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Campbell, Jason St. John Oliver.
Eros, Paideia and Arete
h [electronic resource] :
b the lesson of Plato's symposium /
by Jason St. John Oliver Campbell.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
University of South Florida,
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2005.
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Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
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ABSTRACT: Commentators of Plato's Symposium rarely recognize the importance of traditional Greek conceptions of Eros, paideia and arete in understanding Plato's critique of the various educational models presented in the dialogue. I will show how Plato contests these models by proposing that education should consist of philosophy. On this interpretation, ancient Greek pedagogy culminates in a philosophical education. For this new form of education, the dialogical model supplants the traditional practices of kleos and poetic mimsis, inextricably bound to archaia paideia and traditional forms of education. Plato's Socrates is searching for knowledge and immortality through an application of the philosophical method, one that relies on a conception of Eros and propagation. For Plato's Socrates, it is through Eros that ancient Greek paideia educates in matters of arete, but eros is not a passion for kleos or for a beautiful young man.
Adviser: Joanne B. Waugh.
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Eros, Paideia and Arte: The Lesson of Platos Symposium by Jason St. John Oliver Campbell A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Masters of Arts Department of Philosophy College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Joa nne B. Waugh Ph.D. Charles Guignon, Ph.D. Martin Schenfeld, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 14, 2005 Keywords: Ancient Greece, Socrates, Education, Pedagogy, Sunousia 2005, Jason St. John Oliver Campbell
Acknowledgments I wish to extend a debt of gratitude to Professor Joanne B. Waugh for her continued dedication throughout the completion of this thesis.
i Table of Contents Abstract ii General Introduction 1 Chapter One 4 Introduction 4 Mousik : The First Component of Archaia Paideia 6 Mousik and Arte: An Education in Virtue 9 Socrates Criticism of Traditional Paideia 12 Gymnastik : The Second Component of Archaia Paideia 19 Chapter Two 25 Introduction 25 Sunousia and Archaia Paideia 33 Chapter Three 37 Introduction 37 Pericles Metaphor of the Erast s 37 Chapter Four 49 The Transition from Archaia Paideia to New Education 49 Chapter Five 59 Introduction 59 Phaedrus 59 Pausanias 61 Eryximachus 65 Aristophanes 69 Agathon 73 Chapter Six 76 Socrates 76 Paideia and the Ladder of Love: A Pursuit of Immortality through Education 80 The Speech of Alcibiades: The Death of Archaia Paideia : (213c4-223d11) 85 Bibliography 89
ii Eros, Paideia and Arte: The Lesson of Platos Symposium Jason St. John Oliver Campbell ABSTRACT Commentators of Platos Symposium rarely recognize the importance of traditional Greek conceptions of Eros, paideia and arte in understanding Platos critique of the various educational models presen ted in the dialogue. I will show how Plato contests these models by proposing that educ ation should consist of philosophy. On this interpretation, ancient Greek pedagogy culminates in a philo sophical education. For this new form of education, the dialogical mode l supplants the traditional practices of klos and poetic mim sis inextricably bound to archaia paideia and traditional forms of education. Platos Socrates is searching for knowledge and immortality through an application of the philosophical method, one that relies on a conception of Eros and propagation. For Platos Socrates, it is through Eros that ancient Greek paideia educates in matters of arte, but eros is not a passion for klos or for a beautiful young man. Rather, eros is the passion for Beauty its elf, a passion that is pursued through philosophical conversation with another, a life of arte. Thus, our investigation serves to define and criticize the various educational models and defend the claim that philosophy is best suited for educating the citizens of Athens.
1 General Introduction Platos Symposium differs from the other dialog ues insofar as it lacks direct exchange between speaker and interlocutor, except for a mi nor episode between Socrates and Agathon. The Symposium a series of speeches paying tribute to Eros, poses a number of difficulties for modern readers. A total of seven speeches are given, six of which pay homage to Eros. Alcibiades speec h, however, the final speech of the dialogue, diverges from this objective. Rather than prai sing Eros, Alcibiades provides a eulogy to Socrates, which has led some commentators to dismiss it as a digression. The speech of Alcibiades also disrupts the tone of the previous six speeches, insofar as the other speakers have agreed to temper their consumption of alcohol yet Alcibiades is very drunk. Nonetheless, Alcibiades speech a ddresses key points of discussion, which suggests that despite his drunkenne ss, much of what is said echoes certain themes of the other speeches. For example, Alcibiades s upports the traditional model of education, wherein the lover pursues the beloved. The beloved is able to receive an education because he is the object of desire. While th is conception conforms to five of the six speeches it is in stark opposition to the e ducational model proposed by Diotima. Thus, despite his drunkenness, Alcibiades and the othe r five speakers, excluding Diotima, agree on how the education of the youth is to be undertaken. The link between love and education, in virtue, requires the modern reader to examine what constituted education in classical Athens, especially how paideia included an erotic component. Ancient te xts provide a number of clues that help the modern reader solve the puzzle of the relations between Eros, paideia and arte.
2 Socrates remarks in the Republic that traditional paideia consists of gymnastik for the body and mousik for the soul; thus, our analysis begins with an investigation of mousik which includes poetry. We find that poetr y was used to teach virtue through its celebration of klos the remembered glory or renown of epic heroes. Mim sis or the practice of imitation, functions as the vehicle wherein the klos of an epic hero is used to teach Athenian boys virtue. In the Republic Socrates includes tragedy in cri ticizing how poetry fails to serve as the vehicle and occasion of paideia But we also know this from Aristophanes play, the Frogs where Euripides says th at poets are teachers of men (1053 ff). Socrates, however, denies this claim to knowledge inso far as an education in poetry, including tragedy, takes feeling good as attesti ng to the truth of what is said. The importance of the body not only in its re action to poetry, but also as a part of traditional paideia becomes clearer when we turn to th ese ancient texts that celebrate the institution of sunousia Evidence about the erotic component of paideia also comes from Aeschines Against Timarchos which records important information about homosexuality, law and edu cation, to determine that sunousia is not the same as or merely the practice of pederasty. The importance of sunousia is also evident in Pericles Funeral Oration, in which he employs the metaphor of the erast s in inspiring ones love of Athens. His speech gives us yet another valuable insight into Athenian edu cation. Through his speech we understand the significance education plays in the construction of both his metaphor and its ability to reach a diverse audience.
3 No discussion of education especially among those familiar with the dialogues of Plato could proceed without consideration of the educati onal function of the Sophists. We, then, turn our focus to Platos Protagoras and his textual criticism of Simonides poem, noting the habit of sophists to appeal to poetic ve rse rater than justify their arguments. We conclude our discussion of sophistry by demonstrating how Socrates is able to launch an attack against the sophist s and their claim to educate one in matters of virtue. Athenians had substantial faith in the in tellectual abilities of the democratic polis, which attests to the fact that public discourse was inextricably tied to it. The speeches of Athenian leaders, ty pical addressed the polis directly, and served as the primary form of communication. Thus, for the anci ent Greeks, the democratic polis served as a locus of intellectual power and authority. Armed with these insights, we return to Platos Symposium In the final two chapters of this analysis we discuss th e correlation between the speakers and the educational models that they represent, all vying for dominance. Diotima and her discussion of the ladder of love, serves as an alternative educa tional model: one equally accessible to men and women, one emphasizing the lover rather than the beloved and most notably, one defending a philosophical edu cation. That Socrates represents this new educational model is the moving force be hind the speech of Alcibiades. Despite Alcibiades appreciation of Socrates strange way of talk ing about virtue, Alcibiades ultimately as his disgraceful end attests is not moved by his love for Socrates to pursue an education in virtue. But presumably Plato was, for we learn about Socrates plan in transforming Eros, paideia and arte in ancient Greece.
4 Chapter One Archaia Paideia: Mousik and Gymnastik Introduction In discussing Ancient Greek education ( paideia ), it is necessary to distinguish the old educational system ( archaia paideia ), 1 or simply Old Education from New Education, as these educational systems subscribe to different pedagogical starting points. 2 Since this investigation serves to part icularize the discussion of paideia, the general term paideia will not be used in an unqualified sense. The general use of the term for the purposes of this analysis, would only serve to confuse the discussion, as it is my suggestion that the complex structure of Ancient Greek educati on cannot adequately be defined under an allencompassing term. Moreover, in particularizing the discussion of paideia one gains greater insight into the intricacies of the Ancient Greek educational system 3 and one is 1 The term Old Education or Philosophy proper, also know as the Superior Argument, in contrast to New Education or sophistry, also known as the inferior Argument, is fully explicated in Aristophanes Clouds The term Old Education is a translation of the Ancient Greek ( ) ( Clds. 961). I use scare quotes around sophistry because Aristophanes has biased his argument in favor of Old Education rather than New Education. 2 See Kevin Robbs essay, Asebeia and Sunousia: The Issues Behind the Indictment of Socrates in Plato's Dialogues, New Studies and Interpretations ed. Gerald Press, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefeid. 1993. p. 86-89. In a young boys formative years from birth to fifteen he is taught under the Old Educational system, particularly in mousik and gymnastik As Robb notes, the term meirakion applies to young men between the ages of 15 and 21. During the meirakion years, if he so aspires, he may begin to study under the New Education system. Hence, there is no overlap in the ages of those studying under the Old and New educational systems, the former beginning after the meirakion years, the latter beginning much earlier. It is important, moreover, not to conflate meirakion (young men 15-21) with the military training of the eph boi, of the fourth century mature youths typically 18-21. For a discussion of the eph boi, See Scanlon, Thomas F. Eros and Greek Athletics New York, Oxford University Press 2002. p. 87-88. See also Werner Jaeger. Paideia: The Idea ls of Greek Culture New York, Oxford University Press, Vol. 3. 1944. p. 248-250 for Platos account of the educational periods of children or Platos Laws Bk. VII. Ages 1-3 (788-793d6) ages 3-6 (793d7-794d2), the separation of boys and girls at age six (794c3) and so on. 3 As the discussion continues, the intricacies of th e Ancient Greek educationa l system will be fully explained. The distinction between the Old and the New forms of education, the relevance of poetry, theater, literacy and political life, the transition from an oral to literate society, combined with the comic
5 better equipped to understand the shift in the pedagogical paradigm from the 6 th to the 4 th century BCE, i.e., the shift from Old Educa tion to New Education. This is not, however, to suggest that these systems of education ar e in any sense antithetical. In fact, throughout the latter half of the 5 th century, boys with aspirations of becoming politicians, after having completed their traditi onal education, had the option of entering political life, which required they become proficient speakers ( rh tores ) and continue their education under the guidance of sophistai or the cleaver ones. 4 There was no essential conflict between the traditional and contemporary education these young men received. In discussing the nature of Ancient Gr eek education, then, I will (1) identify and discuss two key components of archaia paideia viz., mousik and gymnastik (2) discuss the importance of sunousia or the association between an older lover ( erast s ) and his younger beloved ( ermenos ), (3) argue for a distinction between sunousia and the practice of paederasty (4) incorporate the discussion of poetry into an analysis of theatrical performance and finally (5) disc uss the correlation betw een the teachers of letters, (grammatist s ), and sophists, given the change in the political arena after the death of Pericles. 5 It is only after these prel iminary points are addressed and a fuller festivals all play an important role in understanding the significance of the term paideia As such, a general analysis of Ancient Greek paideia one not accounting for theatrical pe rformance, or the role of Old Comedy in the 6 th and 5 th centuries generalizes rather than particularizes the analysis. 4 In Platos Protagoras Hippocrates asks Socrates if he ca n accompany him to Callias house, as Protagoras is in Athens. Of interest to this discussion are two important passages (316c) and (312b). In (316c) Socrates, speaking on behalf of Hippocrates, informs Protagoras of his desire to learn under the new educational system, in fact, Protagor as is a self-professed sophist (317b2). Before this passage, however, in (312b) Socrates asks Hippocrates if he intends on gaining the same education from Protagoras as he received from his educators under the old system, thereb y, raising the possibility that the two educational systems were not in any essential conflict. 5 See Jeffery Hendersons essay, The D mos and the Comic Competition in Nothing To Do With Dionysos: Athenian Drama In Its Social Context Princeton University Press. 1990. p. 279-280. For Henderson, and ancient scholars a like, the death of Pericles marked a significant change in how the d mos were governed. Prior to his death, the aristocracy as sumed leadership; men of good repute, privilege and wealth controlled the d mos After the death of Pericles, however, men like Kleon, were able to rise to
6 conception of paideia purposed that we might begin an analysis of the Platonic dialogues as a response to the educationa l practices of the Ancient Greeks. The concluding two chapters, th en, will analyze Platos Symposium as a critique of the traditional forms of classical education, each ch aracter representing one aspect of Ancient Greek education. Mousik : The First Component of Archaia Paideia Within the Ancient Greek educational syst em, the education of a child, if it was to be successful, must seek to nurture both the childs mind and body, as Protagoras properly states, they [the child ren] are sent to trainers, so that a good mind may have a good body to serve it ( Prot 326b6). 6 The fact that ones introduction to mousik (the art of the Muses) is prior to ones introduction to gymnastik is in no sense an arbitrary correspondence, as Glaucon explains to Adimantus. 7 Moreover, it should be noted that mousik also includes poetry as well as tales a nd fables. Furthermore, Socrates explains to Glaucon that mousik and gymnastik will preside over the a ppetitive part which is the mass of the souland the most insatiate by nature of wealth ( Rep 442a3-6). Without ever using the term, Socrates is s uggesting that the aim of ones educational training in mousik and gymnastik will contribute to ones self-control or ( s phrosun ). 8 power. Unlike Pericles, Kleon affiliated himself with the d mos as a member of the d mos For the Athenian stranger in Platos Laws this affiliation is absolutely disastro us, i.e., not the particular affiliation of Kleon with the d mos but any leaders affiliation with the d mos or any case in which the leader does not differentiate himself from the d mos See Platos Laws Bk. II, (658e5-659c8) and his critique of the Sicilians manner of judging the comedic competition. 6 See also ( Prot. 312b), ( Laws 795d6-795e), ( Rep 376e-3), (Clds. 960-982). 7 See ( Rep Bk.2 376e4). 8 If, as Socrates claims, mousik and gymnastik preside over the appetitive portion of the soul, which is prone to indulgence and excess, then insofar as these components regulate the appetitive portion, they directly modify the behavior of the individual, thereby allowing the individual to exercise restraint or
7 The first component of tr aditional Greek education, mousik plays a great significance in preliterate 6 th century Greece, so much so that the Athenian stranger in Platos Laws suggests, So by an uneducated man we shall mean one who has no choric training, and by educated man one whose choric training has been thorough (Laws, Bk. II, 654b). The relevance of this claim is at least twofold. On the one hand, archaia paideia is an established pe dagogical devise for educating Athenian boys prior to the advent of literacy in the 4 th century BCE. 9 Insofar as mousik facilitates the education of Athenian boys prior to a formalized school system it offers both the youth and the society an opportunity to cultivate morality. On the other hand, and more importantly, the role mousik plays in the formal education of At henian youth directly contributes to honing their intellectual ab ilities, or at least t hose abilities prized by archaia paideia The metaphorical association between the intellect and the role of mousik is brilliantly illustrated in an often-overlooked passage in Platos Symposium Scholars have often dismissed as merely comical Alcibiades contribution to the discussion in the Symposium but it is my suggestion that hi s statements are of the utmost importance if one is to understand the educational practices of the An cient Greeks. Moreover, while I agree that self-control in appeasing the appetitive portion. Henc e, an individual properly educated with a good body to serve a good soul must also exhibit s phrosun Nevertheless, the inverse relationship is not true, as merely having a good body does not necessita te proper education, as is clearly the case during Socrates discussion with Charmides, in the Charmides 9 The specifics concerning the advent of literacy in Ancient Greece are debated. By literacy we mean at least those citizens responsible for conducting the business of the polis who transmit and expand their culture can read and write. Our concern is no t with the specific but the general transition from a preliterate Greece, generally considered 6 th century Greece to a fully liter ate Greece, generally thought to have firmly established its roots during the early to mid 4 th century BCE. For a speci fic discussion of this transition see Kevin Robbs Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece. Oxford University Press, Oxford. 1994. See also Alfred Burns. Athenian Literacy in the Fifth Century B.C. Journal of the History of Ideas Vol.42, No 3, (Jul.-Sep., 1981), p. 371-387.
8 his introduction (215a4), in a state of delirious drunkenness, is comical, 10 I suggest that something more serious is being said: And arent you [Socrates] a piper as well? I should think you were and a far more wonderful piper than Marsyasthe only difference between you and Marsyas is that you can get the same effect without any instrument at all with nothing but a few simp le words, not even poetry ( Symp. 215b5-215c9). His discussion focuses on the relationship between mousik and the intellect. The first component of archaia paideia mousik is not merely benefi cial for the practical purposes of instrument playi ng and entertaining, as is evid ent in Eryximachus dismissal of the flute girls (176e3) pr ior to the beginning of thei r discussion. The practice of imitation or ( mim sis ) in Ancient Greek poetry, coincides with a conception of the remembered glory or renown ( klos ) of poetic heroes. 11 It is also important to recognize that mousik is necessarily tied to a very oral tradition of recitation and performance. Mim sis then, is as integr al a component of mousik as mousik is to understanding archaia paideia That is to say, once the distinction between techn and mousik are 10 See Andrea W. Nightingale. Genres in Dialogue: Plato and the Construct of Philosophy Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995. p. 172-192. The relevance of Old Comedy will be discussed later in this analysis but Nightingale reminds us of the two essential components of Old Comedy, which are the ridiculous and the serious. Serious ma tters usually deal with politics and education while there is no constraint to the ridiculous. It is my su ggestion, then, that instead of disregarding Alcibiades speech as superfluous we need to view his speech as an exercise in Old Comedy. The ridiculousness of his drunken state in no way undermines the credibility of his speech, as in the introductory passages he is clearly arguing for the supremacy of Socrates music, i.e., philosophy, over the traditional mousik. Note also, the important distinction between music without words ( techn ) and music accompanied by words ( mousik ). See Edward Lippman. The Sources and Developm ent of the Ethical View of Music in Ancient Greece. The Musical Quarterly Vol, 49, No. 2 (Apr., 1963), 195-196, for further elaboration on this distinction. With this distinction between techn and mousik in mind, one is better equipped to understand the relevance of Alcibiades emphasis in saying, not even poetry (215c9). That is, not even with the accompaniment of words is mousik a match for the music that Socrates is able to produce. This claim does not essentially serve as a critique of mousik as it serves as a compliment to the music that Socrates is capable of producingphilosophywhich produces the same effect, only Socrates is able to achieve this end without the aid of a musical instrument. 11 The conception of klos is closely tied to honor, which will fact or in our discussion in the final two chapters of this analysis.
