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Stone, Lesley T.
From chapel to chamber
h [electronic resource] :
b liturgy and devotion in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale Romanum, 1508 /
by Lesley T. Stone.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
University of South Florida,
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
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ABSTRACT: A missal is the liturgical book containing the prayers and readings for the celebration of the Mass. Originally designed in large folio format, the simultaneous arrival of the printing press amidst a shift in the celebration of Mass from a communal to a private sphere resulted in the proliferation of the small and more portable octavo-size missal. Missals traditionally contained minimal illustrations prior to printing, resulting in their strict classification as a liturgical object. This thesis questions the previous established boundaries which categorize medieval objects as related to a particular type of religious activity. In other words, missals have been categorized based on content rather than function. This study will challenge the existing strict nomenclature applied to medieval art objects as either liturgical or devotional.After missals began to be printed in the early Renaissance, the first example to contain extensive images was Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum published in 1501 in Venice. By his October 1508 edition Giunta included a total of twenty full-page woodblock images to form a coherent iconographic program throughout the text. This thesis asserts that his 1508 Missale romanum exhibits the same characteristics as Books of Hours, popular devotional prayer books. In particular, Giuntas image formula mirrors his widely successful Book of Hours publication, the Officium beatae Mariae Virginis, of 1501, by providing a model for devotion, indicating a shift in the relationship between text and image in early printed missals. This study seeks to refine our knowledge of late medieval liturgical and devotional art, the effect of printing on the design decisions regarding liturgical books, and of the significance of reusing images from a devotional text in a liturgical one.While the focus of this inquiry remains on the 1508 romanum, comparisons will be made with three other Giuntine publications: his earlier 1501 romanum, his 1507 Missale congregatio casinensis, and his 1501 Officium. These texts, along with other contemporary Venetian printed missals, illustrate my position that the woodblock images in the 1508 edition embody the accompanying text by providing meditational themes, while their stylistic characteristics encourage private devotion. Whereas the text of a missal serves a liturgical function, the accompanying images do not fit so easily in the same classification, resulting in a new application of the para- or quasi-liturgical art object.
Adviser: Dr. David Wright.
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t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
From Chapel to Chamber: Liturgy and Devotion in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum 1508 By Lesley T. Stone A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Art and Art History College of Visual and Performing Arts University of South Florida Major Professor: David Wright, Ph.D. Nicole Guenther Discenza, Ph.D. Paul Schneider, Ph.D. Date of Approval: October 7, 2005 Keywords: Venice, missal, prin ting, medieval, Renaissance Copyright 2005, Lesley T. Stone
i Table of Contents List of Figures ........................................................................................................ii Abstract ...................................................................................................................v Introduction .............................................................................................................1 Chapter One: Printing and the Pious: The Formation of the Early Printed Missal ..............................................................................................7 Chapter Two: Liturgy and the Laity: Liturgical versus Devotional Worship ......18 Chapter Three: Reception and the Reader: Reclassifying Giuntas Missale romanum 1508 ........................................................................... 30 Conclusion ............................................................................................................48 Works Cited ..........................................................................................................50 Bibliography ........................................................................................................ 53 Appendices Appendix A: Catalogue Abbreviations .................................................................64 Appendix B: Codicological Analysis.................................................................... 65 Appendix C: Text and Woodblocks in Missale romanum 1501 ..........................67 Appendix D: Text and Woodblocks in Missale congregatio casinensis 1507 ....68 Appendix E: Text and Woodblocks in Missale romanum 1508 ..........................69 Appendix F: Text and Woodblocks in Officium beatae Mariae Virginis 1501 ...70 Appendix G: Missals published by Lucantonio Giunta, 1500-1510 .....................71 Appendix H: Missals published in Venice (not by Giunta), 1498-1510 ...............72 Appendix I: Illustrations .......................................................................................73
ii List of Figures Figure 1. Te igitur page, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 74 October 1508), fol. 116r. Figure 2. Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary Lucantonio Giunta, 75 Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 195r. Figure 3. Title Page Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 76 October 1508). Figure 4. Adoration of the Magi Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 77 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 17v. Figure 5. Crucifixion Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 78 October 1508), fol. 118v. Figure 6. Crucifixion Phillippus de Pincis, Missale romanum (Venice, 79 March 1495). Figure 7. Crucifixion Joannis Paep, Missale quinque ecclesiarium (Venice, 80 April 1499). Figure 8. Entry into Jerusalem Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 81 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 66v. Figure 9. Virgin Adoring Child with the Symbols of the Passion Lucantonio 82 Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 7v. Figure 10. The Calling of Peter and Andrew Lucantonio Giunta, Missale 83 romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 156v. Figure 11. Ascension of the Virgin Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 84 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 189v. Figure 12. Stigmatization of St. Francis Lucantonio Giunta, Missale 85 romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 201v. Figure 13. All Saints Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 86 October 1508), fol. 203v.
iii Figure 14. Sts. Peter and Paul, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 87 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 207v. Figure 15. Elevation of the Host Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 88 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 137v. Figure 16. Annunciation with facing cribl border page, Missale romanum 89 (Venice, November 1501), fols. 169v.-170r. Figure 17. Annunciation with facing cribl border page. Missale romanum 90 (Venice, October 1508), fols. 168v.-169r. Figure 18. David with Lyre, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 91 October 1508), fol. bb8v. Figure 19. Nativity of the Virgin Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 92 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 195v. Figure 20. Annunciation to the Shepherds Lucantonio Giunta, Missale 93 romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 9v. Figure 21. Ascension of Christ Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 94 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 124v. Figure 22. Pentecost Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, 95 October 1508), fol. 128v. Figure 23. Resurrected Christ in historiated initial Lucantonio Giunta, 96 Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 1, fol. 155r. Figure 24. Resurrection of Christ, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum 97 (Venice, October 1508), fol. 123v. Figure 25. St. Francis of Assisi Georgio Arrivabene, Missale romanum 98 (Venice, May 1499). Figure 26. Adoration of the Magi in historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, 99 Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 1, fol. 27v. Figure 27. Sts. Peter and Paul in historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, 100 Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 2, fol. 243r. Figure 28. The Lamentation over the Dead Christ by Andrea Mantegna, 101 c. 1490.
iv Figure 29. Presentation at the Temple by Andrea Mantegna, c. 1460. 102 Figure 30. Presentation at the Temple by Giovanni Bellini, 1460-64. 103 Figure 31. Death of the Virgin by Andre Mantegna, c. 1461. 104 Figure 32. Nativity of the Virgin historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, 105 Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 2, fol. 252v. Figure 33. Nativity of the Virgin miniature (attributed to Benedetto 106 Bordon), Sa Nicolo dei Frari, Antiphonarium (Venice, c. 1500), fol. 5r. Figure 34. The Annunciation in anonymous retable, c. 1480-90. 107 Figure 35. Congregatio Casinensis with Saint Benedict Lucantonio 108 Giunta, Missale congregatio casinensis (Venice, 1507), fol. 1r. Figure 36. Feast of the Trinity Lucantonio Giunta, Missale congregatio 109 casinensis (Venice, 1507), fols. 147v.-147r. Figure 37. Saint Giustina Lucantonio Giunta, Missale congregatio 110 casinensis (Venice, 1507), fol. 218v.
v From Chapel to Chamber: Liturgy and Devotion in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum 1508 Lesley T. Stone ABSTRACT A missal is the liturgical book containi ng the prayers and readings for the celebration of the Mass. Originally designed in large folio format, the simultaneous arrival of the printing press amidst a shift in the celebration of Mass from a communal to a private sphere resulted in the proliferation of the small and more portable octavo-size missal. Missals traditio nally contained minimal illustrations prior to printing, resulting in their strict classification as a litu rgical object. This thesis questions the previous established boundari es which categorize medieval objects as related to a particular type of religious activity. In other words, missals have been categorized based on content rather than function. This study will challenge the existing strict nomenclature applied to mediev al art objects as either liturgical or devotional. After missals began to be printed in the early Renaissance, the first example to contain extensive images was Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum published in 1501 in Venice. By his October 1508 editi on Giunta included a total of twenty fullpage woodblock images to form a coherent iconographic progra m throughout the text. This thesis asserts that his 1508 Missale romanum exhibits the same characteristics as Books of Hours, popular de votional prayer books. In particular, Giuntas image
vi formula mirrors his widely succe ssful Book of Hours publication, the Officium beatae Mariae Virginis of 1501, by providing a model for de votion, indicating a shift in the relationship between text and im age in early printed missals. This study seeks to refine our knowledge of late medieval liturgical and devotional art, the effect of printing on the design decisions regarding liturgical books, and of the significance of reusing images from a devotional text in a liturgical one. While the focus of this inquiry remains on the 1508 romanum comparisons will be made with three other Giuntin e publications: his earlier 1501 romanum his 1507 Missale congregatio casinensis and his 1501 Officium These texts, along with other contemporary Venetian printed missals, il lustrate my position that the woodblock images in the 1508 edition embody the accompanying text by providing meditational themes, while their stylistic characteristics encourage private devotion. Whereas the text of a missal serves a l iturgical function, the accompa nying images do not fit so easily in the same classification, resulting in a new application of the para- or quasi-liturgical art object.
1 Introduction The lavish pictures in initial s and borders of Books of Hours designed to stimulate the t houghts of the reader, are inappropriate in a service book. Mary Kay Duggan, 1991 1 A newly imprinted Missal for the use of Rome: with certain new additions and joined with many beautiful images to send annual delight, to observe while open. Lucantonio Giunta, 1508 2 The focus of this study is a printed missal, containing text and images, published in Venice by Lucantonio Giunta in October of 1508. Titled Missale romanum it is the liturgical book containing the prayers and readings for the celebration of the Mass according to the use of Rome. This study exam ines the relationship between text, image, and user in order to address its categorizati on as a liturgical art object. This approach follows the ideas put forth by John Lowden in his essay, Illuminated Books and the Liturgy. He asserts: I suggest that the liturgy and private devotion are therefore best considered in terms of the possible use of illuminated books not as clearly defined alternatives, but as differe nt points on a long continuum of possible use which also includes all manner of para-liturgical and even some types of social activity. 3 1 Mary Kay Duggan, The Psalter on the Way to the Reformation: The Fi fteenth-Century Printed Psalter in the North. The Place of the Psalms in the Intellectual Culture of the Middle Ages, ed. Nancy Van Deusen (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1991), 158. 2 Title page from Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum October 3, 1508 edition: Missale Romanum nouiter impressum: cum quibusdam missis de novo additis multum devotis, adiunctisque figures pulcherrimis in capite missarum festivita tum solennium, ut patebit inspicienti. 3 John Lowden, Illuminated Books and the Liturgy: Some Observations. Objects, Images, and the Word: Art in the Service of the Liturgy ed. Colum Hourihane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 47.
2 The goal of this study is to contribute to the cu rrent discourse of redefining the use of the words liturgical and devotional as they pertain to medieval art. 4 This will be done by examining the 1508 Missale romanum as an individual object with in the broad framework of liturgical function. The aim will be to address both the function and reception of the images within the text. A review of the scholarship involved w ith the debate of liturgical versus devotional will provide a context for this as sertion. Traditionally classified into two categories, medieval art falls under e ither the liturgical or devotional. 5 According to Henk van Os, an object is liturgi cal if it provides a function, otherwise remains devotional. 6 This rigid classification considers medieval al tarpieces, for instance, liturgical, whereas a carved ivory statuette of the Vi rgin Mary falls under the devotional. The main indicator aside from the objects function is its location of use: if used with in a communal setting, it is liturgical, and if used in private envi rons it becomes devotiona l. Completed largely within the last two decades, this phase of scholarship examines medieval art in relation to its function with a loose definition of the liturgy. Scholars, incl uding van Os, define liturgy inconsistently by sometimes broadly including all services of the church from 4 Ibid. This thesis follows the emerging trend in medieval liturgical studies of questioning previously established boundaries that categorize art as related to a particular type of religious activity. 5 This review begins with the contributions of Henk van Os; Panofskys imago and historia are not here considered as together they form the devotional. 6 The focus of van Oss research has been on the development and function of altarpieces, particularly in Siena. See his Sienese Altarpieces 1215 1460: Form, Content, and Function (Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1990).
3 baptism to burial, while in other instances th ey do so very specifically by referring only to the sacrament of the Eucharist. 7 Recent scholarship, in reacting against th e loose application of the word liturgy, challenges these strict categorizations of medieval art while addressing the problems inherent in studying it on a purely functional basis. Leading this discourse is the 2001 publication of essays Objects, Images, and the Word: Art in the Service of the Liturgy. Each essay reexamines a previously defined category of liturgical art objects (including altarpieces, misericords, liturgical combs, a nd texts) and concludes that all objects must be studied on their individual merits since th ey cannot fit easily within the previously established boundaries. In acknowledging the flui dity of the word liturgy, this new trend understands that without defined borders it should be applied with caution to medieval art. Scholars John Lowden and Alexa Sand, each in separate studies, follow this trend by reevaluating the definition and use of medieval psalters. Lowden, by broadly surveying manuscript psalters in general, conclu des that they cannot fit neatly into either category. 8 While the text remains liturgical, the actual recitation, or use, of the Psalms by the laity took place in a devotional context. 9 Alexa Sand chooses specifically to examine a single manuscript, the Psalter-Hours of Yolande of Soissons to conclude that 7 Column Hourihane, Objects, Images and the Word: Art in the Service of the Liturgy. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 3. 8 Lowden, 17-53. Lowden reinterprets other categories of manuscripts including the famous Lindesfarne Gospels. He concludes that it was never in tended for liturgical use by citing the lack of rubrics and the disordering of texts, each of which fu lfill neither a liturgical or devotional function. 9 Psalters contain all 150 Psalms in numerical order intended for recitation over the course of a week, mirroring the function of the liturgical breviary.
