver and Atmore, 114. TP26PT Ibid., 117-118. TP27PT See C.F. Beckingham, The Achievements of Prester John in Between Islam and Christianity: Travelers, Facts, and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (London, 1983) and The Quest for Prester John in the same volume. Also, Charles E. Nowell, The Historical Prestor John, Speculum 28 (1953) 435-445.

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13 He is said to be of the ancient lineage of those Magi who are mentioned in the Gospel, and to rule over the same peoples as they did, enjoying such glory and prosperity that he is said to use only a scepter of emerald.TP28PT This partially true account and a more dubious le tter, reportedly written by Prestor John to the Byzantine emperor Manuel Comnenus and circulated around Europe, inpired quite a stir.TP29PT Though not everyone believed in his existe nce, the possibility of a Christian king in the East willing to fight Islamic forces was exciting to Europeans and influenced international politics and geographic expl oration over the next centuries. Searches for the Eastern king in Asia were fruitless, and he was ultimately conflated with the king of Ethiopia by the fourteenth century.TP30PT The Ethiopian monarch was an acceptable embodiment of Prestor John because his Nestorian kingdom in the African interior seemed to live up to the le gendary richness of the invented Presbyters court expressed in a faked 1145 letter to the Byzantines. I Prestor John, who reign supreme, surpass in virtue, riches and power all creatures under heaven. Seventy kings are our tributaries. I am a zealous Christian and universally protect the Christians of our empire supporting them by our alms.For gold, silver, precious stones, animals of every kind, and the number of our people we believe there is not our equal under heaven.TP31PT The Prestor John illustrated in Habiti antichi et moderni probably corresponds to Lebna Dengel of the Ethiopian Solomonid dynasty who reigned from 1508-1540.TP32PT The Portuguese diplomatic mission of Rodrigo de Lima accompanied the traveling court of Lebna Dengel between 1520 and 1526. The report of the ambassadorial mission was recorded by its chaplain Francisco Alvares and published as Verdadera informaam das TP28PT As quoted in Beckingham, The Achievements of Prestor John, 4. Taken from the chronicle of Otto, Bishop of Freisling entitled Historia de duabus civitatibus Book VII, chapter 33. TP29PT Ibid., 10. TP30PT Ibid., 22-24. TP31PT Ibid., 10. TP32PT Oliver and Atmore, 120.

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14 terras do Preste Ioam at Lisbon in 1540. Ramusio i ncluded a slightly edited Italian translation of the printed narrative in each edition of Navigationi et viaggi The massive court of the Ethiopian king traveled throughout the country moving every three or four months because no one ar ea could keep it supplied for much longer.TP33PT Vecellios inspiration for his luxuriously outfitted Ethiopians was the conspicuously enormous and wealthy traveling court of the Lebna Dengel. It was comprised of government and church officials, nobles and thei r retinues, a military contingent and their armourers, artisans, cooks, herdsmen, and servants Five to six thousand white tents were pitched for the nobility, and some have estimated that ten times that many attendants were associated with the court.TP34PT The court was sustained largely on a tribute system by which it received the products of the various provinces. The Portuguese visit was not the first or only European contact with Ethiopians. Ethiopians often made pilgrimages to Jerusa lem, and met European Christians there. Sometimes, they returned with the Europeans to their home countries in the northern Mediterranean. Some would later return to Ethiopia and bring back le tters from European courts or even European visitors.TP35PT Despite the illustrious grandeur Vecellio gives to his Ethiopian figures, by the time Habiti antichi et moderni was published, Ethiopia had suffered through a fourteen year military struggle with Muslim invaders from the East.TP36PT The conquering armies were initially quite successful especially with their Ottoman support. They were TP33PT Ibid., 121. TP34PT Ibid. TP35PT Ibid, 120. See also, Robert Smith, Carpaccios African Gondolier, Italian Studies XXXIV (1979), 46 and note 3. TP36PT Oliver and Atmore, 126-127.

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15 defeated, however, with the assistance of the Portuguese, but the kingdom was left decimated and retained only a shadow of its former glory. Vecellio followed his representations of an elaborate Christian court with an equally opulent Islamic one in Egypt (figs. 11-16). Egypt was commercially important to Venetians. This mutually beneficial mercantile relationship began under the rule of the Mamluks. The Mamluks were white Turkish and Circassian slaves brought as boys to Egypt and raised in families headed by great military officers.TP37PT When they reached adulthood, they could hold their own positions of authority in Egypt. The children of these soldiers were not able to succeed thei r fathers. Only the foreign elite of the Mamluk class could govern and lead the military. Vecellio included one of these Mamluks in his collection of Egyptians (fig. 15), in addition to one of their sultans, Campson Guari, also known as, Qansawh al-Ghawri (fig. 11). Al-Ghawri was the last grand Mamluk sultans of Egypt before the Ottoman conquest. Venetian officials sent a diplomatic mission to his court in 1512. Zaccaria Pagani recorded the activities of the party that was headed by Domenico Trevisan.TP38PT Though it was not included in Ramusio, Vecellio may have had access to this text, which was available in manuscripts in Venice and possibly Belluno. In 1516, Sultan al-Ghawri was defeated and killed by Ottoman aggressors while defending hi s northern lands in Syria.TP39PT By January of 1517, the Ottomans had taken control of Cairo. Vecellio seemed to mark this transition of power in his description of the Moorish Nobleman of Cairo s (fig. 13) silk turban, which he TP37PT Ibid., 15-16. TP38PT Domenico Trevisano was sent to Cairo to arrange for the resumption of trade after it had been disrupted by high prices that resulted from Portuguese raids in the Indian Ocean. See Zaccaria Pagani, Viaggio di Domenico Trevisan Ambasciatore Beneto al Gran Sultano del Cairo nell anno 1512 (Venezia, 1875). TP39PT Ibid, 25.

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16 described as being in the Turkish style.TP40PT The Ottomans retained control of Egypt, one of its most profitable provinces, despite several attempts by Mamluks to overthrow their colonizers.TP41PT Through Egypts political changes, V enetians continued trading there. Except for breaks during overt hostilities between Venice and the Ottoman Empire, Venice and Egypt maintained a beneficial commercial partnership.TP42PT In fact, Venice had strong commercial ties to most of Northern Africa. Starting in the late fifteenth century, a galley line sailed along the eas tern North African coast into Alexandria or on to Syria.TP43PT Venetians often sent ambassadors to Cairo and Alexandria to work out trade agreements, and notably, an Egyp tian delegation was sent to Venice in 1507.TP44PT Another Venetian merchant galley line, established in 1436, conducted business along the Barbary Coast trading silver and textiles in Tunis, along the western North African shore, in Moorish Granada, ending up in Valencia.TP45PT Though trade was halted in 1570 after the start of hostilities with the Ottomans, Venice was restoring its shipping throughout the Mediterranean and its trade along the North African coast and in Egypt in the last years of the sixt eenth century when Vecellio was preparing and publishing his book.TP46PT Vecellio pictured people along the Nort h African coast, known also as the Barbary Coast or the Magrib. This region of North Africa was comprised of Ifriqiya to TP40PT Vecellio, f. 424r. TP41PT Ibid., 27. TP42PT Fredric C. Lane, Venice: A Maritime Republic (Baltimore, 1973) 292. TP43PT Ibid., 339. TP44PT Twenty commercial treaties were negotiated between the Mamluks and the Venetians. Most were worked out in Egypt. In 1507, however, a Mamluk ambassador was sent to Venice to work out a treaty. See John Wansbrough, A Mamluk Ambassador to Venice in 913/1507, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 26 (1963), 503-530. TP45PT Lane, 339. TP46PT Ibid., 293-294.

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17 the east and Morocco to the west. Ifriqiya was a loose association of regencies.TP47PT Tlemcen, the only North African city to which Vecellio specifically referred lies between these regions. He included descriptions of a man and a woman from this region (figs. 22 and 23). Tlemcen and it port city Olan were the ga teways to the interior of Africa. They were the access point to Mali and the Songhay Empire with its plethora of slaves and gold. Ifriqiya was firmly under Ottoman control by 1574, while portions of Morocco had been controlled by the Portuguese seeking outposts closer to the southern portions of Africa that they desired to investigate.TP48PT The Sadid dynasty, which took over power in Morocco in 1554, was successful in expelling the Portuguese from North Africa.TP49PT Vecellios understanding of North Africa appears to be based on Della descrittione dell Africa et delle cose not abili che iui sono, per Giovan Lioni Africano by Leo Africanus, an Andalusian adventurer and ambassador.TP50PT Della descrittione dellAfrica was first published in Ramusios Navigationi et viaggi It was later reprinted in several languages and formed the f oundation of European knowledge about North Africa at the time. TP47PT Oliver and Atmore, 32. TP48PT Ibid., 41, 55. TP49PT Ibid., 56-57. TP50PT The following biographic information is from Pekka Masonen, Leo Africanus: The Man with Many Names, Al-Andalus-Magreb. Revista de estudios rabes e islmicos VII-IX (2002) 115-143. Born al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Fasi in Granada, Leo Africanus moved with his family to Fez in Morocco when the Spanish forced out their Islamic population at the end of the fifteenth century. He worked for the Wattasid sultan of Morocco traveling as part of his diplomatic missions most notably to Timbuktu in the Songhay Empire and claims to have visited Sudanic Africa including Mali (though he may have gotten his information about this region from West Africans he met in North Africa). Spanish corsairs captured him and presented him to Pope Leo X in Rome whom he was named after (Johannes Leo de Medicis or Giovanni Leone). Incidentally, the coast of North Africa was rampant with pirates, both Christian and Muslim. (See Sir Godfrey Fisher, Barbary Legend: War, Trade, and Piracy in North Africa, 1415-1830 (Westport, 1957). Also see the chapter on The Barbary Corsairs in Alberto Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, 1580-1615 (Berkeley, 1967). After a time spent in Bologna, Leo Africanus returned to Rome in 1526 during the ascendancy of the new Medici pope Clement VII, the same year he claimed to finish his description of the geography and anthropology of North Africa.

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18 Mediterranean Africa was filled with a diverse population that Vecellio acknowledged, although he was not specific about the regencies with which he intended them to be associated. His African Woman (fig. 20) recalls North Africas historical position as a province of the Roman Empire becaus e her clothing is said to resemble that of a Roman matron.TP51PT The Noble of Barbary (fig. 17) is a Berber, the indigenous people of the area. Some Berbers were Christianized during the early Christian era, but were united under Islam after the Arab migration into the area.TP52PT Vecellios figure titled An African Indian (fig. 26) illustrates a nomadic Arab. The Arabs traveled across the Sahara Desert in caravans accompanied by camels. Three of Vecellios North Africans are described as Moors, which can refer to persons of mixed Berber and Arab descent or simply black people.TP53PT Vecellio next turned to the southeaste rn coast of Africa and focused on the important trading center of Ceffala and the ou tlying island of Zanzibar in the Indian Ocean. Ceffala referenced either the coastal region that is part of modern day Mozambique or one of the major port cities situated there, both also known as Sofala. This region had a long history of outside cont act, assimilating Indonesians, Persians, and Arabs into their culture and society as they es tablished trade with Asia. The Sofala coast and its Swahili settlements had been ruled from the city of Kilwa since the eleventh century by Islamic dynasties made wealthy from the mercantile exchanges taking place along their shores.TP54PT The luxury trade was essential to the Arab spice trade. Ivory and gold bought with Indian cloth, hardware, and beads from interior Shona kingdoms in the TP51PT Vecellio, f. 437r. TP52PT Oliver and Atmore, 32; Vecellio, f. 437r. TP53PT Vecellio, ff. 428v430r, 431v, 432r. TP54PT Oliver and Atmore, 198-9.

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19 Mutapa empire was brought to the coast to be shipped by Arabs to Southeast Asia where it facilitated the procurement of spices.TP55PT At the dawn of the sixteenth century, t he Portuguese, eager to usurp control of the spice trade, quickly understood that their buyi ng power in India was contingent on their ability to provide East African ivory and gol d, as their own trade goods rallied little excitement in Calicut, Goa, or Cananor.TP56PT Vasco da Gama investigated the region for the Portuguese in 1497, and soon after Francisco de Almeida, the first Portuguese governor in India, had forts built in the cities of Kilwa and Sofala to enforce a Portuguese monopoly on external maritime trade. By 1515, the Portuguese had set up a series of enforced sites along the coast and successfully minimized Arab shipping in the Indian Ocean. The Portuguese objective in the interi or was to ensure a consistent supply of ivory and gold through diplomacy with the Shona kings in the Mutapa empire, and to limit the business of the Swahili traders, which they had essentially taken over.TP57PT European knowledge of East Africa was spread in Dcadas da sia, an official history of the Portuguese in the Orient firs t published at Lisbon in 1552. Its author, Joo de Barros, held several royal posts including that of Casa Da India e Mina (crown administrator of the Indian and Guinean colonies). Through his contact with official reports and returning soldiers, merchants, and administrators, he compiled his text. sia was also available in Italian beginning with Ramusios 1554 edition of the first volume of Navigationi et Viaggi published in Venice. It included a tr anslation of the first section of De Barros text, which refers to Ceffala and Zanzibar. The first two decadas of TP55PT Ibid., 205-206. TP56PT Ibid. TP57PT Ibid., 207.

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20 DeBarros history were also published as an independent codex in Ital ian translation at Venice in 1561-2. Vecellios African Indian from Ceffala (fig. 25) represents an inhabitant who lived along this contested coastline. Considering the image and its description, he seems to stand as a classicized amalgam of the Shona, Swahili, Arab, and Indian influences that would have been present in Sofala. According to Vecellio, his diet consists of rice, meat, and fish, which is the longstanding diet of the local inhabitants.TP58PT Also Vecellio wrote that his spear is made of materials imported from India. In addition, he mentioned the range of skin colors that would have been repr esented by this diverse group of peoples and noted the presence of both Arabic and Indian languages. Visually, the figures state of undress infers a less civilized conditi on perhaps evoked by contemporary descriptions of the Swahili or Shona peoples. Most te llingly, his head is crowned with a gold ornament set with stones.TP59PT He is crowned with the prized commodity of his locality. The Black Moor of Zanzibar (fig. 28) is from the island of Zanzibar, initially a self-governed polity where clans sustained themselves by fishing, hunting, and farming.TP60PT Harbor towns sprung up as Islamic shipping began to fill the Indian Ocean. After the Portuguese took over the trading routes and began to exert influence al ong the coast, they maintained friendly relations with the islands people.TP61PT Instead of the classicized physiognomy of the African Indian from Ceffala, this moor has distinctly black facial features. The text is also rather generic referring mainly to elements of costume depicted TP58PT Ibid., 197; Vecellio, f. 436r, risi, miglio, carni, e pesce . TP59PT Vecellio, 436r, portano attorno il cappello unornamento doro molto ben fatto con alcune belle pietre. TP60PT Ibid, 194. TP61PT Ibid., 206.