9 clear, and one realizes that the epic poems were typically set to music, then it is apparent that mousik serves as a vehicle, wherein the morals of these poems are able to take hold of an individuals so ul. More practically, mim sis became an invaluable tool in education. 12 Mousik and Arte: An E ducation in Virtue The practical needs of education in Gr eek antiquity also placed a heavy emphasis on morality, in particular the moral e ducation of its citizenry through poetic mim sis This capacity for imitation, especially concerning the klos of epic heroes, nurtured the moral foundation of the d mos Hence, the d mos came to understand virtue, arte during this preliterate phase of Ancient Greece, through poetic mim sis The poet divinely inspired set out to educate the d mos on matters of morality and virtue. It was they that possessed the gift of muthos which functions as a form of speech that simply speaks itself; it preserves, without authorial intrusion, an ancient and traditional wisdom that belongs simultaneously to ever yone and to no one (Waugh, 2002b, p. 214). The importance of the poets role in paideia is clear in the following lengthy quote from Hesiod, worth quoting in its entire ty since it is important for th e later discussion of belief based on mim sis as divinely inspired. And these were the first words of all The goddesses spoke to me, the Muses of Olympia, daughters of Zeus of the aegis: 12 See Kevin Robbs Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece Oxford University Press, Oxford. 1994. Chapter 8. Robb points out that prior to wi despread literacy throughout Ancient Greece where texts were available to those with the inclination and resour ces to purchase them, these individuals, if they were to remember the stories of Homer would have to commit the epics to memory. Clearly, rhythm both in the metric foot of the line (or meter) and in the instru mentation of the accompanying lyre, typically, would contribute to an individuals memory. Thus, the practical purpose of mim sis was in its ability to aid in the retention of detailed information. As the discussion continues, we will address Platos disapproval of poetic mim sis
10 You shepherds of the w ilderness, poor fools, nothing but bellies, we know how to say many false things that seem like true sayings, but we know also how to speak the truth when we wish to. So they spoke, these mistresses of words, daughters of great Zeus, and they broke off and handed me a staff of strong growing olive shoot, a wonderful thing; they breathed a voice into me, a power to sing the story of things of the future, and the past (my emphasis), (Hesiod, Theogony 25-32). Summarizing the importance of poetic mim sis Lippman writes, so the epic, in turn, originally themselves sung, became the examples furnishing moral inspiration to successive generations. Also, the glory to which a hero aspires and for which he is willing to sacrifice his life is really a musical one, for it consists in the poetic celebration that immortalizes his deedmusic and poetry have their highest function in the glorif ication of the hero and the education that is based on this (Lippman, 1963, p. 198). Later in the Symposium Eryximachus, the physician, suggests, the art of music [is] to create harmony by resolving the discord between the treble and the bassAnd just as we saw that the concord of the body was br ought about by the art of medicine, so this other harmony is due to the art of music ( Sym. 187b-187c2). Eryximachus claim is more than a simple correlation, insofar as he testifies to musics ability in procuring health, 13 exemplified in the following quote from Hesiods Theogony 13 See Platos Laws Bk. VII (790d1-790e4). The Athenian stra nger explains to Clinias that mothers with newborn infants experiencing colic may put a spell on their babies while lulling them to sleep. He continues, the encouragement of placidity of temper will play a prominent part in the development of moral excellence ( Laws Bk. VII, 791c7-9). I have already discussed the role of poetic mim sis and its contribution to the moral excellence of the Athenian d mos note however, that ones moral education begins from infancy and the vehicle of its transmission is, again, mousik See also, Hesiod. Theogony. trans. by Richard Lattimore. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press. 1959.
11 So it is from the Muses, and from Apollo of the far cast, that there are men on earth who are poets, and players on the lyre. The lord are from Zeus; but blessed is that one whom the Muses love, for the voice of his mouth runs and is sweet, and even when a man has sorrow fresh in the troublement of his spirit and is struck to wonder over the grief in his heart, the singer, the servant of the Muses singing the glories of ancient men, and the blessed gods who have their homes on Olympos, makes him presently forget his cares, he no longer remembers sorrow, for the gifts of the goddesses soon turn his thoughts elsewhere (Lattimore, 1959, 94103). 14 It is because of the poets that men are able to forget their troubles. Music, then, whether spoken or sung, serves as a form of therapy. It also allows us, as human beings, to experience an epiphany. In Platos Charmides Socrates facetiously explains to Charmides that the cure for his headache is a charm, which accompanies a leaf that must be eaten. Socrates furthe r explains, without the charm the leaf would be of no avail ( Charm. 155e5-8), thereby reinforcing the claim that mousik has the ability to cure physical aliment. Finally, see Aristotle. The Politics trans. Ernest Barker, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1948. p. 345 ( Politics Bk. VIII, V, 24). Aristotle argues that if mousik has power or control over the soul it should be studied and taught to the young. It is also interesting to note that music therapy in the 21 st century is being prescribed by physicians as an alternative to traditional Western medicine See Gold et al., recent study, Effects of music therapy for children and adol escents with psychopathology: a meta-analysis in Journal of Child Psychology & Psychiatry. 45(6):1054-1063, September 2004. 14 , , (94-103). With respect to the relationship between mousik and health or mousik as a charm for health the quote from Theogony may provide an example. Alliteration an d assonance occur in lines (94-95) and ( alliterating the ) and finally (emphasizing the
12 For the Ancient Greeks, then, education th rough music, played a crucial role in developing an individuals ability to a ttain health, knowledge, and virtue health in the sense of harmony, as discussed by Eryximachus in the Symposium (187b-187c2), knowledge, as illustrated in Alcibiades praise of Socrates, (215b5-215c9), and virtue through poetic mim sis 15 Hence, without the contributions of mousik Athenian youth would lack the necessary intellectual and mora l education needed to live a virtuous life. The Ancient Greeks did not conceive of poetry as we do, for we do not consider the primary purpose of poetry to be paideia For us, the pedagogica l purpose of poetry, if it has one, is to contribute to a well-rounded education i.e., one consisting of study in the liberal arts and sciences. For the ancient Greeks, however, Homer [was] the educator of Hellas ( Rep 10. 606e-607). Indeed, he deserved to be studied as a guide by which to regulate ones whole life. For the ancient Greeks then, poetry was an e ssential part of the education of Athenian citizens. 16 Havelock nicely sums up the importance of poetry, and the civic function the poets serv ed the Ancient Greek community: poetry is central in [Ancient Greek] educational theoryIt is clearthat the poets in gene ral and Homer in particular were not only considered as the source of instruction in ethics and administrative skills but also enjoyed a sort of /k/ of a voiced velar stop). The content is equally as important: Surely it is from the Muses and far-darting Apollo that there are men on earth who are poets and singers (my translation). 15 Note, knowledge appears in scare quotes b ecause what constitutes kn owledge and how one attains knowledge is a major point of contention in Platos dialogue. In nearly every appearance, Socrates criticizes his interlocutors claim to knowledge, and the notion that one acquires knowledge through archaia paideia or sophistry. 16 To be educated was to be sufficiently versed in the epic poems of Homer and to have choric training, as noted by the Athenian stranger ( Laws, Bk. II, 654b). Moreover, the earliest forms of education for Athenian citizens were conveyed through the use of poetry, which was a gift of the gods transmitted through the Muses ( Laws, Bk. II, 654a5). Hence, the conception of poetry throughout archaia paideia was one of divine inspiration to question the truth or the intentions of the poet would in some sense be to challenge the gods themselves, and perh aps to jeopardize ones own piety.
13 institutional status in Anci ent Greek society (Havelock, 1963, p. 27-29). Socrates Criticism of Traditional Paideia : In constructing the ideal polis, Socrates sets out to investigate who will manage the task of educating the guardians (2.376c 7). Glaucon, for the sake of argument, assumes Thrasymachus position, as he beli eves Thrasymachus has abandoned his position too easily (2.358b). Thrasymachus has defended the position th at justice is the advantage of the strong over the weak (1.338c), (1.341a), that it is disadvantageous to be just, (1.343d), and it is conversely advant ageous to be unjust (1.343e5). Support for Thrasymachus position is found throughout the poetic tradition, as Gl aucon shows in the Republic 17 The following passage from Hesiods Works and Days, cited in book two of the Republic exemplifies Thrasymachus position: Evildoing in plenty a man shall find for the seeking. Smooth is the way, and it lies near at hand and is easy to enter, But on the pathway of virtue the gods put sweat from the first step (Works and Days 287), ( Rep. 2. c6-d1). Furthermore, Glaucon, in playing devils advocate, adds that the height of injustice is to seem just without being so (2.361a4) and th at the unjust man benefits his friends and harms his enemies (2.362c). In esse nce, it is easier to be unjust than it is to be just. Since the guardians of the ideal polis must be educat ed in matters of justice, and there is such dispute as to how one should be educate d, Socrates must first determine who the educators will be, if he is to derive a proper conception of justice. Where in antiquity did this conception that it is easier to be unjust than just find its rationale? Socrates provides some insight: 17 See Republic (2.358a8-b1), (2.360c4-8), (2.362c), (2. 365b-c), (2.365e5-366a3).
14 All [of the poets] with one acco rd reiterate that soberness and righteousness are fair a nd honorable, to be sure, but unpleasant and laborious, while licentiousness and injustice are pleasant and easy to win and are only in opinion and by convention disgraceful (2.364). While it is noted that righteousness is an honorable characteristic of human nature, it is also noted that it is attain ed with great effort. A similar critique is mounted in the Protagoras, wherein Socrates cites Hesiod, The gods have put sweat on the path to virtueThe summits reached, Ha rd though it was, thenceforth th e task of light to keep it (Hesiod, Works and Days, 289), (340d-e). As G.R.F. Ferrari writes, The poets tend to exalt virtue so high that the path to reach it comes to seem impossibly arduous, while the wheeling and dealing that goes on below they attest (even as they condemn it) to be more practi cable and more likely to bring pleasure and reward in this life (Ferrari, 1989, p. 111). But Socrates criticisms of poetry and his arguments for its censorship focus on its role as the vehicle of education (Waugh, 1986, p. 5). How, then, was poetry used as a vehicle of education? For Plato, it is through mim sis that the poet comes to teach the audience. Mim sis can refer to the creative act of pr eserving someones tone or voice in writing a play. 18 It can refer to the performers re ndition of the written word and his ability, simultaneously to imitate and crea te within the confines of the text. 19 But most importantly, for our specific discussion of Ancient Greek paideia mim sis refers to, the over-all linguistic medium of the poet and his peculiar power through the use of this mediumto render an account of reality (my emphasis), (Havelock, 1963, p. 25). This rendering of reality affects the beliefs of the audience, and as we know, affecting belief 18 See Havelock, 1963, p. 22. 19 See Havelock, 1963, p. 22-23.
15 is a staple in any educational model. Waugh wr ites, For Socrates, the real problem with poetry lies in the mechanism by which it aff ects beliefs and behavi or and in so doing accomplishes the task of education (Waugh, 1986, p. 7). How, then, is belief affected through poetic verse? Belief governs our conduct within the world. There is a direct relations hip between belief, on the one hand and action on the other. Beliefs, however, are not fixed. We often change our beliefs and insofar as our beliefs are malleable, our actions are impre ssionable and subject to change also. It is of the greatest importance, th en, that the most impressionable, viz., children, are protected from ideas that dogmatically fashion their beliefs, that is, beliefs which require no appeal to reason those that offer no justification and mandate conformity. The same demand to censor children from these concepts is evident throughout books two and three of Platos Republic (2.377b4-c), (2.380b6-c), and (3.395c-d). In attempting to determine the appropri ate pedagogical model responsible for the education of the guardians, Platos Socrates recognizes th at it is from childhood and through the process of forming beliefs that id eas shape the nature and character of men. Thus, Socrates remarks: if [the guardians] imitate they should from childhood up imitate what is appropriate to them menbut things unbecoming to free men they should neither do nor be clever at imitating lest from the imitation they imbibe the reality (my italics) (3. 395.c-d). The initial critique launched at the poet s manifests in the conception that through imitation or mim sis the individual can imbibe the reality: through the process of mim sis ones belief is affected, whether as performer or member of the audience. Insofar
16 as belief influences action, to participate in imitation increases the likelihood that the individual will enact what is being represented. The poets, then, have the specific obligati on to ensure that their representation of the gods conforms in such a manner as not to jeopardize the piety of the performer or the members of the audience. Since poetry is a vehicle for education, and the function of education is to affect belief, and since th e formation of belief corresponds to how an individual acts within the world, then a deficiency in education will increase the likelihood for delinquency or impiety ( asebeia ) during adulthood. Thus, Socrates sets out to illustrate the connection between poetry, on the one hand (as an educational tool) and delinquency and impiety on the other (as an effect of poetic education). Ferrari observes that, fantasy has an effect on the development of character (Ferrari, 1989, p. 111). In book two of the Republic Socrates illustrates that, according to Hesiod, Cronus took revenge agains t his father (2.378a). In the Euthyphro Euthyphro mentions to Socrates, lest he forget, that Ze us also moved against his father (Cronus) for swallowing his brothers (6a). Thus, the belief, as acquired from He siod, is that one is justified in punishing ones fathers wrongdoings (2.378b3). The truth of this concept has its basis in emotion, namely, retribution or revenge. As Waugh notes, truths communicated thr ough poetry are not accepted because one has good reasons to accept them; they are believed because the poetry through which they are communicated generates positive emotions. That the poetry made its audience feel good is taken by them as attesting to the truth of its subject matter (Waugh, 1991, p. 53). Euthyphro, as a character within the dialogue defends the argument that all just actions are pious, which is clearly false, a nd offers as a defense Zeus action to move
17 against Cronus. Euthyphro feels as though he is doing a pious act and this feeling translates into the truth of the matter. Socrates however, attempts to illustrate not only to Euthyphro but to Athenians themselves that su ch justification is flawed as all pious actions are just but not all just actions are piou s, e.g., one may be justified in seeking vengeance for the death of a family member but may, at the same time, not be pious in committing an act of murder. 20 Hence, Euthyphro may be just is moving against his father but it does not follow that he is al so pious in such action. Euthyphro symbolizes this general misconception among Athenians, and Socrates cri tique of Euthyphro extends to a critique of Athenian culture and the poets for having instilled this conception through their character ization of the gods. Since there is a relationship between belief and action, it comes to no surprise that Euthyphros belief in Hesiods characterization of the gods, serves to justify his action to prosecute his father for inadvertently killing one of his laborers, who himself, in a state of drunkenness kills an innocent man (4c2). In defense of his actions, Euthyphro comments, now they are enraged at me when I pro ceed against my father for wrongdoing, and so they contradict themselves in what they sa y about the gods and what they say about me (6a). This is why Socrates notes: 20 See Aeschylus. 1906. Agamemnon in Plays J.M. Dent and Sons LTD, trans. G.M. Cookson with introduction by John Warrington. London, p. 189-253. In the first of the trilogy set of Aeschylus Oresteia King Agamemnon has sacrificed his daughter prior to the Trojan war A Fathers slaughterous hands foully imbrued, Hard by the altar, with her [his daughters] blood (227-228). His wife and queen, Clytaemnestra, knows abou t their daughters murder patiently waiting for Agamemnon to return home to seek her revenge, for a period of ten years. She stabs her husband, the king, three times (1559-1563) and revels in her blood-splattered clothing and his death (1563-1566). While she is clearly justified in avenging the slaughter of her daughter, her action is impious. This is the nature of the debate she has with the chorus. She asks, Now in the name of Justice thou hurlst down damnationon my headBut when need was, durst cast no stone at him [Agamemnon]who slew his own child, the darling of my womb (15901599).
18 Neither must we admit at allthat the gods war with gods and plot against one another ( Rep .2.378b7)the battles of the gods in Homers verse are things that we must not admit into our cityFor the young are not able to distinguish what is and what is not allegory ( Rep .2.379d47). It is important to censor the poets since in functioning as a vehicle of education, poetry affects the formation of belief, and as such de termines ones actions. If it is inappropriate for Euthyphro to seek to punish his father, then, one should banish those stories that glorify such conceptions, namel y, the banishment of poetry. For the poets audience feeling good is ta kenas attesting to the truth of the subject matter (Waugh, 1991, p. 53). Ferrari expa nds and explains this observation: A poetic performanceengages its participants not simply in the look butin the whole feel of the human action th at it portrays (Ferrari, 1989, p. 109). The features that enable an effective performan ce of poetry have effects on th e audience that leaves them thinking about appearance, not real ity. It is this facet of the poetic performance that is simultaneously its greatest st rength and weakness, in that the appearance is beneficial insofar as it is properly identified as a repr esentation. Nevertheless, if the appearance of truth is believed to be true, a multitude of epistemological problems unravel. Finally, one should note that with respect to Platos critique of poetry, insofar as Plato was successful in his attack, he sufficien tly illustrated that poetry was unsuitable for contributing to the formation of ones belief while simultaneously preserving truth rather than appearance. Clearly, poetry is capable of contributing to the formation of belief but it appeals to feeling and appear ance in the formation of ones beliefs, rather than to fact, hence the role of metaph or in poetic verse.