4 its cycle of imagery did indeed serv e as a vehicle for private devotion. 10 By addressing the use of psalters outside of a communal setting and on the reception of images, these studies challenge the previous categorization of medi eval psalters. This study will employ the framework esta blished by recent scholars to consider Giuntas 1508 Missale romanum as not strictly a liturgical object, and it will examine the book as an artifact in order to consider text, image, and reader all together. 11 A brief discussion of how books are studied will provide further understanding of this approach. Lucien Febvres landmark histoire de livre method examines the book from a sociological and cultural perspective. This approach differs from the analyticalbibliographical process of physically analyzing the book as an object. 12 This idea of the book as an object is further expanded upon by Robert Darnton and his communications circuit model. This model allows the st udy of a printed book from a particular point along its life cycle by examining determinants such as the author, pub lisher, printer, and 10 Alexa Sands conclusions about this manuscript first appeared in her dissertation, Picturing Devotion Anew in the Psalter Hours of Yolande of Soissons (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library M 729) (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1999) Her recent article, Vision, Devotion, and Difficulty in the Psalter Hour s of Yolande of Soissons in Art Bulletin Vol. 87, no.1 (March 2005) focuses specifically on the Christological cycles presented by the miniat ures, the underlying goals of the artists in choosing the program of illustration, and the impact on the users reception. 11 The idea of the book as artifact was asserted by Natalie Zemon Davis in Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford Univer sity Press, 1975). This methodology allows the contents of a book, both word and image, to be placed in a larger social, economic, or political context. See also Sandra Hindman, Printing the Written Word: The Social History of Books, circa 1450 1520 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). 12 Febvres approach was influenced by the French Annales School; see Lucien Febvre and HenriJean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450 1800 (London: N.L.B., 1976). Analytical bibliography includes codicology, or the archeology of the book, where emphasis is placed on the physical characteristics including, but not limited to, size, paleography, rulings, pricking marks, and ink, as first asserted by L.M.J. Delaisse, Toward a History of the Medieval Book in Codicologica I (1976): 75-83. Fo r a recent discussion about b ook history and its emergence as an independent discipline see David Finkelstein and Alistair McCleery, The Book History Reader (New York: Routledge, 2002).
5 reader. 13 However, this circuit takes into account only the text and not images. Wolfgang Iser likewise stresses the importance of cons idering the reader in his essay, Interaction between Text and Reader. 14 He takes his approach a step further than Darnton by looking at the readers participation but does not include his or her relation to images. Unlike psalters, medieval missals were used only by those sanctioned to perform the Mass, namely priests, monks, and fria rs. The text was re ad aloud for communal worship while the images were only seen by the user. 15 Beth Williamson explores the idea of user reception in her study on altarpieces. 16 As she explains, problems might be explored more fruitfully if one considers part icular images less from the point of view of what they are about and more from the point of how their users think and behave in their presence. 17 This method moves away from the traditional Panofskian approach by inquiring into an images reception rather than uncovering the meaning behind it. Employing this methodology, she concludes that th e categories of images and religious activity need to be reconsid ered to dissolve the previous rigid opposition between the classification of liturgical and devotional. 13 Robert Darnton, What is the History of Books? in Finkelstein and McCleery, 9-26. 14 Wolfgang Iser, Interaction Between Text and Reader in Finkelstein and McCleery, 291-296. Iser argues that it is the reader who sets the work in motion therefore giving it its classification. This present research addresses how the viewer of the images rather than Isers reader of words can define classification. 15 Traditionally designed in large folio size due to their use on the church altar, missals shifted to the smaller and more portable octavo size after the arrival of the printing press. For further discussion concerning the function of images in liturgical manuscripts prior to printing, see Lowden. 16 Beth Williamson, Liturgical Image or Devotional Image? The London Madonna of the Firescreen in Hourihane, 298-318 17 Ibid., 299. Beth Williamsons argument about th e altarpiece first appeared in Hourihane and was recently expanded upon in the publication Altarpieces, Liturgy and Devotion in Speculum 79 (2004) 341-406. She adapts recepti on theory in order to place emphasis on th e viewers response to the altarpiece rather than its intended function.
6 Incorporating Williamsons approach, I examine how the viewer would have perceived the woodblock images in Giuntas 1508 Missale romanum By addressing the inclusion of all twenty full-page woodblock images, their overall design and layout including the accompanying cribl borders, I in vestigate how they relate to, and function within, the text. 18 Two earlier editions of missals printed by Giunta supplement this analysis: a Missale romanum completed seven years earlier in 1501 and a missal for the use of the Benedictine Cassinese Congregation ( Missale congregatio casinensis ) printed in 1507. Finally, in comparing the reception of images to those used in a devotional book, Giuntas Officium beatae Mariae Virginis a Book of Hours for the use of Rome published with great success in 1501, I reclassify Giuntas 1508 Missale romanum as a para- or quasi-l iturgical object. 19 18 Cribl borders, comprised of smaller woodcuts, are designed to frame a single line of text. Their name refers to the technique of white dots on a black ground resulting in a honeycombed or pockmarked appearance. The individual images do not necessarily correlate to the text but often act as separate narratives schemes. In liturgical printings Giunta reuses scenes randomly and extensively throughout the entirety of a text. Traditionally used in Books of Hour s, they stem from the French tradition. See Jonathan P. Harthan, Books of Hours: Illuminated Pages from the Worlds Most Precious Manuscripts (New York: Crowell, 1977), 169-74. 19 I will also examine the woodcuts used in his 1499 Gradual romanum These twenty-four initial woodcuts were completed by the same artist as Giunt as other liturgical publications and will assist in tracing the development of compositional devices used in his 1501 (and later 1508) romanum editions.
7 Chapter One Printing and the Pious: The Formation of the Early Printed Missal The systematic codification required by the complexity of medieval liturgy resulted in the production of numerous service books. Litu rgical books formed separate volumes organized by the two di stinct service categories of Mass and Divine Office. The missal became the service book for the Mass wh ile the breviary became the service book for the Divine, or daily, Office. Both serv ices required accompanying musical chant located in additional volumes. 20 Although the services of the medieval liturgy incorporated the reading of the entire Bible during the cy cle of the church year, the separation of texts assisted the officiating pr iest by organizing the readings per service. 21 Rather than locate the appropriate passages for each feast in a multi-volume Bible, priests referenced these liturgical books ordered by the liturgical calendar. 22 During the early Middle Ages, the Mass ceremony often involved several participants each reading from separate books The core reading consisted of passages from the Gospel Lessons, which formed, prior to the twelfth century, a volume called an evangelary. The additional readings for the moveable and fixed feasts made up the text 20 The gradual and antiphonal contain the musical notation for the Mass and Divine Office, respectively, and were used in the choir, not at the a ltar. This necessitated their construction in large folio size to accommodate large lettering in order to be seen by all members of the choir at the same time. 21 Christopher DeHamel, The Book: A History of the Bible (London: Phaidon, 2002), 29. This pattern had been firmly established by the seventh century. 22 Ibid. The Bible had not yet been compiled neatly into organized chapters and verses during the early Middle Ages, rendering the locating of passages more tedious.
8 referred to as the sacramentary. During the ce remony, the officiating priest read from the sacramentary as it rested open on the altar. An accompanying deacon read from the evangelary while a subdeacon read from a third volume, the epistolary, a book containing passages from the New Testament Epistles. 23 These three books were used in conjunction with one another prior to th eir assemblage into the missal during the twelfth century. 24 Sacramentaries frequently included sump tuous images and decoration due to their location on the altar. Powerful political fi gures during the early Middle Ages gifted sacramentaries to ecclesiastical leaders and churches, resulting in the richly decorated volumes that often remained on the alta r for the veneration of the congregation. 25 The images in early sacramentaries simply embellished the text rather than serving an instructional function. The most frequent a nd often, only, illustrati on was the Crucifixion prefacing the opening words of the Canon of the Mass. 26 At the very moment the priest elevated the Host during the celebration of th e Eucharist, his awareness heightened while visually reflecting on the sufferi ng and sacrifice of Christ. 23 Over time the epistolary was combined with the evangelary to form another text called a lectionary. 24 This consolidation affected the duties of the acolytes; the development of the missal into one volume required only the priest to perform the entire Mass ceremony. 25 The description of Heavenly Jerusalem from the Book of Revelation formed the basis for such sumptuous decoration inside churches: et erat structura muri eius ex la pide ipsa vero civitas auro mundo simile vitro mundo (the wall was constructed with jasper, while the city was pure gold, clear as glass), Revelation 21:18 Vulgate Bible. All objects of the liturgy, from vessels to dress, were heavily ornamented including the covers of service books which were often so extravagant that they were physically venerated more often than used. 26 Images in liturgical books existed as either e ducative or decorative. The Crucifixion scene in missals falls outside these categories given its functio n as a vehicle for a sacrament. The ceremony of the Eucharist brings the body of Christ physically present; therefore, the image of His body becomes part of the sacrament, serving in the same capacity as icons. For further discussion on the qualities of Crucifixion scenes in missals, see Christopher DeHamel, A History of Illuminated Manuscripts, 2 nd ed. (London: Phaidon, 1997), 209-210.
9 The ceremony of the medieval Mass consiste d of two parts, the Fore-Mass and the regular Mass, with the commemoration of the Last Supper taking place during the latter. 27 This ceremony maintained an ongoi ng communion between God and mankind by consecrating bread and wine into His body and blood. 28 It consisted of tw o separate parts: the sacramental in the sanctuary at the altar a nd the music, or choral chant, in the choir. This duality underscores the complexity of the viewers understanding of the Mass: Mass was heard rather than shared. It wa s primarily a celebration by the priest who offered a sacrifice on behalf of the people. In almost all medieval churches the priest celebrated the Ma ss at an altar distant from the people, often hidden by a substantial screen; surrounded by his assist ing minister he faced east, away from the people, for much of the celebration he spoke in Latin; on most occasions he alone received communion. 29 In such a communal setting the congregation experienced Mass on a verbal rather than visual level; only the prie st and acolytes witnessed the actual miracle of transubstantiation. 30 From the eleventh century onward individuals committed to major Orders, including priests, monks, and friars, were obligated to say Mass each day while the laity attended the service weekly. Canon law require d priests to own a missal prior to their 27 The Fore-Mass, grounded in Jewish tradition, co nsisted of three parts: the blessing of the salt and water, the sprinkling of them, and the preparation entrance ceremonies for the Mass itself to begin. 28 The doctrine of transubstantia tion confirmed during the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 decreed the body and blood of Christ physically present in the bread and wine: sacerdos et sacrificium Jesus Christus [ et ]: cujus corpus est sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur (Jesus Christ is both priest and sacrifice, whose body and blood are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the species of bread and wine). David Charles Douglas, English Historical Documents, Volume II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1950), 643-76. 29 John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century: A Historical Introduction and Guide for Students and Musicians (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), 110. 30 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c. 1440 c. 1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 97. In addition to an elaborately carved chancel screen, the sanctuary was further obstructed by use of a veil during Lent. These obstructions were so obtrusive that a bell was often rung at the start of every Mass to wa rn the worshippers engaged in prayer to look up.
10 ordination ensuring the ability to engage in daily perf ormances. These communal and private celebrations utilized di fferent missals. The communal ce lebration at the altar used a large folio format book (one that explicitly belonged to the church 31 ), while the required daily celebrations used the smaller and more portable octavo format. The increasing number of cathedrals, collegiate churches, a nd monasteries, with their large number of individuals committed to the daily recitation of Mass, created the need for an affordable and portable missal. The organization and structure of all litu rgical books, including missals, is based upon the specific theological conventions of the medieval church year. The year includes four overlapping cycles: the da ily cycle of Mass and Divine Office, the weekly cycle of Mass and Divine Office, the annual cycle of liturgical seasons (the Temporal) and the annual cycle of feast-days (the Sanctoral). The Temporal, also referred to as the Proper of Time, observes moveable feasts or those that take place on different days of the year while the Sanctoral, or Proper of Saints, obs erves fixed (non-movable) feasts that take place on the same date of every year. Missals feature the daily, weekly, and annual cycle of readings for the Mass and the annual cycle of fixed feast days. Thei r contents and order remained relatively consistent from the twelfth century onward. Th ey began with a calendar, which utilized the Roman system of calculating days in perpetuity, followed by the Temporal and 31 Consuelo W. Dutschke, Liturgical Manuscripts. Leaves of Gold: Manuscript Illumination form Philadelphia Collections ed. James R. Tanis (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2001), 130. The large folio manuscript missals remained the property of the church and more specifically, property of the altar itself rather than the individual priests.
11 Sanctoral sections. 32 The Temporal observes Sundays, any festival commemorating the life of Christ, and moveable feasts such as Ascension Day and Pentecost. The Sanctoral celebrates the fixed da ys of the saints, including those for the Virgin Mary. These sections are followed by the Common of the Sa ints, a list of saints ordered by group: evangelists, apostles, martyrs, and virgins. Missals conclude with a Requiem Mass. All medieval liturgical b ooks incorporated organizationa l tools to assist the user with the complex structure of the services. Di fferent colors of ink, alternating lettering sizes, and hierarchal systems of initials clarified the intricacies inherent to the services. Rubrics, in red, directed the reader to the beginning of each prayer or feast. The most important feast days (saints venerated according to a particular use) of the calendar were printed in red ink and the remaining saints in black. 33 The size of the lettering marked sections read aloud by the priest and those reserved for responses by members in the choir. Initials helped organize the readings by serving as chapter headings. They ranged from the simply decorated to the elaborately flourished with lines ex tending the length of the page. Initials could also be historiated; they included a scene or picture within the borders to clarify the text. So me historiated initials became st andard in missals such as 32 The medieval liturgical calendar is based upon the Roman, or Julian Calendar, system which organizes the year into 365 days divided into twelve months. It utilizes three key days per month to calculate the dates of any year. These are the Kalends (the first day of each month), the Nones (occurring on the fifth or the seventh day), and the Ides (occurring on the thirteenth or the fifteenth day). These days along with other facilitative tools for determining dates and days, give the liturgical calendar its construction of four columns. The first three columns a llow the user to determine first, the date on which a specific feast day falls; second, the day of the week for that date; and third, the day of Easter Sunday with which the Temporal cycle revolves ar ound. The fourth contains a list of saints and feasts for each of the 365 days. See Bridget Ann Henisch, The Medieval Calendar Year (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania State University Pres, 1999). 33 For additional discussion on the use of colored initials in missals during the shift from manuscript to incunable, see Mary Kay Duggan The Design of the Early Printed Missal. Journal of the Printing Historical Society 22 (1993), 54-78.