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21 in the woodcut. Still, Vecellio again high lighted the gold essential to his islands European fame, which makes up his well-worked swords sheath.TP62PT Lastly, Vecellio included West Africans from the Gambia River area (fig. 27) and the Canary Islands (fig. 29), retracing the fi rst West African sea journey of Cadamosto, a fifteenth century Venetian galley master. Cadamosto began his career working for his merchant cousin Andrea Barbarigo and tradi ng cloth and beads for gold in North African ports.TP63PT In 1455, Prince Henry the Navigator, the Portuguese governor of the Morrocan town of Ceuta, retained him to explore t he West African coastline. The Portuguese were anxious to improve their access to West African gold.TP64PT Cadamosto recorded the events and geography of his two exploratory voyages for t he Portuguese, the first, in 1455, to the Canary Islands and the Gambia River, and the second, in 1465, to the Cape Verde Islands, for the benefit of the Venetian gover nment. Suprisingly, because the Portuguese were very secretive about their navigational discoveries in Africa, it was present as a manuscript in Venice and was published in Paesi novamente retrovati at Vicenza in 1507. Ramusio included the account in all editio ns of his collection of travel writing. The Canary Islands off the northwest coast of Africa, though known in antiquity, had been rediscovered in the ea rly fourteenth century.TP65PT By the time Cadamosto arrived, the Portuguese and Castillians had established themselves on the island with claims to sovereignty. The local population of animal herders had been rather forcefully TP62PT Vecellio, 439r, portano alcuni costelli stor ti con manichi di legno, lauorati doro, daltri metallic. TP63PT Lane, 345. TP64PT Oliver and Atmore, 64-65. TP65PT For an account of the European conquests of the Canaries, see Eduardo Aznar Vallejo, The conquests of the Canary Islands in Implicit Understandings ed. Stuart B. Schwartz (Cambridge, 1994) 134-156.

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22 evangelized into the Christian faith. By the time Habiti antichi et modern i was written, the islands were under complete colonial cont rol despite stiff aboriginal resistance. After leaving the Canary Islands, Cadamosto sailed down the coast and discovered the mouth of the Gambia River for Portugual. He did not remain long however as he encountered hostilities from the residents along the river which Vecellio alludes to in his description of the inhabitants of the region.TP66PT His navigation, however, allowed for the start of Portuguese trade with West Africa bringing them in contact with the Dyula, the merchant class of Mali who controlled the gold trade. The Dyula traveled in groups with armed combatants.TP67PT These are likely the so rt of people that Cadamosto encountered on his voyage down the river, as we ll as, the group to which Vecellios representation refers. As we have seen, Vecellios Africans reside in regions valuable to Europeans especially the Portuguese and the Venetians. The inclusion of inhabitants of regions with rich natural resources, including gold is not surprising in a book published in a city with mercantile foundations whose text and geographical orientation relied on the travel narratives. Profitable trade was a prime objective of both Venetian and Portuguese travel. Also, in the late sixteenth century, Venice had become the leading manufacturer of silk and an important industrial center fo r wool. Did Vecellio present residents of Africa as potential consumers for Venetian cloth? Ottoman and Portuguese imperial interest s were quickly taking control of African territory. This made Venetian expansion in the Mediterranean a distant memory and growth in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans all but impossible. The possibilities of marking TP66PT Vecellio, 438r, ualorosi combattitiori; auuelenano le loro armi, & non stimano lauita loro . TP67PTOliver and Atmore, 64.

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23 the memory of Venetian potential through costumed bodies seem tantalizing. Many of Vecellios images represent peoples known because Portuguese expeditions made possible by Cadamostos Venetian navi gational know-how or advertised through Pigafettas Venetian account of Magellans ci rcumnavigation of the African Continent. A scholar may undertake a search for evidence of agency among Mamluks or Berbers subjugated by Ottomans or West or East Africans whose own trade was being compromised by the Portuguese. Both of these expanding empires posed potential threats to Venices own physical and economic security. On the other hand, the researcher is faced with facts that make these possibilities improbable. Venetian trading relationships in North Africa and Egypt were mutually beneficial. In fact, Venetian trade with the Mamluks was often complicated.TP68PT Even though the Ottomans remained a possible danger to Venice, their occupation in Northern Africa actually had beneficial results for Venetian business in the area.TP69PT Furthermore, Portuguese activities in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans meant their absence in the Mediterranean where they had been a dominant, competitive commercial force.TP70PT Overall, Venetians compensated for the nega tive effects of these conquests adapted and remained a significant shipping center, built up it s industrial infrastruc ture with textile manufacturing, and turned its attentions to its possessions on the Italian mainland. Vecellios representations of African cos tume are associated with all these complex economic and political relationships. However, the meanings they acquired by virtue of their association with politically and economi cally motivated texts are neutralized by the TP68PT Lane, 286-290. TP69PT Ibid., 304. TP70PT Ibid., 331.

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24 hybrid nature of their construction, the fl exibility of their classification, and most significantly, their intended purpose as proposals for theater costumes.

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25 Chapter Two Translating African Dress: Vecellios Visual Sources for Book X Borrowing information from previously published books, as Vecellio did, was a common practice. Ethnographic descriptions in most fifteenthand sixteenth-century proto-anthropological te xts are copied from previously published books.TP71PT Scholars are quick to point out that most authors of sixteenth-century costume books used woodcuts or engravings from earlier costume books as models for their own examples of costume.TP72PT Olian and Timmons have established that the practice of copying weakens what can be known from these imitated bodies.TP73PT While I agree with th eir conclusion, I contend that the practice of copying images deserves attention. Showing how Vecellio selected previously used imagery sheds light on what he deemed visually important about Africans for his audience. Moreover, the Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni have a visual history that complicates their meani ng. Copying distances the representations from European exploration and travel and the motivations behind them, thereby neutralizing them. Vecellio made Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni by copying selected images from other artistic projects and describing t hem with excerpts from travel narratives and his own observations. As a result, he created an assortment of decontextualized, mythico-historical costumed African figures. Vecellios method of assemblage ensures TP71PT Margaret Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia, 1964) 150 and 154. TP72PT Wilson, 441; Olian, 21. TP73PT See note 8.

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26 the multivalent quality of his African figures. Before Vecellio interpreted his African costumes, they had already been interpreted in other European contexts. Their hybridity resulted from multiple cultural encounters that occurred over time and that were synthesized into single representations. Vecellios selection and manipulation of hi s sources and models for his depictions of African costume confirm that those depictions do not comprise a fixed system of signification, but instead are a compilation of altered or invented signifiers with multiple or incompletely defined signifieds. The African costumes are signifiers that accumulate new signifieds as they move into a different culture and various cont exts within that culture. By extracting them from their mos t recent contexts, Vecellio disassociated them from the meaning they acquired there. Mor eover, the signifiers themselves are changed by the act of copying, especially because t hey were previously rendered in media different than print. Each medium has its own unique visual possibilities. Sometimes, Vecellio combined unrelated images and texts, thereby inventing mythic Africans that had yet to be fully signified. The followi ng investigation of Vecellios artistic process shows that his representations of Af ricans are resistant to definitive meanings. Like most other costume book makers, Vecellio selected his Africans from other artistic contexts. For example, Vecellio extracted some of his residents of Cairo, including the Moorish Nobleman of Cairo (fig. 13), Woman of Cairo (fig. 14), and the Christian Indian in Cairo (fig. 16) from Gentile Bellinis St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria painted for the albergo of the Scuola Grande di San Marco (fig. 32).TP74PT It is helpful to consider these figures in their earlier context by examining the circumstances TP74PT The identification of this source for Vecellios Egyptian costumes was made by Jeanine Gurin dalle Mese, Locchio di Cesare Vecellio: abiti e costumi esotici nel 500 (Alessandria, 1998) 131.

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27 of Bellinis painting in the confraternitys meeting place. After their original building burned in 1485, the members of the confra ternity undertook a lavish reconstruction project. Gentiles historia was the first painting commissioned for the main meeting room and was designated for the position of honor on the east wall where the members entering through the doorway in the west wall would immediately see it. The rooms decoration would eventually include a cycle of seven narrative paintings.TP75PT At the time of Gentiles death in 1507, the composition was almost completed, and his brother Giovanni was tasked with its finishing touches in Gentiles will.TP76PT Images of the life of St. Mark, the patron of both the city of Venice and the confraternity, were frequent sites for the representation of Africans because the storys key events occurred in Egypt.TP77PT In Gentiles scene from the life of Mark, the Egyptians listen to the gospel alongside representations of the confraternitys own members. Bellinis composition was possibly inspired by Cima and Mansuetis narratives of St. Marks evangelism and martyrdom in the Orien t located in the apsidal chapel at the Church of Crociferi. The chapel belonged to the Guild of the Silk Weavers ( Arte de Setaiuoli ), who considered St. Mark to be their pa tron. Patricia Fortini Brown points out that Bellinis exotic imagery was appropriate for a scuola whose members had included such viaggiatori as Alvise da Mosto, Giosafat Barbaro, a Venetian diplomat, and TP75PT The cycle included the following historias: Giovanni Mansuetti, St. Mark Healing Anianas ; Gentile Bellini, St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria ; Giovanni Mansuetti, Episodes in the Life of St. Mark (Arrest and Trial of St. Mark) ; Vittore Belliniano, Martyrdom of St. Mark ; Palma Vecchio and Paris Bordone, Miracle of St. Mark in a Storm at Sea (or Sea Storm); and Paris Bordone, Presentation of the Ring to the Doge See the description of the albergos cycle in Patrica Fortini Brown, Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio (New Haven, 1988) 291-295. TP76PT Brown, 293. TP77PT The life of St. Mark is represented in twelve episodes in mosaics along the barrel vault of the ante-vestibule of the southwest corner of the Basilica de San Marco in Venice. The ante-vestibule was once the main entrance to the basilica. The area is now referred to as the Cappella Zen. See Brown, 33-37.

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28 Ambrogio Contarini, who brought back a piec e of the True Cross to Venice from Constantinople.TP78PT Brown characterizes St. Mark Preaching as a fantasy ( fantasia) with authentic elements intended to evoke an exotic setting that does not necessarily depict an authentic Orient.TP79PT However, she explains that the image, painted in the eyewitness style, appears to be visual testimony.TP80PT The imagined scene takes place on invented topography that references an Alexandri an setting and includes refere nce to Mamluk costume while also recalling Venices Piazza di San Marco.TP81PT Bellini never traveled to Alexandria, but he did spend time in Constantinople, the seat of Ottoman rule. He depicted a single figure in the Ottoman dress that he observed firsthand. The Turk stands as an Ottoman presence to the right of St. Marks podium and balances Gentiles own self-portrait on the other side. The turban on his head is wrapped horizontally and is topped with a taj the red cap rising above the white fabric.TP82PT The other men wear turbans in the Mamluk style. A Mamluk turban lacks a taj and is sometimes wrapped vertically.TP83PT Vecellios Moorish Nobleman of Cairo was excised from the Mamluk crowd. Interestingly, Vecellio stated TP78PT Ibid., 74. TP79PT Ibid., 206. TP80PT Ibid., 4. Brown uses eyewitness style to describe the invented scenes that appear to be documentary in late fifteenthand early sixteenth-century Venetian narrative paintings. TP81PT Ibid., 208-209. As a reference to Alexandrian topography, Brown points out the Column of Diocletian behind the wall to the right of the basilica. Also, she explains that the leftmost tower could be the Pharos Lighthouse of Alexandrias harbor. Finally, she explains that the obelisk in front of the wall to the left of the basilica corresponds to one brought by Emperor Augustus from the temple of Amon at Heliopolis and placed in front of the Caesarium of Alexandria. TP82PT Ibid., 197. TP83PT My conclusions about the costumes in St. Mark Preaching are derived from Julian Rabys discussion of Mamluk headwear in Venice, Drer and the Oriental Mode (London, 1982) 35-41.

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29 that his turban is in the Turkish style even though it is actually Mamluk because it lacks a taj .TP84PT St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria was one of seven Venetian paintings made between 1495 and 1525 that included Mamluk costume. Five of them were created for the Scuola Grande di San Marco. The interest in the Mamluk setting could correlate with Venetian distress about increasing Ottoman power and its affect on Venetian interests; gradual Ottoman domination of Mamluk terri tory was concurrent with the making of these images.TP85PT Julian Raby has proposed the Reception of an Ambassador in Damascus as the source for Mamluk motifs in Venetian painting by arguing that it is the most faithful representation of Mamluk costume, ar chitecture, and heraldry of all Venetian paintings in the Mamluk mode (fig. 33).TP86PT Unlike Gentile Bellinis fantasia, Ambassador was not just a pretext for Oriental costume, architecture, and customs. Brown explains that it represents an actual occurrence, and its intent was to document the presence of a Venetian diplomat in a particular place.TP87PT Raby confirms Jean Sauvagets earlier observation that the scene is set in Damascus because of the inclusion of several of the citys landmarks.TP88PT He concludes that the artist either traveled with the diplomatic party or relied on first-hand descriptions for the composition. The amir and his consultants in the Reception of the Ambassador wear clothing similar to Campson Guari, Sultan of Egypt (fig. 11) and his Admirals and Councilors (fig. 12) in Habiti antichi et moderni. The horned turban worn by the amir in the TP84PT According to Vecellio, I Moro di conditione del Cairo portano in capo un dulipa vte simile i Turchi do sessa See Habiti antichi et moderni f. 424r. TP85PT See Brown, 196 and Raby, 83. TP86PT Raby, 43-52. TP87PT Brown, 197. TP88PT Raby, 55-60 and Jean Sauvaget, Une ancienne representation de Damas au Muse du Louvre. Bulletin dtudes orientales 11 (1945-6): 5-12.

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30 painting and the Sultan in the costume book, was a mark of the sultans authority. An amir could be granted the privilege of weari ng it by a sultan. The headdress was called an al-taUkh Ufifa al-kabira and nicknamed al-naP-c-Pura which is Arabic for waterwheel.TP89PT The Sultan of Cairo s waterwheel turban has greatly exaggerated horns, and his Admirals and Councilors wear fantastical hats with th e vertical folds characteristic of Mamluk headgear. Vecellio has emphasized the verticality of the al-naP-c-Pura s horns and increased the verticality or horizontality of the Admirals and Councilors headdresses to the point of the ludicrous, giving them i ncreased strangeness. A strikingly similar Sultan and counselors appear in illuminati ons in a manuscript of Zaccaria Paganis Viaggia, described previously as the account of Venetian diplomats and merchants in Egypt.TP90PT Pagani was a Bellunese noble and the clerk for a 1512 Venetian diplomatic mission to Cairo. Vecellio spent some time in Belluno where he worked for his patrons, the Pillone. Possibly, he conversed with Pagani, or at least he may have had access to the aforementioned manuscript and its illuminations.TP91PT Vecellio has been suggested as the artist of these illuminated figures, but alte rnatively, I suggest the possibility that the images may have been the source for his woodcut designs of the Sultan of Egypt and the Admirals and Councilors Returning to Bellinis fantasia St. Mark Preaching the model for Vecellios Woman of Cairo (fig. 14) stands in the crowd facing the viewer at the base of the podium where St. Mark preaches. She looms over the crimson clad self-portrait of Gentile TP89PT Raby, 35. TP90PT See note 45 in Raby, 89. According to M. Franois Avril, Vecellio may have painted the two watercolors in the front of the Bibliothque Nationale, Paris MS Italien 2111, which is dated c.1570-1580. One of the images portrays four Egyptians in a variety of headdresses. The other shows a sultan on a raised pedestal. TP91PT Gurin dalle Mese suggests that Paganis narrative is a source for Vecellio, 135. See Zaccaria Pagani, Viaggio di Domenico Trevisan

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31 Bellini. Raby suggests that Bellinis source for her is possibly Breydenbachs Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam a chronicle of his journey through the Holy Land.TP92PT Erhard Reuwich accompanied Breydenbach and printed his depictions of the cities they visited and images of the people who lived in them alongside Breydenbachs texts when they returned to Europe. The Woman of Cairo with her covered face and her striped dress resembles Reuwichs woodcut of a woman in Damascus (fig. 34).TP93PT These dressed Egyptian, or more accurat ely Mamluk, bodies were altered in appearance, as well as meaning, when they were transformed from first-hand representations of Syrian Mamluk bodies, to figures in scenic artifices, and finally to schematic printed figures. As they moved fr om one pictorial context to another, they were associated with different localities. Initially, they were associated with Damascus, then Alexandria, and in Vecellios book, Cairo. Originally depicted to record face-toface interactions between Mamluks in Damascus and European merchants, diplomats, and pilgrims, the costumes were used to evoke Oriental exoticism in Bellinis fantasia Perhaps Vecellio chose to copy these Maml uk images because they reminded Venetians of an Egypt without Ottomans. Even if this was so, according to Rabys research, the actual Mamluks living under Ottoman rule during this time wanted to wear Ottoman dress, but they were forced to differentia te themselves from their colonial occupants by maintaining their traditional costume.TP94PT Regardless, Vecellio removed these images from their most recent contexts, Bellinis painting and possibly the Pagani manuscript. These TP92PT Breydenbach was first published in 1486 at Mainz. Raby, 41. TP93PT Both Pagani and Leo Africanus describe the dress of women in Cairo. TP94PT Raby, 83.