19 If metaphor and imagery are tools used by the poet, and the purpose of metaphor and imagery are to color or accent rather th an describe reality, then the poet cannot profess to educate, since th e content of poetic education functions as an imitation and cannot make reality present to us. Hence, on a pedagogical stance, poetic mim sis is not only incapable of contributing to knowledge, poetry misleads us into thinking appearance is reality, as Waugh writes, For an artwork constructs another reality in addition to the world we inhabit, but it does so using the stuff of this world, so that work of art is also a representation or imitation of the world. That art may use this stuff, that it can represent the world out there that representation is possibleattests to the instability of reality. In representing what is out there the work represents it as unstable, because art can make another reality out of it, which is also malleable that we speak in vain of the correct version, interpretation, descrip tion, or reading of it (Waugh, 1991, p. 56-57). It is no wonder that Socrates insists that poetry cannot be the vehicle of education as it lacks the capability as such to presen t reality. As Havelock puts it: Poetry is not so much non-functional as anti-functionalPoetr yindulges in constant illusionism, confusion and irrationality. This is what mim sis ultimately is, a shadow show of phantoms (Havelock, 1963, p. 25). Gymnastik : The Second Component of Archaia Paideia The second component of archaia paideia gymnastik is of equal importance in the education of Athenian boys. In the seventh book of Platos Laws, the Athenian Stranger is discussing the natu re of physical culture or gymnastik with Clinias, wherein a participant of gymnastik is a dancer ( choreut s ) or wrestler ( palaist s ) (795d8). With respect to dance, G.M. Sargeaunt writes,
20 there are three aspects of musi cal dancing in early times: it is used as a religious rite; it has a social value; and aesthetically it is delightful for those who take part in it and for those who look on (Sargeaunt. 1969, p. 110). The second component of gymnastik viz., wrestling or ( pal ) also plays an important role in archaia paideia the first component of gymnastik being the dance or ( choros ). Wrestling, too, is an essential component of Ancient Greek paideia as young men would gather at th e wrestling school or ( palaestra ) to receive their instructions. In fact, Socrates conversation with Charmide s and Critias takes place in the wrestling school. Within the Charmides the setting plays as significant a role as the dialogue itself. Wrestling and all forms of physical exercise serve not only to st rengthen the body but also to cultivate the soul. In suggesting that Charmides should strip and show his soul, Socrates alludes to the conception that a noble body is accompanied by a noble soul (Waugh. 2002, p. 290). In a discussion with Gl aucon, Socrates suggests, And even the exercise and toils of gymnastics he will undertake with a view to the spirited part of his nature to arouse that rather than for mere strength, unlike ordinary at hletes, who treat diet and exercise only as a means to muscle (Rep. Bk. III, 410b4-7). The proper purpose of gymnastik was the cultivation of arte and s phrosun Who, then, is the gymnastic educator? The instructor of physical education is known as the pedotribe ( ) In his discussion of the pedotribe Marrou writes, The thing we know most about is the way wrestling was taught. The pedotribe used to teach the different positions or figures in turn, and then the wrestler would use them in the actual match (Marrou. 1956, p. 175).
21 Physical exercise, in particul ar wrestling, is an essentia l tool in disciplining young boys, one that assists in ones transition fr om boyhood into manhood. Many rules of conduct and discipline, however, govern the be havior of the boys while in the palaestra These rules, too, are a staple of archaia paideia 21 It is, therefore, the responsibility of the boys to follow the instruction of the pedotribe, wh ether concerning techniqu e or conduct. He is their mentor and they his students. This relationship between student and instructor will be discussed below. One need not forget that a great sense of pr ide and accomplishment in the instillment of courage and bravery during wartime dir ectly reflected on the nature of this relationship. As a defense of archaia paideia Philosophy proper comments, It is my system of student tutoring [i.e., in the palaestra ] that raised the men who fought so bravely at Marathon ( Clds 986). 21 See. Aristophanes. 2000. Clouds trans. Peter Meineck, with an introduction by Ian C. Storey. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. p. 67. To illustrate the variety of rules that governed ones conduct in the palaestra Philosophy proper, representing archaia paideia [and not what Plato or his character Socrates mean by philosoph y] in an argument with Sophistry, explains the detailed regulations that must govern ones conduct within the palaestra This regulation were in place to ensure attention was paid to the education of the youth and that the youth understood and upheld proper decorum, rather than allowing the beautiful bodies of the students to dist ract from the coursework. Sexual temptation, within the palaestra must have been great because even Socrates comments, All the people in the palaestra crowded about us, and at the momentI caught a sight of the inwards of his [Charmides] garment, and took the flame. Then I could no longer contain myselfI felt that I had been overcome by a sort of wild-beast appetite ( Charm. 155d2-8). See also Shapiro, H.A. Courtship in Attic Vase Painting in American Journal of Archaeology Vol. 85, No. 2 (Apr., 1981), p. 135. Shapiro suggests that it is at the palaestra where most of the courting took place. The regulation for ones conduct in the palaestra was not limited to decoru m. See Crowther, N.B. 1977. Weightlifting in antiquity. Achievement and training. Greece and Rome 24: 111-120, where he discussed the systematic and regimented training athletes underwent. Also See Crowther, N.B. 1985a. Studies in Greek athletics. Part 1. Classical World 78: 498-558 and Crowther, N.B. 1985b. Studies in Greek athletics. Part 2. Classical World 79: 73-136, for his discussion on the proper holding techniques of the wrestlers. Finally, See Platos Laws Bk. VII, 796a2-796b4 for the rules that govern stand-upwrestling.
22 Thus, is the Ancient Greek conception of paideia a complex, multilevel, pedagogical system, concerned with both the education of ones mind and ones body. As a strict pedagogy, archaia paideia is composed of two divisions, mousik and gymnastik each of which is composed of thei r respective constituent parts, viz., mousik composed of poetry a nd the remembered glory ( klos) of poetic heroes, meant to teach morality and gymnastik composed of wrestling, ( pal), and dance, ( choros ). Mousik plays a necessary role in the intellect ual cultivation of a students mind and gymnastik plays a necessary role in the cultivation of a stude nts body. Both branches of archaia paideia seek to teach virtue, arte; this f act underlies the system of education. The cultivation of the mind and the b ody does not presuppose, however, a division between the two. The first component of gymnastik then, the dance, facilitates mim sis As poetic mim sis allows the poet to express klos and arte in his rendition of an epic poem, so, too, is the dancer capab le of expressing the virtue of an epic hero, which was to be emulated by the spectators. In an insightful passage, Lippman writes, The imitation takes the form of pantomime, but not as a conscious art exercised w ith detachment; instead it becomes an identification of the initiates with the actual followers of Dionysus, and through them, with the god himself. In this activity we have the archetype of mim sis and of drama (Lippman, 1963, p. 190). It is important to note that the pantomime is not a conscious exercise; the steps of the dance are not choreographed, rather, the dancer, or more accurate the devotee is
23 possesses. The trance-like state of the improvisa tion may be said to channel or identify the devotee with Dionysus himself, through an intoxicating melody. 22 It may be misleading to suggest however, th at dance, in the co ntext of religious worship is imitation. Fitton elaborates, When the word [ mim sis ] is used of cult-acts, then clearly this is not imitation, for the worshipper did not imitate the god but impersonated or acted the role of the god (Fitton, 1973, p. 261). Initially followers of Dionysus, both men and women, paid homage to their deity the god of fertility and wine, through discordant and erratic dance, which unsettled many Greeks. In his conversation with Clin ias the Athenian stranger comments, As for the dances of baccha nals and their like, which present what is called a mimic exhibition of persons in liquor, under the designations ofsatyrsThe most correct course, I think, [is to] declare it unfit for a citizen ( Laws Bk. VII, 815c-d). 23 22 See Aristotle. The Politics trans. Ernest Barker, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1948. p. 350. The hysteria of religious music is perfectly iden tified by Aristotle in the following quote, These persons, as we can observe for ourselves, are affected by religious melodies; and when they come under the influence of melodies which fill the soul with religious excitement they are calmed and restored as if they had undergone a medical treatment and purging. ( Politics Bk. VIII, VII, 4). As Aristotle has written, the music fills the soul, i.e., the infinite has commingled with the finite man must therefore benefit from this inter action, as discussed in the previous footnote. It should be clear that the reason for musics ability to procure health rests in the de votees belief of the divine. That is to say, it is the belief that the divine is manifest within, channeled through a combination of mousik and gymnastik which treats devotees with their ailments. The intoxicating melody sooths the soul and the movements of the dancer, accompanied by the narration of the speaker serves to embody the divine, i.e., to manifest the divine within. The word ( enthousiasmos ), for example, en-theos-iasmos literally means the state of having the god within one. See also Lawler, Lillian B The Dance in Ancient Greece Connecticut : Wesleyan University Pr ess. 1964. p. 76, for a further discussion. 23 Lawler suggests that some of Dionysus compan ions were satyrs or goat men, since the goat was sacred to the gods (Lawler, 1964, p.78). Her explanation puts the Athenian strangers comment to Clinias in its proper context. The Athenian stranger is referring to actual dancers in mentioning satyrs, as the followers of the Dionysiac cult appeared with ho rned head-dresses, goat-sk in trunks and sometimes footgear contrived to resemble cloven hoofs (Lawler, 1964, p. 78).
24 The role of religious music and dance in archaia paideia is underwritten by the gods. Most of the Greeks seem to have believed that the dance was divinely inspired a direct creation of the gods, by them revealed to chosen mortals, who then taught it to their fellow men (Lawler, 1962, p. 5). It has also been illustrated in the discu ssion where Protagoras suggests, they [the children] are sent to trainers, so that a good mind may have a good body to serve it ( Prot 326b6). We began the discussion of archaia paideia with the recognition that it was composed of mousik for the soul and gymnastik for the body: (Prot. 312b), ( Rep. 376e3), ( Laws 795d6-795e), ( Clds. 960-982), and Aristotles Politics (Bk. VIII, IV). For the Ancient Greek both the soul and the body we re essential in the cultivation of arte and in the education of Athenian citizens.
25 Chapter Two Archaic Paideia: Sunousia and the Practice of Paederasty Introduction One cannot discus paideia in Ancient Gr eece or Platos critici sm of it, without explaining the Ancient Greek practice of sunousia Sunousia consists of an emotional and erotic relationship between two males; it is of ten part of the educa tion of an adolescent male from the upper-class. Paederastic relationships during antiquity can take many forms, which allows for different foci of study among modern scholars. Some focus on the laws that regulated sexual intercourse be tween the lover, (erast s ), an older man, and his beloved, ( ermenos ), a younger boy; 24 others, on the representation of homoerotic courtships among gentlemen, ( kaloi kagathoi ); 25 and still others on the representation of young Athenian males on Attic vase-paintings. 26 A discussion of sexuality in ancient Greece is complicated for a number of reasons. To specify our investigation I will use the term sexuality in the sense that many constructionists do, as the ancient Greeks did not view sexuality as an identity. 27 24 Cohen, David J. Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens, 117 Past and Present (3) 1987. p. 3-21. 25 For an in depth discussion on the nature of the kaloi kagathoi See Harris, Edward M. 1995. Aeschines and Athenian Politics: New York: Oxford University Press, p. 18-23. It is important not to anachronistically attribute heredita ry privileges to members of the kaloi kagathoi, as it was possible for one to eventually attain such position independent of heredity. 26 See Shapiro, H.A. Courtship in Attic Vase Painting in American Journal of Archaeology Vol. 85, No. 2 (Apr., 1981), p. 133-143. 27 There is a strong essentialist tone in contem porary discussions of homosexuality in Ancient Greece, suggesting, at least implicitly, the universalization of sexuality across time. This conception stands in opposition to a Foucauldian or constructionist position. The cultural construction of sexuality is evident in Foucaults comment that In [Ancient] Greece, trut h and sex were linked, in the form of pedagogy, by the transmission of precious knowledge from one body to another; sex served as a medium for initiation
26 Sexuality as a cultural constr uction stands in contrast to sex, the physical activities producing pleasure and/or reproduction, although sexua l pleasure is culturally constructed and not merely physical. Fo r the ancient Greeks, the practice of sunousia the relation of an erast s with his er menos is embedded in a set of cultural practices and norms very different from our own. Sunousia functions as an accepted pedagogical practice in early Greece, one which requires cr itical examination if one is to appreciate the function of ancient Greek paideia and Platos criticisms of it. On contemporary conceptions of sex and sexuality, sunousia could not be an acceptable pedagogical practice, for although th ere may be an erotic component in pedagogy, sexual activity has no place in education, especially sex between an older teacher and an adolescent student. While the association betw een sexuality and ones acquisition of knowledge through ed ucation is certainly forei gn to contemporary readers, an attempt to understand ancient Greek peda gogy independent of its association of sex and sexuality fails to grasp the true nature of ancient Greek paideia. Moreover, in presenting a descriptive analysis one concerned with explicat ing the ways that fostered an association between sexual ity and education, one most recognize that Plato critiques the association of sexuality with education inso far as it fails to transcend the physical for an intellectual love. Plato, then, is critical of the erotic component of education taking the form of sexual activity, but his reasons are different from those of contemporary society. into learning (Foucault, 1978, p. 61). Th e ancients did not articulate homosexuality as an identity suggesting that one should avoid attaching the label homosexual to the sexual activities of the ancient Greeks. The point, then, is that whether on essentialis t or constructionist grounds, the application of the terms homosexual or homoerotic to the practice of paideia particularly archaia paideia is a misnomer, since the application of such terms presuppose that the Ancients recognized homosexuality as a means of identification.
27 In ancient Greece, a good education is a prerequisite for all aspiring members, which meant that each prospect was sufficiently trained in mousik gymnastik and poetry (Harris, 1995, p. 20). Beyond such traditi onal education or perhaps as its final stage is the association of an older man with a younger boy, which is know as sunousia This is distinct from the eroticism in extricably linked with paederastic courting, although much of the literature fails to demar cate one from the other. Ones aspiration to become a kalos kagathos required education. While it is tr ue that sexual favors may be exchanged between an erast s and his ermenos the education of the youth was paramount. Strict laws and social practic e regulated sexual activity and education. 28 The kaloi kagathoi the beautiful and good, and also wea lthy wanted to ensure their sons received the best education, since a g ood education was essential in becoming a gentleman. Protagoras reinforces this con ception in his discussion with Socrates. All this [education] is done by those best able to do it that is, by the wealthy and it is their sons who start their education at the earliest age and continue in the longest ( Prot 326b6-c3). I will argue, then, that while sunousia contains erotic components, when used in a discussion of archaia paideia sunousia refers primarily to the enculturation 29 of Athenian youth through their paideutic associ ation with an older, wiser, and more virtuous man, whereas the practice of paeder asty refers primarily to Hellenic homoeroticism. This is an important conceptual difference. An investigation of the social 28 See Cohen, David J. Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens, 117 Past and Present (3) 1987, p. 6 or Platos Laws Bk. VIII. 29 Kevin Robb discusses sunousia as a process of enculturation in Asebeia and Sunousia: The Issues Behind the Indict ment of Socrates in Plato's Dialogues, New Studies and Interpretations ed. Gerald Press. 1993
28 acceptance of sexual practices during antiquity re sts outside the scope of our analysis of Ancient Greek paideia and will not be discussed, alt hough the Platonic dialogues contain references to homoeroticism and its legislation in Hellenic society. 30 Our investigation focuses, first, on le gal provisions in the regulation of homoerotic behavior, as associated with archaia paideia Second we will concentrate on the relation between sunousia and the educational practices of the Ancient Greeks from the 6 th to the 4 th centuries B.C.. David Cohen writes, The legal provisions regulating various forms of homoerotic behavior may be grouped in three categories: laws relating to prostitution; laws relating to education and courtship; and, finally, general provisions concerning sexual assault (Cohen, 1987, p. 5). The second legislative provision, which regulated education and courtship, is central to our investigation. Platos dial ogues serve as the best sour ce for such an analysis; as 30 See Platos Laws Bk. VIII, 836c. In his discussion with Clinias, the Athenian stranger illustrates the difficulty surrounding legislation attempting to regulate sexual practices among members of its citizenry, as such legislation would take as its justifica tion the fact that in nature the male of a species does not concern himself carnally with another male of the same species. The Athenian stranger illustrates to do so would be considered unnatural. The Athenian stranger claims, Were one to follow the guidance of nature and adopt the law of the old days[pronouncing] it wrong for male[s]to do carnally with youthful male[s][fetching] his evidence fromanimals, pointing out that male does not touch male in this wayin would be at variance with the practice of your society ( Laws Bk. VIII, 836c-c5). The same, however, is not true for man as man is capable of sexual congress with another man. With respect to this fact, the term unnatural cannot appl y to homoeroticism, since we, as hum an beings, are part of the natural world. Legislation for the Ancient Greeks focused on the courtship of an eromenos with his older erastes and regulation of the sexual act. For Ancien t Greek men, ejaculation was typically reached intercrurally i.e., through the insertion of the penis between the thighs of an eromenos Dover writes, The thighs [of a young boy] seem to have been a powerful stimulus (Dover, 1978, p. 70). Anal sex, ( euryproktos ), was also a source of sexual gratification, but not as common. See Shapiros disc ussion in Courtship in Attic Vase Painting in American Journal of Archaeology Vol. 85, No. 2 (Apr., 1981), p. 85. See Cohen, David J. Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens, 117 Past and Present (3) 1987. p. 3-21. For example, Cohen discussed the laws that pr ohibited an older slave from acting as an erastes to a free boy, which is fully explicated in Aeschines Against Timarchus (138-40). In Platos Lysis The mere fact that a slave had governorship over Lysis was itself reproachable, See (208b9-208c8). Moreover, Platos characters often discusses the legislative censure necessary to restrain an over zealous erastes from dominating an effeminate eromenos ( Laws Bk. VIII, 836e1-e4), ( Sym 184c-c8). Much, then, is need to adequately regulate the sexual condu ct of the Athenian citizenry.