12 the t in the opening words of the Canon of the Mass, Te igitur clementissime pater where the Elevation of the Ho st is depicted (fig. 1). 34 Liturgical books in both manuscript and print form adhered to this organizatio nal scheme of color and initial size. Prior to printing, missals rarely contained any musical notation; only the text of the sung parts was included. 35 Printing introduced noted missals which contained both the chant performed by the priest during the celebration of the Mass as the accompanying musical notation. This included the prefaces (which vary by feast), Pater noster incipits for the Ordinary chants ( Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei ), and other chants for the Holy Week. 36 Printed liturgical books first appeared r oughly thirty years after the arrival of the printing press in the late 1430s and early 1440s. 37 Constant demand for them quickly proved attractive for speculative printers enterprises. Breviaries became the largest number of liturgical incunabula printed, r oughly a quarter of a million printed copies prior to 1500. These were followed in second place by missals. 38 The first printed book 34 Andrew Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to Their Organization and Terminology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982). The canon missae located before Easter Sunday in the Temporal, gives the texts, music, and instructions for the performance of the Mass. The principle initial divisions are the t of the Te igitur followed by three initial ps beginning the reference to the secret and conclusion the proper prefaces ( per omnia secula ) and the canon prayer ( per omnia ). 35 The accompanying musical chan t remained in graduals. 36 Mary Kay Duggan, Music in the Early Printed Missal. The Dissemination of Music: Studies in the History of Music Publishing ed. Hans Lenneberg (New York: Gordon and Breach, 1994), 1-20. 37 Mary Kay Duggan, Politics and Text: Bringing the Liturgy to Print. Gutenberg-Jarbuch 76 (2001), 104-17. Textual reform and standardization of the liturgy was one of the main aims of the Council of Basel in 1431. Duggan argues that the eruption of political divisions in Europe immediately afterward caused a long delay in the agreement of such reforms resulting in such a delay in liturgical printing. 38 Mary Kay Duggan, Reading Liturgical Books. Incunabula and Their Readers: Printing, Selling, and Using Books in the Fifteenth Century ed. Kristian Jensen (London: The British Library, 2003), 72.
13 containing the text of the canon missae was printed in 1458 by Peter Schoeffer in Mainz. 39 By 1501 at least half a million printed liturgical books, including breviaries, missals, psalters, and choir books (antiphona ls and graduals), existed in Europe. 40 The first two known incunable missals are a Missale romanum printed in Italy around 1472 and a Missale speciale an abbreviated edition c ontaining only the text for Sunday Mass and principal feasts, printed in Basel in 1473. 41 Their large folio format indicates a dependence on their manuscript predecessors. Other early printed folio missals include a 1477 Missale romanum printed in Venice by Alvise and Domenico Siliprandi and a 1477 Missale romanum printed in Naples by Matthias Moravus. 42 The printed folio missal became the bestseller of books its size; roughly 800 editions were printed by 1500. 43 As printers uniformly decreased the size of missals, they simultaneously modified the presentation of both the contents and layout. The major design shifts include the decrease in overall dimensions (from folio to quarto or octavo), the use of smaller 39 Duggan, Design, 54. 40 Ibid., 72. Duggan cites that on average, secular clerics and religious owned at least 1.5 new liturgical books, based upon 1,087 editions with a European population of 65.8 million (five percent, or 3.3 million, estimated as clerics and religious). 41 Ibid. (1472 Romanum : Goff M-643, Duggan 38 issue 1). A second copy of this missal was recently discovered in the Vatican Library, catal ogued Urb.lat.109 and listed under Copinger 4130 and Duggan 38 issue 2. (1473 Speciale : Goff M-655, Bohatta 304, Copinger 4075). A Missale speciale is intended primarily for chapels in cathedrals rather than on the high altar in the sanctuary. 42 Duggan, Politics. The 1477 Venice edition: Bohatta 856, the 1477 Naples edition: Bohatta 857. 43 Duggan, Design, 55. This figure, based on the catalogue by Hans Bohatta, was compiled by Ferdinand Geldner, Inkunabelkunde: Eine Einfhrung in die Welt des frhsten Buchdrucks (Wiesbaden, 1978).
14 typeface, and an increase in the number of lines per page. 44 To increase legibility and accessibility, common abbreviations were replaced with full spellings. Several service books included extended rubrics to assist all levels of readers. Other facilitative tools include dictionaries of liturgical Latin, co mmentaries on the Psalms, and even instruction in plainchant notation. 45 Lucantonio Giunta included similar features in his 1508 Missale romanum edition, for instance, by listing both the month and numerical day for the major feast days of the Sanctoral in th e margin of the text (fig. 2). 46 Born in Florence in 1457, Lucantonio Giunta moved to Venice in 1477 to begin a career in book dealing with his family. By 1489 he began functioning as a publisher and in 1500 published under his own name. 47 His printers device feat ures a red Florentine lily flanked by his initials (fig. 3). He died in 1538 after producing 406 editions during his fifty-year career. 48 The Paduan miniaturist Benedetto Bordon served as Giuntas primary artist, who, before he specia lized in woodcuts, worked as an illuminator of ducal 44 Duggan does not address any shifts in the use of illustrations in early printed missals in her article, Design, as she concerns herself only with the textual and musical notation layout. 45 Ibid., 75. Duggan suggests that these types of changes in printed liturgical books were a direct result of different readership, those less proficient in Latin and desirous of participating in the services outside of the church. 46 Giunta lists the month ( festa septembris ) as the header and the day ( die 8 ) in the left margin. 47 Victor Massena Prince dEssling records Giunta acting as printer for Emericus de Spira on a 1587 Missale romanum in quarto format. See his Les missels imprimes Venise de 1481 1600 (Paris: Rothschild, 1894-96). In 1498 Giunta again printed for de Spira, a June 28 edition romanum in folio format. In 1500 he printed and published under is own name a Missale carmelitarum on January 5 in folio size. For a full biography of Giunta and his family see Paolo Camerini, Annali De Giunti (Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1962). 48 Camerini catalogued the 406 editions via his printe rs mark, referred to as either a Florentine lily or fleur-de-lis.
15 documents and books published by Aldus Manutius. 49 Jacob of Strassburg is identified as the woodcutter of Giuntas images. 50 As a publisher in Venice during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, Lucantonio Giunta engaged in a competitive and hugely successful printing empire. Venice established itself early on after the first printing pres ses arrived in 1469 to become one of the leading publishers of books in Eu rope. With the trium ph of the printing of humanist, law, and liturgical books, demand remained high for quality and innovative products. 51 The largest and grandest book ever pr inted in the fifteenth century was by Giunta, his Antiphonarium of 1499. 52 Venices role as a publishing power, by establishing a competitive market, contributed to Giuntas grand printings and illustrative innovations. 49 Martin Lowry, Aldus Manutius and Benedetto Bordon: The Quest for a Link. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 66 (1983) 173-97. Benedetto Bordon (active 1477-1530) is linked to the woodcuts of the Hypnertomachia Polifili 50 Creating woodcuts was an involve d process. An artist first had to draw the image on a piece of paper to fit the desired area and then trace it onto a wo oden block. A woodcutter then carved the block, cutting away everything except the lines drawn by the artist. All full-page woodcuts, except for the Annunciation in Giuntas 1501 Missale romanum are attributed to Bordon and Jacob of Strasburg, as asserted by Lilian Armstrong, Woodcuts for Liturgical Books Published by Lucantonio Giunta in Venice, 1499-1501. Word and Image I no. Jan-June (2001). 51 Henk van Os, Sienese Altarpieces 7. Van Os argues that a desire for pomp and splendor, propagandistic endeavors between urban religious orders, and competitions between patrons, and rivalry among artists all contributed to the de velopment of the altarpiece in Siena. 52 Armstrong, Woodcuts, 71, 88. His Antiphonarium measured 568x385 mm. His Gradual romanum of 1499 measured slightly smaller at 557x383mm.
16 Prior to 1500, a tradition of illustrated missals had not been established. 53 Giuntas 1501 Missale r omanum was the first printed missal to appear with an extensive cycle of images. It contained eighteen fullpage woodblocks, nine of which were reused from his 1501 Book of Hours edition, and accompanying cribl borders. This 1501 romanum serves as a springboard for tracing th e developments of image and reader relations to his October, 1508 romanum edition. His Missale congregatio casinensis printed in 1507, provides a second comparison given its specific audience. This anomalous edition includes the repetition of full-page woodcuts, the misuse of cribl borders, and the insertion of a woodblock de signed by an artist other than Benedetto Bordon. The casinensis with its limited audience and read ership, offers a useful contrast with Giuntas conscious effort to produce an aesthetically balanced Romish edition to appeal to a widespread audience. As Chapter Two traces, the late Middle Ages was a time of increased personal piety and individual inte raction with the divine. This resu lted in a new intimacy between the laity and devotional images. In partic ular, stylistic developments in artwork encouraged involvement on the part of the viewer, most highly developed in Books of Hours. In this regard, the images in Giunt as Book of Hours publications served as a vehicle for private meditation and devoti on. Since this study asserts that his 1508 53 Lilian Armstrong, Venetian and Florentine Re naissance Woodcuts for Bibles, Liturgical Books, and Devotional Books A Heavenly Craft: The Woodcut in Early Printed Books (New York: George Braziller, 2004), 37. Two catalogues exist that describe the programs of illustrations in early printed missals: Victor Massena Prince dEssling (see note 47 above) and Victor M. Leroquais, Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits de bibliothques publiques de France (Paris: Rothschild, 1924). Mary Kay Duggans article, Design, examines the tw o earliest incunable missals, one from Italy and one from Basel. However, her focus remains solely on their design and layout as the only illustrations present were the Crucifixion scene.
17 romanum exhibits the same characteristics as his popular Books of Hours editions, the 1501 Officium beatae Mariae Virginis offers further comparison.
18 Chapter Two Liturgy and the Laity: Liturgic al versus Devotional Worship Two types of worship dominated the Middl e Ages: the public, in the form of the liturgy; and the private. Derived from the Greek people and work the word liturgy involves any object or activity relating to public worship. 54 This includes the assemblage of texts, music, vessels, vestments, and buildings necessary for formal worship. The liturgy of the medieval Catholic Church se rved, through its organized and repetitive structure, as a constant a nd stabilizing force for the popul ation. Moreover, the Church employed a hierarchal infrastructure as a m eans of governance. Such a structure did not entertain the notion of individua l relationships with the divine, as witnessed specifically by priestly control of the celebration of the Eucharist. 55 There existed, certainly before the Council of Trent, diverse experiences of the liturgy among the clergy and the laity. The imp overished lay experience resulted from the specific ecclesiastical localization of th e Mass ceremony; a disconnection that was emphasized further by the architectural settings. The clergy were secreted away behind chancel screens at the altar while the laity listened in the nave of the church. This 54 The Greek word leitourgia literally means the work of the people. 55 Lay communion was obligatory each year as pr escribed by the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) and usually took place during Easter. The priest received both bread and wine during the ceremony, whereas the laity received only the Host. For detailed discussion regard ing the formation of the liturgical services in the Western Church see Harper, especia lly page eleven where he outlines the six principal phases.
19 distance between the celebrant and worshipper highlights the spiritual hierarchy of the medieval church: the laitys participati on was supposed to be less concerned with intellectual grasp of Eucharistic doctrine or scriptural teachings, than with assuming a proper role in the drama of the Mass. 56 As direct contact with God was a privile ge reserved to priests, monks, and nuns, the laity possessed no active role until after th e twelfth century. Spiritual movements such as the Devotio Moderna during the late Middle Ages began to encourage the notion of private devotion. 57 The devotional literature surro unding this movement emphasized a non-institutional piety, in the form of private prayer and meditation. Such texts included the Meditaciones vitae Christi, Legenda Aurea and De Imitatione Christi Each one directed the laity to seek pe rsonal relationships with God, Ma ry, and the saints outside of public worship. Fueled by the writings of Saint Bern ard of Clairvaux (1090 1153), the founder of the Cistercian Order, prayer and meditation were plac ed into a broader context. Bernards underlying theme was one of empath etic involvement. This often took the form of a dialogue between the faithful and the divine. His teachings were later expanded upon by Saint Francis of Assisi (1181 1226), who further encouraged the laity to engage in personal relationships with the divine as a supplement to public prayer. 56 Virginia Reinburg, Liturgy and the Laity in Late Medi eval and Reformation France Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 3 (1992), 530. A few religious texts from the late Middle Ages indicate an attempt to educate the laity on the performance of the Mass. Gherit vander Goudes Dat Boecken vander Missen, first printed around 1507 in Antwerp, provided direc tions to the lay attendee of Mass with instructions on how to react. Its illustrative woodcuts explain the mean ing of each phase of the celebration. See Robert N. Swanson, Religion and Devotion in Europe, c. 1215-c. 1515 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 57 The Devotio Moderna (Modern Devotion) movement began in the late fourteenth century in the Netherlands by Geert Grote. Taking the lead from the teachings of Bern ard of Clairvaux and Saint Francis of Assisi, it encouraged an individual path to salvation through meditation and prayer.