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32 images were again copied by Vecellio, and consequently were distanced from their originals and the signifi cation associated with them. Thus, as part of a vestmentary sign system, the Mamluk costumes were signifiers whose signifieds shifted as they were moved into different cultures, rendered in different media, and situated in different pictorial contexts.TP95PT Deborah Howard called the mutations and reinterpretations like thos e that Vecellios Egyptians have undergone cross-cultural translation.TP96PT Mimicking the idea of translatio or acquisition of saintly relics, translation naturalizes an object within its adoptive context. This term encompasses the transmission, reformulation, and assimilation objects undergo as they move from one cultural space to the next. In add ition to their initial cultural translation from Mamluk bodies to European conceptions these images have been translated from one media into another, in some cases several times. As they migrate from culture to culture, medium to medium, and pictorial contex t to pictorial context, they shift in meaning. Ultimately, Vecellio extracted the images from their contexts. In this process, they lose their attachment to the significa tion they acquired there. Moreover, when the Moorish Noble Man of Cairo and the Woman of Cairo were translated from paint into a drawing and eventually, a woodcut, the painted Mamluk and the Egyptian woman lost pieces of visual information. Paint allows for the colors and textures of the garments to be communicated in ways that are impossi ble in a woodcut. By comparison, Vecellios prints appear as only diagrammatic remnants of their source. TP95PT Roland Barthes asserts that clothing is a system of signification, though one that is dependent on language as a mediator. Elements of Semiology trans. Annette Lavers and Colin Smith (New York, 1964) 10, 25-27. TP96PT Venice and the East xv.

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33 A similar translation process happened when Vecellio borrowed ten of his Africans from Jean Jacques Boissards Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (figs. 35-45).TP97PT The engraver Boissard was involved in a myriad of antiquarian pursuits, most notably the writing his four volume Romanae urbis topographia As an antiquarian, he studied the entirety of Romes classical culture in order that it might be reconstructed in his own time. Boissard applied a similar approach to his study of contemporary society that resulted in his costume book and a collection of portraits.TP 98PT His antiquarian studies required travel, and the no tice to his readers in Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium suggests that he based the drawings for the engravings of the costumes on the clothing he observed on these journeys.TP99PT Whether they are drawn from life or not, Boissards drawings were made into engravings that carefully conveyed detailed ornaments and physiognomies on individualized, but classicized bodies. Wh ile removed from their physical surroundings, TP97PTBoissards costume book was published at Cologne in 1581. The following woodcuts from Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni were copied from Boissard. African Indian from Ceffala f. 435v (fig. 25) is copied from Boissards African Indian f. 54 (fig. 38). Noble of Barbary f. 427v (fig. 17) is copied from Boissards Nobleman of Barbary f. 55 (fig. 39). African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen f. 433v (fig. 23); Woman of Average Condition f. 434v (fig. 24); and African Woman f. 430v (fig. 20) are copied from the images of African women on f. 56 of Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium The Well-to-do Moor, f. 429v (fig. 19); the Moorish Girl, f. 428v (fig. 18); and the Ethiopian Soldier f. 420v (fig. 10) are copied from the images of Moor, Moorish Girl, and Ethiopian on f. 59 in Boissards costume book (fig. 43). The Ethiopian Girl and Ethiopian Nobleman (figs. 8 and 9), on folios 419v and 418v respectively, are copied from the Ethiopian Girl and one of the Ethiopian men pictured on f. 60 of Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (fig. 44). Finally, Vecellios other African Indian f. 436v (fig 26) is a copy of another of Boissards African Indians from f. 61 (fig. 45). TP98PT Angelo Mazzacco describes Renaissance antiquarianism and its influence on all sorts of study including proto-anthropological investigations in Biondo Flavio and the Antiquarian Tradition, Acta Coventus (1979): 124-136. TP99PT The preface to the reader written by Boissards publisher in the beginning of his costume book reads, For so it is that we shall see before our eyes not only the differences between one area and another, but between one human being and another, in accordance with their different ways of life, which for the most part betrays their character and customs. This of course is the benefit derived from foreign travel. And in this matter Jean Jacques Boissard, a man of the most precise and honest genius, has in my opinion made the most outstanding effort s. In Latin, Et enim sic non tantu m prouincia prouinci, sed homo etiam homini quid intersit ex vario cultus genere, qui ingenium plerumque ac mores prodit, in oculos incurret. Qui sane verus peregrinationis fructus est. Atque ea in re prclarissimam, mea quidem sentential, operam eleganntissimi vir ingenij Joannes jacobus Boissardus posuit

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34 the figures seem to continue the actions they were performing in the world. They are labeled with geographic identities in thr ee languages and combined in trios on wide pages. In his own costume book, Vecellio often maintained Boissards labeled identities, but the woodcut versions of the costumes in Habiti antichi et moderni lose the precision they had as engravings in Boissards Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium .TP100PT As woodcuts, the Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni are schematized. Importa ntly, Vecellio does not copy all of Boissards African figures. He selected only some to populate his map of Africa in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni .TP101PT In addition, he changed and expanded the identities of those he chose to copy with his descriptions. Vecellio juxtaposed the imagery he selected from Boissard with his own verbal description of the images and information from travel narratives about Africans mostly found in Giovanni Battista Ramusios first volume of Navigationi et viaggi For instance, the text associated with Vecellios Noble of Barbary (fig.17), an image copied from Boissards Nobleman of Barbary (fig. 39), is composed of information from Leo Africanus and Vecellios own verbal representation of the costume.TP102PT Both Vecellio and Leo Africanus in Navigationi et viaggi refer to the Latin language of the Berbers. Both remark that it is not very elegant. In addi tion, they both mention the Berbers inquisitive study of the humanities. Vecellio continued to describe the image that he has TP100PT See chapter 2 The Road Block Broken in Prints and Visual Communication (Cambridge, 1969) especially pages 47-49 for a discussion of the visually possibilities of engravings, as compared to the visual possibilities of woodcuts. TP101PT Vecellio does not use the following Africans from Boissard: Man of Barbary, f. 34 (fig. 36); Woman of Alexandria f. 39 (fig. 37); African Patriarch f. 55 (fig. 39); African Indian Woman f. 57 (fig. 41); African Indian Woman f. 58 (fig. 42); African Indian, f. 58 (fig. 42), Ethiopian, f. 60 (fig. 44). TP102PT See Leo Africanus in Navigationi et viaggi Venice 1563-1606 by Gian Battista Ramusio, with an Introduction by R.A. Skelton and an Analysis of the Contents by Prof. George B. Parks, vol.1 (Amsterdam, 1970) 7v and 8r.

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35 translated from Boissard into his own book by verbally emphasizing the types of fabrics and ornamental details of the figure s dress, like the necker chief around his beard. Vecellios African representations are an assemblage of diverse imagery and texts about Africa that happened to be available to him. Bernadette Bucher used Claude LviStrausss structuralist theory about mythmaking to explain the similarly patched together compendiums of travel narrati ve published in England by the De Brys.TP103PT In The Savage Mind, Lvi-Strauss explains that The characteristic feature of mythic thought is that it expresses itself by means of a heterogeneous repertoire which, even if extensive, is nevertheless limited. It has to use this repertoire, however, whatever the task in hand, because it has nothing else at its disposal. Mythical thought is therefore a kind of intellectual bricolage which explains the relations which can be perceived between the two.TP104PT Bucher explains that the union of merged text s from unrelated histories results in mythico-historical amalgams. In the same way, when Vecellio pasted together a translated African body with a selection from a travel nar rative, a mythico-historical amalgam of an African was created. Another example of Vecellios bricolage is his African Indian from Ceffala (fig. 25). Vecellio borrowed Boissards African Indian (fig. 38) and merged it with information about people from Ceffala likely gathered from Joao de Barros history of the Portuguese possessions in Africa and Varthemas personal narrative, both in Ramusios travel literature collection, in order to create this representation. Also, in what seems like an arbitrary decision, he conflated another of Boissards African Indians (fig. 45) with Leo Africanus description of t he nomadic Arabs in the Sahara Desert.TP105PT TP103PT See the chapter The Makeup of Mythic Material: Collage and Bricolage in her book Icon and Conquest 13-23. TP104PT Claude Lvi-Strauss, The Savage Mind trans. George Weidenteld (Chicago, 1962) 17. TP105PT See Vecellio, f. 436v and Leo Africanus in Ramusio, 5v and 6r.

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36 Vecellios rendition of the Christian Indian of Cairo (fig. 16) is perhaps Book Xs strangest syncretism. Plenty of Christi ans lived in Cairo, including foreign merchants and visitors and local Egyptians. Leo Afri canus mentioned their presence several times in his description of Egypt. However, this particular Christian wears a zamt on his head. The zamt worn by the Mamluk military class, was a red bonnet with long tufts and a kerchief tied over the top or around the base.TP106PT It is quite unlikely that a man who dressed in these clothes would have been a Christian. Zamts were usually worn by Muslims. These pieced-together Africans have been decontextualized from their sources and reduced to diagrammatic woodcut representations. They carry only remembered meanings from earlier contexts that have not been explicitly defi ned in their present one. Vecellios method of assemblage results in a population of multivalent, mythic, yet vaguely historic Africans partially stripped of previous meanings and intended to populate the future paintings and theatrical performances of Northern Italy. The earlier signification of Vecellios Africans has been diffused, and they are ready to acquire new meanings as they were to be copied again and agai n by painters, sculptors, and designers. TP106PT Raby, 41.

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37 Chapter Three A World of Costume in One Codex ShutTP107PT Vecellio attempted to make Habiti antichi et moderni universal and comprehensive. The title claims that the book contains costumes from tutto il mondo or all the world. To accomplish this, he collected imagery and ethnographic information and organized them into a classi ficatory structure made possible by the codex form. The book was intended to be a site for artistic study and curiosity. These characteristics of Vecellios project define it as an early modern collection.TP108PT Attention to organizational categories is one of the essential characteristics of early modern collections. Objects in early coll ections were often associated with one of five categories, including mirabilia (to be marveled), exotica (from foreign locales), naturalia (products of nature), artificialia (made by human artifice), and scientifica (for the pursuit of science and technology). In reality, however, the objects were understood TP107PT This title is my own revision of the statement A World of Wonders in one closet shut from the epitaph of the British collector John Tradescant (ca. 1577-1638): As by their choice collections may appear, Of what is rare, in land, in seas, in air: Whilst they (as HOMERs Iliad in a nut) A World of Wonders in one closet shut. In Arthur MacGregor, The Tradescants: Gardeners and Botanists, in Tradescants Rarities: Essays on the Foundation of the Ashmolean Museum 1683 ed. Arthur MacGregor (Oxford, 1983), p. 15. TP108PT Many important studies on collecting and collections in the early modern period exist. My argument is influenced primarily by the following: Krzystof Pomians work on the relationship between museums and the place of curiosity in Collectors and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500-1800 (London, 1990); an extensive survey of early modern collecting in the conference proceedings from the tercentennial of the Ashmolean Museum in Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Europe (Oxford, 1985); Paula Findlens study of scientific collecting in Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994); and the catalogue from the Hood Museum of Arts exhibition The Age of the Marvelous ed. Joy Kenseth (Hanover, NH, 1991).

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38 to be able to simultaneously exist within several groups, drawing attention to both their similarities and their differences with other pieces of the collection.TP109PT Habiti antichi et moderni is structured to allow for a similar jostling of objects among defined categories. This chapter will examine how Vecellios book works as an early modern collection and the ways in which it is ordered to show that the objects within this structured codex remain available for fluid and ambiguous classificatory viewing that allows each representation a diversity of characterizations. Within such a collection, Vecellios representations of costume have a multivalent status. Though early modern collections were us ually groups of physical objects displayed in a room or cabinet, books could also contain collections.TP110PT Collectors often produced printed catalogues of their physical collections. Also, drawings, engravings, and woodcuts of large or living things compiled in a book were more easily stored than the things themselves. Colle ctions in codices were also more accessible to a larger audience. Margaret Hodgen has made the case that proto-anthropological texts, and especially costume books, were understood as collections by contemporary readers and should be conceived of as such by the scholars who study them.TP111PT Vecellios own patron, Odorico Pillone, was an enthusiastic collector.TP112PT The books that he collected in his library were decorated on their fore-edges with paintings of TP109PT This argument is taken from Martin Kemps essay "Wrought by No Artist's Hand" in Reframing the Renaissance ed. Claire Farago (New Haven: 1995) 177-196, see especially 179. TP110PT Giuseppe Olmi, Science-Honour-Metaphor: Italian Cabinets of the Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Centuries, in The Origins of Museums 7-8. TP111PT Margaret Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeeth Centuries (Philadelphia, 1964) 123. TP112PT A. R. A. Hobson, The Pillone Library, 29.

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39 subjects appropriate to their contents.TP113PT Cesare Vecellio executed this entirely origninal project by painting images such as the Venetian cityscape, antique monuments, Turks, Russians, the emperor of China, and American Indians on the books.TP114PT Perhaps Vecellio conceived of his costume collection during one of his working visits to Odoricos villa on the foothills of the Dolomites at Casteldardo in the south of the Belluno valley. Odorico gathered more than just codices. He collected historical portraits, natural history specimens, and relics from the Battle of Lepanto. During his retirement at the close of the sixteenth century, he turned his attent ions and finances toward his collection and enriched it with additional books, especially those on travel, medals, and geological and zoological objects. Whether or not Odoricos activities inspired or motivated Vecellios collecting impulse, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo is an early modern collection because it is a highly ordered site of study and wonder with a universal scope. African objects were often found within early modern collections. Sub-Saharan African objects were components of many curiosity cabinets in Europe.TP115PT Three worked ivory horns belonged to the colle ction of Cosimo de Medici.TP116PT Albrect Drer recorded that he paid three florins for an ivory sa ltcellar likely imported from Africa by the Portuguese.TP117PT Objects like these were made in Africa after western models.TP118PT Collectors also included African items made for local use inside their curiosity cabinets, TP113PT In this time period, books were shelved so that the binding faced the back of a bookshelf, making the fore-edges available for view in the room where the books were stored. TP114PT See Francesca Bellengin, La decorazioni pittorica della Biblioteca Piloni, in Cesare Vecellio, 1521c. 601 ed. Tiziana Conte (Belluno, 2001) 95-123. TP115PT See Ezio Bassani and Malcolm McLeod, African Material in Early Modern Collections in The Origins of Museums 245-250 TP116PT Ibid., 247. TP117PT Ibid. TP118PT See Suzanne Blier, Imaging Otherness in Ivory, Art History Bulletin 75 (1993): 375-396.