29 Shapiro writes, the fullest and most reliable written documentation of the erast sermenos relationship is in the dialogues of Pl ato (Shapiro, 1981, p. 143). I will also incorporate Aeschines investigation of male sexual activity and law, as Fisher notes, Aeschines speech is in fact our best source for Athenian laws regulating sexual behavior between malesin classical Athens (Aeschines, 2001, p. 25). Platos discussion of the process of courting and Aeschines analysis of the regulation on homoeroticism will contribut e to a fuller understanding of homoerotic-education in antiquity. It is interesting to note the language used by Pausanias in the Symposium when discussing the laws and the sexual metaphor s that underlie legislative regulations. Pausanias comments, Thus, wherever the laws enacts that it is wrong to yield to the lover, you may be sure that the fault lies with the legislators that is to say, it is due to the oppression of the rulers and the servility of their subjects (my emphasis), ( Sym. 182c8-3). Later he uses the same terminology to discuss the nature of the relationship between the erast s and the ermenos saying, for his friends would accuse him of the most abject servility (my emphasis), ( Sym 183a6). Rulers assume the role of the vicious lover, and the citizens of the polis assumes the role of th e submissive partner. This relationship of dominance, with rulers over members of a submissive citizenry could not have facilitated proper legislation; t hus Pausanias conclusion that, you may be sure that the fault lies with the legislators. But the blame also lies in the servility of the people, for the relationship between the city and the polis should emulate the virtuous lover, as Pausanias has described.
30 In Pausanias proposal to form new legislation regulating sexual congress between an erast s and an ermenos he also defends an idealized conception of the city, devoid of servility and oppression, We must therefore combine these two lawsthe one that deals with the love of boys and the one that deals with the pursuit of wisdom and the other virtuesbefore we can agree that the youth is justified in yielding to his lover. For it is only when lover and beloved come together, each governed by his own especial lawthe former lawfully enslaving himself to the youth he loves, in return for his compliance, the latter lawfully devoting his services to the friend who is helping him to become wise and goodthe one sharing his wealth of wisd om and virtue, and the other drawing, in his poverty, upon hi s friend for a liberal educationit is then, I say, and only then, when the observance of the two laws coinci des, that it is right for the lover to have his way (183d-e). The section of his speech fr om 184c until the end is more appropriately seen as a discussion of the practices of sunousia for the fundamental purpos e of the latter is the enculturation of the youth, instilling virtue, an d education, and sexual gratification is of secondary importance. Contrast Pausanias speech, then, with the speech of Philosophy proper in Aristophanes Clouds Aristophanes writes, let me begin by explaining how education was run in the good old days when my just cause was predominant and discretion was the aspiration of every man. First it was given that boys should be seen and not heardThese boys were taught fine, patriotic songsand if any boy engaged in classroom buffoonery or attempted to torture music by singing in the cacophonic, newfa ngled stylehe was given a damned good thrashing for deliberately perverting the Muses! Also while sitting in the gymnasium the boys had to keep their legs closed in order that they not expose the spectator to any inappropriat e and offensive sightsThey were not permitted to entice older lovers with effeminate voices, or seductive looks, nor mince around pimping themselves out to all and sundry! ( Clds 961-980).
31 Aristophanes criticizes homo eroticism. Pausanias, how ever, attempts to defend sunousia although he sometimes conflates it with the practices of paederastic courtship. To understand paideia, it is necessary to demarcate those conceptions formerly conflated. Archaia paideia refers primarily to enculturation, to use Robbs terminology, whereas paederasty refers primarily to Hellenic homoeroticism. Sunousia and paederasty are not the same practice, despite their superficial similarities. This can be seen in the laws affecting conduct in the palaestra The palaestra was an optimal setting for cour ting young Athenian boys, but it was also a place of education. What, then, were the laws, which regul ated ones conduct in the palaestra ensuring that sexual desire did not conflict with the boys education? Aeschines writes, consider the case of the t eachers. Although the very livelihood of these men, to whom we necessarily entrust our own children, depends on their good character, while the opposite conduct on their part would mean poverty, yet it is plain that the lawgivers distrust them; for he expressly prescribes, first, at what time of the day the free-born boy is to go to the school-room;and when he is to go home. He forbids the teacher to open the school-room, or the gymnastics trainer the wrestling school, before sunrise, and he commands them to close the doors before sunset; for he is exceeding[ly] suspicious of their being alone with the boy, or in the dark with him ( Tim 9-10). The Ancient Greeks had no qualms, then, about mandating laws to secure the well being of their young men. During daylight, the palaestra was a suitable se tting for education. The hours prior to dawn and after dusk, howev er, where unsuitable times for education. The legislative regulations discusse d by Aeschines are important in our investigation for two reasons. First, these regulations illustrate the obvious concern the
32 Athenian d mos had for protecting their young es pecially their boys. Second, these legislative regulations ensured that the facili ties were in fact used for the education, which suggests the importance the d mos placed on education. Insofar as the codified laws stipulated appropriate hours, wherei n boys could receive instructions and hour prohibiting such instruction, the law reinfor ces the importance placed on instructional time, thereby holding instructors accountable for what was taught and how the time was spent during the hours between sunrise and sunset. The laws ( nomoi ) stipulated, If any one enter in violation of this prohibiti on, he shall be punished with death ( Tim. 12). And the regulation included the trainers or ( pedotribe ) also, A gymnasiarch who does permit this [illegal access to the boys] and fails to keep such a person out of the gymnasium, shall be liable to the penalties prescrib ed for the seduction of a free-born youth. ( Tim. 13). There is no confusion about what inappr opriate conduct consisted, as the law clearly mandated that a violation of the law would result in death. The clarity of the laws concerning th e sexual conduct in the gymnasium and schoolroom, primary settings for education, s hould be contrasted against the lacuna of legislative regulations concerni ng the practice of paederasty. Granted this gap is due in part to limited archeological findings concer ning this highly specified topic. But there may be a philosophical explanation for this a pparent gap. On the one hand, in his speech against Timarchus, Aeschines directly cites the laws ( nomoi ), which precisely defines the regulations and the punishment for violating such regulations, viz., death. Again, these regulations pertain specifically to educational settings. Now, contrast this fact with Pausanias suggestion in Platos Symposium wherein he says, gentlemen [kaloi kagathoi ], may I point out that, while in all the other states of the Hellas the laws that
33 deal with Love are so simple and well defi ned that they are easy enough to master, our own code is most involved ( Sym. 182a7-182b). What account can be made for the apparent legislative disparity between the laws regulating appropriate sexual behavior, which are clearly defined with respect to educational facilities, but which are most involved, to use Pausanias word s, with respect to Greek life? 31 It is my suggestion that legislators themselves rec ognized a distinction between the practice of paederasty, on the one hand, and the association ( sunousia ) of an erast s with an er menos on the other, the justification of which would further particularize our discussion of Greek paideia This recognition of differe nce offers an appropriate explanation for the apparent legislative lacuna. Athenian laws sought to protect their boys and their educational institutions from corruption and debauchery and in the same sense recognized the importance of the private lives of its citizenry, which acc ounts for the confusion Pausanias has with interpreting the law. In the funeral oration of Pericles, we hear that: The freedom which we enjoy in our government extends also to our ordinary life. There, far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be angry with our neighbors for doing what he likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive penalty. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens (Thuc. 2. 37-38). The distinction between sunousia and the practice of paeder asty is supported by this apparent legislative lacuna. The laws concerning the lives of adults must have been harder to codify, while simultaneously acknow ledging the privacy of the citizenry, which 31 For the sake of clarity, we should remind ourselves what else Pausanias says in the Symposium In suggesting that there is a lacuna in the legislative regulations, I am not referring to missing laws. I am, as is Pausanias, referring to the apparent contra dictions one arrives to if one follows the law.
34 would account for Pausanias confusion in inte rpreting the law. Regulations needed to be codified, but that is, to use an old adage, eas ier said than done. Pericles, himself, asserts that the intention of the law is not to exercise a jealous surveillance over its citizenry, and regulating the practices of paederasty ca n be a complicated business. However, the law is explicit in its prohibition and puni shment for infractions pertaining to the regulation of educational facilities and of its educators. Hence, these laws while still generally concerned with regulating sexual beha vior, were directly concerned with, as I have said, (1) safeguarding the students, and (2) safeguardin g the educational institution. This suggests as it is impossi ble to prove, a legal distin ction between the practice of paederasty, on the one hand, and sunousia on the other, legislat ion for the latter was unconcerned with recognizing the privacy of the youth, as they are not yet of age. Without this paternalism in Greek law, corr uption and debauchery would surely follow. Note, however, as is still true in our contemporary society, th e difficulty in regulating or enforcing fundamentally private matters concerning sexual congress. 32 Sunousia and Archaia Paideia What, then, is sunousia if it is not the same as the practice of paederasty? What is the relationship between sunousia on the one hand and archaia paideia on the other? 32 See State v. Laforrest 71 Vt. 311, 312 (1899), People v. Doggett 188 P.2d, 792 (Cal. App. 1948). For anti-sodomy laws, specifi cally between members of the same sex, See. Arkansas M 5-14-111, Kansas M 21-3505 and Missouri M566.090. See also, Powell Regrets Backing Sodomy Laws in the Washington Post Oct. 26, 1990, Appendix Tab 13. To quote the Washington Post directly, Powell, who retired in 1987, provided the fifth vote to uphold the law and reject arguments that the constitutional right to privacy covers homosexual conduct. (my italics). As this is a discussion of the Ancient Greeks and not contemporary legislative regulations, a detailed analysis of this case is out of place. But Pericles noted, the privacy of the citizenry is important to rulers and legislators alike, which as we have seen, citing Pausanias, leads to confusion in interpreting the law. However, no such confusion arises with respect to the laws regulating sexual behavior concerning the education of Athenian youth or the educational system as such, because legislators do not have to acknowledge the pr ivacy of children. Rather, these laws tend to be paternalistic in their construction, which leads to the conclusion that legislators recognized a distinction between sexual behavior concerning the educational system and sexual behavior outside of the educational purview.
35 Our analysis of sunousia must first acknowledge, as Kevi n Robb has already illustrated, that it is inextricably tied to the oral and f undamentally preliterate traditions of classical Greece. As he writes, Sunousia was an important, cherished feature of oral Greece[it] was, in the preliterate ages of our species, a fundamental and daily exercise, necessary to survival (Robb, 1994, p. 197-198). The epic poems of Homer played an important role in the education of Athenian youth, instilli ng such conceptions as morality, piety and justice. Prior to the rise of literacy thr oughout the Hellenes, entire passages and systems of formulae enabling extemporaneous composition had to be committed to memory. Robb writes, Greek Mim sis had its originsin the ancien t demands of oral memory and the manner in which a complex paideia had been communicated to a people (Robb, 1994, p. 220). The heros klos acts as a normative ought, for how else could ethics and morality be taught in a preliterate society? Ca rrying out the lessons of epic poetry in a society dominated by oral instruction encouraged the association between the younger generation and the older. This association for tified the obligation to social order, while simultaneously educating the youth of arte. The education of virtue dominated the preliterate educational system and even when the youth of Athens were educated in the sense of learning their letters, those institu tions that developed in Greeces preliterate ages persisted. The s unousia that evolved out of necessity persisted as members of the older generation educated the youth in return for, among other things, sexual favors. For the Ancient Greeks, then, pedago gy and sex were inextricably bound. Therefore, since the laws re gulating sexual activity within the educational setting were clearer and more consistent than those regarding the prohi bitions of sexual behavior outside the educational setting, one is ju stified in drawing a distinction between sunousia
36 primarily concerned with education, on the one hand, and the practice of paederasty, a social convention, on the other. For Plato, however, arte is not to be conceived in the traditional sense, i.e., as attained through klos and poetic mim sis nor should the erotic competent of paideia take the form of sexual activity between the erast s and ermenos The model of active and passive partners in the pursuit of virtue is refuted by Plato, which is exemplified in the failure of Alcibi ades and his deficienci es as a student of Socrates. Thus, Plato is able to defend an active/active modelexplicated in the speech of Diotima, which stands in contrast to th e failures of Alcibiad es and the practice of archaia paideia that educated him. The specific association between an erast s and ermenos then, serves only to catalyze a further pursuit of Eros, paideia and arte, which leads one up the ladder of love for an appr eciation of universal B eauty, rather than the particular beauty of an er menos This distinction between Philosophy and traditional educational systems, unfolds in th e final two speeches of Platos Symposium as we learn of Diotimas new way of speakingphilosophy.
37 Chapter Three Eros and Athenian Education Introduction We have analyzed the many facets of archaia paideia attempting to refine our conception of Greek paideia in general. Our discussion of paideia must also include an investigation of rhetoric and oration, which was central to the political discourse of the city and therefore served as an important vehicle for paideia 33 Oration and rhetoric are not to be contrasted with archaia paideia, but should be considered as an extension of the traditional educational model. As we will s ee throughout this chapter, the topoi employed in rhetoric and oration, to convey complex me taphors, has its basis in the practices of archaia paideia in particular the association between the erast s and his beloved ermenos Pericles Metaphor of the Erast s The funeral oration of Pericl es for the first of the fallen soldiers, after the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, inspires ones l ove for Athens and ones sense of honor in being an Athenian. This is accomplished by Pericles metaphor of the erast s 34 for Athenian citizens should love Athens as the erast s loves his beloved er menos Hence, the lover ( erast s ) should pursue Athens as the beloved ( er menos ). It is customary that 33 One learns virtue by participating in the life of the polis, as Socrates notoriously informs the members of the jury during his trial, (38a-4) and then again in the Meno where he states that a mans virtue lay in directing the city well ( 73a4-5). Thus, the concept of virtue is intimately tied to ones participation with the polis. 34 Thucydides writes, (my emphasis), (Thuc. 2.43.1) translat ed as: you should gaze, day after day, upon the greatness of Athens and become her lovers translation from Simon Hornblower, A commentary on Thucydides : Vol. 1 New York, Clarendon Press. 1991, p. 311.
38 such a panegyric be delivered in honor of the fallen soldiers. 35 Pericles, in his opening statements recognizes the practice of custom and law, which mandates that such an occasion occur, saying, this speech [is] pa rt of the lawit becomes my duty to obey the law(2.35). But Pericles uses this opportun ity not only to honor the soldiers but the people of Athens as well, including the metics, or resident aliens, and the women of Athens. The account of his sp eech is found in Thucydides Peloponnesian War. Pericles proclaims: We open our city to the world, and never by a lien acts exclude foreigners from any opportunity of learning or observing (2.39). 36 Pericles was careful to address not only the citizens of Athens who were free Athenian men, but the population of Athens as such. The genius of his oration rests in the fact that he pe rsonifies the city and accentuates its beauty and the soldiers undying love for her. The soldiersand citizensas erast s are encouraged actively to pursue their love for Athens as the lover pursues his beloved ( ermenos ). In an earlier part of the speech Pericles says, Such is the Athens for which these men, in the assert ion of their resolve not to lose her, nobly fought and died (2.41). He then calls upon citizens, metics and women to renew their love for Athens as well, you should gaze, day after day, upon the greatness of Athens and become her lovers (2.43.1), the si gnificance of which will become clear. The inclusiveness of his oration and the vivid depictions of ones love for Athens culminate in the following quote, For it is only the love of honor (philotimia ) that never 35 See. Thucydides. 1951. The Complete Writings of Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War. The unabridged Crawley translation with an intro. by John H. Finley. New York: The Modern Library, p. 102103. The beauty of Pericles speech is not that it had to be given, as a stipulation of his office and the laws that governed, but that he gave it so well and with such sincerity. His sincerity and ability to excite the d mos with words of inspiration are time less hallmarks of good oration. 36 He continues, if I must say anything on the subject of female excellence to those of you who will now be in widowhood, it will be all comp romised in this brief exhortation (2.45).
39 grows old; and honor it is, not gainthat rejoic es the heart of age and helplessness (2.44). 37 For Pericles, the drive for immortality is re flected in this concep tion of love, obviously modeled after the practice of sunousia and philotimia as it was this educational model he used in rearing his sons (Paralus and Xanthippus) before they received a more formal education in rhetoric and sophistry. 38 The heros klos translates into the normative ought, i.e., the means by which ethics and morality are taught in a preliterate society. Plato, a 4 th century author, situates his characters in or about the 5 th century, in which moral education was still essentially tied to narrative (speech ), be it poetic mim sis or the rhetoric of Funeral Orations: the same principles where used to educate the Athenian polis in matter of arte and proper conduct. It is an educational model which wa s presupposed by Pericles and rightfully so, as no elaboration was needed to explain how to love Athens. It was presupposed because Pericles could have assumed that most, if not all of the citizenry, were educated under the pedagogical methods of archaia paideia which would allow for the metaphor to take root. This is implicit in his remarks. The audience would already know the structure of the (erast s / ermenos ) relationship, and recognize its di rect connection with education. They would immediately recognize when Pericles says, they each of them individually received that renown (klos ) which never grows old (2.43) that such a conception was 37 With respect to philotimia, Charles Guignon elucidates, for people in premodern societie s the central concern was with honor that is, with doing well in the perfor mance of ones socially prescribed roles. It follows that, in such societies, the primary orientation of life was outward rather than inward: what mattered was how one was faring in the shared undertakings of communal life (my emphasis), (Guignon, 2004, 149) 38 See Protagoras (314e-315b) and Meno (94b).
40 connected with their formative years in archaia paideia where they were taught morality through a similar pedagogical method, albeit base d in poetic verse. Thus, it is a latent understanding of the traditional Athenian educational model, which allows Pericles metaphor to work. In that he relates the polis with the erast s signifies his respect for the audience, they are the older, wiser and active participant according to the metaphor. They are teachers and educators (of successive generations) and his speech is merely a reminder of this fact. Pericles says, Yet you who are still at an age to beget children must bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a securitythose of you who have passed your prime must congratulate yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate (2.44). Pericles encourages the citizens to pursue Athens, as an erast s The shared life of the polis suggests that all citizens, in their love of Athens, contributed to the perpetuation of Athens. Ones love for Athens reflects ones love of honor as honorable men and women must yield an honorable city. Hence one s love for Athens serves as the means by which Athens is itself an honorab le city. Pericles suggests that philotimia never grows old and motivates his audience, in times of helplessness and despai r, to recognize that the love of honor will ea se the pangs of life. Any citizen, metic or woman present that day must have been filled with a sense of pride and honor, as the general of the Athe nian military honors both the fallen soldiers and the population of Athens. Such speeches throughout the course of history, elicit a
41 call to action within the popul ation. Such speeches serve to identify its population as distinct and of significance. 39 The tragic poet Aeschylus had in scribed on his epitaph the following: Under this monument lies Aeschylus the Athenian, Euphorions son, who died in the wheatlands of Gela. The grove of Marathon with its glor ies can speak of his valor in battle. The long-haired Persian remembers, and can speak of it too (Kahn, 1962). Insofar as Aeschylus was an esteemed poet and chose, rather, to be remembered as an Athenian who died for his love of Athens, his epitaph prefigures th e funeral oration of Pericles some twenty years later. Aeschylus identity as an Athenian and soldier was of enough importance to him that he chose to be remembered as such, rather than how we have come to remember him. In one of his most famous lines Pericles says, heroes have the whole earth for their tomb (2.43), which explains why those slain at Marathon, who for their singular and extrao rdinary valor were interred on the spot where they fell (2.34). This sense of ones love for At hens in fact, identified a people. Such love of Athens and esteem for those who fought at Marathon was not relegated to politicians. In a rare moment of earnestness, Aristophanes writes, It is my system of student tutoring th at raised the men who fought so bravely at Marathon ( Clds 986). Undeniably, then, Eros factored heavily into political life, and it too served as a vehicle for educating Athenian citizens. Joanne Waugh writes, It was in public disc ourse such as the Funeral Oration that the love of Athens was made visible, the very act of speaking these words and listening to 39 An analogy in recent memory is John F. Kennedys exhortation in his inaugural speech as President: ask not what your c ountry can do for you: ask what you can do for your country.