20 Saint Francis founded his Orders friarie s in the middle of cities and towns, unlike the Cistercians, who lived as conventuals away from the world, in order to directly address the spiritual needs of the lay population. Other me ndicant orders, including the Dominicans, followed suit and brought faith to the illiterate laity first via sermons and later by sacred theater. Each of these practices used images; as they had always been central to meditation for cloistered monks and nuns. 58 The most influential text on late medieval spirituality was the Meditaciones vitae Christi by the Franciscan friar John of Caulibus around 1300. 59 It promoted a new way to experience faith by meditation by emphasizing th e transportation of the reader into the events described. The author, practically taking the readers by hand, led them from one event in the life of Christ to the next while suggesting they step in and stand beside the characters. For instance, when viewing a scene of the Adoration of the Magi the viewer is encouraged to kneel next to the revering King: You, too, who lingered so long, kneel and adore your Lord God, and then His mother, and reverently greet the saintly ol d Joseph. Kiss the beautiful little feet of the infant Jesus who lies in the manger and beg His mother to offer to let you hold Him a while. Pick Him up and hold Him in your arms. Gaze on His face with devotion and reverently ki ss Him and delight in Him. 60 The idea of experiencing each event in the life of Jesus was crucial to achieving the proper level of me ditation. In 1454 the Zardino de Oration (Garden of Prayer) was 58 Henk van Os, The Art of Devotion in the Late Middle Ages in Europe, 1300-1500 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 54. The use of devotional images to aid in meditation first began in monasteries and convents. Van Os categorizes the convent uals of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as using images as tangible means to bring their own salvation closer. 59 Francis X. Taney John of Caulibus: Meditations on the Life of Christ (Asheville: Pegasus Press, 2000). The Meditaciones vitae Christi (Meditations on the Life of Christ) was thought to have been the work of St. Bonaventure, later revised to an anonymous writer referred to as Pseudo-Bonaventure. Only recently the text has been ascrib ed to the fourteenth-century Fr anciscan John of Caulibus. 60 Ibid., 13.
21 written (and later published in Venice) which instructed young girls how to engage in prayer, Moving slowly from episode to episode, meditate on each one, dwelling on each single stage and step of the story. And if at any point you feel a sensation of piety; stop: do not pass on as long as that sweet and devout sentiment lasts. 61 Such changes in late medieval spirituality manifested themselves directly in art. Scenes described in the devotional literature provided new themes and motifs. For instance, in the Meditaciones vitae Christi Mary plays a more prominent role in Christs life than presented in the Gospel. The scene of the Annunciation beca me central to late medieval art for it shows Mary in the pivotal role of Gods arrival on earth. Moreover, the scene frequently depicts Mary reading fr om a prayer book to indicate her piety. The Annunciation scene, when placed in a prayer boo k, allows the user to imitate the actions of the Virgin Mary. The nature of Christ also underwent a significant development; the emphasis moved from his divin ity to his humanity. Prior to the twelfth century, Christ was often depicted as the ruler of the cosmos. With the assistan ce of popular devotional tracts Christs humanity received more at tention and, in partic ular, His suffering on earth. 62 Other innovations in imagery stemme d from themes presented throughout devotional texts. The idea of the Holy Family emerged as artists depicted scenes of Jesus, 61 Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 46. 62 Van Os, Art of Devotion 25. Scenes of the Resurrection, As cension, and Descent of the Holy Ghost were not frequent motifs in late mediev al and early Renaissance devotional art.
22 Mary, and Joseph together. 63 The themes of the Mater Dolorosa (Mother of Sorrows) and the Arma Christi (Weapons of the Passion) also surfaced. The most influential, particularly in Italy, was the Man of Sorrows where the dead Christ reveals His wounds of the Passion. Such imagery underscored emo tions such as pain and sorrow emphasized heavily in the Meditaciones vitae Christi. Another innovation to late medieval devo tional art was its transportation from the public domain into the private sphere. Obj ects like small prayer books and triptychs accompanied worshippers into environs outsi de the communal. Henk van Os describes how artists were able to ret ell in visual form the mysteries of Christs life in smallformat, autonomous series for use in private devotion. 64 Scenes were presented in narrative format in order for the viewer to fo llow along in a journey th rough the events in Christs life. 65 Scenes from the life of Christ and the Virgin Mary largely formed the basis for devotional art. The Meditaciones vitae Christi in particular gave Mary more prominence. As the vessel with which God sent His son to earth, the faithful believed in requesting favors directly to Mary. She would in turn be seech God on their behalf with the idea that He could not deny His own mother a request As Mary held the pivotal position as intercessor the most common devotional pr actice throughout the Middle Ages was the recitation of a version of the Divine Office hours, the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin, 63 Ibid., 91. Van Os suggests that images of the Holy Family served as role models for lay families. He further indicates that these scenes even allowed celibates to participate spiritually in family life. 64 Ibid., 165. 65 Sixten Ringbom, From Icon to Narrative: The Rise of the Dramatic Close-up in FifteenthCentury Devotional Painting (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1984).
23 comprised of thirty-seven Psalms. 66 This served as the core text of the most popular devotional prayer book of the late Middle Ages, the Book of Hours. Books of Hours developed from the psal ter during the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. Containing all 150 Psalms, psalters were to be read in entirety throughout the course of a week. 67 As Bibles remained difficult items for the laity to get their hands on, psalters became popular by pr oviding easy and affordable access to the liturgy for the literate laity. 68 The Hours of the Virgin were soon simply attached to the Psalms forming a text referred to as the Psal ter-Hours. By the late thirteenth century, the Hours appeared in a single volum e with an accompanying calendar. 69 It was this arrangement (referred to simply as Horae) that remained the bestseller throughout the later Middle Ages. As a comparable lay version to the monastic breviary, Horae allowed the laity to achieve the ideal religious structure by rendering time holy and providing a framework for daily routine. From the thirteenth to si xteenth centuries, more Books of Hours were 66 Heffernan and Matter, 474. The Hours of the Virgin developed sometime during the ninth century, possibly compiled by Benedict of Aniane, c. 750-821. 67 The distribution of prayers over the course of a day and week to form the Divine Office was outlined most clearly by Saint Benedict of Nursia (c. 480-543) during the early sixth century. In his Rule of St. Benedict he prescribes the times and orders of daily prayer for monastic worship. He divided daily prayer into the eight canonical hours: Matins before daybreak (half past two A.M.), Lauds at daybreak (five A.M.), Prime at first hour (six A.M.), Terce at third hour (nine A.M.), Sext at sixth hour (noon), None at the ninth hour (three P.M.), Ve spers at sundown (half past four P.M.), and Compline before retiring in the evening (six P.M.). This popular monastic liturg y became adopted throughout the Western Church over the course of the Middle Ages. 68 The majority of churches did not own their own full copy of a Bible as these were used primarily in universities for theologians and monasteries for private study. 69 The calendar, Penitential Psalms, Litany and Of fice of the Dead all came from the breviary.
24 produced than any other te xt, including the Bible. 70 Their abundance attests to the desire among the laity to have a personal liturgy, one that was not necessarily church-centered. 71 In addition, Horae fueled private devotional needs by allowing the laity to reflect upon the ancillary prayers and images in th em while listening to the services. 72 Although psalters were no t typically illustrated, Horae contained extensive and often sumptuous images. For this reason they frequently became expensive objects of luxury and envy. France led the production of Books of Hours, thereby establishing an artistic tradition that resulted in several famous miniaturists, including the Boucicaut Master, the Bedford Master, and Jean Colombe. In Italy, th e miniaturist Giulio Clovio illuminated the Farnese Hours in 1546 which Giorgio Vasari described as one of the marvels of Rome. 73 Printing allowed further embell ishment via vignette and cribl borders. Between 1480 and 1600 roughly 1,775 different Horae editions were printed in Europe, indicating their popularity. 74 Books of Hours developed an illustra tive iconographic program that became standard over time. Each major division wa s demarcated with a full-page illustration (miniature or woodcut) that served primarily for aesthetic pleasure. Second, they acted as chapter headings, and third, embodied the accompanying texts by providing themes upon 70 Swanson, 473. 71 Ibid., 97. 72 Ancillary prayers that were often inserted in Books of Hours typically beseeched the Virgin directly. The two most popular prayers were the Obsecro te (I beseech you) and O intemerata (O immaculate virgin). 73 Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Scul ptors and Architects: Newly translated by Gaston Duc DeVere with five hundred illustrations in ten volumes (London, 1912-15), 253. 74 Heffernan and Matter, 482.
25 with the reader could meditate. For instance, while reciting the Psal ms during the hour of Matins, the supplementary image of the Annunciation prompted the reader to meditate upon the future Glory of the Virgin. 75 The standard contents of Horae included a calendar, Gospel Lessons, Hours of the Virgin, Hours of the Cross, Hours of the Holy Spirit, Obsecro te prayer, O intemerata prayer, Penitential Psalms, Litany, and Office of the Dead. Each section contained an iconographic image that provided appropriate meditation themes. Calendars, in the rare instances when they contained illustration, f eatured a cycle of imagery with the zodiac and its corresponding labors of th e months. The Gospel Lessons included author portraits often appearing as historiated ini tials rather than in full-page illustrations. As the core text of Horae the Hours of the Virgin showcased fu ll-page imagery prefacing each of the eight canonical hours. The customary image formula for the Hours of the Virgin emphasized key chronological events in the life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Moreover, this sequence displayed the Infancy Cycle of Jesus. Thes e events include: the Annunciation for Matins, the Visitation for Lauds, the Nativity for Pr ime, the Annunciation to the Shepherd for Terce, the Adoration of the Magi for Sext, the Presentation in the Temple for None, the Flight into Egypt (or Massacre of Innocents) for Vespers, and the Coronation of the Virgin for Compline. These events were thought to have occurred at the same time during Marys life at th eir respective hour. 76 Although the Psalms bear no mention of the Virgin 75 Eileen F. Reilly, The University of Florida Pigouchet and Vostre Horae : A Book Printed in Paris for Export to London M.A. Thesis, University of South Florida (1996), 6. 76 See note 67 above.
26 Mary, these images assisted the reader in identifying with her, th ereby establishing an individual relationship. 77 The idea of involving the faithful is fu rther manifested th rough the stylistic characteristics of late Western medieval and early Renaissance devotional art. Compositional devices such as the use of a frontal figure and the inclusion of multiple spectators heightened the intensity of the encounter. These elements were not present in traditional Byzantine iconography. 78 The use of a direct gaze reminded viewers of their own involvement with the scene, while the us e of multiple characters invited the viewer to stand in amongst the other spectators. 79 A published sermon by the Dominican Fra Michele da Carcano in 1492 directly addressed how feelings of devotion could be more successfully aroused by visual images rather than by listening to the services: Images were introduced on account of our emotional sluggishness; so that men who are not aroused to devotion when they hear about the histor ies of the Saints may at least be moved when they see them as if actually present in pictures. For our feelings are aroused by things seen more than by things heard. 80 77 Heffernan and Matter, 493. The antiphons inse rted to begin and end each Psalm directly reference the Mother of God. For example, the closing antiphon to Psalm 8 reads, Blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb. 78 Byzantine art focused on ideal images rather than realistic depictions, most highly developed in the icon image. The most popular icons were the Virg in Hodegetria, where Mary cradles the Christ child while pointing toward him, and the Elousa Madonna, or Virgin of tenderness, in which Mary touches her cheek to the Christ childs cheek. Narrative scenes were not common in Byzantine art. 79 Linda Seidel, Pious Journeys: Christian Devotional Art and Practice in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 2001). 80 Baxandall, 41. The sermon further justified the use of devotional images by arguing that they remained in the memory longer than words.
27 Rather than focus on the Latin words of the Psalms, the user of a Book of Hours would focus more heartily on the images that acco mpany the text. The techniques of involving the viewer permeated the imagery in Books of Hours. Between 1495 and 1500 Giunta published five editions of the Officium beatae Mariae Virginis yet none matched the superior qu ality and execution of extensive illustrations of his June 26, 1501 edition. This exquisite text featured thirteen newly commissioned full-page woodblock im ages (measuring 128x80 mm) designed by Benedetto Bordon. Referred to as il capolavoro delleditoria giuntina, ed il pi bello tra i libri dore italiana, this edition, printed on superior quality vellum, showcased cribl borders on every one of its 108 pages, both recto and verso, following in the French tradition. 81 Its pages measure 155x104 mm and its gothic typeface in red and black ink form single columns of text comprised of twenty-two lines on every page. Apart from the Crucifixion each woodblock shares striking architectural motifs that include classical elements: fanciful pu tti, decorative candelabras and gothic piers. 82 This classical style, heavily employed by Bo rdon, was dependent greatly on the work of the Venetian artist Andrea Mantegna (1428 -1513). Mantegna s drawings and art were well-known to other Venetian ar tists, and Bordon incorporat ed his figure styles and 81 Camerini, 111 (as quoted in Armstrong, Woodcuts, 85). 82 Ibid., 82. The visual vocabul ary for all things classical permeated through out the early Renaissance. Motifs including candelabra, garlands, and delicate architectural elements, referred to as grotesques (derived from their association with the underground grottoes of ancient Roman villas), are incorporated into miniatures and woodcuts in book decoration. The lack of such motifs on the Crucifixion suggest a use in an earlier printing; however, the woodcut remains attributed to Bordon due to its strikingly Mantegnesque style. Lilian Armstrong suggests that because it has no architectural and decorative motifs it was designed specifically for Giuntas upcoming Missale romanum issued five months later. This assertion does not ad dress why Giunta chose to incorporat e eight other woodcuts each featuring the decorative framing.