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40 though they often found them engaging in ways that Africans would not have.TP119PT The monetary value of certain African commodities like gold or ivory sometimes attracted the most attention.TP120PT African people themselves were sometimes parts of human collections. Some collectors like Isabella dEste had a particular interest in ob taining servants of African heritage. Her mother had once imported an entire family of Africans. Isabella continued to obtain Africans as her slaves becaus e of their perceived exotic nature.TP121PT Additionally, Cardinal Ippolito de Medici collected slaves of all countries as curiosities.TP122PT Early modern collecting was based on a belief in individual human ingenuity and the possibility of universal knowledge. Flor entine Pico della Mir andola insisted on the privileged position of humankind in the uni verse and their capacity to acquire comprehensive knowledge in his Oration of the Dignity of Man published in 1486. Collections aspired to be universal and comprehensive, or in effect, to become microcosms that reflected the macrocosm.TP123PT Vecellios goal was cl early universality. His costumes encompass the world known at the time of its production. The expanded second edition includes eighty-six new costume representations, and still, Vecellio begged his readers to forgive him for his omissions.TP124PT In his section of African dress, TP119PT Bassani and MacLeod, 246. TP120PT Ibid. TP121PT Jean Devisse and Michel Mollat, Imaging the the Black in Western Art 2, trans. William Granger Ryan (New York, 1979) 187-188. TP122PT Mark, Peter. Africans in European Eyes: The Portrayal of Black Africans in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century Europe. Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Foreign and Comparative Studies/Eastern Africa Series 16, 1974, p. 62. TP123PT Joy Kenseth, A World of Wonders in One Closet Shut, in The Age of the Marvelous 8384. TP124PT Vecellio, f. [6v].

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41 Vecellio attempted to include a comprehensive sampling of the costumes around the continent of Africa, but his scope was limited by the extent of European travel. Early modern collections were the site of investigative study and enticing curiosity for their founders and observers.TP125PT As will be explained in chapter four, this collection was intended to be a site for arti stic study. Readers could investigate the inventive possibilities of costume around the globe as models and inspiration for their own ingenious creations. Secondarily, readers who were not artists could have used the costume book to examine the dressing customs of people from around the world. Though it was not the books primary purpose, Habiti antichi et moderni could easily accommodate armchair travel. Vecellio himself remarked on his scholarly and diligent efforts to assemble the collection.TP126PT His collection reflects his own interest in curious facts. Why else would he have included so many strange facts with so little to do with costume and everything to do with enjoying the alterity of another group of people? For instance, Vecellio detailed the camels milk and other foods that the African Indian (fig. 26), whom he associated textually with the nomadic Arabs in the Sahara desert, ate.TP127PT In addition to its encyclopedic scope, early collections were necessarily organized.TP128PT A survey of Vecellios organizing principles makes clear the looseness of his parameters for classification. Tho ugh the most organized of the costume books published in the sixteenth century, Habiti antichi et moderni still accommodates the intellectual play of early moder n classificatory viewing, allowing for the jostling of TP125PT Olmi, 8. TP126PT Vecellio, f.[5v]. TP127PT Ibid., f. 437r. Si pascono di latte de camelli, &daltri cibi grossi . TP128PT Barbara Jeanne Balsiger, The Kunstund Wunderkammern: A Catalogue Raisonne of Collecting in Germany, France, and England, 1565-1750 Ph.D. Dissertation (University of Pittsburgh, 1970) 14,18. Balsiger makes the case that collections are defined by the fact that they are catalogued or given an intentional order.

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42 costumes into and out of various ordering schemes.TP129PT Vecellio offered a variety of classifying opportunities for his Africans. Geography is his most dominate organizer. The costumes are organized into twelve books that classify the dress by nationality or by continent (Africa, Asia, and the Americas). Within Book X, which contains the representations of African costume, the costumes are again grouped, though this time less clearly, by geography. Ethiopians, Egyptians, North Africans, East Africans, and West Africans are gathered in clusters. A closer examination of the organizati on of Book X reveals that Vecellio relied on a scale of civilization to classify the African costume within this subsection of the codex. The scale is bookended by Prestor John (fig. 5), a sumptuously dressed, Christian king, and The Clothing of the Canary Islands (fig. 29), a figure characterized more by his state of undress than his clothing. According to Vecellio, the Canary Islanders worshipped the sun, moon, and star s before the Portuguese converted them. The boundaries of Vecellios scal e are an elaborately clothed Ch ristian ruler and a nearly naked pagan. He ranks his dressed figures on th is scale of civility. After Prestor John and images of the members of his court (figs. 6-10), Vecellio presented the opulent, but Muslim Egyptians (figs. 11-16). Inhabitant s of the North African regencies follow (fig. 17-24). The population is intellectually active, Latin speaking, and Islamic. Towards the other end of the scale, Vecellio included t he East and West Africans and depicted them with increasing levels of nudity as he progressed. Such a ranking, inconspicuous as it may be, ion of Book X reveals that Vecellio relied on a scale of civilization to classify the African costume within this subsection of the codex. The scale of civility on which the TP129PT See Kemp, Wrought by No Artists Hand.

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43 the Africans are organized reflects the influence of Aristotelian i deas about civilization and the Great Chain of Being, both of which re ly on the principle that everything has its proper position in the world.TP130PT Though Vecellio integrated ethnographic information into his collection of dress, his primary interest was not the methodical study of diverse peoples. He used anthropological details to order his figures as described above, but he did not include the same sort of facts about each type of person. His seemingly arbitrary inclusion of details contributes to the argument that he provided information as much for study and ordering as for satiating curiosities. The key anthropological interests of sixteent h-century social st udies were religion and language.TP131PT Equipped with this information, Western Christians could communicate their faith to foreigners. Vecellio organi zed his geographic clusters of Africans by their faith, but he did not always mention it. Book X opens with the Ethiopian Christians led by Prestor John, who filled the dual position of ruler and priest for his people. Vecellio continued with the Muslim Egyptians. Next he included the North Africans who also followed the Islamic religion, but Vecellio was careful to point out that Berbers had been Christianized during in the latter days of the Roman Empire before the arrival of the nomadic Arabs who infiltrated their population and converted them to Islam.TP132PT Vecellio closed his book on Africa with the Canary Islanders. Vecellio gleaned from his sources that they had been worshippers of the s un, moon, and stars before the Portuguese TP130PT See Hodgen, 386-426 for a discussion of the Great Chain of Being and the use of Aristotelian principles in creating categories for humans. TP131PT Hodgen, 214-215. TP132PTVecellio f. 428r. Nella Barbaria parte dellAfrica si viue hoggidi alla Macomettana; se bene per i tempi dietro hauessera tenuta la fede di Christo, la quale persuasione dinfedeli hanno poi persa.

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44 Catholics began to evangelize them.TP133PT Language played less of a role in Vecellios construction of Africa. Nonetheless, he included linguistic information about the Nobleman of Barbary and the African Indian of Ceffala. He explained that the Berbers spoke Latin less elegantly than the Europeans, and mentioned the pres ence of both Indian and Arabic languages in East Africa.TP134PT One of Vecellios minor interests seems to have been the diet of the Africans. In many of his descriptions, he outlined what the people in a particular African region ate. His gastronomic details seem to be provided simply for curious readers. Sometimes, these details highlight the alterity of certain Africans. Other times, they draw similarities among Africans from different regions and even among Africans and Europeans. I have already explained how Vecellio emphasizes the strangeness of the Other African Indian (fig. 26) by mentioning the camels milk in his diet. On the other hand, Vecellio compared the diet of the Berber nobles to that of the inhabitants of Cairo.TP135PT Also, the diet Vecellio described for the residents of Ceffala would have been remarkably similar to that of a Venetian.TP136PT Color and physiognomy, although mentioned, are not primary identifiers among Vecellios Africans. Color is only mentioned in the text accompanying six of the African figures. Vecellio never referred to white complexions in his descriptions, but instead emphasized the swarthy or dark facial coloring of certain Africans. Few of the printed figures have the distinct physiognomy of black Africans. Vecellio did not depict any of them with dark skin, but this may be primarily a result of the medium he used. TP133PT Ibid.,f. 440r. TP134PT Ibid., f. 428r and f. 436r. TP135PT Ibid., f. 428r. I loro cibi sono si come anco quelli de Cairo . TP136PT Ibid., f. 436r. Si pascono di risi, miglio, carni, e pesce .

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45 Of interest, however, is the indication of color among North African Moors of various standings. The Black Moor of Africa (fig. 21) is said to have a low economic standing and in the next sent ence he is described as black.TP137PT The Woman of Average Condition (fig. 37) was in a better position than the Black Moor from a monetary standpoint. Vecellio suggested that thes e women had a variety of complexions, some being brown, and not all being blackTP138PT. The Well-to-do Moor (fig. 19)is represented as comfortable, though not extremely wealthy, and according to the text, has an olive or swarthy face.TP139PT In Habiti antichi et moderni darker coloring and lower economic stations among North Africans are associated. In Vecellios North Africa, a continuum of increasing darkness ranging from swarthy to brown-black to bl ack appears to mirror decreasing economic status within the society. Two additional references to color are in connection with Asian peoples residing in Africa. Oliustra , used to describe North African Moors of a certain wealth, also describes the Christian Indian in Cairo (fig. 16).TP140PT The African Indians from Ceffala (fig. 25) are described as part black, and part with swarthy complexions.TP141PT The final mention of color appears in the title for the Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa (fig. 28). The black inhabitants of Zanzibar are portrayed with facial features associated with black Africans. Additionally, the Africans from the Canary Islands and Gambia appear to have a black facial physiognomy (figs. 29 and 27). In most of Vecellios imagery and text, phys iognomy and color is not emphasized and TP137PT Ibid., f. 432r. Vecellio used the word negri . TP138PT Ibid., f. 437r. The phrase Vecellio used is sono al quanto burn e, & non tutte negre. TP139PT Ibid., f. 430r. Here, Vecellio used oliuastra. TP140PT Ibid., f. 427r. TP141PT Ibid., f. 436r. Vecellio wrote, parte neri, e parti oliustri.

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46 frequently must be inferred or guessed at. As a result, though Vecellio clearly acknowledged the diverse colorings among African peoples, he did not use this feature as a principal organizer for his African categori es, nor did he see it as a critical trait important enough to consistently draw textual or figural attention to it in every instance. His approach reflected the pervasive early modern preoccupation with the national identity of humans that trumped identifica tion by ethnicity and race in early modern anthropological conceptions.TP142PT The tentative nature of the categories in Habiti antichi et moderni is readily apparent. Even the seemingly firm geogr aphical categories are problematized. The Christian Indian in Cairo likely represents an Asian (fig. 16). A figure entitled African Woman in the Indies (fig. 30) is located in Vecellios book on Asia. The looseness of the categorization requires engagement and encourages in tellectual play. Readers looked for possibilities with which to characterize an object rather than being limited by strict schemes of classification. While the images positions within the book are not physically moveable, the representations can be mentally jostled to fit into categories that are important to the viewer. The indices point toward similarities in sexual or economic status and professions across geography. They also help readers to find similar elements of costume on various bodies that represent ing different nations and even continents. Differences registered by dress are sometimes challenged by other similarities. For example, Campson Guari, Sultan of Egypt (fig. 24) is depicted in clothing distinct from that of the contemporary Venetian Doge. Ho wever, both ruled from cities with canals.TP143PT TP142PT Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore, 1996) 147-182 and Hodgen, 214-215. TP143PT Vecellio mentioned canals in Cairo, f. 422r.

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47 The organization of the book is dynamic, opening up new ideas for groupings rather than relegating costumes into fixed, assigned categories that firmly define them. As part of this early modern collection, Vecellios representations of Africans gain multivalence. The images were made available for open-ended cha racterization by comparing and contrasting them with representations of costumes from other localities. Habiti antichi et moderni is a carefully organized and comprehensive compendium of dress. Even so, the charact erizations of its contents depended more on the intellectual engagement of its readers than the parameters for order designed into the book. In fact, the organizational features f acilitated new formulations for grouping the dressed bodies in the codex. Though enframed within strapwork borders in a thick codex, the woodcuts have endless potential for interacting with ot her prints in the book. Such playful possibilities for defining these images counteract the associations they had with travel narratives and European economic interests in Africa.

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48 Chapter Four Africans for Well-Fashioned Productions Vecellios costume books were intended as model books for artists designing costume for theatrical productions and paintings. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondos introductory text and extensive indices s uggest that it was intended as a visual reference of geographic differences among humans for artists who needed such information to produce successful artistic representations. As an artist in the Veneto, Vecellio understood the importance of costumes as identifiers and ornaments in both paintings and theatrical performances. Fift eenthand sixteenth-century Italian theorists of theater and painting set standards for costume that are echoed in the words Vecellio used to describe his designs antichit diversit and richezza The costumes in Habiti antichi et moderni reflect these artistic ideals and are organized within the codex for easy reference. Within this collection of cos tume designs, the images of African costume were not primarily intended to codify African vestmentary signs. Instead, the woodcuts were proposals for costumes that remained open to further signification that would be assigned within their ultimate pictorial or theatrical contexts. Costume was not an afterthought for artists in late sixteenth-ce ntury Italy. In fifteenthand sixteenth-century paintings, fi gural costumes were considered part of the harmonious whole of a picture. They needed to re late to each of the other parts of the composition, and to the image in its entirety. In his fifteenth-century treatise, De pictura, Leon Battista Alberti encouraged pain ters to imitate nature, but to do so by selecting its

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49 most beautiful parts.TP144PT In doing so, he relied on the Aristotelian philosophical principle that things in nature have particular st ations, which assign them a proper form and function. Therefore, according to Alberti, the elements of a picture, like the components of nature, should have a fittingn ess in their environment.TP145PT The parts of a painting should be internally consistent, well-order ed, and in compliance with propriety. As part of his conception of painting, Alberti called for decorous costume. Everything should also conform to a certain dignity. It is not suitable for Venus or Minerva to be dressed in military cloaks; and it would be improper for you to dress Jupiter or Mars in womens clothes.TP146PT Another book about painting, Dialogo della pittura written by Ludovico Dolce presented criteria for good painting th rough an invented conversation between Aretino and Fabrini. The book, published in 1557 in Venice, relied heavily on De pictura. For instance, Aretino explains t hat invention, a component of painting, involves composing a picture with order and propriety. This involves the appropriate use of costume. And now let me begin with invention. I maintain that a great many constituents enter in here, the most important ones being order and propriety. For suppose, by way of an example, that the painter should need to paint Christ or St. Paul preaching. It does not do for him to paint a nude or dress his figure in the manner of a soldier or sailor. Rather, he needs to work out a costume appropriate to the one and the otherhe should always pay attention to the personal qualities of his subjects; and he should consider to the same degree questions of nationality, dress, setting, and period. If for instance, he should be depicting a military action of Caesar or Alexander the Great, it is inappropriate that he should arm the soldiers in the fashion which prevails nowadays. And he should put one kind of armor on the Macedonians and another kind on the RomansAnd similarly, if he wanted to represent Caesar, it would be a ridiculous thing for him to place on the head in question a Turkish turban, or one of our caps, or indeed one in the Venetian style.TP147PT TP144PT Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting trans. and ed. Cecil Grayson (London, 1991). Alberti wrote De pictura in 1435 and translated it into Italian a year later. See Anthony Blunt, Artistic Theory in Italy, 1400-1600 (Oxford: 1962) 14-15 and 17-18 for explanations of Albertis concept of imitating nature. TP145PT I am borrowing the term fittingness from Martin Kemp who uses it in his introduction to On Painting 8. TP146PT Alberti, 74. TP147PT Ludovico Dolce, Dialogo della Pittura di M. Lodovico Dolce, Intitolato LAretino 119.