42 them, generated, like physical desire, heat and excitement (my emphasis), (Waugh, 1997, p. 215). Throughout the Platonic Dialogu es there are countless examples where speech either excites or represses sexual physical desire. 40 Sara Monoson comments on Pericles allusion to sunousia in rallying the citizens of Athens, Pericles metaphor reinforces the conventional notion of eroticism and love relations because it relies precisely on normal negotiations of active and passive roles in a pederastic love relationship to illuminate the demands of democratic citizenship (my emphasis), (Monoson, 1998, p. 497). To understand the significance of Monosons claim, two word s need clarification, viz., active and passive. In us ing the term active Monoson is referring to the role the erast s plays in traditional Greek education ( archaia paideia ); and in using the term 40 Waughs reference to heat and its correlation with speech is essential to our discussion of Eros as an effective pedagogical device. The relation be tween speech and sexual desire plays heavily in our analysis of Pericles Funeral Oration. Both are equally important in Ancient Greek culture, and both can be used to lure one away from, or closer to, a virtuous life. In the Charmides for example, when confronted with the raw sexuality of Charmides, Socrates says, I caught a sight of his inward garment, and took the flame [later]I began by degrees to regain confidence, and my natural heat returned (my emphasis), ( Char 155d2 and 156d). In the Symposium Alcibiades comments, the way [Socrates] got through that winter was most impressive[he] made less fuss about walking on the ice in his bare feet than we did in our shoes ( Symp 220b2). See, Richard Sennett, Flesh and Stone: The Body and the City in Western Civilization (New York:W.W.Norton, 1994). Sennett writes, Body heat was the key to human physiology: those who most concentrated and marshaled their bodily heat had no need for clothes (Senntt, 1994, p. 33). See also, the Timaeus were Socrates says, we have not yet considered the origin of flesh, or what belongs to flesh, or of that part of the soul which is mortalFirst, let us inquire what we mean by saying that fire is hot, and that about this we may reason from the dividing or cutting power which it exercises on our bodiesand cuts our bodies into small pieces ( ), and thus naturally produces that aff ection which we call heat ( ), (my emphasis), (Tim. 61d-62a5). Thus, in support of Waughs claim that, It was in public discoursethat the love of Athens was made visible (my emphasis), we note Socrates statement: nothing is visible where there is no fire (my emphasis), (Tim. 31b4). Her observation that the very act of speaking these words and listening to them, generated, like physical desire, heat and excitement, rests on the fact that there was a very real connection between speech and its primordial bond with our fl esh, i.e., fire/heat. One should lend ear to the interpretation that, very literally, the citizenrys love of Athens is both necessary and sufficient, i.e., Pericles personification of the city. The existence of Athens as a city is itself contingent on the citizenrys lover for her.
43 passive she is referring to the er menos It is the erast s (lover) who pursues the ermenos (beloved). The erast s in courting a younger ermenos gives to the ermenos and receives gratification ( charizomai ), entering into a sexua l companionship with the young boy. This is the nature of the exchange, paideia for Eros. Hence, as discussed in chapter two of this analysis, the sex act itself was always secondary to the association ( sunousia ) between the boy and his erast s In discussing the activ e and passive roles of archaia paideia it is clear that the erast s and the ermenos are considered the active and passive participants respectiv ely. Thus, if Pericles relies on this metaphor and suggests that you should gaze, day after day, upon th e greatness of Athens and become her lovers (2.43.1), and the love r is synonymous with the erast s and the erast s is the active participant in th e association between the two parties, then so too should we, the citizenry of Athens, actively pursue our love of Athens. Bu t how is this love pursued? For Athenians, public discourse served as an indispensable component of the democratic polis embodied in both flesh and stone. 41 To reinforce the point, Thucydides makes this point forcefully, Our public menare fair judges of public matterswe Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all (my emphasis), (2.40). The clearest example integral to this discussion of the affect of Eros as Athenian education, on an individuals decision making process is in Socrates discussion with Crito just before his execution. Socr ates finds himself jailed and awaiting his execution the following day (43d4). While jail ed, Socrates childhood friend Crito gains 41 See, (Waugh, 1997, p. 213), (Sennett, 1994, p. 33-34), (Zanker, 1995, p. p. 10).
44 permission from the guard to sit and talk with him (43b). The di scussion between Crito and Socrates begins with Crito pleading for Socrates to escape from prison (44b4). Socrates will not base his decision on emo tion and will only make such a decision based on the application of reason ev en if it means losing his life. Through his discussion with Crito, Socrates explains that he cannot escape from prison for two reasons. First, he cannot escape on the grounds th at during the trail he had the opportunity to choose banishment as his punishment (52c). Secondly, Socrates states that he cannot escape because it would be wrong to do so, offering a number of examples (50a-54d). Socrates arrives at this point by show ing that the city prov ides for its citizens and in the provision for its citizens there is an implicit agreement between the citizens and the city. This implicit agreement is an acceptance of the laws and policies of the city (50b). Therefore, despite Socrates being harmed by the city, he concludes that returning harm with harm (escaping from jail) is unjust. It is Socrates education, his understandi ng of Eros and his love for Athens, the fact that he has lived for seventy-one years in Athens, and has reared children in Athens (52c), which necessitates his conformity with the law. Such, is the affect of Eros as Athenian education. Pericles writes, as a city we are the school of Hellas (2.41.1). For Pericles, the educational motif is an effective political device because it is easily accessible to the general population, i.e., it is a familiar model. It el icits a call to action through a direct association of klos a pedagogical tool of archaia paideia used to teach morality. The educational motif also reinforc es the relevance of discussion/speech as integral to the political arena. Participa tion as an Athenian in the Assembly or
45 palaestra agora or within the household required discussion/speech, and as such, people directly contributed to the legisl ative regulation of At henian politics. While Pericles metaphor offers an acc ount of a citizens relationship with Athens, using the al ready established (erast s / er menos ) association one between a lover and his beloved his metaphor suffers from some inherent problems, which jeopardize both sunousia and archaia paideia In the discussion of archaia paideia for example, it was noted that the association between the erast s and the er menos was an active/passive relationship, as illustrate d in Monosons claim that, Pericles metaphorrelies precisely on normal negotiations of active and passive roles in alove relationship (Monoson, 1998, p. 497). The nature of their relationship was one of mutual exchange, as the ermenos would receive an education in mousik gymnastik and most importantly arte, and the erast s would receive companionship, sexual favors and general gratification ( charizomai ). As Monoson writes, Pericles erast s metaphor proposed that individuals understand the demands of Athenian citizenship to involve reciprocal relations of mutual exchange between themselves and th e city (Monoson, 1998, p. 495). The metaphor works insofar as the nature of the exchange between the erast s and ermenos reflects an idealized conception of the lover/citizen dich otomy, i.e., since Eros is inextricably bound to the Athenian conception of citizen ry, one can only be a citizen if one actively expresses love for Athens. Again, the expression of love takes the form of speech and participation in Athenian politics since pub lic discourse serves as an indispensable component of the democratic polis for the Assembly was the means of arriving at
46 decisions in government. 42 Hence, the citizens love for Athens is pursued to the same degree as the erast s pursues his er menos This however, becomes problematic. The problem with Pericles metaphor rests in the passivity of the ermenos in his (active/passive) model. His metaphor presupposes the traditional con ception of Athenian paideia as inextricably tied to Eros as the vehicle of education which is exactly what Platos Socrat es is attempting to supplant. In the Symposium for example, Pausanias remarks, Now it is the object of Athe nian law to make a firm distinction between the love r who should be encouraged and the lover who should be shunned. And so it enjoins pursuit in certain cases, and f light in others, and applies various touchstones and criteria to discriminate between the two classes of lover and beloved. Unlike Pericles, Socrates is suggesting that l ove should represent an active/active, rather than active/passive model. He notes, in a c onversation with Menexe nus and Lysis in the Lysis, in generalif one manis desirous and enamored of another, he can never have conceived his desire, or lovewithout in some way belonging to the object of his loveIt cannot possibly be th en, but that a true and genuine lover is loved in retu rn by the object of his love (my emphasis), (221e11-222a8). Pericles metaphor fails because one can never have conceived of loving Athens, since as the metaphor holds the citizen is to the erast s as Athens is to the er menos the ermenos is passive and also fleeting. 43 According to Socrates, then, one cannot hold 42 See, (Waugh, 1997, p. 213) and (Starr, 1990, p. 29) 43 Note, it was frowned upon for a man to be a de dicated homosexual as he was expected to marry and have children. For example, Carnes writes,
47 claim to a feeling of love if the object of ones love does not love one in return. But Jeffery Carnes perfectly summarizes the central point we shall pursue: the seeker of truth is consistently described in erotic terms as an erast s of knowledge. The er menos disappears: the human who would be the object of desire turns out to be only the stimulus toward contemplation of absolute Beauty, and should himself be involved in actively pursuing Beauty and Knowledge, the forms of which, fixed and remote, become the only true passive objects in the equation of desire (Carnes, 1998, p. 110). A fuller explanation of this notion will be explored in the final two chapters of this investigation. Pericles Funeral Oration, however, wa s not a failure. He, as his contemporaries did, used pedagogical topoi in relation to his metaphor of the erast s to communicate, effectively, a complex notion, namely, a citizens love for Athens through an educational paradigm. We have seen that such indoctrination served to guide even Socrates in his decision not to flee his execution, which tes tifies to the efficiency of political oration/legislation. Ne vertheless, unlike Pericles, So crates recognizes that to communicate a conception of Eros as Athenian education, one must first recognize that to love is to be loved, and that the ultimate end of ones l ove cannot be vested in an individual, as individuals grow old and die, or betray our love, but must be vested in the conception of Beauty as eternal. A new educational paradigm must recognize, as Carnes writes, ones involvement in actively pursuing Beauty and Knowledge, which inevitably leads to free and open inquir y, since such inquiry is unobstructed by Given the abundance of evidence that attraction to both youths and women was considered the norm for Greek men, and given Platos relentless attention to transgression throughout Aristophanes speech, there is no reason to think that the reluctant bridegrooms of 192a-b [referring to Pausanias and Agathons relationship] are anything other than transgressive (Carnes. 1998, p. 112).
48 convention. The groundwork, then, for free and open inquiry and the introduction of sophistry as a viable educational mode l, becomes contingent on dismantling the (active/passive) model of the ( erast s / ermenos ) dichotomy inherent in the pedagogical methods of archaia paideia
49 Chapter Four The Transition from Archaia Paideia to New Education The previous three chapters were devoted to the role of paideia in particular archaia paideia in fifth century Athens; in this chapter the emphasis shifts to its dissolution. It is hard to see how archaia paideia could have bee s upplanted without the rise of the sophists. There are many differences between archaia paideia and sophistry but they share one common feature in that they bo th aimed at the attainment of arte (Webster, 1973, p. 58). We have discussed how arte was taught under the old educational system, now our investigation focuses on discussing sophistrys role in the education of arte As Werner Jaeger puts it: Arte had from the very first been closely bound up with education. But as society had changed, so also had the ideal of arte and with it the way to achieve arte Everywhere in Greece, therefore, attention was now focused on the principal question: What type of education leads to arte? (Jaeger, 1939, p. 286). One of the central tenets of the s ophist is the possibility of teaching arte The attainment of arte was central to being an Athenian citizen, and the sophists argue that arte could be attained through their training. As the cultivation of Athenian men necessitates an education in arte if the sophists are correct, the cultivation of Athenian citizens encourages them to seek out the s ophists. The Athenians aspirations to be among the kalos kagathos required that they live as vi rtuous men, which required that they learn to live virtuously. The qu estion is to whom shall th ey turn to form such a
50 traditional Athenian gentlemen, one who can manage his oikos or household, know how to honor his parents, and follow such upper-c lass properties as properly maintaining a web of guest-friendship (Robb, 1994, 200). The sophist argued that they had the ability to education the young men of Athens in matters of justice ( dik ) and virtue ( arte ). This claim, however, caused tensions to mount between proponents of the two forms of Greek paideia Proponents of archaia paideia such as Aristophanes, ar gue that sophistry simply teaches one to argue a wrongful case a nd defeat the Superior Argument (Clds, 884). Nevertheless a number of sophists, in particul ar Protagoras, were ab le to defend the claim that the sophistic method was capable of educating the youth in matters of virtue ( arte ). What, then, is the defense of the claim that arte can be taught using the sophistic method? In Platos Protagoras Hippocrates, a young man of At hens aspiring for political office, is accompanied by Socrates and introdu ced to Protagoras, a professed sophist and educator (317b2). Socrates inquires as to th e benefits Hippocrates will gain in learning under the sophistic method (318a3), to whic h Protagoras responds, you will go home a better manEach day you will make progress to a better state (318a6-8). Protagoras is here speaking of the attainment of arte which confuses both Socrates and Hippocrates. Socrates comments, I did not think this [ arte ] was something that could be taught (319b). Socrates, says, I used to think that it was by no human diligence that good men acquired their goodness, but now I am convinced (Prot. 328e1). But the relationship between the poets and the sophists is not one of opposition so much as it is one of succession. To quote Werner Jaeger:
51 They [the sophists] were the heirs of the educational tradition of the poets; they were the successors of Homer and HesiodWe cannot grasp their historical position until we give them their proper pl ace in the history of Greek cultural education, as the inhe ritors of the poetic tradition (Jaeger, 1939, p. 296). Prior to the sophistic movement mim sis celebrated the remembered glory ( klos ) of a fallen hero, and in so doing, ethics and morality were communicated in a preliterate society. With the advent of literacy, individuals could be taught the names and ethos of Greek society through the interpre tation of texts. The sophistic claim is more direct in its assertion, in that it professes to teach arte but also and more profoundly that arte can be taught through textual analysis. This is only possible because of increasing literacy among the citizens of Athens. If the s ophistic method is capable of teaching arte the sophist must demonstrate how this method educates one in matters of virtue. This is done through the use of reason and th e analysis of texts. The dist inction, therefore, between the pedagogical practices of archaia paideia and the sophistic move ment, made possible by the advent of Greek literacy, consists in different methods of attaining arte and a fundamental difference in the appropriation of poetry, viz., a distinction between poetic mim sis, in the case of archaia paideia and textual commentary, in the case of new education. This is reflected in Socrates conversa tion with Protagoras. To illustrate that virtue can be taught, Protagoras offers a my th. One should not confuse the myth with a justification for his argument; the myth func tions only to illustrate the logic that is implied from its narrative. Thomas Cole sugge sts that the myth offered by Protagoras is
52 a reasonably accurate report of the Sophists teaching rather than an invention of Plato (Cole, 1991, p. 60). Before mortals inhabited the earth, Prom etheus and Epimetheus were given the responsibility of allocating pow ers to the creatures (320d3). Epimetheus distributed all the powers he had been given, without equipping the human race (321c). Upon this discovery, Prometheus stole from Hephaestus and Athena the gift of skill in arts, together with fire (321d). With these power s, humankind sought to establish cities and protect themselves from wild beats (322b5). However, when they gatheredthey injured one another for want of political skill (322b6). Thus, Zeus instructed Hermes to bring humanity the qualities of respect [ aidos ] for others and a sense of justice [ dik ] (322c2) of which all were to share equally (322d). The question arises as to the method or process wherein everyone shares a sense of justice and civic virtue (323a6). How is it that we co me to share these powers? Protagoras dismisses the possibility that our capacity for sharing a sense of justice and virtue are innate (323c4), by pointing out that we do not hold those physically or mentally inept responsible for their ineptitude. For ex ample, if a madman were to bite his caretakers arm, we would not be warranted in calling such an action unjust, as the madman is not accountable for his actions. He is not accountable because he cannot comprehend that his action is prohibited. Thus, if everyone shares a sense of justice and civic virtue and these characteristics are not innate, yet we hold competent persons accountable for their actions, th en we are justified in punish ing those who are competent for knowing that their actions are prohibit ed yet still perfor m the act (323e-324b4). However, to hold such a view amounts to holding that virtue can be instilled by
53 education (324b5). That is to say, if the competent person knows that the action is punishable, and knowledge of this fact was not attained innately, then this knowledge must have been attained through ones education, wherein the individual was taught that such an act is prohibited and punishable. What is at stake is the manner in which the sophistic method or new education professes to instruct individuals in matters of virtue. Both proponents of archaia paideia and the sophistic method defend the claim that vi rtue can be taught; what is at issue, then, is establishing the distinc tion between the pedagogical models. On the one hand, the sophistic method is justified by proofs as is evident in Protagoras language when discussing our shared sense of justice and vi rtue (323a5). On the ot her hand, the language of archaia paideia is radically different, and one does not speak of proofs and justifications, but of speaking and acting as a hero. How, then, is poetry used in the sophistic method as a means of argumentative justification? The pedagogical model of the sophistic movement required that its educators were authorit[ies] in poetry (339). For the sophists, poetry s till played an essential role in the cultivation of arte and the sophists were known for their ability to interpret and analyze poems. Interestingly, however, poeti c verse was still performed by sophists though not in the sense of recitation. Josi ah Ober notes, Quotations of poetry and citations of historical preced ent could enliven a speech and help to buttress the argument by the inspired wisdom of the poet and the authority of past practice. The technique held a great risk for the speaker however (Ober, 1989, p. 178). With respect to the sophistic movement, in general, and its pedagogical model, in particular, citing poetry during public speech, whether presenting before member s of the council or in a more intimate
54 setting, required that the sophi st did not assume the appearance of a well-educated man giving lessons in culture to the ignorant ma sses (Ober, 1989, p. 179). The sophists might appear as such to their audience because of the sophists command of poetic texts; i.e., their ability to make a special study of literature (Ober, 1989, p. 179). They did not simply listen to the recitation of poetic verse. Clearly, this ability to engage in textual criticism was a definite argumentative adva ntage in a culture still captivated by the charms of poetic verse. Since few if any were so versed in the poetic tradition as to challenge a sophist outright, it would not ordinar ily be a problem for the sophists if the content of the poetic verse was distorted to accommodate or ju stify a particular argument. Notoriously, however, Platos Socrates in the Protagoras was sufficiently versed in the poetic tradition and capable of arguing on matters of poetry. The sections spanning 339-347 of Platos Protagoras are unmistakably his attempt to illustrate to his contemporar ies that he too can do poetry. For our investigation of Ancient Greek paideia one should also note, as Jaeger writes, In the history of the human mind, the sophist are a phenomenon quite as necessary as Socrates or Plato; in fact, without them, Socrates and Plato could never ha ve existed (Jaeger, 1939, p. 291). Our focus in this section is not to argue whether sophistry is better or more thorough than philosophy, only to assert that as a pedagogical model, the sophistic method regularly employed poetic verse in de fense of its position. The incorporation of Socrates critique of the sophistic model is only used to illustrate the various methods sophists employed to counter such ar gumentative demands for justification.