28 shading techniques. 83 For instance, the male figures in his Adoration of the Magi woodblock (fig. 4) appear with cu rly hair and full beards in three-dimensionality due to his distinctive diagonal parallel line cutting technique, referre d to as the shaded style. 84 Giunta followed the standard iconographic program of Horae in this edition: Annunciation for Matins, Visitation for Lauds, Nativity for Prime, Annunciation to the Shepherds for Terce, Adoration of the Magi for Sext, Presentation in the Temple for None, Flight into Egypt for Vespers, Massacre of the Innocents for Compline, Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion for Mass of the Virgin, Bathsheba Bathing for Penitential Psalms, Death of the Virgin for Office of the Dead, Crucifixion for Hours of the Cross and Pentecost for Hours of the Holy Spirit. All of these images utilized compositional elements to facilitate medi ation, as prescribed for private devotion. The Crucifixion (fig. 5) incorporates multiple spec tators that each radiate emotion. In following the advice in the Aurea Legenda, written by the thirteenth century Bishop of Genoa Jacobus de Voragine, who writes how art, in particular images of the Crucifixion, should be directed to the eye, Bordon situated Jesus frontally toward the viewer. 85 Several spectators are present, as well as the two thieves crucified next to Jesus. In contrast, the Crucifixion woodbl ock in the March 1495 Venetian Missale romanum published by Phillippus de Pincis (fig. 6) depicts onl y the figures of Mary and John in the foreground who, lacking emotive expressions, gaze blankly toward Christ. This traditional Byzantine dogmatic iconography is not present in Bordons Christ, whose 83 Armstrong, Woodcuts, 69. 84 Ibid. For additional discussion on Bordon and the shaded style see Essling, Part III, 93. 85 Jacobus de Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints. Translated by William Granger Ryan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 385.
29 image warrants empathetic involvement by showing a drooping head, emaciated torso and frail arms, each un derscoring His suffering. The Crucifixion scene (fig. 7) in a 1499 April edition of the Missale quinque ecclesiarum published by Joannis Paep in Venice, includes only the stiff and stoic figures of Mary and John. This stoicism carries over to the angels who hol d their chalices out stiffly underneath Christ. In accordance with the Meditationes vitae Christi Bordons scene features charged emotion from each of the characters. As described therein, Marys physical anguish is made manifest by her inab ility to stand by hersel f as she is supported by two women. Mary Magdalene clings to the cross with both arms encompassing its base. These details force the viewer to confront the suffering and pain of the characters and to feel it personally. By involving the spectator into the stories of the Bible, re ciprocity is formed between the faithful and the divine. In this regard, the image formula implemented by Giunta in his Officium allowed it to serve as an instrument for a personal, noninstitutional piety. As chapter three traces, Lucantonio Giuntas 1508 Missale romanum publication mirrors his Officium of 1501 in both presentation of a coherent iconographic image program and devotionally-inspired woodbl ocks. This transplantation of visual language will ultimately affect the classification of the Missale romanum as a liturgical art object.
30 Chapter Three Reception and the Reader: Reclassifying Giuntas Missale romanum 1508 Printing was introduced to Venice by Joha nnes of Speyeras in 1469. At the end of the fifteenth century, Venice became the leading city of book production, producing one eighth of all the books printed in Europe. 86 The majority of stock in Venetian bookshops consisted of liturgical and theological texts, given the established market of the clergy. Lucantonio Giunta took advantage of this profitable and safe genre by specializing in it. He doubled his capital base between 1491 and 1499, and nearly again by 1509. 87 In 1499 Giunta requested a privilege from the Venetia n government to publish a folio gradual. This privilege also granted permission to prin t both an antiphonary a nd psalter, as stated on the title page of the 1499 Graduale romanum : impressum [ m ] Venetiis cum privilegio: cu [ m ] quo etiam imprimuntur antiphonarium et psalmista: sub pena ut i [ n ] gratia 88 Printed graduals were extremely rare dur ing the first decades of printing. The only other printed gradual in Italy prior to Giuntas was pub lished by Damiano and Bernardo 86 Martin Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius: Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979). Roughly 150 Venetian prin ting presses produced 4,000 editions, nearly twice the number printed in their rival printing city of Paris. Two of the largest private libraries in Europe belonged to Venetian citizens, Mari n Sanudo and Cardinal Domenico Grimani. 87 Ibid., 18. Printing and publishing as a profession was not only extremely lucrative but often came with prestige. Nicolaus Jensen, the first and most celebrated major Venetian printer, was eventually knighted by Pope Sixtus IV for his contributions to publishing. See also Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading 1450-1550 (Wiesbaden, 1967). 88 Gradual romanum 1499, University of California Berkeley, Music Library, fM2149.V4.G7.
31 Moili in Parma in 1472 and did not contain any illustrative woodcuts. 89 In 1497 requests for privileges to print graduals and anti phonals were made by the printers Bernardino Stagnino, Tommaso Veneto, and Giacomo Br itannico da Brescia to the Venetian government. 90 Nonetheless, Giuntas was the firs t to appear with an unprecedented twenty-four historiated initi al woodcuts, each 115x95 mm. It was printed by Johannes Emericus de Spira, a specialist in music printing, and measured 557x383 mm. 91 This unmatched employment of extens ive woodcuts in litu rgical printings by Giunta indicates him as a publisher possessing shrewd economic receptivity. His formula of combining liturgical texts with finely crafted images allowed him to offer beautifully conceived products. Between 1500 and 1508, Gi unta published eight editions of the Missale romanum two in folio, three in quarto, and three in octavo (appendix G). His first octavo, printed in November of 1501, rema ins the first printed missal to contain an extensive cycle of popular devotional images. The text of early printed Romish missals remained relatively consistent until the Trindentine reforms, and Giuntas 1501 romanum followed the standard format (appendix C). Not having a precedent edition on where to insert images, Giunta made a conscious effort to match each one with corr esponding texts. The result is not a finetuned iconographic program as in his Officium ; however, it is clear that this edition provided the basis for his layout decisions in his upcoming 1508 edition. The 1501 romanum contains eighteen full-page woodbl ock images designed by Bordon, half 89 Armstrong, Woodcuts, 66. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. By 1501 only sixteen editions of choir books were printed in Venice. See Mary Kay Duggan, Italian Music Incunabula: Printers and Type (Berkeley: University of California, 1992).
32 measuring 128x80 mm and the other nine at 115x80 mm. Printing this edition in the octavo size allowed Giunta to re use nine woodcuts from his 1501 Officium accounting for the difference in size. 92 As the new woodcuts cut specifically for this missal publication measure slightly smaller than the reused ones, Giunta added narrow decorative strip borders to the top and bo ttom of the new woodcuts. This technique equalized their size and mirrored his Officium layout (fig. 8). The Temporal section contains nine of the full-page woodcuts: Bathsheba Bathing for Advent, Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion for Christmas, Presentation in Temple for Circumcision, Adoration of the Magi for Epiphany, Entry into Jerusalem for Palm Sunday, Crucifixion for Ascension Day, and Pentecost for Pentecost. The Sanctoral features six full-page woodcuts: Calling of Peter and Andrew for the November 30 feast of St. Andrew, Annunciation for the March 25 feast of St. Mary Magdalene, Ascension of the Virgin for the August 15 feast of the Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Stigmatization of St. Francis for the October 4 feast of St. Francis of Assisi, and All Saints for the November 1 feast of All Saints. The Common of the Saints is prefaced with Sts. Peter and Paul while the Requiem Mass features Death of the Virgin and Dead Christ. Giuntas attempt to exemplify accompanyi ng text via the woodblocks is apparent in the new ones he commissioned. In the Temporal, Benedetto Bordon designed three new woodblocks: Entry into Jerusalem the Resurrection of Christ and Ascension of Christ. The placement of each of these imag es properly embodies the accompanying 92 The nine repeats are: Bathsheba Bathing, Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion, Presentation in the Temple, Adoration of the Magi Crucifixion, Pentecost, Annunciation, Visitation and Death of the Virgin.
33 feasts: Palm Sunday, Easter Day, and Ascen sion Day, respectively. Furthermore, the insertion of Entry into Jerusalem after Adoration of the Magi and before Crucifixion fits in chronologically with the Life Cycle of Jesus. This concern with chronological sequencing takes precedent over matching scenes with the text. The feast of Christmas in the Temporal features Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion (fig. 9). Mary is depicted kneeling on the ground in prayer ove r the infant Jesus while several angels hover above holding the various instruments of the future Passion. The scene does not relate to Christmas as the Nativity specifical ly would, yet it presents Jesus as an infant thereby beginning the Infancy Cycle, followed by Presentation in the Temple. Of the seven woodblocks in the Sanctoral section, two are reused from his Officium : the Annunciation and Visitation Whereas the Annunciation exemplifies its accompanying feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Visitation curiously opens the feast of St. Mary Magdalene. In this instance, Giunta departs again from his pursuit of embodying the textual cont ent in favor of maintaining a sequential order; in this case, the Life Cycle of the Virgin Mary. The Visitation scene depicts a pregnant Mary visiting her cousin Elizabeth, pregnant with the future John the Baptist. Mary Magdalene is nowhere pr esent in the scene as Jesus has yet to be born. These images placed back to back follow the Life of the Virgin Mary, transplanted directly from his Officium where they were first used. The remaining five woodblocks in the Sa nctoral appear for the first time, each designed by Bordon. The Calling of Peter and Andrew (fig. 10) depicts Jesus calling to Peter and Andrew from the shoreline of the Sea of Galilee. It prefaces the feast of St. Andrew. The Ascension of the Virgin woodblock (fig. 11) properly refers to the August
34 15 feast of the Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Stigmatization of St. Francis, All Saints and Sts. Peter and Paul woodblocks (figs. 12, 13, and 14) likewise symbolize their accompanying feasts: St. Francis of Assi si, All Saints, and Common of the Saints. Although all of the eighteen woodblock images in the 1501 edition do not illustrate the accompanying text, their placement represents an attempt of coherent cycles. Giuntas use of extensive imagery in pr inted missals remains unprecedented in his Venetian contemporaries publications. The firs t octavo-sized printed Missale romanum in Venice was by Johannes and Gregorius de Forlino on January 31 of 1482 and contains only the Crucifixion prefacing the canon missae. 93 This trend continued with other Venetian publishers during the last few year s of the fifteenth century, including a 1497 edition by Johannes Herzog printed by Ottavi ano Scoto, a 1498 edit ion by Emericus de Spira printed by Lucantonio Giunta, and an October 27, 1501 edition by Petrus Liechtenstein and Johannes Herzog pr inted by Nikolaus de Franckfordia. 94 Only five years after Giuntas 1501 ed ition did the publisher Be rnardino Stagnino produce a Missale romanum in octavo size with twenty-one woodcut illustrations. 95 This was the first publication by Stagnino afte r printing a previous octavo romanum for Joannes Regacius de Monteferrato in February of 1502 containing only the Crucifixion and a few 93 Recorded by Essling, number 19. 94 Essling, numbers 46, 49 and 58, respectively. 95 Essling, number 67. The full-page woodblocks are as follows: St. Bernard on the Seine, Procession, Nativity, Adoration of the Magi, Presentation in the Temple, Crucifixion, Resurrection, Ascension, Pentecost, Elevation of the Host, Jesus in front of Herod, Annunciation, Embarrassment, Assumption, Nativity of the Virgin, Stigmatization of St. Francis, All Saints, Road to Damascus, Death of the Virgin, and Dead Christ The woodcutter of these images, currently undetermined, could quite possibly be Jacob of Strassburg given the monogram ia located on each of the woodblocks. See Armstrongs Woodcuts article where she discusses the relationship between Jacob of Strassburg and Lucantonio Giunta. She cites the monogr am ia signifying either Ja [ cobus ] or J [ acobus ] A[ regentoratensis ] present on several Venetian woodblocks used in Giuntine publications.
35 decorated initials. 96 The next octavo romanum to appear in Venice after Stagninos was Lucantonio Giuntas Oct ober 3, 1508 edition. The October 1508 romanum edition contains the same textual components as the 1501 beginning with a calendar, Temporal, Sanctoral, Common of the Saints and Requiem Mass. The Temporal features eleven full-page woodcuts: David with Lyre for Advent, Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion for Christmas, and Annunciation to the Shepherds for Station at St. Mary Major, Presentation in the Temple for Circumcision, Adoration of the Magi for Epiphany, Entry into Jerusalem for Palm Sunday, Crucifixion for the Canon of the Mass on Good Friday, Resurrection of Christ for Easter Day, Ascension of Christ for Ascension Day, Pentecost for Pentecost and Elevation of the Host for Corpus Christi. The Sanctoral features five full-page woodblocks: Calling of Peter and Andrew for the November 30 feast of St. Andrew, Annunciation for the March 25 feast of the Annunciation, Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary for the August 15 feast of the Ascen sion of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Nativity of the Virgin for the September 8 feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, Stigmatization of St. Francis for the October 4 feast of St. Francis of Assisi, and All Saints for the November 1 feast of All Saints. The Common of the Saints is prefaced with Sts. Peter and Paul while the Requiem Mass has both Death of the Virgin and Dead Christ. Of these twenty full-page woodblocks, eight are the original ones commissioned for Giuntas 1501 Officium nine are reused from his 1501 romanum one appears for the first time ( David with Lyre ), while the remaining two appear for the first time in a 96 Essling, number 60.
36 romanum edition: Elevation of Host and Nativity of the Virgin 97 As in his 1501 romanum Giunta added narrow decorative strip borders to equalize the size of the woodblocks. Of the reused nine and new three, five have one strip along the bottom while six contain the strip alon g both the top and bottom. 98 The Elevation of the Host woodblock is the only new one with a stri p border on the top and bottom (fig. 15) bringing the measurement to 125x80 mm, indicating that it was designed simultaneously with the 1501 romanum woodblocks. As stated in the title page of the 1508 edition, Giunta added f acilitative tools to assist the user. 99 First, he listed both the month an d day in the margin of the Sanctoral section. This provided an easy reference for each particular fixed feast day. In contrast to his earlier 1501 romanum extensive familiarity with the multiple feast days was required in order to locate a specific feast (figs. 16 and 17). Second, Giunta included the chapters and verses of the various Bible readings in the margin of the text. Every mass reading is comprised of an introit, oratio, epistle, gradual, alleluia sequence, gospel, offertory, secret, communion, and post-communion. 100 The epistle, for instance, is comprised of a reading from the Gospel Lessons while the gradual is taken from the Book of Psalms. Giunta lists the chapter headings and verses of each reading in the right and left margins 97 Both the Elevation of Host and Nativity of the Virgin woodblocks appeared in his 1507 Missale congregatio casinensis edition. See appendix C. 98 The five with a decorative strip along the top are: David with Lyre, Nativity of the Virgin, Stigmatization of St. Francis, All Saints and Sts. Peter and Paul. The remaining six with the strip along the top and bottom are: Entry into Jerusalem, Resurrection of Christ, Ascension of Christ, Elevation of the Host, Calling of Peter and Andrew and Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 99 See note 2 above. 100 For detailed discussion about the divisions for mass ceremonies, see chapter seven of Harper.