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50 In addition to announcing the chronological setting, costume was also necessary to identify the nationality and social status of figures. As regards propriety, that is, costume should accord in its style (as I said earlier) with the wearers nationality and station. And if the painter is working on an apostle, he will not dress him in a short mantle; nor again, if he means to depict a military commander, will he put on his back a gown with (a s I shall term them) looped sleeves. TP148PT Day-to-day dress was an important indicator of national and social identity. Stallybrass and Jones argue that the materia lity of clothing defined the social status, profession, and nationality bodies that wore it.TP149PT Wilson explains that dress rather than physiognomy suggested a bodys identity in printed representations of figures.TP150PT Costume for performances and in paintings functioned in a similar way and suggested the identity of a character or figure. In addition to being geographically and chronologically verisimilar, costumes in paintings were supposed to resemble the mater iality of fabric. While explaining how design needed to be executed for a satisfying result, Aretino highlighted the importance of how an artist painted his costumes. Where clothes are concerned, the painter should also pay attention to the matter of quality; for velvet and watered silk, a fine linen and a coarse cloth all produce folds of different kinds. And similarly these folds need to be arranged where they belong in such a way that they show what is underneath and wander in a skillfully organized fashion along the path which they ought to follow but not so that they cut into another or so that the drapery looks as if it were stuck to the flesh. And just as too great a hardness make the figure scanty and denies it grace, so a lot of loose ends create confusion and give no pleasure. So here too one needs to follow that middle path which meets with praise in all matters.TP151PT With such requirements, it would have been important for an artist to know out of what sort of cloth a figures costume was cut. V ecellios careful documentation of the fabrics, TP148PT Ibid., 151. TP149PT See note 5. TP150PT See note 4. TP151PT Dolce, 151.

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51 metals, and stones of African costumes helped ar tists create convincing representations of shirts, mantles, crowns, earrings, and swords. In addition being decorous, costumes were also meant to please the viewer of a composition. According to Alberti, the first thing that gives pleasure in a historia is a plentiful variety.TP152PT Vecellio offered artists an enormous variety of proposed figures for their narrative paintings. Later in the si xteenth century, Giorgio Vasari, in his book Le vite de piu eccellenti pittori, scultori, e architettori exalted the pleasure of a well-made painting and listed varied and rich costumes as pictorial elements that contributed to a pictures appeal. Vasaris book constructed a progressive history of art after the medieval era that climaxed in the work of Michelangelo. Through hi s biographical descriptions, Vasari suggested that art should be an imitati on of nature that surpasses nature itself. Beyond propriety and correctness, paintings needed to exhibit grazia (grace), a concept developed in Castigliones Il Cortegiano and based on neo-Platonic ideas.TP153PT Anthony Blunt characterizes art with grazia as learned painting with good manners.TP154PT These manners appealed to viewers who found inventions that combined skill and ornament immensely pleasurable. Through the successive periods of art making, Vasari argued that the ingenuity of artifices and their grazia increased. there comes the second period during which everything will be seen to improve enormously. Inventions are more abundant in figures and richer in ornamentationTP155PT TP152PT Alberti, 75. TP153PT See Blunt, 93 for an explanation of Vasaris use of the term grazia. TP154PT Ibid., 98. TP155PT Giorgio Vasari, The Lives of the Artists trans. and ed. Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella (Oxford, 1991) 54.

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52 The ornamental nature of costumes contributed to an images grazia The artists Vasari associated with his third, most recent, and most successful period of art making employed costume to enhance the ingenuity of their compositions. And although the artists of the second period made extraordinary efforts in these craftsthey were not, however, sufficient to achieve complete perfectionTheylacked an abundance of beautiful costumes, variety in imaginative detailsBut their mistakes were later clearly demonstrated by the works of Leonardo da Vinci, who initiated the third style which we call modernhis scenesshow usthe faces and clothing of our own peoples as well as those of foreigners, just as Raphael wished to depict them.TP156PT According to Aretino in Dolces Dialogo which borrows from Vasari, images should elicit an emotional response. What is needed is that the figures should stir the spectators soulsFailing this, the painter should not claim to have accomplished anything.TP157PT In the hands of a skilled artisan, costu me, as part of a composition and in harmony with other pictorial elements, could evoke passion from viewers with a taste for grazia As we have seen, sixteenth-century art was meant to simultaneously imitate nature ( imitatio naturae ) and idealize or embellish nature ( superatio naturae ).TP158PT According to Aretinos mix of Aristotelian and Platonic ideals, successful images depended on bellezza achieved through the harmonious and proportionate relationships between their parts and the whole, and grazia .TP159PT Theorists and practitioners of theater, basing their theoretical a ssertions on Aristotles Poetics also considered both propriety and grazia essential to their mise-en-scne Angelo Ingegneri, the director of the inaugural play Edipo tirrano at Palladios Teatro Olimpico in Vicenza, characterized his TP156PT Ibid., 278. TP157PT Dolce, 157. TP158PT Mark Roskill, Introduction in Dolces Aretino and Venetian Art Theory of the Cinquecento 11. TP159PT Ibid, 19.

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53 decorative apparatus for the spectacle, including costume, as a mixture of rassomiglianza (likeness) and la pompa (stately display).TP160PT Ingegneris terms carry meanings similar to Dolces bellezza and grazia Both argued for art that re flected nature and enhanced it for pleasurable visual experiences. Artists were often involved in pr eparing the scenography, mechanical devices, and the apparato for performances. Apparato could include everything required for a production including ligh ting, scenery, and costumes.TP161PT Vasari documented the inventions artists contributed to the various forms of period spectacle. Piero di Cosimo (c. 1462-1521) made inventions for the Carnevale masques in Florence. At the least he improved these greatly by suiting to the theme of the story not only music and words related to the subject but also showy parades of men on foot and on horseback, of costumes and adornments fitted to the story, an idea that proved both rich and beautiful, bringing together greatness and ingenuity.TP162PT Giulio Romano (c.1492/99 1546) designed extravagant costumes for jousts in honor of Emperor Charles Vs 1530 visit to Mantua.TP163PT Tribolo (1500-1558) was responsible for the costumes for the intermezzi during the wedding of the Florentine ruler Cosimos marriage to Eleanora, daughter of Pietro di Toledo, viceroy of Naples. And Tribolo made for the costumes of the intermezzithe finest and most beautiful inventions of clothing, shoes, headdresses and other properties that could possibly be imaginedThese were [among] the reasons that the Duke later served himself of many capricious masquerades of Tribolos inventionTP164PT TP160PT Angelo Ingegneri, Della poesia rappresentativa e del modo di rappresentare le favole sceniche a cura di Maria Luisa Doglio (Modena, 1989) 26. TP161PT Thomas A. Pallen, Vasari on Theatre (Carbondale, 1999) 3. TP162PT Giorgi Vasari, Excerpts from Le vite de pi eccellenti Pittori, Scultori et Architettori in Vasari on Theatre 58. I have chosen to use Pallens translations of Vasari when discussing the contributions to theater made by artists mentioned in Le vite. Pallen has translated these selections of Vasari with special concern for expressing the meanings of the terms that are related to theatrical performance. TP163PT Ibid., 63. TP164PT Ibid., 66.

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54 Also, Piero da Vinci (Leonardos father) and Bernardino di Giordano designed the costumes for Jacopo da Pontormos (1494-1557) triumphal procession during Carnevale in Florence, which celebrated Leo X becoming the Pope.TP165PT In order to understand how artists directors, and producers thought about theatrical costume, we will examine four treati ses written by practitioners and theorists of early modern theater. In these texts, the autho rs list what they considered the essential attributes of costume and argued that the grandeur and verisimilitude of costume would inspire and guide the audience during performances. Antichit diversit and richezza the greatest qualities of the costumes in Habiti antichi et moderni according to Vecellio, were important to theatrical costume des ign according to si xteenthand early seventeenth-century directors who consiste ntly demanded rich and diverse costumes in their writings. Costumes with these charac teristics contributed to the veracity of a spectacle because a diverse selection helped audiences identify performers and were also pleasurable in their sumptuousness, foreignnes s, and antiqueness. By using the terms antichit diversit and richezza to describe his woodcuts, Vecellio identified them as proposals for theater costumes. The first treatise on theater we will dis cuss is Giraldi Giovanni Battistas (also know as Cinthio) Discorsi published in 1554. Though this text is mostly a poetics of theater, Cinthio did author s everal theatrical pieces, some of which were performed under his guidance in Ferrara, and his book does explain the relevance of the mise-en-scne to the play.TP166PT Leone di Somi, another playwright who directed and produced comedies and TP165PT Ibid., 70-71. TP166PT Cinthio was the author of the story upon which Shakespeare based Othello.

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55 pastorals for the Mantuan court, wrote Quattro dialoghi in 1565.TP167PT His text revolves around a conversation between two friends and a director Verdico, who represents di Somi. Verdico explains how he carries out all the practical necessities of theatrical production. Next, Ingegneri published Della poesia rappresentative e del modo di rappresenatare le favole sceniche in 1598 in which he recorded his impressions of production based on his experience staging Orsatto Giustinianis Ita lian translation of Oedipus Rex at the Teatro Olimpico in 1585. Finally, a text called Il Corago was written around 1628, likely in Florence, and outlined the production of operas. Among these directors, only Leone di Somi mentions antiquity as an important quality for costumes. In addition to suggesti ng antique sculptures and paintings with ancient figures as models for costumes, he points to mantles and antique garments as particularly effective in tragedies, insisting that a careful producer would not be satisfied with modern clothes.TP168PT When Di Somi discussed anti que costumes, he was not referring to the types of costumes worn by Classical ac tors or actual ancient dress. Instead, he meant a style of dress that suggested ancient times, but was particularly Renaissance in nature. Stella Mary Newton has outlined the voca bulary that authors used to describe this form of Renaissance antique dress.TP169PT The camicia was a wide, loose shirt or chemise worn close to the body under other layers of clothing. Another characteristically classical piece was the mantle (or manto), which was usually tied in a knot on the shoulder. Finally, socci were footwear secured around the ankles with ties. TP167PT Quattro dialoghi remained unpublished until the twentieth century. TP168PT Leone di Somi, The Dialogues of Leone di Somi trans. and ed. A. Nicoll, in The Development of Theatre: A Study of Theatrical Art from the Beginnings to the Present Day by Allardyce Nicoll, 5PthP ed. rev. (New York, 1966) 270. TP169PT Stella Mary Newton, Renaissance Theatre Costume and the Sense of the Historic Past (New York, 1975) 199-200.

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56 According to both the textual and visual information in Book X, eleven of the Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo are dressed in these pieces of early modern antique dress. The camicia is commonly mentioned in the descriptions of the African figures. It functions as the base of nine figures costumes.TP170PT The reader can readily observe the manto or mantle on the African Woman (fig. 20), the African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen (fig. 23), and the Woman of Average Condition (fig. 24). The Ethiopian Nobleman (fig. 8) and Prestor John (fig. 5) also wear mantles. In addition, the Ethiopian Nobleman wears shoes tied with a cor d in the ancient style.TP171PT The African from the Kingdom of Giabea in Africa (fig. 27) wears shoes that Vecellio described as being in the style of the apos tles who were residents of the Roman Empire.TP172PT In addition to being clad in antique garments, these Africans are linked to the past. Vecellios Africans ar e characterized by their classi cism. Their style references ancient Greco-Roman art, but reflects a particularly Renaissance reinterpretation of the antique forms. Also, Vecellio select ed some of his figures from Bellinis St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria It was painted nearly a cent ury before Vecellio published his book that depicts an event that occurred in antiquity. In addition, the models Vecellio chose to depict are dressed in antique costume that is appropriate to the temporal setting of Bellinis painting. Vecellios choices are in line with di Somis directive to select costumes from older works of art and artworks that depict ancient costume. TP170PT The following Africans wear a camicia according to their accompanying text: Prestor John, f. 416r (fig. 5); Prestor Johns Pages f. 417r (fig. 6); Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 418r (fig. 7); Ethiopian Nobleman f. 419r (fig. 8); Ethiopian Soldier f. 421 (fig. 10); Well-to-do Moor f. 430r (fig. 19); African Woman f. 431r (fig. 20); African Woman of the Kingdom of Tlemcen f. 434r (fig. 23); and Clothing of the Kingdom of Giabea in Africa f. 438r (fig. 27). TP171PT Vecellio, f. 419r. TP172PT Ibid., f. 438r.

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57 African Woman (fig. 20) is the clearest example of antichit in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni She is dressed in a manner that is very similar to that of those ancient Roman matrons according to Vecellios text.TP173PT She is a reminder of Africa as a part of the classical Roman world. Diversity was a feature of Habiti antichi et moderni that was essential for designers seeking verisimilitude in that they needed to know what people of a certain place in a certain time and of a certain st ation looked like in order to make a proper costume and comply with the standards of decorum. Also, diverse costumes were useful to an audience trying to differentiate among characters. Most excitingly, diverse costumes included the strange, foreign, and exotic, which evoked wonder for the spectators. The fittingness of the costume to the play, setting, and character was of utmost importance. According to Cinthio, costumes should suit the theme of the play and their own situations within it.TP174PT Di Somi said that when an actor stepped out onto a stage, his clothing would announce his identity.TP175PT Both Di Somi and Ingegneri explained that class, rank, and national identity should be visible through habiti .TP176PT The early seventeenth-century text, Il Corago reiterates these earlier idea s. The author argued that costumes should conform to the customs and traditions of the setting. In this way, TP173PT Vecellio, f. 431r. In Italian the quote reads, molto simile quello di queste antiche Romane matrone. TP174PT Cinthio, 277. TP175PT Di Somi, 269. TP176PT Di Somi, 269 and Ingegneri, 29.

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58 costumes could identify figures and guide audience members through the plot of the performance.TP177PT On the other hand, diverse costumes could also contribute to the grazia of a production. Di Somi wrote, since novelty is always sure to please, an audience takes delight in seeing foreign or strange costumes on stage.TP178PT Cinthio mentioned the power of non-familiar costumes to arouse both the attention and admiration (o r pleasure) of the spectators.TP179PT African costumes like those in Habiti antichi et moderni can then be understood to a reflection of what Europeans thought Africans actually wore that has been enhanced in order to contribute to a plea surable spectacle of artistic ingenuity. Vecellio told his readers that he choose Montalbano of the Della Fratta family as his patron for this book because he could, lik e Vecellios costumes, be associated with antiquity, diversity, and richness.TP180PT He was diverse because he lived in various Italian cities. Just as Montalbanos pres ence moved throughout Northern Italy, Vecellios Africans were from different parts of the African continent. His Africans include the civilized and barbaric, the dre ssed and the undressed, the faithful, the infidels, and the idolaters. They were male and female and of all possible social statuses, including rulers, their attendants, nobles, average people, and serv ants. In addition, they are dressed in a variety fabrics. Even within a single description, Vecellio sometimes offers more than one possible color for a garment. In Egypt, he attempts, albeit incorrectly, to account for the variety of people that lived in this single locality. La diuersit is quite possibly the most obvious quality of Vecellios compendium, marked even in the title, Habiti antichi TP177PT Il Corago, 105. TP178PT Di Somi, 270. TP179PT Cinthio, 278. TP180PT Vecellio, f. [3v-4r].