55 Protagoras begins with the a ssertion that proficiency in poe tic verse is an inextricable component of ones education (339). Pertaining to their discussion of virtue, Protagoras initiates his conversation with Socrates in an analysis of a poem fr om Simonides, a poem that investigates the issue of virtue (339b). Perhaps, Pr otagoras asks, if Socrates is familiar with the poem or if he would have Protagoras recite it (339b3). It is unclear, however, when Socrates responds I know it and have given it qui te a lot of study (339b4). The poem is merely a template that frames their discussion of virtue; the context of their conversation has as its conceptual boundary the content of the poem. Protagoras suggests that there is a cont radiction in the poem (339d), to which Socrates responds, rather gracefully, by explaining the difference between being and becoming (340c4340d). The oscillation between retort and answ er, within the confin es of poetic verse, illustrates the functional capacity of poetry to accommodate analytic analysis, in the colloquial sense. Their discussion continues and Socrates furthe r illustrates his point in an investigation of another verse. Rather th an debating the content, howev er, Socrates and Protagoras resort to debating an interpretation of a word within the verse, viz., the word hard (341a3). The verse is as follows: The gods have put sweat on the path to virtue, The summits reached, hard though it was, thenceforth the task is light (340d2-6). Various interpretations of the word h ard are offered (341b-c) and (341d-e). Protagoras rejects Socrates interpretation a nd justifies his own th rough a proof (341e), which relies on a proceeding verse from the poe m (341e3). This level of specificity is a pedagogical advancement over passively receivi ng an orators recitation of the same
56 poetic verse, without the ability to specify meaning. Nevert heless, Socrates denies the claim that poetry is an effective pedagogical tool, as the sophists do not practice analysis and justificationboth staples for philosophical thoughtrather, their appeal to poetic verse presupposes that poetry functions as a representation of reality, which it does not. Since Socrates has demonstrated the inabi lity of Simonides poem to educate one in matter of arte, Protagoras, in his appeal to this poem, cannot also profess to teach what Socrates has already refuted. To understand the sophistic movement one has to acknowledge the need for its existence, in that it served a particular f unction, and attracted a specific class of student. Sophists had a method of presentation and a lucid understanding of the cultural needs of the Athenian demos In an explanation of how the sophists conducted business throughout Athens, we turn our attention to Platos Greater Hippias wherein he writes: The eminent Gorgias, the Sophist of Leontinispoke most eloquently before the Assemb lygiving demonstrations to the younghe earned and took aw ay with him large sums of Athenian moneyour distinguished friend Prodicuswas much admired fo r his eloquence before the Councilhe made an astoni shing amount of money by giving demonstrations to the young[Hippias brags]I have made more money than any other two Sophists you like to mention, put together (Gr. Hipp 282b-282e7). This form of education was essential for young Athenian males aspiring, as Hippocrates says, to make a name (316c) for themselves. The shift from archaia paideia to the sophistic method does not suggest th at these systems of education are in any sense antithetical. In fact, thr oughout the latter half of the 5 th century, boys with aspirations of becoming politicians ( politikoi ), after having completed their traditional education, had the option of ente ring political life, which requ ired they become proficient
57 speakers and continue their education unde r the guidance of an accomplished sophist. Jaeger writes, the new problem of the c onnection between state and intellectwas to bring the sophistic movement into being[ that is]of the relation between a great intellectual personality and th e community in which he lived (Jeager, 1939, p. 282). In a similar vein, Ober notes; Skill in public ad dress was sine qua non for the politician. This meant not only skill at putting words together but also in putting them across (Ober, 1989, p. 113). With only a few sophists and a c ity of young Athenian males aspiring for political office it is clear that sophists coul d earn large sums of money. Their ability to earn such high wages was directly correlated with the growing need for professional speech in the political arena. Thus, the n eed for a technical mode of speaking and a systematic analysis of speech and text, n ecessitated the development of the sophistic movement. How, then, did sophists conduct their business, i.e., their exchange of knowledge for money? First, the sophist would gi ve a public presentation of his rhetorical skills (282b5). T.B. Webster estimates that there could have been as many as 1,720 eighteen-year-old Athenian males during the late fifth and early fourth century, 44 as this age would have been prime to enter political office. With so many aspiring politicians and so few sophists to educate the young men on matters of statesmanship, it is to no surprise that they were capable of earning large sum of money. Members of the Assembly must have en couraged this association between the sophist and the young men of Athens. A successf ul presentation before the heads of the city profited the sophist but al so profited the city itself, as younger men, newly educated 44 See Webster. 1973, p 61.
58 in the art of oration and rhetoric, would ha ve inevitably replaced elder statesmen. The sophist, then, served an integral role in th e preservation of the political infrastructure throughout Athens. Indeed this form of education would benefit all parties. S ophists would benefit from attaining a wage. The city would benefit because the newly trained student would possess the knowledge not merely to obey the la ws, but to create laws to guide the state (Jeager, 1939. p. 290). Finally, the student would benefit in learning how to become a better man and citizen in learning virtue and a better politician in learning how to argue and reason. However, Plato adaman tly opposes the sophists and Socrates effectively demonstrates the in ability of sophistry to educat e the youth in matter of virtue in his discussion with Protagoras. Sophistry fa ils as an educational model, insofar as its claims to truth are themselves contingent on the analysis and application of poetic verse and therefore fails to produce a logical proof Poetry takes feeling good as attesting to truth (Waugh, 1991, p. 53); through context, however, ones feelings are easily manipulated. Thus, Medeas actions, for example, can be made to seem just, and as such, the weaker position defeats the stronger.
59 Chapter Five Eros and Education in the First Five Speeches of the Symposium Introduction Throughout the last four ch apters, we have discussed the role of Ancient Greek paideia in the education and enculturation of Athenian boys. Within the dialogues, Socrates challenges the claims of poetry, rh etoric and sophistry. Socrates, however, has not described which form of education can fulfil l this goal. It is for this reason that we will analyze the Symposium as a dialogue both describing and defending a philosophical education. Phaedrus In Phaedrus speech, the techniques of ep ic poetry are employed in praising Love. Within the Symposium, he represents the shortcomings of an education in the epic tradition. The hero, at the core of Homeric epic, is distinguished from the gods, as Homeric epics operate on two planes, which form entirely separate worlds the world of men and the world of gods (Trypanis, 1977, p. 79). Phaedrus begins his speech with the claim that Love is a gr eat god (178a7) and argues that there is no genealogy for the god of Love (178b). Unbegotten, the god of Love serves as the creative principle, wherein all our highest good is derived (178b5-c2). With re spect to the world of men, Phaedrus asserts that for young men the greatest blessing they can receive is to attract a generous lover (erast s ), (178c). An inherent characteristic of the world of men is the need for society, as we are social beings, and the protection or expa nsion of values through war and conquest.
60 During battle, the epic hero is continually confronted with either choosing a homecoming ( n stos ) or immortal fame ( klos ), i.e., he is confronted with the choice of leaving the battlefield or dying in hopes of attaining klos yet one should never sacrifice ones klos for n stos 45 This conception is perfectly repr esented in Phaedrus claim that, For the lover would rather a nyone than his beloved see him leave the ranks or throw away his arms in flight nay, he would sooner die a thousa nd deaths (179a-a4). If the beloved is anxious to make a name for himself in the city ( Pro. 316c), and to accomplish this task requires the tutelage of a lover, any acts of transgression against the city would immediately nullify his association with his lover as a means of safeguarding the lovers reput ation and honor. Therefore, not only is this form of education beneficial to the lover it is invaluably benefi cial to the city. Phaedrus, representing the epic tradition, appeals to klos saying: for the very presence of Love kindles the same flame of valor in the faintest heart that burns in those whose courage is innate. And so, when Homer writes that some god breathed might into one of the heroes we may take it that this is what the power of Love effects in the heart of the lover (my emphasis), (179a5-b3). 46 45 See Gregory Nagy. The Best of Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in Archaia Greek Poetry (Baltimore, John Hopkins University Press, 1979) p. 35-40. In Homers Iliad (22.100-110) Poulydamas urges Hector to retreat the people to the city, to which Hector refuses. The thought of their deaths lay heavy on his conscience and he imagines that the people will say, it would have been much better to fight against Achilles, and to slay him, or else be killed by him before the city (22.108-110). As Nagy writes, For Achilles, the klos of the Iliad tradition should be an eternal consolation for losing a safe return home (Nagy, 1979, p. 29). In his confrontation with Achille s Hector proclaims, Now death has come to me, let me not die ignobly without glory. Do something great so men will long remember ( Iliad 22.300-305). 46 Phaedrus reference to Homers Iliad supports the argument that his speech supports and defends various techniques of epic poetry. The goddess Athene is said to have breathed strength into Diomedes, wherein he was able to kill thirteen men single-handedly (10.560). It is important to note that Diomedes did not flee for n stos and longevity but fought for klos and immortality.
61 In so emulating these men, they, too, may a ttract the eye of a lover and receive an education, thereby attaining arte. Hence, the cycle is continued and the city ensures its survival with each repetition. Phaedrus suggested that we, as men, part icipate with immortality, through having the gods kindle the flame of valor (179a6) during our time of most need (in defense of the city). It is through this interaction with the gods that we define our existence in being honored by the gods (179e7). This honor, however comes at a great cost as the flames of valor, breathed from the gods, cause men to sacrifice their lives in defense of both their city and their beloved. Thus, the lover is always ne ar to the gods (180b), and will eternally be remembered for his glory and brav ery in defense of his city and his beloved. Unfortunately, however, such honor is only attained in ones death. Pausanias Pausanias represents the shortcomings of an education received at the hands of the sophists. He employs the lessons of the sophists in justifying the practice of paederasty. 47 Bury writes, [Pausanias] is fundamentally a sensualist, however refined or specious may be the form in which he gives expre ssion to his sensualism (Bury, 1932, p. xxvi). Pausanias, a student of sophistry, 48 begins by amending Phaedrus eulogy to love, claiming that there are two goddesses rather th an one, viz., the heavenly Aphrodite and the earthly Aphrodite. (180d9-11). On his view this distinction is critical as the conception of love varies from one goddess to the other. For Pausanias, since there are 47 See Neumann, Harry. 1964. On the Sophistry of Platos Pausanias in Transactions and Proceedings of the American Phiological Association Vol. 95. p. 261-267; R.G. Bury, The Symposium of Plato (Cambridge 1932); G.M.A. Grube, Platos Thought (Boston 1958). 48 See, R.G. Bury, The Symposium of Plato (Cambridge 1932) p. xxxvii, and ( Protagoras 315d6), and finally, Neumann, Harry. 1964. On the Sophistry of Platos Pausanias in Transactions and Proceedings of the American Phiological Association Vol. 95. p. 264.
62 two goddesses, one heavenly and the other eart hly, it follows, then, that Love should be known as earthly or heavenly according to the goddess in whose company his work is done (180e). Pausanias argues that love of the earthy Aphrodite is the source that elicits passions of the vulgar (181b2). It is a conf used love, attracting, as the object of its desire, both males and females. If a man is not steadfast and consistent in his actions, this reflects poorly on his character. Unregulat ed desire indicates ones lack of s phrosun or temperance. 49 For Pausanias, an act in itself is neither good nor bad (181a), of importance is the intention behind the act. He suggests the outcome of each action depends on how it is performed (181a2). Harry Neumann writes, For Pausanias, the moral worth of spiritual love rests upon th e lovers intention. In itself no activity including love is noble or base (N eumann, 1964, p. 262). Thus a noble love seeks the heavenly rather than the earthly Aphrodite and is restricted by the law, which fosters action through punishment. 50 The proper conception of love, then, according to Pausanias, is that of the heavenly Aphrodite. Pausanias says, h eavenly Love springs from a goddess whose attributes have nothing of the female, but are altogether male (181c). An erast s will not take an ineligible boy as his ermenos i.e., a prepubescent boy. 49 Note, it was frowned upon for a man to be a de dicated homosexual as he was expected to marry and have children. For example, Carnes write s, the relationship between Pausanias and Agathon [referring to the Symposium ] is said to violate the Greek protocol for age dissymmetry (Carnes, 1998, p. 112), which demonstrates Pausanias commitment to sensualism. 50 We have already spoken in detail about the regulation implemented in the palaestra which sought to restrict the natural tendencies of the pedotribe responsible for the education of young boys during the hours of dawn to dusk. See also, Marrou, H.I. 1956. A History of Education in Antiquity trans. George Lamb. New York: The New American Library. p. 175; and Platos Laws Bk. VII, 796a2-796b4 for the rules that govern stand-up-wrestling. See also, Aristophanes. 2000. Clouds trans. Peter Meineck, with an introduction by Ian C. Storey. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. p. 67 for a continued discussion on conduct and legislation.
63 Previously, Pausanias has said, that the action itself, as such, is neither good nor bad (181a). Thus, the act of courting a boy is neither good nor bad, sin ce it is not the act but the intention behind the act that determin es its value. It is deemed a bad action because, no boy can please [his erast s ] until he has shown the first signs of intelligence (181d2). Pausanias claims, there should be a law to forbid the loving of mere boys (181e). 51 In this statement he is both condemning the love of young boys and implicitly suggesting that such an act or prope nsity to act is natural, which would account for the need to legislate conduct. Pausan ias knows, however, that no one can argue contrary to his position, for such an argument mu st refute the claim that intelligence is the true object of ones love. 52 An argument to the contrary would also be forced to defend the stance that it is the boy himself that is the true object of ones love. On this argument, intelligence is unimportant, or at least secondary to the boys physical beauty, and therefore one would be justif ied in loving a boy if he did not show the first signs of intelligence. Pausanias, then, turns his atten tion to the just love of an erast s with an ermenos The courting between an erast s and his ermenos is governed by a strict code of 51 It is interesting to note what is said about Pausanias in the Protagoras and beside [Prodicus] on the neighboring couch sat Pausanias from Cerameis and with him someone who was still a young boy a lad of fine character I think, and certainly very good looking. I think that I hear that his name is Agathon, and I shouldnt be surprised if Pausanias is particularly attracted to him (my emphasis), ( Protagoras 315e). Note that the Protagoras takes place around 433 B.C., approx imately sixteen years before the Symposium , while Agathon was still a child. (Neumann, 1964, p. 262). While it is certainly not stated that Pausanias was the lover of a prepubescent Agathon, it is in teresting to note that they were lovers during the time of the Symposium and their relationship is said to violation the Greek protocol for age dissymmetry (Carnes, 1998, p. 112). 52 Though it appears that this is Pausanias positi on we will see that it is not, i.e., Pausanias does not hold true to the claim that intelligence is the true object of ones love.
64 decency. The ermenos cannot yield too promptly to soli citation or if his surrender is due to financial [hardship] (184a4, 184b); such a union is deemed immoral and they are held in contempt. This code of decen cy ensures that the submission of an ermenos to an erast s is made for the sake of virtue (184c4) Furthermore, Pausanias argues that, in the event that the er menos is duped...there would still ha ve been something noble in his mistake (185a6-185b1), i.e., in the event that the erast s is not a virtuous man but is perceived as such, and therefore courts a young er menos under the guise of education, even if this is discovered by the ermenos his mistake will still have been noble. For Pausanias, it is not the act itself but the intention behind the act; thus, the er menos intending to further his education, in the pur suit of arte, would not be held morally culpable for his mistake since his intenti ons were pure. Neumann writes, Success in his enterprise will mean that boys allow themselves to be seduced in return for instruction in sound moral philosophy (Neumann, 1964, p. 264) Keep in mind that the true object of Pausanias love, as he hi mself has claimed, is intelligence, which is a progression from Phaedrus argument in that the object of Paus anias desire is intangible; it is a concept rather than a person (allegedly). However, as we near the conclusion of his speech, we notice that the object of Pausania s desire is not intelligence at all but for the lover to have his way with the ermenos (184e4, 185b5). Neumann writes, He would have them convinced that an upright character, honor, intelligence and trustworthiness are the ultimate desideratabut [if] boys ma y and should do anything for the sake of spiritual progress[then] This means that it would be disgraceful for them to reject Pausanias demands[which] is meant to make it difficult, if not impossible, for his favorite to elude his sophistic wiles (Neumann, 1964, p. 264-265).