37 of the textblock to assist the user. Third, Gi unta demarcates all the principal feasts with new full-page woodblocks. Appearing for the first time in a Giuntine publication, David with Lyre (fig. 18) prefaces Advent in the Temporal, replacing Bathsheba Bathing from the 1501 edition. This choice is reminiscent of Books of Hours where the scene of King David, playing music to compose the Psalms, accompanies the beginning of the Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary in order to remind the viewer of the personal and intimate nature of the Psalms. The Elevation of the Host (fig. 15) prefaces the feast of Corpus Christi that was also not marked in the 1501. This scene, with architectural frames and classical motifs, including columns with decorative urns, is suggestive of the woodblocks first designed for his Officium The third new one, Nativity of the Virgin (fig. 19), prefaces the September 8 feast of the Nativity of the Virg in Mary in the Sanctoral. Giunta does not mark the feast of St. Mary Magdalene as he did in the 1501 but rather adheres pictorially to the Life Cycle of the Virgin Mary by includ ing this image and feast. This choice also indicates an emphasis on the major Marian fe asts, a feature common to late medieval spirituality. Giuntas preoccupation with presenting rati onal image cycles can be seen in his placement of other woodblocks. For instance, the Annunciation to the Shepherds (fig. 20), first used in his 1501 Officium to preface the hour of Terce, is placed before the feast for the Station of Saint Mary Major in the Te mporal. This location is after Christmas but before Circumcision. As a resu lt, it chronologically follows the Infancy Cycle of Jesus
38 rather than provide specific meditational themes for the feast of Saint Mary Major. 101 The last three woodblocks used in the Temporal further demonstrate a conscious effort to achieve a comprehensive cycle of imagery: the Ascension of Christ, Pentecost and Elevation of the Host (figs. 21, 22, and 15), not seen in the 1501. Aside from their placement within the text, one of the most salient characteristics of Bordons woodblocks in Giuntas romanum editions, both in 1501 and 1508, are the compositional developments. Such enhancements prompted a new reception by encouraging viewer participation. Comparisons with Bordons earlier woodblock images reveal a shift in imagery toward the more popular devotional iconography. As one of the largest choir books printed during th e fifteenth century, Giuntas 1499 Graduale historiated initial woodcuts, all designed by Bordon, measure 115x95 mm. Their size did not allow their inclusion in his octavo publications resul ting in the commission of a new series of woodcuts from Bordon. Examination of the large initials in the 1499 publication offers a useful comparison to the new woodcuts for the 1501 Officium and 1501 romanum editions. The initial R from the introit of Easter Mass in the Graduale (beginning Resurrexi et adhuc ) shows the resurrected Christ (fig. 23). He stands solo within the initial while taking a contraposto stance. Bordon does not include any compositional elements that invite the viewer to participate in this scene from Chri sts life. In contrast, Bordons Resurrection of Christ woodblock (fig. 24) used in the aforementioned Giuntine 101 John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Wors hip: The Origins, Development and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Institutum Studorium Orientalium, 1987). The Stations of Rome were mobile Mass services that began in the third century. A Pontifical Mass was celebrated at a specific church within the diocese thereby encourag ing an entire diocesan community to participate in communal worship. Sta. Maria Maggiore (St. Mary Major), built between 43 2 and 440 in Rome, was the site of three of the major feast days of the Virgin: Annunciation, Ascensio n, and her Nativity. Liturgical stations were also celebrated in other large cities including Antioch and Constantinople.
39 octavo publications reveals a stage-like setti ng. Bordon chose to include the four sleeping guards that surround Christs tomb. Christ rise s up from the tomb and hovers in the air above the guards. Moreover, the addition of a cityscape and mountains further assists in the re-creation of the actual ev ent. The viewer is able to become a spectator, alongside the guards, and witness the event as it is taking place. In this regard, Bordon has developed the scene of the Resurrection from hi s historiated initial to a narrative scene in the full-page woodcut. Similarly, the E historiate d initial woodcut in Giuntas Graduale shows the Adoration of the Magi (fig. 26). Framed tightly within the initial, the figures of the three kings are cropped off. There ar e no additional characters pres ent and the figures of Mary and Joseph gaze directly toward the kings, not engaging the viewer. This same scene in his romanum editions (fig. 4) features several witnes ses, one of which is situated frontally toward the viewer. The addition of cliffs and landscaping further emphasize the narrative by creating the actual space inhabited by the Holy Family during this event. In this woodcut the viewer is invited to stand alongside the kneeling king as he delivers his gift. Bordons historiated initial featuri ng Saints Peter and Paul in the 1499 Graduale (fig. 27) likewise changes drastically in its composition to the full-pa ge woodcut (fig. 14) used in the romanum editions. 102 In the initial, the saints f ace each other rather than the viewer, while remaining in stiff and awkwar d poses. By way of contrast, Bordons fullpage woodcut depicts the saints adopting a more classical pose with their heads titled outward from one another. This attention dr awn outward toward the viewer recalls the 102 Saints Peter and Paul share a common feast day as they were martyred in Rome on the same day; Peter was crucified upside down and Paul, a Roman citizen, was executed by sword. Pauls attribute is a sword and Peters attribute is the key to the Kingdom of Heaven presented to him by Christ.
40 advice of the Meditaciones Feel free to enter into convers ation not only with the Lord Jesus and his disciples, but also with that blessed family so devoted to the Lord and so loved by the Lord. 103 Bordons Stigmatization of St. Francis woodcut (fig. 12) used in the 1501 and 1508 romanum publications further demonstrates a shift toward narrative compositions. This scene depicts the exact moment of Fran cis stigmatization; for he gazes up at the seraph in the sky above him. Jacobus de Voragine describes this event in his Aurea Legenda: The servant of God had a vision in which he saw a bove him a crucified Seraph, who imprinted the signs of crucifixion upon him, so that he himself seemed to have been crucified. His hands, feet, and side were all marked with the signature of the cross, but he with great care hid the stigmata from the eyes of all 104 In addition, Bordon included the figure of Brother Leo, located behind Francis in the cave. Brother Leo was a follower of Francis wh o fell asleep during this critical event, mirroring the actions of Christs disciples on the Mount of Olives. By way of contrast, such narrative compositions were not heavil y employed in other woodcuts for liturgical publications in Venice. For in stance, a full-page woodblock of St. Francis from Georgio Arrivabenes 1499 Missale romanum (fig. 25) shows the saint as the sole figure in the scene. He holds out a cross which points to the wounds of his stigmata. Rather than recreate the scene as recounted in the Aurea Legenda, this woodcut doe s not include any narrative elements that would a ssist the viewer in reciprocity with the central character. 103 Taney, 66. 104 Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Reading on the Saints, Vol. II, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 224.
41 In the De Imitatione Christi author Thomas Kempis implored his readers to experience the events in Christs life a nd to come face to face with His human suffering. 105 This subject matter carried over dir ectly into visual imagery where new themes in Christian iconography emerged. For instance, the Man of Sorrows and Ecce Homo (Behold the man) themes provided artists scenes in which they could call attention to the bodily wounds of Chri st. Contemporary Venetian ar tists with Bordon likewise incorporated these new developments in large-scale paintings. For instance, in The Lamentation over the Dead Christ (fig. 28), painted by Andrea Mantegna during the last half of the fifteenth century, the viewer is placed as spectator. Mantegna employed a unique perspective to transport the viewer directly into the scene. The viewer mourns at the foot of the bed alongside the other mourners thus allowing them to come face to face with His pain. Mantegna also frequently enhanced the vi ewers sense of spatial proximity in his devotional paintings. 106 For instance, in his 1455 The Presentation at the Temple (fig. 29), he extends the scene into the viewers space by allo wing the pillow on which the infant Jesus stands upon to hang over across the depicted frame. As it crosses the barrier into their present world, the viewer instantl y becomes part of the scene. This technique was also utilized by another Venetian arti st contemporary with Bordon and Mantegna, 105 The Imitation of Christ: The first English translation of the Imitatio Christi. Edited by B.J.H. Biggs (Oxford: 1997). This text primarily served as a manual for devotion by giving statements about Christs life and work as a model for imitation. 106 Dawson W. Carr, Andrea Mantegna: The Adoration of the Magi (Los Angeles: Getty Museum of Art, 1997), 66-75.
42 Giovanni Bellini (1430-1516). 107 His Presentation at the Temple (fig. 30) also features the Christ child on a pillow which hangs over the depicted frame. The elbow of the Virgin Mary likewise juts out into the viewer s space. This pictorial device automatically involves the viewer by placing this sa cred event within their realm. In addition to spatial proximity, another technique utilized by Mantegna was the use of realistic settings to enhance the familia rity of an event taking place. For instance, in his The Funeral of the Virgin (fig. 31), he took details a bout the Virgin Marys death from the Aurea Legenda but added in contemporary liturgical items including the censer held by the priest. 108 In comparison, in Giuntas octavo woodblock Nativity of the Virgin (fig. 19) Bordon depicts an in terior scene with several ch aracters, from the assistant carrying wood for the fire to the several fe males assisting in the birth. These everyday elements helped to engage the viewer with the event taking place. Like his previous woodblocks, this scene of the Virgins birth changed drastically from its composition as a historiated initi al woodcut. In the woodcut from the 1499 Graduale (fig. 32), only four characte rs are depicted while remaining tightly framed and cropped within the initial. Comparing this narrative scene to one of Bordons miniature paintings further demonstrates this developm ent. For example, in an earlier manuscript Antiphonarium (fig. 33) the composition contains an ai r of theatricality with its slightly draped curtains that reveal only a hint of th e domestic scene. The incl usion of the curtains emphasizes a sacred privacy, one that allows the viewer only a glimpse of the event. The 107 Giovanni Bellini came from a family of Venetian painters including his brother Gentile, and his father Jacopo Bellini. In 1454 Andre Mantegna becam e Giovannis brother-in-law. Giovanni later became the teacher of Titian. 108 Carr, 66-75.
43 idea of a sacred event revealed to the viewer for only a short time can be seen in early devotional art objects. For instance, an anonymou s retable dating from the last quarter of the fifteenth century featuring a scene of th e Annunciation (fig. 34) demonstrates further how the use of curtains discloses a scene briefly. The composition of this devotional object, with angels pulling open the curtains, results in a theatrical performance of the event. The viewer of this portable retabl e experiences the event as recreated in a theatrical space. As a portable object with a cycle of devotional imagery contained within, Giuntas 1508 romanum warrants reevaluation. Moreover, the insertion of chronological scenes next to their accompanying texts furthe r indicates this book as an object serving in a capacity for spiritual contemplation and de votion. However, a final examination of a Giuntine octavo missal published prior to 1508 ill ustrates that although he is capable of producing an aesthetically balanced text, he chooses not to do so with such a limited audience. This comparison further attests to the necessity of reclassifying his 1508 edition. Giuntas 1507 Missale congregatio casinensis edition follows the use according to the Cassinese Congregation of the Benedictine Order. 109 Although printed in the octavo format and containing extensive full-page woodcuts, this edi tion remains a far cry from the well-executed 1501 romanum With its misuse of crib l borders, repetition of full-page woodcuts, and the insertion of a woodblock not designed by Benedetto Bordon, 109 The chief house of the Cassinese Congregation was located at Monte Cassino and developed under the leadership of Lodovico Barbo in 1419. Orig inally referred to as Sain t Giustina of Padua its title changed in 1504 to Congregatio Casinensis and it gradually came to include some 200 Benedictine houses located across Italy. The hallmark of this particul ar congregation was its centr alized governing system modeled directly after Italian republics.
44 this edition indicates a text printed with primary regard to textual content than overall appeal. As Giunta did not intend to sell this mi ssal outside the Benedictine context, he did not use his trademark design and layout. Containing twenty full-page woodblocks, the casinensis edition opens with Congregatio Casinensis with St. Benedict (fig. 35) featuring Sain t Benedict flanked by Saints Maurus and Placidus. The Temporal, be ginning with the first Sunday in Advent is prefaced by Annunciation The remaining feasts and correlating images are as follows: Christmas: Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion ; Station at Saint Mary Major: Annunciation to the Shepherds ; Epiphany: Adoration of the Magi ; Maundy Thursday: Crucifixion ; Good Friday: Crucifixion ; Easter Day: Resurrection of Chris ; Ascension Day: Ascension of Christ ; Pentecost: Pentecost ; Corpus Christi: Consecration of the Host The Sanctoral features: feast of Saint Andrew, November 30: Calling of Peter and Andrew ; feast of Saint Benedict, March 21: Congregatio Casinensis with St. Benedict ; feast of the Annunciation, March 25: Annunciation ; Nativity of Saint John the Baptist, June 24: Nativity of the Virgin ; Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary, August 15: Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary ; feast of Saint Giustina, October 7: Saint Giustina ; and the feast of All Saints, November 1: All Saints. The Common of the Saints is prefaced by Sts. Peter and Paul while the Requiem Mass has Death of the Virgin In both romanum editions the cribl borders appear only in conjunction with the full-page woodcuts. Moreover, the full-page illustrations are located on the verso while the facing recto contains the sma ller woodblocks (fig. 17). In the casinensis edition this only occurs ten times throughout the entirety of the text. In seven of these instances the
45 border page is on the recto whereas the rema ining three contain the border on the verso (fig. 36). 110 Of these three, two appear in the Te mporal and the third in the Sanctoral. 111 Cribl borders first appeared in French Horae Comprised of smaller historiated woodcuts, the scenes do not necessarily re late to the accompanying text but served instead in a decorative capacity to enhance the overall aesthetics. The famous French printing team Pigouchet and Vost re used them extensively in their popular publications during the late fifteenth century and Giunta mirrored their use in his 1501 Officium 112 In his 1501 romanum he employed them only in conjunction with the full-page woodcuts. In this regard they served as chapter headings that assisted the user in the location of particular texts. The individual woodcuts do not refer explici tly to either the accompanying text or full-page image. They are repeated randomly throughout the text, and the positioning of a cribl border next to full-page images achieves a harmonious balance between text and image. In the casinensis edition Giunta misuses the formula set forward in the romanum editions. He inserts cribl borders pages i ndependently of full-pa ge woodcuts, creating disharmony throughout the text. In the Sanctora l, December 8 marks the Marian feast of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary but a full-page illustration does not direct the user to the accompanying prayers. This occu rs again with the September 8 feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin where it rema ins marked only with a recto cribl border 110 This occurs on fols. 69r, 173r, 176r, 197r, 199r and 211r. The remaining three are located on fols. 147v, 183v and 217v. 111 In the Temporal, fol. 69r begins the prayers fo r the feast of St. John, Apostle and Evangelist (opening S. Joannis apostolic et evangelistae ) and fol. 147r begins the prayers for the feast of Trinity Sunday (opening Dominica trinitatis ) taking place between Penteco st and Corpus Christi. 112 See Reilly for additional discussion about Pigouchet and Vostres innovative employment of cribl borders.