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59 et moderni di tutto il mondo Its universal nature included costumes from the past and the present and from all known geographical regions. A particular feature of the second edition of Vecellios costume book is the inclusion of additional figures from geographies remote from Northern Italy, such as Presto r Johns Ethiopian cour t and the Americans. The differing and exotic costumes available in Vecellios diverse collection could contribute to the sense of richnes s evoked by the visual parade of dress in a performance. Moreover, theatrical practitioners demanded t hat costume be sumptuous and aristocratic, especially for tragedies. Cinthio called for grandi e magnifici stage clothes for a tragedy.TP181PT Di Somi had Verdico announce that he dresses his actors in as noble a fashion as possible, using sumptuous costumes for tragedy and suggesting that rich costume may even enhance a comedy.TP182PT Verdico saw no need for poorly clad servants in worn or ripped clothing. They should be dressed in velvet as long as their masters were clothed in an even greater degree of grandeur.TP183PT Ingegneri agreed, encouraging extravagant and superb costumes for tragedies and pastorals.TP184PT Il Corago also encouraged elegant and attractive desi gns for operatic costumes. These costumes were to be completed with ornamentation and jewelry.TP185PT Reaffirming the power of costume to excite an audience, Il Corago mentions that costume should be invented with capriccio di arteficio or capriciousness.TP186PT Ricchezza like diversit is conspicuously in Habiti antichi et moderni s folios. Each of the African figures is exotic and str ange, or elegantly and expensively dressed, or TP181PT Cinthio, 278. TP182PT Di Somi, 269. TP183PT Ibid. TP184PT Ingegneri, 29. TP185PT Il Corago, 115 TP186PT Ibid.

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60 both. Richness is indicated in some rather obvious ways. According to their descriptions, fourteen of Vecellios Africans wear gold, and five of them wear silver.TP187PT According to the text associated with Prestor Johns costume, it is made from gold fabric.TP188PT A sumptuary law passed by the Venetian Senate in 1443 forbade women to cut dresses out of gold or silver cloth, though some exemptions were made for specific public displays.TP189PT Women were not so easily prevented from including the rich metallic fabrics in their wardrobes. Since they could not make their entire dress from the gold or silver cloth, they lined their sleeves with the mater ial, slit them and lengthened them in order to display their sumptuous, extravagant ornamentation.TP190PT Prestor Johns habiti made completely of worked gold, would have been the most conspicuous of consumptions even by standards in Venice where sumptuary laws were often ineffective against vestmentary display. Six Africans are ornamented with gems and jewels according to Vecellios verbal descriptions.TP191PT These bejeweled bodies would have been spectacular to Venetians required to register th eir families pearls.TP192PT Some of the Africans are clothed in animal TP187PT The following costumes include gold, according to Vecellios text: Prestor John f. 416r; Prestor Johns Pages f. 417r; Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 418r; Ethiopian Soldier f. 421r; Admirals and Councilors of the Sultan of Egypt f. 423; Woman of Cairo f. 425r; Mamluk, f. 426r; Moorish Girl, f. 429r; Well-to-do Moor f. 430; African Woman f. 431r; African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen f. 434r; African Indian from Ceffala f. 436; An African Indian f. 437r; and Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa f. 439r. Again, according to the text, the following costumes include silver: Prestor John f. 416r; Prestor Johns Pages f. 417r; Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 418r; African Woman f. 431r; and African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen f. 434r. TP188PT Vecellio, f. 416r. Il Prete Ianni porta di sopra una vesta di panno doro . TP189PT Diane Owen Hughes, Sumptuary Law and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West ed. John Bossy (Cambridge, 1983) 78. TP190PT Ibid, 70. TP191PT According to the text, the following costumes include jewels and gems : Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 418r (fig. 7); Ethiopian Girl f. 420 (fig. 9); Moorish Girl, f. 429r (fig. 18); African Woman f. 431 (fig. 20); and An African Indian f. 437 (fig. 26). TP192PTHughes.

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61 fur.TP193PT Most fantastic of the five are the Ethiopian Soldier (fig. 10) and the Black Moor of Zanzibar (fig. 28). The coat of the Ethiopian soldier is made from a lions hide. Even more fabulously, a furry animal hide is wrapped around the man from Zanzibars waist. The tail of the animal hide remains on the pelt and brushes the ground between its wearers legs. Eight Africans wear embroidered or embellished clothing.TP194PT Though Vecellio did not always mention the worked ( lavorata) fabrics in his texts, he rendered ornate linear foliate patterns onto t he printed cloth of seven of his Africans. Five of the Africans have wide sleeves that are indicated textually.TP195PT Wide sleeves were associated with luxury.TP196PT In fact, in October of 1504, the Venetian Senators banned all sleeves wider than one third of a brachia at any point.TP197PT Despite their best efforts to curb the growing openings, they seemed unstoppable. On January 4, 1507, when sleeve width was again being restricted, the Senate decreed that if [women] are granted the right to put six brachia [into the sleeves], in a few months they will grow to an even larger size.TP198PT In a city were the politicians often associated their politys environmental and TP193PT The following costumes involve fur: Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 418r (fig. 7); Ethiopian Soldier, f. 421r (fig. 10); Man from the Kingdom of Tlemcen f. 433r (fig. 22); An African Indian f. 437r (fig. 26); and the Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa f. 439r (fig. 28). TP194PT The following costumes are visually shown to be worked or embroidered: Prestor John f. 415v (fig. 5); Prestor Johns Pages 416v (fig. 6); Prestor Johns Chief Assistants f. 417v (fig. 7); Ethiopian Soldier, f. 420v (fig. 10); Admirals and Councilors of the Sultan of Egypt f. 422v (fig. 12); Moorish Nobleman of Cairo f. 423v (fig. 13); and Mamluk f. 425v (fig.15). Vecellio mentioned worked cloth in the descriptions for the following figures: Prestor Johns Pages 417r (fig. 6); Admirals and Councilors of the Sultan of Egypt f. 423r (fig. 12); Moorish Nobleman of Cairo f. 424r (fig. 13); Mamluk, f. 426r (fig.15); and Well-to-do Moor f. 430r (fig. 19). TP195PT Prestor John (fig. 5), Prestor Johns Pages (fig. 6), the Well-to-do Moor (fig. 19), African Woman (fig. 20), and African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen (fig. 23) are described as having wide sleeves. These sleeves are also visible in the woodcuts. Also, the wide sleeves of Prestor Johns Chief Assistants (fig. 7) are visible, but not mentioned in the text. TP196PT Newton, 201. TP197PT Hughes, 89 TP198PT Ibid.

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62 territorial crises with con spicuous consumption, the Doge addressed the Great Council in the summer of 1509 attributing Venetian dec line to the inordinate length of the sleeves.TP199PT Overall, eighteen of the twenty-five Af rican representations have some visual or verbal indicator of ricchezza such as gold, silver, gems, jewels, embroidered cloth, animal fur, or wide sleeves. The remaining seven are still sumptuous because of their foreignness, which in its diversity can add to the beauty of a production according to Di Somi.TP200PT Importantly, richness and grandeur were always visible in degrees so that the relationships among the figures were maintained, and the harmonious propriety was not disrupted. Vecellio included labels for these antique, diverse, and rich costumes in two extensive indices. The indexes point toward Habiti antichi et moderni s intended use as a reference guide. Costumes were searchable by the figures title or by specific ornaments worn by the figures in the book. Users could al so easily locate figures from a particular place by the large geographical divisions created by the separation of the texts and images into books within the codex. Vecellios first edition, Degli habiti antichi et moderni consisted of only two major geographical divisions Europe in Book I and Africa and Asia in Book II. In that edition, the Africans intermingle with the Asians. Additionally, the earlier edition has only one i ndex in which all notable things in the book are contained. Thus, the second edition is a more accessible sourcebook for artisans. Artist selecting ideas for their own designs could find costumes based on geography, the wearers identity, or the name of a particular element of costume. TP199PT Ibid, 90. TP200PT Di Somi, 270.

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63 Once the figure or item of clothing the artisan required was selected, Vecellio provided a textual representation of the imager y in the woodcut. In his letter to his readers, he advertised this as a selling poi nt because it gives the user important information that could not be visually conveyed in the format of woodcut prints.TP201PT In his descriptions, which in certain cases provide ethnographical details, Vecellio carefully recorded the materials from which the pieces of the costume and worn ornaments are made. Furthermore, he often mentioned the usual colors of the costumes. In the case of the African women, he also details their hairstyles, facial make-up, and fingernail polish.TP202PT Clearly, Vecellios Africans were meant to escape their strapwork frames and be transformed into physical and painted costumes. Rather than being contained in this codex by precise description or defined by typified imagery, these Africans were made to inspire new and unique African costumes that would exceed correctness as displays of their inventors ingenuity through their sumptuously rich grazia and the capriccio of their invention. Vecellios methodology for compiling his book takes on new significance in light of its intended use. The figures were likely chosen because of their proven success as markers of identity and conduits of pleasure. Theorists of theater actually encouraged the use of previously existing artworks as models for costume. Marcello Buttiglis 1629 pamphlet chronicling the spectacles in honor of Parmas Duchess, Margherita di Toscana, TP201PT Vecellio, f. [6r] and [6v]. TP202PT Regarding the Ethiopian Girl (fig. 9), Vecellio wrote, Portano in capo una bella legatura di capelli di capelli di velo rosso, turchino , f. 420r. He also described the hairstyle of the Woman of Average Condition (fig. 24). Hanno I loro capelli ricci, & bene accommodati , f. 435r. Vecellio mentioned the makeup and fingernail polish of the African Woman (fig. 20): quasi tutte si dipingono le carni, et si tingono le unghie , f.431r; f. 434r Africana del Regno Tramisin: si dipingo in modo.

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64 Descrittione dellApparato fatto, per honorare la prima e solenne entrata in Parma dell Serenissima Prencipessa, Margheria di Toscana, duchessa di Parma, Piacenza gave a source list for costumes.TP203PT Compendia by Buontalenti, Vasari, Callot, and Parigi who designed court spectacles for the Medici in Florence also offered models for costume. Di Somi recommended costume styled after the fash ion of antique sculptures or paintings with those mantles and attires in which these persons of past centurie s were so beautifully depicted.TP204PT On the other hand, Ingegneri advocates looking for designs in contemporary painting. The author of Il Corago suggested the use of modern drawings, engravings, and other iconographic materials as sources for operatic costume.TP205PT Vecellios borrowings of imagery from other artistic sources can only be seen as typical and intended. Acting as a surrogate for costume designers and painters, he collected successful models and compiled them for their perusal. However, the models were only supposed to act as guides. Users would have taken these models and adapted them for thei r own specific invention. Novelty and invention were prized in costume design. A ccording to Cinthio, innovative costumes not only arouse the admiration of the audience, but also help them to follow the play with more attention.TP206PT Vecellios models were certainly not intended to work as a costume code for the costume designers or painters. The classical Greek system of codified costume had been denounced except for some who found it only acceptable for comedies.TP207PT In ancient Greece, theatrical cost ume was standardized so that old men TP203PT Buttigli mentions his sources on pp. 286-287. TP204PT Di Somi, 270. TP205PT Il Corago, 114. TP206PT Cinthio, 278. TP207PTNewton, 211.

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65 wore white, young men dressed in varied colors, prostitutes were outfitted in yellow, and parasites wore twisted and pleated cloaks.TP208PT This restrictive codified system was dismissed because new tastes enjoyed more variation and extravagance in theatrical spectacles. In this environment, Vecellios Africans can be understood as models successful in their propriety and grazia in previous pictorial contexts. Now removed from that context, they are made available for revision and insertion in newly created theatrical or pictorial spaces. Umberto Eco explains that the elements of a picture gain their meaning from the pictorial context. The units composing an iconic text are established if at all by the context. Out of context these so-called signs are not signs at all, because they are neither coded nor possess any resemblance to anything. Thus insofar as it establishes the coded value of a sign, the iconic text is an act of code-making.TP209PT As proposals for costume in new productions, Vecellios African representations await a context and consequently the ability to fully signify. Only the individual pictorial text can determine the pertinence and structural value of its visual elements.TP210PT As pictorial elements preciously excised from picture planes and decontextualized, Vecellios African representa tions are incomplete signifiers. As a group, they are not coded costumes Instead, they are a vocabulary of decontextualized iconic units ready to participate in code-making when located within new artistic productions. In light of the intended purpose of Habiti antichi et moderni as a model book of costume, the individual African costumes remain open to signification. TP208PT Ibid. TP209PT Umberto Eco, A Theory of Semiotics (Bloomington, 1976) 216. TP210PT Walter A. Koch, Varia Semiotica (Hildesheim, 1971) 306-309.

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66 They are contained in a highly ordered codex and are shaped by travel narratives pointing to the economic potential of Africa for Europeans. Still, as representations, they are available for ot her meanings in their new theatrical and pictorial contexts. Within Habiti antichi et moderni is a vocabulary of African costume ready to assume additional signification.

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67 Conclusion The printing of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo eight years after the first edition of Vecellios costume book was pub lished suggests the financial success of his project. In an environment where printi ng projects required s ubstantial capital to begin, a second edition implies at least a modes t response from readers. Most of the woodcuts in Habiti antichi et moderni were reprinted again as Habiti antichi in 1664, but with significantly reduced descr iptions (figs. 46-48). This edition attributed the designs to Titian who was assisted by his cousin Vecellio. Perhaps its publishers were trying to tap into the seventeenth-century mania for Titian and offer models to his would-be imitators. The preface of the book explains that is made for painters, designers, sculptors, architects, and all who are curious ( pittori, dissegnatori, scultori, architetti, & ad ogni curioso .) Into the seventeenth cent ury, the clothed Africans in Habiti antichi et moderni were intended to inspire costumes for artistic projects. In the mid-nineteenth century, Ambroise Firmin-Didot resurrected Vecellios Africans, breathing new life into them as he translated them yet again into a group of engravings characterized by soft lines and ani mated faces (figs.49-74). Firmin-Didot was an avid collector of prints, especially ear ly German woodcuts, Old Master prints, and those of eighteenth-century France. He belonged to a Parisian family of printers, publishers, and collectors, eventually taking over the fam ily business in 1827. He included Vecellio in his catalog of print history, Essai typographique et bibliographique

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68 sur lhistoire e la gravure sur bois and recreated his costume book in two volumes, entitling it Costumes anciens et modernes (1859-1860). Perhaps the original constructions Degli habiti antichi et moderni and Habiti antichi et modern or the reconstructed Costumes anciens et modernes inspired Auguste Racinet who created his own monument al and expansive collection of costume, Le costume historique published by Ambroise Firmin-Didot from 1876-1888 (figs. 75 and 76). Vecellios woodcuts of Venetian dress inspired some of Racinets renderings of Venetian costume. Employing newly invented color lithograph technology, Le costume historique contained two thousand pages of costu med figures in six volumes and was originally printed in magazine form. Racinet relied on Vecellios methodology of costume collection selecting figures from painting, sculpture, tapestry, illuminated manuscripts, portraits, and engravings to compile his dressed bodies. However, instead of singling out his bodies for unique observati on and interaction with other single figures as Vecellio did, Racinets figures appear in groups. They ar e portrayed engaging in dayto-day life, displaying their local customs, or are overlapped in a collage of bodies, turned this way and that for examination. Often bodies are separated from their ornaments and weaponry, arranged in ethnographic displays on adjacent pages. They are unlike Vecellios Africans, which were prepared to step out of the page and be remade with new identities acquired in their ultimate destina tions. Racinets Africans remain attached to their pages as part of a visual display for per usal by a general audience in a tour-de-force of printing. Racinets Africans reside in a nine teenth-century costume book designed in the capital of their colonial power and are arranged in a quasi-scientific language of

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69 anthropological display. They were subjected to an investigative view of French citizens. Vecellios Africans of nearly three hundr ed years earlier were to be engaged with a different, active gaze. They were located in a costume book made in a city that did not possess power over African geographies and peo ples, but instead, had power over their representation on the European continent. V ecellios Africans are quite literally enframed by European-ness with the decorative a nd distinctly Mannerist design of their strapwork borders. Though they reflect little of their original African-ness, as part of the collection of models in Habiti antichi et moderni, they resisted fixed definition. Curious artisans, intending to evoke decorous wonder, were intended to play with them not just look at them. Vecellios classificatory order may foreshadow a new format of organizing knowledge, specifically, that which Foucault names the Classical episteme and argues makes possible the scientific examination of human bodies and customs. The sixteenth-century practice of gathering parts into a collection did involve working out ways to contain and reconcile new and existi ng knowledges within a European system. But, collecting practices also emphasized the excitement inspired by these knowledges inspired. For example, recall Ramusios double goal in Navigationi et viaggi of revising Ptolemys spatial organization of the world to include new discoveries and recording great and marvelous deeds. The spatially ordered and economically and politically motivated framework of Vecellios collecti on coexisted with the wonder, curiosity, and possibilities of the images.