65 Thus, Pausanias speech is self serving as he has structured his argument so no shame may fall on a willing er menos who is duped by an erast s which ensures that as long as an erast s appears to have an interest in the moral cultivation of the ermenos no blame can fall on either party. However, for Pausanias to suggest that it is right for the lover to have his way demonstrates th at he is unconcerned with th e pursuit of intelligence once he has justified his taking advantage of the ermenos For how could the er menos deny his erast s erotic pleasure in exchange for a substantial education? If the er menos is duped and taken advantage of by the erast s then all is fair, since his intentions were just. Eryximachus In Eryximachus speech there are three ke y points, all of which pertain to the Ancient Greek concept of the art of medi cine. First is the nature of opposites ( ) and its relation to health (186b2-186d5); second, the reconciliation of these opposites in maintaining physical harmony (186d6-187e8); an d finally, the cosmological nature of medicine and its relationship with the divine (188a-188e4). Eryximachus, the physician, and son of Acumenus, 53 begins his speech on love in agreement with Pausanias, insofar as one should desire a virtuous love and shun the desire for sexual gratification (186a-b1). He also argues that one should desire that which promotes health and soundness of mind, wh ile avoiding sickness and over indulgence, 53 See ( Phaedr 268a8). Acumenus is also a physician ( Phaedr 227a4) and it is alleged, rather scandalously that Eryximachus and his father were, i mplicated in the business of the profaning of the mysteries (Andoc. i. 35); at least, there was a certain Acumenus who was also among the denounced ( ibid i. 18) and the name is a very unusual one, so that it looks as though the denounced persons were our physician and his father (Taylor, 1956, p. 216-217).
66 defining medicine as, the science of what th e body loves, or desires, as regards repletion and evacuation (186c6-7). Eryximachus speech suggests that ther e should be a harmony of the body, which, in turn, requires the cont rol of the soul over the b ody. Learning temperance and exercising self-control is the means of overcoming our vulgar desire s. He establishes a series of empirical and binary oppositions such as hot and cold, sw eet and sour, and wet and dry ( Sym, 186d9). What significance do these oppos itions have to the paideutic practice of the medical arts? Eryximachus states that he will defend his profession as a physician (186b2) in his praise of Eros. He hold tr ue to his medical education by explaining the importance of opposites, stating, bodily health and sickness ar e both distinct and dissimilar, and unlike clings to unlike (186b5). In his commentary of Eryximachus speech, Alfred E. Taylor comments, The body is, in fact, composed of opposites which are at strife with one another, the hot the cold, the dry, the moist, etc.; medicine is th e art which produces love and concord between these opposites (my emphasis), (Taylor, 1956, p. 217). The second phase of Eryximachus speech discusses the reconciliation of these opposites, as he notes, [we] must be able to reconcile the jarri ng elements of the body, and force them, as it were, to fall in love with one another (my emphasis), (186d6). Similarly, it is stated that what constitutes health is the equilibrium of the formative properties, wet, hot, dry, cold, bitter, sweet, and th e rest (fr. 51b). 54 Health, as opposed to disease, is itself in opposition and is reconciled by a balance between repletion and 54 (Pseudo-) Plutarch, Tents of Philosophers 5.30 ( Moralia 911 A-C), (Van der Eijk, 2000, p. 105).
67 evacuation (186d). Eryximachus point is made clearer though Heraclitus analogy of musical harmony (186e1-187c5). The treble and bass both perform opposite functions in the cr eation of musical harmony, treble occupying higher octaves and ba ss those lower. Despite there contrasting function, treble and bass work in acc ord for the creation of musical harmony. Eryximachus says, medicine is under the sole dir ection of the god of lovethe same holds good of musicharmony is due to the art of music, as the creator of mutual love and sympathy harmony is concord, and concord is a kind of sympathy, and sympathy between things which are in conflict is impossible so long as that conflict lasts (186e, 187a, 187c2, 187b3-b5). It is through reconciling the opposition of th ese two musical elements (treble and bass) that we experience musical harmony. If harm ony is concord, and concord is a kind of sympathy, and sympathy is a resolution of conf lict, then concord, too, is a resolution of conflict; and if sympathy is a creation of music, then, since concord is a kind of sympathy, concord, too, is a cr eation of music; moreover, si nce music is under the sole direction of Love and since concord is bot h a creation of music and a resolution to conflict, then Love is the concord of conflict. 55 This extensive explanation is necessary to justify the claim that Love is the concord of conflict or of opposition. Thus, it is through Love that we find harmony, health and a bala nced life. Later in his speech, Eryximachus says Love brings together those opposites of which I spoke (188a2). The conclusion of Eryximachus speech on Love encompasses the totality of creation. He falls victim to the same accusation of which he indicts Pausanias, saying, 55 Harmony is concord (187b2). Concord is a kind of sympathy (187b2). Sympathy is a creation of music (187c3). Concord is a kind of sympathy (187b2).
68 since Pausanias broke off, after an excellent beginning, without having really finished, (185e7). Nevertheless, he begins his speech situated in empirical claims, and strict reason, and ends with muddled abstractions on the observation of astronomers tracking the movement of the stars (188b2-5) and clai ming that Love governs the animal kingdom, vegetables, herds, crops, fros t, hail, blight and even the seasons of the year (188a-b5). 56 Victoria Wolz captures the grandeur of hi s intellectual embellishm ent, writing, Plato might thus be said to present Eryximachus as a living example of those who, in words of Socrates in the Apology on the strength of their tec hnical proficiency claim a perfect understanding of every other subject, howev er important (Wolz, 1970, p. 332). Wolz is not alone in her suggestion as Ludwig Edelstein writes, How can medicine have taught [Eryximachus] that Eros rules not only men and animals and plants, but all things, human and divine alike? This assertion, it seems, indicates a rather ludicrous pride in the importance of the medical art and stamps Eryximachus as th e prototype of the arrogant doctor (Edelstein, 1945, p. 89). Taylors view on Eryximachus is somewhat more charitable, We maycall [Eryximachus] a pedant, if we do him the justice to believe that the pedant ry is, of course, part of the fun of the evening and is pr esumably intentional. The learned man is presumably amusing himself, as an eminent man of science might do to-day in an after-dinner speech, by making a little decorous g ame of his own professional occupation (Taylor, 1956, p. 217). In conclusion, then, it is important to note that, with respect to our investigation of the paideutic practices of Ancient Greek s, Eryximachus, unlike the previous two speakers, readily identifies his speech as em blematic of his professional education. There 56 Note, this is even a violation of his own discipline since medicine teaches that the conception of human nature begins with the universe and gradually accounts for man (Jaeger, 1945, p. 306), whereas, Eryximachus succeeds in doing exactly the opposite.
69 is no question that his speech reflects the educ ation he has received as a physician but as such reflects the shortcomings of an educati on in the medical arts. His speech serves as a template for understanding medical pedagogy, which, to be charitable, may account for concordance of empirical phenomenon, which is itself non empirical. Nevertheless, the shortcomings of his speech suggest shortcom ings in the pedagogical model of medicine. Thus, neither epic poetry (Phaedrus), sophistry (Pausanias), nor the medical arts (Eryximachus) are sufficient educati onal models for young Athenian boys. Aristophanes Harry Neumann writes, Arist ophanes speech in Platos Symposium has often been viewed as an ingenious, amusing example of Old Comedy (Neumann, 1966, p. 420). In our analysis of Aristophanes speech, we will investigate the techniques of Old Comedy employed by Platos Aristophanes to r idicule those abstracted eulogies to Eros, 57 in so doing, Aristophanes separates himself from the other speakers. K.J. Dover comments on the essential difference between Aristophanes speech and the three that preceded him, Every other speaker argues to some degree in abstract terms, even if the argument disguises itself, in traditional form, as an exposition of the attributes of a supernatural being. Only Aristophanes comm its himself whole-heartedly to the particular and the peri shable; he takes it for granted that and individual reunion with his unique, individual other half is an end in itself (Dover, 1966, p. 47). 57 Thus far in the Symposium Phaedrus, Pausanias and especially Eryximachus, either denied the role of our embodiment (physicality, sexuality, genita lia, and reproduction) or have made reference to it only in passing. Their laudations to Eros have abstracted love to concepts of just love ( dikaios er s), just laws ( dikaios nomoi ) and cosmological accounts of Eros. As we shall see, in Platos account of Diotimas speech, sexual reproduction is important, though obviously not of sole importance. Kenneth Reckford writes, The comic poets humor will clear the air of much abstraction and pretense inherent in the previous speech (Rec kford, 1987, p. 90).
70 In Aristophanes speech (189c2-193d5) the first technique of Old Comedy employed is his claim that there originally was a third sex (189e). Dover notes, We know that [the] mythological burlesque [was]common in Old Comedy (Dover, 1969, p. 139). Aristophanes says, the race was divided into three; that is to say, besides the two sexes, male and female, which we have at present, there was a third which partook of the nature of botheach of these beings was globular in shape, withfour arms and four legs and two faces (189d7-9, 189e5-190a1) Zeus decided to sever the globular beings because they are attempting to scale the heights of heaven (190b5) one from th e other (190d), reduci ng their strength by half (190d1) but multiplying their number tw ofold (190d2), which unlike the eradication of the giants (190c2) preserves the offeri ngs and devotions (190c4) the gods receive from their devotees. If, however, there is a ny trouble, Zeus will sever them again, and they will have to hop about on one (190d5-8) The moral, then, of the Aristophanic myth, is, first, to fear, that if we neglect the worship of the gods, they will split us up again (193a3) and second, to make two into one, to bridge the gulf between one human being and another (191d1-3). In his commentary of Aristophanes Birds, Dover writes, The gods are treatednot as the august beings worshiped in hymns and processions to temples, but as Punks and Rumpelstilskins drawn from the nurse ry-stories of an unusually sophisticated, confid ent and irreverent nursery (Dover, 1972, p. 30). The same technique is employed when Pl atos Aristophanes says, [th e gods] didnt want to blast them out of existence with thunderboltsbecause that w ould be saying good-by to all their offerings and devotions, but at the same time they couldnt let them get altogether
71 out of hand (190c1-5). The gods are characteri zed as indifferent to the human plight and the separation anxiety that iden tifies our struggle for happiness. The Aristophanic myth (189d5-193b6) also defies the conventional decorum of the previous three speeches, which is anot her essential characteristic of Old Comedy, because it makes direct reference to genitalia and sexuality, for one would be ill equipped to speak on a third sex without refere nce to genitalia. Reckford writes, [Aristophanes] is also bringing us home to our own bodies and the feelings associated w ith them. His special interest, of course, is human sexuality. Most obviously, he takes us downward from the head to (o f course!) the genitalswe realize that the previous sp eakers had quite ignored these parts (Reckford, 1987, p. 72). For Aristophanes, sexual intercourse is impor tant for the propaga tion of the species, [Zeus] moved their members round to th e front and made them propagate among themselves, the male begetting upon the female (191c-c3) but as importantly, Aristophanes recognizes the ability of sexual intercourse to satisfy desire, 58 if man should conjugate with ma n, he might at least obtain such satisfaction as would allow him to turn his attention and his energies to the everyday affairs of life (my emphasis), (191c5-c7). Dover writes, The seizure of sexual opportunity is felt even more strongly to be the hallmark of a man, and the complete ab sence of inhibition in sexual word and deed 58 This is not to suggest that the fulfillment of sexual desire is an end-in-itself for Platos Aristophanes, for such a categorization would be incorr ect. He says, the purely sexual pleasures of their friendship could hardly account for the huge delight they take in one anothers company (192c2-4). Reckford notes, Pausanias and Eryximachus had not on ly taken an intellectual, or clinical, approach to sex. They had depersonalized it (Reckford, 1987, p. 72). Aristophanes focus is not to exalt sex or even sexuality but to recognize its importance in who we are as human beings, which will factor in later speeches.
72 is one of the most striking features of Aristophanic comedy (Dover, 1972, p. 38). Plato holds true to this characte rization of Aristophanic comedy. 59 Aristophanes was initially supposed to speak after Pausanias (185c6) but was smitten with a serve case of the hiccups (185c8) and deferred to Eryximachus (185d1), who suggested that he tickle his nostril to sneeze, which would cure his hiccups (185e1). After the conclusion of Eryximachus speech Aristophanes says, Yes, Im better now, [speaking to Eryximachus]but not before I had recourse to sneezing which made me wonder, Eryximachus, how your orderly principle of the body could possibly have called for such an appalling union noise and irritation (189a-4). Remember, Eryximachus suggested that h armony is concord and a concord of opposites, yet his cure for Aristophanes hi ccups called for a concord of noise and irritation, hardly opposites. Aristophanes seemingly undermines Eryximachus entire argument by using his error as the butt of a joke. Eryximachus even warns Aristophanes, saying, Now, Aristophanes, take careand dont try to raise a laugh before youve even started.(189a5). Too which Aristophanes, re tracts his comment saying I take it all back (189b3). Aristophanes also makes Pausanias and Agathon the butt of a joke, Now I dont want any coarse remarks from Eryximachus. I dont mean Pausanias and Agathon, for all I know they may be among the lucky ones and both sections of the male (193b5-c1). Within the speech of Aristophanes, then, any number of paideutic el ements, specific to Old Comedy, aid in the co mposition and characterizati on of his speech. Thus, if 59 Platos Aristophanes makes reference to: privates (190a), members (191c), sexual pleasures (192c3), satisfaction (191c6) lesbianism (191e), th e virile constitution of the nations youth (192a), and sexual position (191b8-c), just to name a few topic of discussion. Clearly, Plato holds true to the unabashed nature of comedy.
73 Pausanias and Agathon are truly happy, they have succeeded in surmounting separation. It is Eros, then, which has brought them togeth er, as [E]ros is the drive to overcome this unnatural bifurcation through a return to primitive integrity (Neumann, 1966, p. 421). Agathon The evenings festivities are taking place at Agathons home (172a8) the day after he has won the prize for his first tragedy (173a9). 60 He begins his speech by reminding his guests that their duty, in singing praises to Eros, is first to praise him for what he is, and secondly, for what he gives (195a6). Ag athon, then, proceeds to describe the nature and characteristic of Eros, and to establish th e benefaction to which we are recipients. He begins with his descri ption of Eros, saying: [Eros] is the youngest of gods, which is proved by his flightand his escape, from the ravages of time, who travels fast enough too fast at any rate, for us poor mortals (195a11-b1). Agathon, then, amends his suggestion that Eros is immortal, to directly assert, Love, in his imperishable youth isthe youngest [ god] of them all (my emphasis), (195c), which correlates with his own daintiness and beauty, 61 leading us speculate about the focus of his speech. Alfred Taylor writes, the theme of his discourse is to him no more than a peg on which to hang his garlands of language. There had been real feeling, under all the burle sque and the grossness, in 60 Despite Agathons prize for his first tragedy, n one of his actual works remain in there entirety. Aristotle, however, in the Poetics alludes to how wonderful a tragic playwright Agathon the person must have been, writing, [the dramatization of the fall of Ilium in its entirety] was enough to ruin even a play by Agathon (XVIII, 1456a15-20), suggesting that even a playwright, as prestigious as Agathon could not recover from such a mistake. Fragments of Agathons work are scattered throughout Aristotles Ethics (VI.2.1139b9-10), (VI.4.1140a19) and Rhetoric (II.19.1392b8), (II, 2.24.1402a10) but the largest segment of Agathons works are cited by Athenus in The Deipnosophists (V, 1), (X, 80), and (XII, 37). For a complete listing of the fragments of Agathon in the original, See: Nauck, August. Tragicorvm Graecorvm Fragmenta (Hildesheim, Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung) 1964. p. 763. 61 ( Protag 315d), Th. 130ff., cf., Ar. fr. 326.
74 the speech of Aristophanes; from Agathon we get only words, words, words (Taylor, 1956, p. 222) Agathon is capable of using beautiful language to describe Eros, but there is no meaning in what he his saying. His encomium on Er os is self absorbed and reflects the shortcomings of an education in tragedy. Hi s hymn to Eros also reflects how enamored he is with himselfhe is the beloved, he is the object of Loves de sire and his encomium is given to demonstrate his rhetorical skills rather than to praise Eros. The loftiness of absurdity reaches its peak in the following quote, Moreover, his life among the flowers argues in himself a loveliness of hue, for Love will never settle upon bodies or souls, or anything at all wher e there is no bud to blossom, or where the bloom is faded. But where the ground is thick with flower and the air with scent, there he will settleand there he loves to linger (196a9-b2). Indeed, art of this caliber manipulates both our perceptions an d our reality. We misconstrue the wordiness of his speech as having sustenance, as we naturally tend to look for meaning. Unfortunately, however, no matter how deep one ma y dig, the bulk of Agathons encomium on Eros is utterly vacuous; this is not to suggest that it is without purpose. He says, [Eros] makes the dispositions and the hearts of gods and men his dwelling place not, however, without discrimination for if the heart he lights up be hard he flies away to settle in a softer (my emphasis), (195e2-5). The tragedy of his speech is his inab ility to look beyond his own beauty and accomplishments. He is essentially captivated, not with Eros, but with his own particular beauty, and softness and daintiness, since Eros only dwells in th e softest of hearts. He is
75 able, then, to offer such praises to Eros because he, literarily, is the embodiment or receptacle of Eros. His softness and daintiness necessitate this fact.