46 page. Giunta used the woodcut Nativity of the Virgin to preface the June 24 feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist only to mark it appropriately to the September 8 feast of the Nativity of the Virgin in the 1508 edition. The only mark ed Marian feasts with fullpage woodcuts are the Annunciation and the As cension of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The use of cribl borders independently results in a patchwork assembly of text and image, however; not a concern to a reader with ex tensive familiarity of the location of the liturgical readings. A second unusual characteristic of this ed ition is Giuntas anomalous repetition of three full-page woodblocks: Congregatio Casinensis with St. Benedict, Annunciation and Crucifixion all used twice throughout the text. In both his 1501 and 1508 romanum (and the 1501 Officium ) repetition does not occur. This repe tition further suggests an intended audience with enough textual expertise to locate the canon missae despite the inclusion of two Crucifixions placed within a fe w pages of one another. The first Crucifixion marks Maundy Thursday during Holy Week while the second marks the Canon of the Mass. The Annunciation woodblock first appears in the Te mporal and then later on in the Sanctoral. The choice of opening the feast of Advent remains peculiar because the text, opening with Psalm 25, does not feature a sc ene from the life of King David. While indicating its non-mnemonic purpose such a ch oice emphasizes an audience possessing a comfortable familiarity with textual layout. The Cassinese edition also features a woodbl ock that stands in marked contrast to the other nineteen. The composition of harsh lines and the lack of both architectural frames and classical elements suggest that the artist of the Saint Giustina woodblock (fig.
47 37) remains someone other than Benedetto Bordon. 113 Lacking Bordons trademark cliffs and full trees, the sole figure and sparsely designed plants rest in the foreground. The other woodcuts contain a theatrical aspect, influenced by popular devotional iconography. By inserting a woodblock of mismatching quali ty, Giunta sacrificed the overall aesthetic uniformity of text and image, underscoring a disregard for presentation. In his Romish missals, Giunta paid attent ion to an overall harmonious layout. The change from his 1501 to the 1508 romanum from the additional imagery to facilitative textual tools, demonstrates his aim of attr acting a broader audience, one not so familiar with the intricacies of liturg ical services. Moreover, its publ ication in the octavo format indicates a readership that would travel outside of communal setting and into more private environs. 113 The patron saint of the Cassinese Congregation is Saint Giustina of Lombardy, whose feast day is celebrated on October seventh. She is often confused for Saint Justine of Damascus who was martyred with Saint Cyprian in 304 AD as described in the Go lden Legend, whose feast day is September 26. While the martyrdom of Saint Giustina of Lombardy is unclear, she is the patron saint of churches in both Padua and Venice.
48 Conclusion Colum Hourihane called attention to the problematic nature of classifying all items liturgical that have been included in the ecclesiastical context over the centuries. 114 Decorative portals, gargoyles, and mi sericords are all elements that have been added to churches over time, yet are not liturgical in nature Indeed, the liturgy survived before their existence. Because the 1508 Missale romanum fuses liturgical tradition with innovation, its reception warrants reevaluation. Lucantonio Giuntas 1508 edition of the Missale romanum combines the portable, hand-held octavo format with the same devo tionally-inspired and classicized woodblocks present in his 1501 Officium beatae Mariae Virginis. Close examination of the iconography of these twenty woodblocks imag es reveals a model for devotion, inspired by Franciscan books on individual spiritual c ontemplation and meditation. Moreover, the additional use of instructional t ools to facilitate liturgical intricacies indicates a publisher wishing to appeal to a broader audience, one less familiar with the services. Mary Kay Duggan describes how late medieval liturgical books evolved from the large, scarce, and expensive items used at altars and on lect erns to the hundreds of thousands of cheap portable objects that were desi gned to be read in choir st alls but could be carried elsewhere for perusal. 115 When removed from a communal liturgical setting the images of this text prompt a new reception on the part of the user. 114 Hourihane, 3-9. 115 Duggan, Reading, 71.
49 The interconnection between the user of Giuntas romanum its cycle of imagery, and text, follows Wolfgang Isers idea of the unsaid in his discussion of reader participation. 116 This unsaid occurs in the mind of the user therefore remains silent and private rather than public. This private devotion is not manifested on the printed page but rather results from the interaction between the reader and the image. Despite the liturgical (public) nature of the textual content of the Missal, the user s engagement with Giuntas images dictates its status as an object that cannot be classified as strictly liturgical art. Through reconstruction of medieval wo rship, comparative analysis of the woodblocks in three of Giuntas other pub lications and to those in contemporary Venetian Missals, and examination of image/ reader relations, Giunt as 1508 edition of the Missale romanum can be reclassified as an object neither wholly devotional nor liturgical. In answering John Lowdens plea, the reevaluation of a single object sheds light on the previously troublesom e nature of the strict defini tions of the liturgical and devotional. Giuntas innovativ e missal edition of 1508 ther eby embodies Lowdens idea of the para-liturgical object. 116 Iser, 293.
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58 . The Scribe and the Late Medieval Liturgical Manuscript: Page Layout and Order of Work. The Centre and Its Compass: Studi es in Medieval Literature in Honor of Professor John Leyerle ed. Robert A. Taylor. Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1993. Iser, Wolfgang. Interaction Between Text and Reader. The Book History Reader, ed. David Finkelstein and Alistair Mc Cleery. New York: Routledge, 2002. Ivins, William M. How Prints Look Boston: Beacon Press, 1987. . Prints and Visual Communication Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1996. Jensen, Kristian. Printing the Bible in the Fifteenth Century: Devotion, Philology, and Commerce. Incunabula and Their Readers ed. Kristian Jensen. London: The British Library, 2003. Jungmann, Joseph. The Mass of the Roman Rite : Its Origins and Development Maryland: Christian Classics, 1986. Lebrun, Francois. The Two Reformations : Communal Devotion and Personal Piety. A History of Private Life ed. Philippe Aries and Geor ges Duby. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987-91. Leesti, Elizabeth. Les manuscrits liturgiques du Moyen Age. Montreal: Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, 1987. Leroquais, Victor. Les sacramentaires et les miss els manuscrits des bibliothques publiques de France Paris: Rothschild, 1924. . Les manuscrits liturgiques latins du haut Moyen Age la renaissance Paris: Macon, Protat frres, imprimeurs, 1931. John Lowden, Illuminated Books and the Liturgy: Some Observations. Objects, Images, and the Word: Art in the Service of the Liturgy ed. Colum Hourihane. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003, 17-53. Lowry, Martin. The World of Aldus Manutius: Bu siness and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979. . Aldus Manutius and Benedetto Bordon: The Quest for a Link. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 66 (1983): 173-97.
59 . Nicholas Jensen and the Rise of Venetian Publishing in Europe Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1991. Marrow, James. Symbol and Meaning in Nort hern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and the Early Renaissance. Simiolus 16 (1986): 150-69. .The Shape of Meaning: Word and Image in a 15th Century Book. Art & Design, 56 (1996): 40-45. Matzger, Marcel. History of the Liturgy: The Major Stages Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1997. McCann, Justin, ed., The Rule of Saint Benedi ct: In Latin and English London: Burns, Oates, 1952. Mortimer, Ruth. Harvard College Library Department of Printing and Graphic Arts, Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts, Part II, Italian Sixteenth-Century Books, volume 1. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1964. Needham, Paul. Venetian Printers and Publishers in the Fifteenth Century. Bibliofilia 100, no. 2-3 (1998): 157-200. Neumeyer, Alfred. Der Blick aus dem Bilde Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1964. Noakes, Susan. The Development of the B ook Market in Late Quattroceto Italy: Printers' Failures and the Role of the Middlemen. Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 2 (1981): 23-55. Nuvoloni, Laura. Commissioni Dogali: Veneti an Bookbinding in the British Library. In For the Love of Binding: Studies in Bookbinding History Presented to Mirjam Foot edited by D. Pearson, 81-109. London: The British Library, 2000. Ploeg, Kees van der. Art, Architecture, and Liturgy: Si ena Cathedral in the Middle Ages Groningen: Forsten, 1993. Plummer, John. Liturgical Manuscripts fo r the Mass and Divine Office New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1964. Pollack, M. Production Costs in Fifteenth-Century Publishing. Library Quarterly 39 (1969): 318-33. Pollard, A. The Woodcut Designs for Illumination in Venetian Books 1469-73. London, 1897.
60 Post, R. R. The Modern Devotion: Confrontat ion with Reformation and Humanism Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968. Reilly, Eileen F. The University of Florida Pigouchet and Vostre Horae : A Book Printed in Paris for Export to London. M.A. Thes is, University of South Florida, 1996. Reinburg, V. The Liturgy and the Laity in Late Medieval and Reformation France. The Sixteenth-Century Journal 23 (1992-3). Reinhold, Hans A. Liturgy and Art New York: Harper and Row, 1966. Richardson, Brian. Print Culture in Renaissance Ital y: The Editor and the Vernacular Text, 1470-1600. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. . Printing, Writers and Readers in Renaissance Italy Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Ringbom, Sixten. Devotional Imag es and Imaginative Devotions. Gazette des BeauxArts 73 (1969): 159. . From Icon to Narrative: The Rise of the Dramatic Close-up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting Doornspijk: Davaco, 1984. Rosand, David and Michelangelo Muraro. Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1976. Rouse, M. A., and R. H. Rouse. Cartolai, Illuminators, and Printers in Fifteenth Century Italy. Los Angels: University of California Press, 1988. Saenger, Paul. Silent Readi ng: Its Impact on Late Medi eval Script and Society. Viator 13 (1982): 367-414. . Books of Hours and the Reading Habits of the Later Middle Ages. The Culture of Print: Power and the Uses of Print in Early Modern Europe ed. Alain Boureau and Roger Chartier. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Sand, Alexa. "Picturing Devotion Anew in th e Psalter Hours 'of Yolande of Soissons' (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library M 729)." Ph.D. Dissertation. Berkeley: University of California, 1999. ."Vision, Devotion, and Difficulty in the Ps alter Hours 'of Yolande of Soissons'" In Art Bulletin vol. 87, no. 1. March, 2005. Sander, Max. Prices of Incunabula. Mailand: U. Hoepli, 1930
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63 Appendices A-H
64 Appendix A: Catalogue Abbreviations Bohatta: Weale, Iacobus W. H. and H. Bohatta. Bibliographica Liturgica: Catalogus Missalium Ritus Latini London: Bernardum Quaritch, 1928. Copinger: Copinger, W. A. Supplement to Hain's Repertorium Bibliographicum, 2 volumes. London: 1895 and 1902. Duggan: Duggan, Mary Kay. Italian Music Incunabula: Printers and Type. Berkeley: University of California, 1992. Essling: Essling, Prince d'. Les missels imprimes Venise de 1481 1600 Paris: Rothschild, 1894-96. Goff: Goff, Frederick R. Incunabula in American Libraries: A Third Census of FifteenthCentury Books recorded in North America Collections. New York: Millwood, 1973. Hain: Hain, Ludwig. Repertorium bibliographicum, in quo libri omnes ab arte typographica inventa usque ad annum MD. typus expressi, ordine alphabetico vel simpliciter enumerantur vel adcur atius recensentur, 2 volumes. Milan: Grlich, 1948. Mortimer: Mortimer, Ruth. Harvard College Library Department of Printing and Graphic Arts, Catalogue of Books and Manuscrip ts, Part II, Italian Sixteenth-Century Books, volume 1. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1964. Sander: Sander, Max. Prices of Incunabula. Mailand: U. Hoepli, 1930.