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70 Works Cited Alberti, Leon Battista. On Painting Translated and edited by Cecil Grayson. London: Penguin Books, 1991. Barthes, Roland. Elements of Semiology Translated by Annette Lavers and Colin Smith. New York: Hill and Wang, 1964. Balsiger, Barbara Jeanne. "The Kunst-und Wunderkammern: A Catalogue Raisonne of Collecting in Germany, France, and England, 1565-1750." PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1970. Bassani, Ezio and Malcolm McLeod. African Ma terial in Early Modern Collections. In The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Europe Edited by Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, 245-250. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Beckingham, C.F. Between Islam and Christianity: Travelers, Facts, and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. Bellengin, Francesca. La decorazioni pittorica della Biblioteca Piloni. In Cesare Vecellio, 1521c.-1601. Edited by Tiziana Conte, 95-123. Belluno: Amministrazione Provinciale di Belluno, 2001. Blier, Suzanne Preston. Imaging Otherness in Ivory: African Portrayals of the Portuguese ca. 1492. Art Bulletin 75 (1993): 375-396. Blunt, Anthony. Artistic Theory in Italy, 1450-1600 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962. Boissard, Jean Jacques. Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium Cologne: Caspar Ruiz, 1581. Breydenbach, Berhard von. Peregrination in Terram sanctam Mainz: Erhard Reuwich, 1486. Brown, Patricia Fortini. Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. Bucher, Bernadette. Icon and Conquest: A Structuralist Anal ysis of the Illustrations of de Bry's Great Voyages Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.

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75 Timmons, Traci Elizabeth. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo as an Indicator of the Late Sixteenth-Century Venetian Social Order." MA thesis, University of South Florida, 1996. Vallejo, Eduardo Aznar. "The Conquests of the Canary Islands." In Implicit Understandings edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 134-156. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Vasari, Giorgio. The Lives of the Artists Translated and edited by Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Vecellio, Cesare. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo. Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598. Wansbrough, John. "A Mamluk Ambassador to Venice in 913/1509." Bulletin of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 26 (1963): 503-530. Wilson, Bronwen. The Eye of Italy: The Image of Venice and Venetians in Sixteenth-Century Prints. PhD diss., Northwestern University, 1999.

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76 Bibliography Primary Sources Alberti, Leon Battista. On Painting Translated and edited by Cecil Grayson. London: Penguin Books, 1991. Breydenbach, Berhard von. Peregrination in Terram sanctam Mainz: Erhard Reuwich, 1486. Boissard, Jean Jacques. Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium Cologne: Caspar Ruiz, 1581. Buttigli, Marcello. Descrizione dell'apparato fatto per honorare la prima e solenne entrata in Parma della serenissima principessa Margherita de Toscana, duchessa di Parma, Piacenze. Parma: Viotti, 1629. Il Corago Edited by Paolo Fabbri and Angelo Po mpilio. Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1983. Dolce, Lodovico. Dialogo della Pittura di M. Lo dovico Dolce, Intitolato LAretino Translated and edited by Mark Roskill. In Dolces Aretino and Venetian Art Theory of the Cinquecento by Mark Roskill, 83-199. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. Published in associ ation with the Renaissance Society of America. Firmin Didot, Ambroise. Essai typographique et bibliographique sur l'histoire de la gravure Paris: Firmin Didot, 1863. Giraldi, Giovanni Battista (Cinthio). Discorsi di M. Giovambattista Giraldi Cinthio Nobile Ferrarese, E Segretario Dell'Illv strissimo Et Eccellentiss. Dvca Di Ferrara, intorno al comporre de i Romanzi, delle Comedie, e delle Tragedie, e di altre maniere di Poesie. Venice: Gabriel Ciolito de Ferrari et Fratelli, 1554. Ingegneri, Angelo. Della poesia rappresentativa e del modo di rappresentare le favole sceniche Edited by Maria Luisa Doglio. Modena: Edizioni Panini, 1989. Pagani, Zaccaria. Viaggio di Domenico Trevisan Venice: Antonelli, 1875. Pliny the Elder. Natural History vol. 2. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949. Ptolemy. Geographia Universalis, vetus et nova, complectens Claudii Ptolemaei di exandrini en narratio nis libros VIII Basil: Henrich Petrum, 1545.

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77 Racinet, Auguste. Le costume historique 6 vols. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1888. Ramusio, Gian Battista. Navigationi et viaggi, Venice 1563-1606 3 vols. With an introduction by R.A. Skelton and an Analysis of the Contents by Prof.George B. Parks. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1967-1970. ______. Primo Volume delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Nel Qual Si Contiene La Descrittione Dell' Africa, Et del paese del Prete Ianni, con vari viaggi Venice: Giunti, 1550. ______. Primo Volume et Seconda editione Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi In molti Luoghi Corretta, Et Ampliata. Venice: Giunti, 1554. ______. Terzo Volume Delle Navigationi et Viaggi Nel Quale Si Contengono Le Navigationi al Mondo Nuov Venice: Giunti, 1556. ______. Secondo Volume Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Nel Quale Si Contengono L'Historia delle cose de Tartari. Venice: Giunti, 1559. ______. Primo volume, et Terza editione Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Raccolto Gia Da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio. Venice: Giunti, 1563. ______. Terzo Volume Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Raccolto Gia Da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio Venice: Giunti, 1565. ______. Secondo Volume Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Raccolto Gia Da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio, Et Hora In Questa Nuova Editione Accresiuto Venice: Giunti, 1574. ______. Secondo Volume Delle Navigationi et Viaggi Venice: Giunti, 1583. ______. Primo volume, et Quarta Editione Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Raccolto Gia Da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio Venice: Giunti, 1588. ______. Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi raccolte da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio, in tre volume divise Et nel fine con aggiunta nella presente quinta impressione Volume Primo. Venice: Giunti, 1606. ______. Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi Raccolte da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio Volume Secondo quarta editione Venice: Giunti, 1606. ______. Delle Navigationi Et Viaggi raccolte da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio Volume Primo. Venice: Giunti, 1613. Sanuto, Livio. Geographia dell'Africa Venice 1588 Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarum, 1965.

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78 Somi, Leone di. The Dialogues of Leone di Somi Translated and edited by A. Nicoll. In The Development of Theatre: A Study of Theatrical Art from the Beginnings to the Present Day by Allardyce Nicoll. 5PthP ed. rev. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966. Vasari, Giorgio. The Lives of the Artists Translated and edited by Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Vecellio, Cesare. Costumes anciens et modernes 2 vols. Paris: Firmin Didot, 18591860. ______. De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diuerse parti del mondo Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590. ______. Habiti antichi Venice: Combi & La No, 1664. ______. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598. Secondary Sources Bal, Mieke and Norman Bryson. Semiotics and Art History. The Art Bulletin 73 (1991): 174-208. Baldwin, Muriel. Costume, 1400-1600: An Exhibition in the Spencer Room. Bulletin of the New York Public Library 41 (January 1937): 8-14. Balsiger, Barbara Jeanne. "The Kunst-und Wunderkammern: A Catalogue Raisonne of Collecting in Germany, France, and England, 1565-1750." PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1970. Barthes, Roland. Elements of Semiotics Translated by Annette Lavers and Colin Smith. New York: Hill and Wang, 1964. Beckingham, C.F. Between Islam and Christianity: Travelers, Facts, and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. Blier, Suzanne Preston. "Imaging Otherness in Ivory: African Portrayals of the Portuguese ca. 1492." Art Bulletin 75 (1993): 375-396. Blumenthal, Arthur R. Theater Art of the Medici Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College Museum and Galleries, 1980. Distributed by the University Press of New England. An exhibition catalogue.

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79 Blunt, Anthony. Artistic Theory in Italy, 1450-1600 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962. Brown, Patrica Fortini. Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. Bucher, Bernadette. Icon and Conquest: A Structuralist Anal ysis of the Illustrations of de Bry's Great Voyages Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. Burke, Peter. "Early Modern Venice as a Center of Information and Communication." In Venice Reconsidered edited by John Martin and Dennis Romano, 389-419. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. Calabrese, Omar. From the Semiotics of Painti ng to the Semiotics of Pictorial Text. Versus 25 (1980): 3-27. Cole, Richard G. Sixteenth-Century Travel Books as a Source of European Attitudes toward Non-White and Non-Western Culture. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 116 (1972): 59-67. Comer, Christopher Duran. "Studies in Lorraine Art, ca. 1580 ca.1625." PhD diss., Princeton University, 1980. Conley, Tom. The Self-Made Map Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. Conte, Tiziana, ed. Cesare Vecellio, 1521c. 1601. Belluno: Amministrazione Provinciale di Belluno, 2001. Cosgrove, Denis. Mapping New Worlds: Culture and Cartography in Sixteenth Century Venice. Imago Mundi 44 (1992): 65-89. Devisse, Jean and Michel Mollat. The Image of the Black in Western Art vol. 2. Translated by William Granger Ryan. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc. 1979. Eco, Umberto. A Theory of Semiotics Bloomington: University of Indiana, 1976. Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Epstein, Steven A. Speaking of Slavery: Color, Ethnicity, and Human Bondage in Italy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001. Erickson, Peter. "Representations of Blacks and Blackness in the Renaissance." Criticism 35 (1993): 499-527.

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80 Farago, Claire, ed. Reframing the Renaissance. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995. Featherstonhaugh, Arthur Cambronne III. The Origins of the European View of West Africa in the Literature of Travel and Description, 1450-1750. PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1983. Findlen, Paula. Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecti ng, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences New York: Vintage Books, 1994. Grimes, Kristen Ina. Dressing the World: Costume Books and Ornamental Cartography in the Age of Exploration. In A Well-Fashioned Image: Clothing and Costume in European Art, 1500-1850 edited by Elizabeth Rodini and Elissa B. Weaver, 12-21. Chicago: The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago, 2002. An exhibition catalogue. Gurin dalle Mese, Jeannine. L'occhio di Cesare Vecellio: Abiti e costumi esotici nel '500. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 1998. ______, ed. Il Vestito e la Sua Immagine. Atti del convegno in omaggio a Cesare Vecellio nel quarto centenario della morte, Belluno, 20-22 settembre 2001 Belluno: Amministrazione Provinciale di Belluno, 2002. Hannaford, Ivan. Race: The History of an Idea in the West Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Hecker, Kristine. The Concept of Theat re Production in Leone de Sommis Quattro dialoghi in the Context of His Time. In Leone de Sommi and the Performing Arts, edited by Ahuva Belkin, 189-209. Tel Aviv: The Yolanda and David Katz Faculty of the Arts, Tel Aviv University, 1997. Hobson, Anthony. "The Pillone Library." The Book Collector VII (1958): 28-37. Hodgen, Margaret T. Early Anthropology in the Sixt eenth and Seventeeth Centuries Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. Hollander, Anne. Seeing through Clothes New York: Viking Press, 1978. Howard, Deborah. Venice and the East New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. Hughes, Diane Owen. Distinction and Display in Renaissance Italy New Haven: Yale University Press, forthcoming.

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81 ______. Sumptuary Law and Social Rela tions in Renaissance Italy. In Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West edited by John Bossy, 69-99. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Impey, Oliver and Arthur MacGregor, eds. The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Europe Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Ivins, William M. Prints and Visual Communication Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969. Kaplan, Paul Henry Daniel. "Ruler, Saint, and Servant: Blacks in European Art to 1520." PhD diss., Boston University, 1983. Keen, Alan. The Venetian Library Collected at the Close of the XVI Century by Doctor Odorico Pillone and the Sides and Edges Painted by Cesare Vecellio London: Alan Keen, Ltd., n.d. An auction catalogue. Kemp, Martin. "Wrought by No Artist's Hand." In Reframing the Renaissance edited by Claire Farago, 177-196. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995. Kenseth, Joy, ed. The Age of the Marvelous Hanover, NH: The Hood Museum of Art, 1991. Distributed by the University of Chicago Press. An exhibition catalogue. Koch, Walter A. Varia Semiotica. Hildesheim: 1971. Kp, Karl. "Some Early Costume Books." The Bulletin of the New York Public Library 40 (November 1936): 926-932. Kp, Karl and Muriel Baldwin. "Costume 1400-1600: An Exhibition in the Spencer Room." The Bulletin of the New York Public Library 41 (January 1937): 8-14. Lane, Fredric C. Venice: A Maritime Republic Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973. Mark, Peter. Africans in European Eyes: The Portrayal of Black Africans in Fourteenthand Fifteenth-Century Europe Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Foreign and Comparative Studies/Eastern Africa Series 16. 1974. ______. European Perceptions of Black Afri cans in the Renaissance. In Africa and the Renaissance: Art in Ivory edited by Ezio Bassani and William Fagg. New York: Center for African Art, 1988. An exhibition catalogue. Masonen, Pekka. "Leo Africanus: The Man with Many Names." Al-Andalus-Magreb. Revista de estudios rabes e islmicos VII-IX (2002): 115-143.

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82 Mayor, A. Hyatt. "Renaissance Costume Books." Bulletin of the Metr opolitan Museum of Art XXXVII (June 6, 1942): 158-159. Mazzacco, Angelo. "Biondo Flavio and the Antiquarian Tradition." In Acta Coventus Neo-Latini Bononiensis, Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of neo-Latin Studies, Bologna 26 August-1 September 1979 Edited by R. J. Schoeck, 124-136. Binghamton, NY: MRTS, 1985. Migliarisi, Anna. Renaissance and Baroque Directors: Theory and Practice of Play Production in Italy Ottawa: Legas, 2003. Nagler, A.M. Theatre Festivals of the Medici, 1539-1637 New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964. Newton, Stella Mary. Renaissance Theatre Costume and the Sense of the Historic Past. New York: Theatre Arts Books, 1975. Niane, D.T., ed. General History of Africa vol. 4. Berkeley: University of California Press/UNESCO, 1984. Nth, Winfried. Handbook of Semiotics Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990. Nowell, Charles E. "The Historical Prestor John." Speculum 28 (1953): 435-445. Ogot, B.A., ed. General History of Africa vol. 5. Berkeley: Un iversity of California Press/UNESCO, 1992. Olian, Jo Anne. "Sixteenth Century Costume Books." Dress: The Journal of the Costume Society of America 3 (1977): 20-48. Oliver, Roland, ed. The Cambridge History of Africa vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1977. Oliver, Roland and Anthony Atmore. Medieval Africa, 1250-1800 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Ong, Walter. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word. New York: Routledge, 1982. Pallen, Thomas A. Vasari on Theatre Carbondale: Southern Illi nois University Press, 1999. Parks, George B. "Ramusio's Literary History." Studies in Philology 52 (1955): 127148.