76 Chapter Six Socrates Socrates speech revisits a discussion w ith Diotima, a woman of Mantinea (201d) who brought about the postponement of the plague of Athens (201d2-3). 62 It was she who taught Socrates the philosophy of Love (201d4-5) and her method of inquiry by question and answer that Socrates now em ploys (201e1-2). Until Socrates account of Diotimas speech, the female played no participatory role in the encomiums on Eros. 63 Though this analysis is not a feminist account of Diotimas speech, one cannot deny Socrates deliberate incorpor ation of the female, both in reference and in metaphor. 64 To begin, then, we must first discu ss the parents of Love. Unlike Phaedrus creation mythology (178b), Diotima argues th at Love was begotten from both a man, Resource, and a woman, Need (203b-c). Since, half Loves parentage is of his mothers (Need), he is neither delicate nor lovely, wh ich refutes Agathons claim (196d1), as he is unshod, unkempt and nomadic. In, what will pr ove to be an important passage, Diotima notes: Love is never altogether in or out of need, and stands, moreover, midway between ignorance and wisdom. You must understand that none of the gods are seekers after 62 Saxonhouse writes, by postponing it, though, the plague struck Athens during the Peloponnesian War, at a time when it would have the most devastating effects (Saxonhouse, 1984, p. 20). 63 Phaedrus suggests that Love is unbegotten (1 78b), Pausanias says, But the heavenly Love springs from a goddess whose attributes have nothing of the female, but are altogether male (181c1-2), Eryximachus dismisses the flute girls let her play to herself or the women inside there (176e5), the Aristophanic myth hold no affinity for propagation as Aristophanes comments, They [male-male] have no natural inclinationto beget children, and Agathon makes no reference to the female, as he is primarily concerned with himself. 64 Clearly the reference is to Diotima, as it is he r speech. The metaphor, as we shall see, is one of propagation (206c-212c) and the dual parentage of Love, viz., Resource (representing the male) and Need (representing the female).
77 truth. They do not long for wisdom, because they are wiseand why should the wise be seeking the wisdom that is already theirs? (my emphasis), (203e3-204a3). In a previous part of his speech, Socrates demonstrates that one cannot want or desire what one already has (200c-d). Rather it is to be said that what one has, one desires to preserve (200d3). Similarly, the gods do not de sire wisdom, for they are already wise. With respect to ignorance, however, Diotima comments, Nordo the ignorant seek the truth or crave to be made wise. And indeed, what makes their case so hopeless is that, having neither beauty, nor goodness, nor intelligence, they are satisfied with what they are, and do not long for the virtues they have never missed (my emphasis), (204e3-7) This passage is the first indication that th e focus of Diotimas speech is not only Love but also education. First there is the distinction be tween wisdom ( ), on the on hand, and ignorance ( ) on the other. In her speech to Socrates, Diotima suggests that one can be made wise (204a4). Thus, she implies that there is a process or a method, wherein one can be made wise. Such a process is paideia Her account of this process, then, is an account of paideia It is the account of how one goes about attaining wisdom, how the acquisition of wisdom unf olds. Second, every form of education considered in our analysis: poetry, sophistry, music, rhetoric, the medical art, comedy and tragedy, all professed to teach virtue, arte. Virtue was a staple in Athenian education and among the kaloi kagathoiof which Socrates audience is largely composedvirtue was taught under the institution of sunousia the association between an erast s and his ermenos Thus, it is to no surprise that Di otima says, [they] do not long for the virtues they have never missed, in other words, one cannot miss what one does not know. It is
78 through education, then, that one comes to know. On Diotimas view, the ignorant are guilty of misology, a hatred of wisdom or the desire to be made wise. The question is posed by Socrates, who are these seekers of truth, as they are neither the wise nor the ignorant (204a8-9) to which Diotima responds, They are those that come between the two, and one of them is Love Love is the lover of wisdom (my emphasis), (204b2-5). Without an un derstanding of Ancient Greek paideia this statement makes little sense. How can Love be a lover of wisdom? If, however, we interpret this statement, under the pedagogical language of sunousia Love is the lover or companion of wisdom, which is the beloved. One is now able to understand the significance of Diotimas otherwise opaque statement that she is not altogether surprised at [Socrates] idea of [Love], which was, j udging by what [he] said, that Love was the beloved rather than the lover So naturally [he] thought of Love as utterly beautiful, for the beloved is in fact beautiful (204b8-c1). Two points of clarification are needed. First, remember that Socrates says, [Diotima] used the same argu ment on me that Ive just brought to bear on Agathon (201e4-5). Socrates proves Agat hon wrong, demonstrating that Love has no beauty, but is lacking in it (210b3), to which Agathon profes ses, I did not know what I was talking about (201c2). Sec ond, Diotima informs Socrates th at it is natural to think of Love as the beloved because the beloved is in fact beautiful (204c2-3). Neither Agathon nor Socrates [knew] wh at [they] were talking about. How can Love be the beloved (204c1) if to be the beloved Love must be beautiful (204c2-3), and as Diotima demonstrates to Socrates and Socrates to Ag athon, Love has no beauty, but is lacking in it (201b3). Love cannot be the be loved, because to be the beloved is to be beautiful, and love is not beautiful, but is lacking in it. Diotima successf ully shows the contradiction
79 in Socrates reasoning, as Socrates uses the same tactics, which he learned from Diotima to refute Agathon. If, however, Love is not the beloved but the lover, and to be the lover is to be the educator, then Love cannot be educated, rather Love educates. Thus, if it is correct to suggest that Diotimas discussi on with Socrates pertains to paideia the first lesson in being made wise is the recognition that Love has the capability of educating its beloved. If love educates, then love as described by Diotima, will not follow the active/passive model of the erast s and the ermenos This will become clearer later in the dialogue. Since, Love lacks beauty (201b3) and ev erything longs for what it lacks (200a8), it follows that [Love] is longi ng to make the beautiful his own (204d6). Hence, beauty is the object of Loves desire because [h]ell gain happiness (204e5-6) as an end in-itself since theres no need to ask why men should want to be happy (205a1). As for the lover, Diotima comments: I know it has been suggestedt hat lovers are people who are looking for their other halv es [(191a4-5)], but as I see it, Socrates, Love never longs for either half or whole of anything except the good [a nd]Love longs for the good to be his own forever (205d8-206a9). This is obviously a critique of the Aristoph anic myth, but more importantly, Diotima has established that the object of Love is th e Good, and the Good cannot be attained in the here and now, for it is an eternal long ing, Love longs for the good to be his own forever. Diotima now poses the most importa nt question of the di alogue to Socrates, asking, what course will Loves followers pursue? (206b). As those pursuing Love
80 are forever pursuing the good, and Love is the lover ( erast s ) rather than the beloved ( ermenos ), and the educator rather than the educated, then Loves followers (206b) philosophersare forever pursui ng education, for they are edu cators insofar as they seek sophia and teach others to seek it as well. Socrates is dumbfounded by her question and pleads for her to respond. Diotima says, To love is to bring forth upon the beautiful, both in body and in soul (206b6-7). Paideia and the Ladder of Love: A Purs uit of Immortality through Education Diotima describes for Socrates what course Loves followers should pursue. She suggests that when we reach a certain age our nature urges us to procreation (206c2-3). Novel in our analysis of the Symposium thus far, is the suggestion that the female plays a participatory role in the pursuit of Eros. Pr ior to Diotimas remark, none considered the role of the female as bearing any importance in their encomia on Eros. Aristophanes even went so far as to suggest that descendents of the male-male have no natural inclination to marry and beget children (192b). For Diotima, however, the importance in procreation is not gestation but conception. She asserts, Conception, we know, takes place when man and woman come together, but theres a divinity in human propagation, an immortal something in the midst of mans mortality which is incompatible with any kind of discord (my emphasis), (206c4-7). Diotima suggests that there is a divin ity in human propagation (206c5). She has set to define what the others have failed to accomplish, namely, what that something is, i.e., the vehicle wherein we all, men and women alike, participate in immortality. 65 65 With the exception of Aristophanes, the previous speakers, though ignoring the importance of conception, did acknowledge loves connection to immortality. Phaedrus suggested that we, as men, participate with immortality through, having the gods kindle the flame of valor (179a6) during our time
81 Interestingly, she is able to correlate the conception of propagation not only with the female but also with the male. She says, when the procreant is big with child, he is strangely stirred by the beautiful (206d6-7). To understand what the procreant is pregnant with, one must first recognize that, for Diotima, propagation not only refers to bi ological propagation it also refers to the propagation of ones self through an ability to [call] something into existence that was not there before (205b9-10). Hence, this [ability] is the one deathless and eternal element of our mortality (206e7-8). Diotima concludes this initial phase suggesting, since we have agreed that th e lover longs for the good to be his forever [(206a9)] it follows that we are bound to long for immortality as well as for the goodwhich is to say that Love is a longing fo r immortality (206e8-11). In relation to paideia the desire for immortality is equa lly as intense as the desire for biological propagation. The fact that we have the ability to [call] something into existence that was not there be fore (205b9-10), whether in the form of the creation of art or prose or scientific discoveries, suggests th at we equally posses the ability to propagate our ideas, and through them seek immortality. Diotima notes that [t]he application of the principle to human knowledge is even more re markable (207e5). Just as we change over time, from infancy to old age (207c9-207e4) so too does our knowledge change, i.e., things we know increase, while some of them are lost, so that even in our knowledge we are not always the same, but of most need (in defense of the city). Pausanias suggests, the lover whose heart is touched by moral beauty is constant all his life, for he has become one with what will never fade (183e6-8), Eryximachus suggests that it is the art of divination, with its powers to dis tinguish those principles of human love that tend to decency and reverence, is, in fact, the source of concord between god and man (188c5-d), Aristophanes, firmly grounded in the flesh, makes no reference to immortality at all. Agathons entire speech was filled with suggestions of the youthful immortality of Eros (195c) who makes the dispositions and the hearts of gods and men his dwelling place (195e2 -3). As we have demonstrated th roughout the previous chapter, all these suggestions are flawed in there reasoning.
82 the principle applies as well to every single branch of knowledge (207e5-9). Thus, the transition from recognizing that t here is a divinity in human propagation (206c5) to our ability to [ call] something into existence that was not there before (205b9-10) coupled with a longing for immo rtality (206e10) posits knowledge as an object of desire. We know that we have th e ability to create, something that would otherwise not exist, like an epic poem, or piece of art. We also know that through biological propagation our progeny will replace our generation. In the creation of an idea, as in the creation of biological progeny, we leave something that will remain in existence after our deaths. Hence, it is through the act of creation both biological and conceptual that we aspire for immortality. This aspirati on, however, on the concep tual level, requires life-long-education, i.e., unlike archaia paideia the philosopher must have no end to her desire for learning. In archaia paideia one is capable of mastery, which allows one to progress into the political realm after basic education. Diotima particularly notes, however, the difference for the philosopher, When we say we are studying, we really mean that our knowledge is ebbing away. We forget, because our knowledge disappears, we have to study so as to replace what we are losing, so that the state of our knowledge may seem, at any rate to be the same as it was before (207e913). The purpose for our fevered and life-long pursuit of wisdom is that we are unlike the gods, who are already wise (204a1-3); we are neither ignorant nor wise, but rest somewhere in between (204a8-9). Thus, is the ob ject of our eternal de sire the wisdom of the gods. In so aspiring, however, we must co mmit ourselves to a life of education and learning, and in the process leave behind our creation, i.e., our speeches and treatises,
83 paintings and music, and so forth. Thisis how the body and all else that is temporal partakes of the eternal (208b). Diotima is not denying that we will die; rather she insists the philosopher, too, can aspire for immorta lity, without having to resort to death. Through the conception of life and propagation, the notion that only klos immortality as the subject of songcan give one immo rtality has been refuted. There should no longer be a need for a speech such as this: Yet you who are still of age to beget children must bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a security (my emphasis), ( Thucy 2.44). In Pericles funeral oration, th e reason to beget children is so that the city may use them as a reinforcement and a security , i.e., in their eventual deaths, in defense of the state, they will achieve immortality through the pursuit of their love of honor ( philotimia ) and fame ( klos). Diotima says, mens great incentive is the love of glory, and that their one idea is, To win eternal mention in the deat hless roll of fame (208c4-6). She refers to Alcestis sacrifice for Admetus (208d), which directly relates to Phaedrus speech where he uses the same example (179b6). Thus, unlike the pursuit of klos the propagation of ideas through ones longing for wisdom, allows one to attain the same end, immortality, without havi ng to resort to death. Diotima continues her discussion of wis dom asserting that t he most important kind of wisdom is that which governs the or dering of society (209a6-7). Society, for the Ancient Greeks, is ordered by ma ny things, including the practice of sunousia It would be incorrect to suggest that Diotima is arguing that we do away with the institution, she is not; she is ar guing that we should transfor m it. Instead of looking at the
84 temporary relationship between an erast s and his ermenos as an end in-itself, i.e., as the end to Greek paideia we should, undertake the others education (209c1). In so doing, we begin our assent up the ladder of love. The erast s will fall in love with the beauty of one individual body (210a9). Through the practice of sunousia the erast s falls in love with the beauty of his er menos but this is not as Pausanias suggested an end-in-itself (183e8). Diotima says, his atten tion should be diverted from institutions to the scienceshe will be saved from a slavish and illiberal devotion to the individual loveliness of a single boy, a single man, or a single institution ( 210c6-d2). A liberal education functions as the best pedag ogical method for educating the youth. This contemplation and interaction with various bodies of knowledge eventually culminates with the recognition of one single form of knowledge, the knowledge of [B]eauty (210d6-7), which is an everla sting loveliness which neithe r comes nor goesfor such beauty is the same on every hand, the same then as now (211a-3). Thus, the ladder of love begins with individual instances of b eauty, then progresses to the recognition of a multiplicity of beauties, including beautiful institutions, then to learning and learning in general until at last he comes to know what beauty is (211c7). The ladder of love, however, does not simply end once one attains knowledge of what beauty is. The suggestion that it doe s, fails to recognize that virtue, for the Ancient Greeks, was a foundation for educati on. Instead of teaching virtue through the klos of epic heroes, we are now equipped to teach virtue through th e ladder of love, described above. Thus, it is th e truth and not the seeming ( 212a2) that teaches virtue. Diotimas speech culminates with the following:
85 for it is virtues self that quickens him, not virtues semblance. And when he has brought forth and reared this perfect virtue, he shall be called the friend of god and if ever it is given to man to put on immortality, it shall be given to him (212a2-6). The Speech of Alcibiades: The Death of Archaia Paideia : (213c4-223d11) Alcibiades bursts in drunk, and offers a speech. Though there is no debate about his intoxication, there is much truth in his words. He says, Dr unkards and children tell the truth drunkards anyway (217e2). Rather than follow custom and present a eulogy to Love, Alcibiades presents a eulogy to Socrat es, as he is emblematic of the true lover, the lover of wisdomthe philosopherthat Di otima described. Alcibiades speech is an encomium to Socrates. Alcibiades says, Socrates went out in the same old coat hed always worn, and made less fuss about walking on the ice in his bare feet than we did in our shoes. So much so, th at the men began to look at him with some suspicion and actually took his toughness as a personal insult to themselves ( Sym. 222b2-4). Compare Alcibiades statement with that of Pericles: On the one hand, the friend who is familiar with every fact of the story, may think that some poi nt has not been set forth with that fullness which he wishes and knows it deserves; on the other, he who is a stranger to the matter may be led by envy to suspect exaggeration if he hears anything above his own nature. For men can endure to hear others praise only so long as they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions recounted: wh en this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity (my emphasis), (Thuc.1951, p. 103). And finally Alcibiades adds, Anyone listening to Socrates fo r the first time would find his argument simply laughable: he wraps them up in just the kinds of expressions youd expect of such an insufferable satyrBut if you open up his arguments, and really get into the skin of
86 them, youll find that they are the only arguments in the world that have any sense at all, and that nobody elses are so godlike (221e-222a2). This echoes Diotimas remark that, if ever it is given to man to put on immortality, it shall be given to him [the true lover] (212a5). If we agree that Socrates is the true lover, then we must agree that he will be in some sense immortal. We have learned that Love was begotten from Resource and Need, it is Ne ed that serves as the condition for the possibility of desire, because one cannot desire what one already possesses. It is through Need that we come to seek immortality. C ontinually Socrates denies himself pleasures that were all too accessible to him, including Alcibiades (219c-4). He refuses to escape from prison (46c1-2) when given the opport unity by Crito, (46a7-9), he refuses to succumb to his wild beast appetite when confronted with Charmides astounding beauty, (155d2-e3), he refuses to remain silent and lead an unexamined life, (38a3) when given the opportunity of exile, he even refu ses to simply wait until sunset to drink his hemlock and dies with the sun still upon the mountains (116d7-e1). One achieves immortality, then, through a philosophical education, by leading a life of continual questioning, by seeking answers, by comm unicating with others. The relationship between the teacher and the student, from Arch elaos to Socrates, from Socrates to Plato, from Plato to Aristotle, from Aristotle to Theophrastus and so on is a preservation of thought. Despite the fact that th ese men have long since died, the theories they unmasked, the questions they asked, are timeless, and as such, they too are immortal. Philosophy is the culmination of th e Ancient Greek pedagogical model. The association of sunousia and archaia paideia as an end is shown to fail in Alcibiades inability to learn from Socrat es instruction. Alcibiades remains under the
87 assumption that it is the er menos who is beautiful and the ob ject of desire, as an end, which is but the first rung on the l adder of love. Alcibiades says, you have my eulogy to Socrates, with a few complaintsabout the unspeakable way hes treated me. Im not the only one, either; theres Charmides, and Euthydemus, and ever so many more. Hes made fools of them all, just as if he were the beloved not the lover (222a6-10). It is not that Socrat es cannot recognize the beauty of these men but that he recognizes their beauty as merely an instantiation of th e form of Beauty. In surrounding himself with beautiful men and various forms of knowle dge, Socrates begins his progression up the ladder of love. It is to no surprise, then, that [Socrates] had the insolence, the infernal arrogance, to laugh at [Alcibiades] youthful beauty and jeer (219c-2). Alcibiades should realize that his eulogy to Socrates is misplaced because even Socrates is no end in himself. But Alcibiades never really grasps this, saying to Agathon, Im telling you this for your own good, so that youll know what to look out for, and I hope that youll learn from our misfortunes (222b2-3). In conclusion, then, philosophy, a friend of wisdom, is the life-long pursuit of knowledge, attained through continued questioning and conversation, wherein our love of learning inspires, within us, the desire to propagate our ideas. Ph ilosophical dialogue in which all participants are lovers, and theref ore active, is the mean s of propagating these ideas, and in so doing, these proc reants attain immortality. The ermenos the Good itself acts on the philosophers as they are drawn up the Ladder of Love. Unlike the epic heroes in pursuit of the same end, willing to sacrifice their lives for honor and glory, the philosopher attains immortality through the generation of life and ideas, rather than its
88 destruction. So it is that we are still in conversation with Socrates made immortal in Platos dialogues.
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