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83 Pierre Bers (Firm). Bibliothque Pillone With a preface by Lionello Veturi. Paris: Pierre Bers, 1957. An auction catalogue. ______. Un Groupe des Livres Pillone Paris: Pierre Bers, [1975?]. An auction catalogue. Pomian, Krysztof. Collectors and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500-1800 Translated by Elizabeth Wiles-Portier. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Wr iting and Transculturation New York: Routledge, 1992. Raby, Julian. Venice, Drer and the Oriental Mode London: Islamic Art Publications, 1982. Rosand, David. Painting in Sixteenth-Century Venice Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Roskill, Mark. Dolces Aretino and Venetian Art Theory of the Cinquecento Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. Pub lished in association with the Renaissance Society of America. Said, Edward. Orientalism New York: Pantheon Books, 1978 Sauvaget, Jean. "Une ancienne representa tion de Damas au Muse du Louvre." Bulletin d'tudes orientales 11 (1945-1946): 5-12. Smith, Robert. "In Search of Carpaccio's African Gondolier." In Italian Studies: An Annual Review edited by T.G. Griffith and others. The Society for Italian Studies, 1979. Stallybrass, Peter and Ann Rosalind Jones. Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Timmons, Traci Elizabeth. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo as an Indicator of the Late Sixteenth-Century Venetian Social Order." MA thesis, University of South Florida, 1996. Traub, Valerie. "Mapping the Global Body." In Early Modern Visual Culture edited by Peter Erickson and Claire Hulse, 44-97. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. Vallejo, Eduardo Aznar. "The Conquests of the Canary Islands." In Implicit Understandings edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 134-156. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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84 Wansbrough, John. "A Mamluk Ambassador to Venice in 913/1509." Bulletin of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 26 (1963): 503-530. Wilson, Bronwen. 'The Eye of Italy': The Image of Venice and Venetians in SixteenthCentury Prints." PhD diss., Northwestern University, 1999.

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85 Appendix A: Codicological Analysis of Habiti antichi et moderni

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86 VECELLIO, Cesare, 1521-1601. Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo 8 (octavo). 12 books in 1 vol. Venice, Giovanni Bernardo Sessa, 1598. (University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections.) Sessas printers mark, a cat with a mous e, appears in the center of the title page. Also, one of four female figures, who represent Europe, Asia, America, and Africa, stands in each corner of an architectur al border. Five hundred and seven woodcuts of figures in their local costumes (approximately 10.8 x 5.1 cm to 11.4 x 5.7 cm) appear throughout the book. These woodcuts are surrounded by strapwork decorations. The illustrations occur on each verso, and the faci ng recto page is filled with text. Four hundred and twenty of these woodcuts appeared in Vecellios first edition of this book, De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diverse parti del mondo libri due, fatti da Cesare Vecellio, & Con discorsi da Lui dichiarati published by Damian Zenaro in Venice in 1590. Eighty-seven woodcuts were prepared especially for the 1598 edition including those of Prestor John and his associates, Popes and Cardinals, and individuals from the New World. Two of the woodcuts are repea ted several times in the book. The Roman nobleman is also used for the Modern Milanese, Florentine and Neopolitan noblemen; and the Roman merchant is also used for the Modern Italian, Florentine, and Neopolitan merchants. The woodcuts were designed by Vecellio and engraved by the Nuremberg Formschneider, Christoforo Guerra Thedesco da Norimbergo (also referred to as Christopher Guerra, Christoph Krieger, or Chrieger). The book ends with a colophon including the printers mark. The brief Italian texts (abbreviated vers ions of the explanations from the 1590 edition) are printed in italics on the top of each recto, and newly prepared Latin texts are printed in a Latin type at the bottom of the page. The lines per recto are highly variable. However, the same amount of space is utili zed on each page. In order to accomplish this, the type size is varied, and sometimes woodcut emblems are inserted at the bottom of the text to fill the page. Foliated w oodcut initials begin most sections of Italian text. After the introductory material, the book is folia ted on each recto beginning with folio 2 and ending with folio 507. Several mistakes in foliation include the following: folios 66-72 are foliated 62-68; folio 463 is folia ted 450; and folio 499 is foliated 490. The book is organized geographically and chr onologically into twelve books and includes introductory material. It begins with a dedication to Pietro Montalbano, first in Italian and then in Latin. This is follow ed by a dedication to the reader. A discourse on costume included in the first edition is omitted. The book contains two alphabetized indices both in Italian and Latin. One index lists the figures included in the book ( Tavola denomi properi delle figvr e di tutto il volume ), and the other lists the components of their costumes (Tavola devesti, et ornamenti di tutte le Figure dell opera ). The primary content follows a secondary title page. It includes (1) Libro Primo de gli habiti d Italia (Italy), (2) Libro II de gli habiti di Francia (France, Lowlands, and Burgundy), (3) Libro III de gli habiti di Spagna (Spain and Portugal), (4) Libro IIII de gli habiti dIngnilterra

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87 Appendix A (Continued) (England), (5) Libro V de gli habiti Settentrionali (northern Europe), (6) de gli habiti di Germania (Germany and central Europe), (7) de gli habiti di Polonia (Poland and neighboring lands), (8) Libro VIII de gli habiti deTuchi and de gli habiti deGreci (Turkey and Greece), (9) Libro IX de gli habiti dVngheria (Hungary and neighboring lands), (10) Libro X de gli habiti dellAffrica (Africa), (11) Libro XI de gli habiti dellAsia (Asia), (12) Libro XII de gli habiti dellAmerica (America). Italian costumes constitute nearly half the book and are further subdivided into: Rome (the Church, ancient, medieval and modern), Venice and the Venetian region (before 1590 and modern), and other regions (Lombardy, northwest Italy, Tuscany, central Italy, Naples and Sicily). The book measures 18 x 12 x 6 cm. The bindi ng is leather over panel with a cross and the letters I, H, S pressed into it. T he binding most likely originates from the time that the book was located in the Bibliot heca Majori Coll. Rom. Societ. Jesu. The shelf marks include 68.512 inside the front cover, B.5 on the title page, and Spec. Coll NK 4703 143 no. 862 on the back of the first blank leaf. Two bookplates and a slip of paper are attached inside of the front cover. The bookplates read ex Libris Georgio di Veroli and ex Bibliotheca Majori Coll. Rom. Societ. Jesu. The slip of paper appears to comment on the condition and type of book that it is, and it was probably inserted at a shop where the book was for sale. Finally, the book is signed G. Sassi on the front of the first blank leaf. Collation: aP4P-gP4P (introductory material); AP4P-IP4P, KP4P-TP4P, VP4P, XP4P-ZP4P; AaP4P-IiP4P, KkP4P-TtP4P (KkB3B missigned KKB3B), Vu, Xx-Zz (YyB3B missigned Yy); AaaP4P-IiiP4P, KkkP4P-RrrP4P (Ppp missigned ppp), SssP2P. 563 leaves.

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88 Appendix B: Illustrations

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Figure 1. Frontispiece, Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi ne qval si contiene la descrittione dell Africa (Venice: Giunti, 1550). [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 89

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 2. Prima Tavola (Map of Africa), Giacomo Gastaldi in Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Primo volume, & seconda editione delle naviagationi et viaggi (Venice: Giunti, 1554). [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 90

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 3. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diuerse parti del mondo (Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590). Woodcut. [Photograph reproduced by permission from The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, PML 9626.] 91

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 4. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598). Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 92

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 5. Prestor John, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), ff. 415v and 416r. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 93

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 6. Prestor Johns Pages, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 416v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 94

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 7. Prestor Johns Chief Assistants, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 417v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 95

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 8. Ethiopian Nobleman, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 418v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 96

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 9. Ethiopian Girl, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 419v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 97

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 10. Ethiopian Soldier, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 420v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 98

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 11. Campson Guari (Qansawh al-Ghawri), Sultan of Egypt, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 421v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 99

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 12. Admirals and Councilors of the Sultan of Egypt, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 422v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 100

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 13. Moorish Nobleman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 423v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 101

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 14. Woman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 424v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 102

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 15. A Mamluk, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 425v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 103

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 16. A Christian Indian in Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 426v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 104

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 17. Noble of Barbary, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 427v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 105

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 18. Moorish Girl, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 428v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 106

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 19. Well-to-do Moor, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 429v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 107

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 20. African Woman, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 430v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 108

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 21. Black Moor of Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 431v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 109

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 22. Man from the Kingdom of Tlemcen, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 432v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 110

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 23. African Woman from the Kingdom of Tlemcen, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 433v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 111

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 24. Woman of Average Condition, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 434v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 112

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 25. African Indian from Ceffala, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 435v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 113

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 26. An African Indian, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 436v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 114

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 27. Clothing of the Kingdom of Giabea in Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 437v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 115

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 28. Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 438v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 116

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 29. Clothing of the Canary Islands, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 439v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 117

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 30. African Woman in the Indies, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598), f. 486v. Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 118

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 31. Colophon, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Bernardo Sessa, 1598). Woodcut. [Image courtesy of the University of South Florida, Tampa Library, Special Collections/ Richard Bernardy and Walter Rowe.] 119

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 32. St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria, Gentile Bellini (1429-1507). Painting finished after Gentiles death by his brother Giovanni Bellini in 1508. Oil on canvas, 347 x 770 cm. Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan, Italy. [Photograph reproduced by permission. Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY.] 120

PAGE 132

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 33. Reception of an Ambassador in Damascus, Venetian artist. Sixteenth century. Oil on canvas. Photo: G. Blot/J. Schor. Louvre, Paris, France. [Photograph reproduced by permission. Runion des Muses Nationaux/ Art Resource, NY.] 121

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 34. Sarraceni, Erhard Reuwich in Bernhard von Breydenbach, Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctum (Mainz: Erhard Reuwich, 1486). Hand-colored woodcut. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 122

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 35. Frontispiece, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581). Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 123

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 36. Man of Barbary, Albanian, and Greek Soldier, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 34. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 124

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 37. Macedonian Girl, Lady of Alexandria, and Woman of Macedonia, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 39. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 125

PAGE 137

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 38. Oriental Indian Woman, Oriental Indian, and African Indian, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 54. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 126

PAGE 138

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 39. African Patriarch, Nobleman of Barbary, and Turk, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 55. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 127

PAGE 139

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 40. Three African Women, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 56. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 128

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 41. African Indian Woman, Arab, and Arab Girl, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 57. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 129

PAGE 141

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 42. African Indian Woman, African Indian, and Oriental Indian, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 58. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 130

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 43. Moor, Moorish Girl, and Ethiopian, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 59. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 131

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 44. Two Ethiopians and an Ethiopian Girl, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 60. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 132

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 45. Oriental Indian Woman, African Indian, and Oriental Woman, Jean Jacques Boissard, Habitvs Variarum Orbis gentium (Coloniae?: Caspar Rutz, 1581), f. 61. Engraving. [Photograph reproduced by permission from the Rare Books Division, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.] 133

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 46. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664). Woodcut. [Photograph courtesy of Mandeville Special Collections Library, University of California, San Diego Libraries.] 134

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 47. Prestor John, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664), 346. Woodcut. [Photograph courtesy of Mandeville Special Collections Library, University of California, San Diego Libraries.] 135

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 48. Colophon, Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi (Venice: Combi & LaNo, 1664). Woodcut. [Photograph courtesy of Mandeville Special Collections Library, University of California, San Diego Libraries.] 136

PAGE 148

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 49. Frontispiece, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860). 137

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 50. Clothes of Prestor John, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 422. 138

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 51. Prestor Johns Pages, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 423. 139

PAGE 151

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 52. Prestor Johns Chief Assistants, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 424. 140

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 53. Ethiopian Nobleman, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 425. 141

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 54. Ethiopian Girl, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 426. 142

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 55. Ethiopian Soldier, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 427. 143

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 56. Clothes of Campson Guari or Great Sultan of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 428. 144

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 57. Admirals and Councilors of the Great Sultan, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 429. 145

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 58. Moorish Nobleman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 430. 146

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 59. Woman of Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 431. 147

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 60. A Mamluk, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 432. 148

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 61. A Christian Indian in Cairo, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 433. 149

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 62. Noble of Barbary, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 434. 150

PAGE 162

Appendix B (Continued) Figure 63. Moorish Girl, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 435. 151

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Appendix B Continued Figure 64. Well-to-do Moor, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 436. 152

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 65. African Woman, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 437. 153

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 66. Black Moor of Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 438. 154

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 67. Clothing of the Kingdom of Tlemcen, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 439. 155

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 68. Woman of the Kingdom of Tlemcen, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 440. 156

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 69. African Woman of Average Condition, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 441. 157

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 70. African Indian from Ceffala, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 442. 158

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 71. An African Indian, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 443. 159

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 72. Clothing of Giabea, Kingdom of Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 444. 160

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 73. Clothing of Some Black Moors of Zanzibar in Africa, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 445. 161

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 74. Clothing of the Canary Islands, Cesare Vecellio, Costume anciens et modernes, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860), plate 446. 162

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 75. Les Noirs, Auguste Racinet, Le costume historique, vol. 2 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1888), plates 67 and 68. 163

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Appendix B (Continued) Figure 76. Partie spetentriaonale LAlgrie, Auguste Racinet, Le costume historique, vol. 3 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1888), plate 153. 164


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the woodcuts in Book X of Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo, 1598 /
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ABSTRACT: This study investigates the woodcuts of African dress in Cesare Vecellio's 1598 costume book Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo. While Vecellio's book has been previously studied to understand its contribution to sixteenth-century conceptions of human variation across geography and Venetian identity making, I concentrate instead on the book's intended function. In doing so, I show how its woodcuts of Africans, should be understood primarily as proposals for costumes to be used in new artistic productions. Vecellio situated his representations of African costume in a highly organized geographic framework that was shaped by travel narratives. These texts recorded voyages motivated, in part, by European political and economic interests in Africa.However, the resulting associations deposited in Vecellio's woodcuts are neutralized or at least complicated by the representations' hybridity, their inclusion in an early modern collection, and their status as models for artists to manipulate. Vecellio explained that all of the representations in Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo displayed antiquity (antichit), diversity (diuersit), and richness (la richezza). Sixteenth-century theater directors insisted on these qualities for costume, which promoted both the imitatio naturae and superatio naturae of artistic productions. Costumes could simultaneously contribute to a painting or a theatrical performance's decorum and propriety by differentiating and correctly identifying figures, and its grazia or pleasure with their exoticism and sumptuousness.This study suggests that in their intended use, the images of African costume were participating in "translations" of African dress into costumes for European paintings and theater. During this process, they accumulated new meanings. The dressed figures were copied from art objects with varying degrees of removal from immediate African encounters and combined with texts from published travel narratives to create mythic bricolages of Africans. The decontextualized costumes, organized into a sartorial collection with a categorization that readers understood as flexible, were tentatively defined vestmentary signs available for further signification within potential artistic contexts.
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