65 Appendix B: Codicological Analysis of Missale romanum 1508 MISSALE romanum 8. Venice, Lucantonio Giunta May 30, 1508. (Smathers Library, University of Florida, Ga inesville, 264.025 C363.mi.) Lucantonio Giuntas Florenti ne lily with flanking L and A in red on the bottom center of the title page. W oodcut of a lamb holding a cross in top center of page indicating this as a liturg ical publication. 434 woodcuts. 20 are full page, 8 of which (120mm x 80mm) were used in his 1501 romanum edition and his 1499 Graduale romanum The remaining 12 are slightly sma ller (115mm x 80mm) so borders of a twisted cord pattern were added to the top and bottom of each woodcut. In his 1501 edition of the romanum Giunta reused another woodcut, Bathsheba Bathing to accompany the opening prayer. In this ed ition, he commissioned a new woodblock, David in Prayer, to accompany the opening Psalm. The full page woodcuts mark text divisi ons with the facing page enclosed in cribl borders comprised of small figure bloc ks and decorative strips. The small figure blocks (30mm x 20mm) are placed on the left side. Fourteen of the bottom woodblocks in the borders are 25mm x 80mm while the remaining six are 24mm x 62mm. These six are each flanked by smaller woodcuts measuring 16 mm x 16mm. The cribl borders feature a variety of Biblical scenes with substan tial repetition. These woodblocks total 224, and measure 30mm x 20mm. There are 60 historiated initial woodcuts (33mm x 32 mm), 62 decorated initial woodcuts (16mm x 16mm), and eight smaller init ials featuring the heads of various saints (15mm x 15mm). Gothic type in black, direction for service (rubrics) in red. There are two columns of text, each 122mm x 40 mm, except 116v-118v, which has only one column of text measuring 116mm x 84mm. Si gnatures are consiste nt throughout (except during the first 16 pages) and locate d on the bottom right of the page. Original sixteenth-century binding, br own morocco over boards (16cm x 10.5cm). Two strips of vellum with script used in th e binding. Tooled with s quare border with four twisted knot motifs in middle. Repeated on b ack cover. Gauffred edges. The decoration of the binding strongly suggests the Agnese Binder previously called Gritti Master (Bartolomeo di Giovanni da Fino) to whom is attributed the binding of the following Venetian ducal manuscripts: Harley MS 3403 (1516), Add. MA 20980 (1524), and Add. MS 20981(1526), as catalogued by Laura Nuvolon i in Commissioni Dogali: Venetian Bookbindings in the British Library in For the Love of Binding: Studies in bookbinding history presented to Mirjam Foot ed. David Person (London, 2000) She lists the stamps used in the binding. The everl asting knot, labeled stamp numb er 64 (p. 98), is the same one used on this edition, imprin ted vertically four times.
66 Appendix B (Continued) Foliation: First sixteen leaves not pagi nated. 1-21 (22 not numbered), 24-25 (26 misnumbered as 29), 27-57, (58 not numbered ), 59-62, (63 not numbered), 64-114 (116 not numbered), 117-128, (129 misnumbered 121, leading to permanent misnumbering), 122-134 (should be 130-142), (misnumbered 133, should be incorrectly 135, or correctly 143), 136-195 (should be 144-203), (misnumber ed 193, should be incorrectly 196, or correctly 204), 197-231 (should be 205-239), (misnumbered 222, should be incorrectly 232, or correctly 240), 233-255 (shoul d be 241-263), (incorrect 265, correct 264, not numbered), 257-263 (should be 265-271), 2 leaves missing. Collation: aa8, bb8, a8, b8, c8, d8, e8, f8, h8, i8, k8, l8, m8, n8, o8, p8, pq8, q8, r8, s8, t8, u8, r8, y8, z8, A8, B8, C 8, D8, E8, F8, G8, H8, I8, K8-1. Decoration: 21 full page w oodcuts; 8 are 120mm x 80mm: Virgin Adoring the Child with Symbols of the Passion Presentation in the Temple, Adoration of the Magi, Crucifixion, Pentecost, Annunciation, Visitation, Death of the Virgin. Each of these woodcuts was used in Giuntas 1499 Graduale romanum and his 1501 Missale Romanum The remaining 12 measure 115mm x 80mm: Entry into Jerusalem, Resurrection, Ascension, Calling of Pete r and Andrew, Ascension of the Virgin, Stigmatization of St. Francis, All Sai nts, Sts. Peter and Paul, Dead Christ (each of these made their first appearance in the 1501 Missale romanum ) David with Lyre (appeared for the time in this 1508 edition), Adoration of the Shepherds, and Elevation of the Host Each of these 12 full-page woodblocks have st rips of ornament at the top and bottom to compensate for their height difference in comp arison with the original 8. These strips are of a twisted cord pattern. Reference: Listed by Paolo Camerini, Annali De Giunti (Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1962) as number 126. Fourth Giuntine missal listed by Prince dEssling, Les missels imprimes Venise de 1481 1600. (Paris: Rothschild, 1894-96). Catalogue number 989 listed by W. Weale and H. Bohatta, Bibliographica Liturgica: Catalogus Missalium Ritus Latini (London: Bernardum Quaritch, 1928).
Appendix C: Text and Woodblocks in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum, 1501 117 Time Feast Text Woodblock Calendar Temporal Advent Te levavi anuman Bathsheba Bathing Christmas In nativitate domini Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion Circumcision In circumcisione domini Presentation in Temple Epiphany In epiphania domini Adoration of the Magi Palm Sunday Dominica in ramis palmarun Entry into Jerusalem Good Friday Te igitur clementissime pater Crucifixion Easter Day Dominica resurectionis Resurrection of Christ Ascension Day In ascensione domini Ascension of Christ Pentecost Dominica pentecostes Pentecost Sanctoral November 30 St. Andrew S. Andreae apostolic Calling of Peter and Andrew March 25 Annunciation Annuntiatio beatae mariae virginis Annunciation July 22 St. Mary Magdalene S. Mariae Magdalenae Visitation August 15, 2005 Assumption of the Assumptio beatae mariae virginis Ascension of the Virgin Virgin Mary October 4 St. Francis In sancti francisci Stigmatization of St. Francis November 1 All Saints Omnium sanctorum All Saints Common of Commune sanctorum Sts. Peter and Paul the Saints Requiem Mass Requiem eternam Death of the Virgin Dead Christ 117 Edition consulted: Missale romanum, 1501 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, Houghton Library, TYP525 0.1262) 67
Appendix D: Text and Woodblocks in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale congregatio casinensis 118 Time Feast Text Woodblock Congregatio Casinensis with St. Benedict Calendar Temporal Advent Te levavi anuman Annunciation Christmas In nativitate domini Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion Station at St. Statio ad sanctam Mariam Annunciation to the Shepherds Mary Major mairoum Epiphany In epiphania domini Adoration of the Magi Maundy Thursday Feria v in cena domini Crucifixion Good Friday Te igitur clementissime pater Crucifixion Easter Day Dominica resurectionis Resurrection of Christ Ascension Day In ascensione domini Ascension of Christ Pentecost Dominica pentecostes Pentecost Corpus Christi Corpus Christi Elevation of the Host Sanctoral November 30 St. Andrew S. Andreae apostolic Calling of Peter and Andrew March 21 St. Benedict Sancti benedicti abbatis Congregatio Casinensis with St. Benedict March 25 Annunciation Annuntiatio beatae mariae virginis Annunciation June 24 Nativity of St. Nativitatis s. joannis baptistae Nativity of the Virgin John the Baptist August 15 Assumption of the Assumptio beatae mariae virginis Ascension of the Virgin Virgin Mary October 7 St. Giustina Justine virginis Saint Giustina November 1 All Saints Omnium sanctorum All Saints Common of Commune sanctorum Sts. Peter and Paul the Saints Requiem Mass Requiem eternam Death of the Virgin Dead Christ 118 Edition consulted: Missale congregatio casinensis, 1507 (Private Collection). 68
Appendix E: Text and Woodblocks in Lucantonio Giuntas Missale romanum, 1508 119 Time Feast Text Woodblock Calendar Temporal Advent Te levavi anuman David with Lyre Christmas In nativitate domini Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion Station at St. Statio ad sanctam Mariam Annunciation to the Shepherds Mary Major mairoum Circumcision In circumcisione domini Presentation in Temple Epiphany In epiphania domini Adoration of the Magi Palm Sunday Dominica in ramis palmarun Entry into Jerusalem Good Friday Te igitur clementissime pater Crucifixion Easter Day Dominica resurectionis Resurrection of Christ Ascension Day In ascensione domini Ascension of Christ Pentecost Dominica pentecostes Pentecost Corpus Christi Corpus Christi Elevation of the Host Sanctoral November 30 St. Andrew S. Andreae apostolic Calling of Peter and Andrew March 25 Annunciation Annuntiatio beatae mariae virginis Annunciation August 15 Assumption of the Assumptio beatae mariae virginis Ascension of the Virgin Virgin Mary September 8 Nativity of the Virgin Nativitas beatae mariae virginis Nativity of the Virgin October 4 St. Francis In sancti francisci Stigmatization of St. Francis November 1 All Saints Omnium sanctorum All Saints Common of Commune sanctorum Sts. Peter and Paul the Saints Requiem Mass Requiem eternam Death of the Virgin Dead Christ 119 Edition consulted: Missale romanum, 1508 (Gainesville, Florida: University of Florida, Smathers Library, 264.025 C363mi). 69
Appendix F: Text and Woodblocks in Lucantonio Giuntas Officium beatae Mariae Virginis, 1501 120 Time Text Woodblock Matins v: Domine labia mea aperies Annunciation* Lauds v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Visitation* Prime v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Nativity Terce v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Annunciation to the Shepherds* Sext v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Adoration of the Magi* None v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Presentation in Temple* Vespers v: Deus in adiutorium meum intende Flight into Egypt Compline v: Converte nos Deus salutaris noster Massacre of the Innocents Mass of the Doulce dame de misericordie Virgin Adoring Child with Symbols of the Passion* Virgin Seven Penitential a: Ne reminiscaris p: Domine ne in furore Bathsheba Bathing Psalms Office of the Dead a: Placebo p: Dilexi quoniam Death of the Virgin* Hours of the Cross v: Domine labia mea aperies Crucifixion* Hours of the Holy v: Domine labia mea aperies Pentecost* Spirit v = versicle, a = antiphon, p = Psalm Denotes same woodblock in Missale Romanum, 1508 120 Edition consulted: Officium beatae Mariae Virginis, 1501 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, Houghton Library WKR 15.2.10). 70
Appendix G: Missals published by Lucantonio Giunta, 1500-1510 121 Type Size Date Printer References Fratres Carmelitarum 2 January 5, 1500 Essling 272 Fratres Praedicatores 8 March 8, 1500 Essling 255 Romanum 8 November 20, 1501 Essling 59, Camerini 63, Sander 4786 Romanum 4 July 21, 1502 Essling 61, Camerini 69 Romanum 2 December 19, 1502 Essling 62, Camerini 71 Cisterciensis 2 October 16, 1503 Essling 239 Vallisumbrosae 2 December 4, 1503 Essling 245 Romanum 8 January 22, 1504 Essling 63, Camerini 92 Fratres Praedicatores 2 June 30, 1504 Essling 256 Fratres Carmelitarum 8 1504 Essling 273 Speciale 2 August 5, 1504 Christofori Thum Essling 217 Romanum 4 January 9, 1506 Essling 66, Camerini 107 Fratres Praedicatores 4 February 4, 1506 Essling 257, Camerini 109, Bohatta 1830 Casinensis 2 April 18, 1506 Essling 240 Strigoniense 8 November 16, 1507 Essling 224, Camerini 114, Bohatta 1503 Casinensis 8 1507 Essling 241 Romanum 2 March 30, 1508 Essling 69, Camerini 119, Bohatta 988 Aquilejense 2 June 28, 1508 Joannis Oswaldi Essling 1, Camerini 120, Bohatta 81 Romanum 8 October 3, 1508 Essling 70, Camerini 126, Bohatta 989 Fratres Carmelitarum 8 January 13, 1509 Essling 274 Romanum 4 January 22, 1509 Essling 72 Carthusiensis 8 April 5, 1509 Essling 238 Herbipolense 2 1509 Georgi Moneri Essling 9, Camerini 128, Bohatta 442 Romanum 2 September 18, 1510 Essling 74, Camerini 141 121 Lucantonio Giunta continued to publish missals throughout his career; his last romanum was completed in June of 1535. 71
72 Appendix H: Missals published in Venice (not by Giunta) 1498-1510 122 Date Type Publisher Printer Size Reference 1498 February 26 Strigoniense Johannes Emericus de Spira Lucantonio Giunta 2 221 1498 June 28 Romanum Joannes Emericus de Spira Lucantonio Giunta 2 49 1498 October 15 Romanum Joannes Emericus de Spira Lucantonio Giunta 8 50 1499 March 15 Romanum Simone Bevilaqua Paganino Paganini 2 51 1499 May 29 Romanum Giorgio Arrivabene 2 53 1500 February 27 Romanum Joannes Emericus de Spira Lucantonio Giunta 4 54 1500 March 6 Fratres Praedicat. Joannes Emericus de Spira Nickolaus von Frankfurt 8 254 1500 April 14 Bisuntinense Jacobus Malietus 8 5 1500 Romanum Simone Bevilaqua 4 55 1501 June 1 Romanum Antonius de Zanchis 4 57 1501 October 27 Romanum Petrus Liechtenstein & Nikolaus von Franfurt 8 58 Joannes Herzog 1502 February 15 Romanum Joannes Regacius de Monteferrato Bernardino Stagnino 4 60 1503 January 13 Camaldulensis Antonius de Zanchis 2 235 1503 July 20 Strigoniense Urbani Kaim 4 223 1504 July 20 Romanum Simone Bevilaqua 8 64 1505 May 17 Romanum Antonius de Zanchus 2 65 1506 July 30 Romanum Bernardino Stagnino 8 67 1506 Romanum Antonius de Zanchis 2 68 1507 November 8 Pragense Petrus Liechtenstein Wenceslai Kaplitzer 2 16 1507 December 3 Salisburgense Petrus Liechtenstein Joannsi Reiman de Oeringaw 2 213 1508 October 15 Romanum Johann Hamman 8 71 1509 January 15 Urgellense Bernardino de Tridino Calminu Ferreri 2 233 1509 July 3 Romanum Bernardino Stagnino 4 122 As listed by Victor Massena, Prince d' Essling in Les missels imprimes Venise de 1481 1600 ( Paris: Rothschild, 1894-96).
73 Appendix I: Illustrations
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 1. Te igitur page, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 116r. 74
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 2. Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 195r. 75
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 3. Title Page, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale Romanum, (Venice, October, 1508). 76
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 4. Adoration of the Magi, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 17v. 77
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 5. Crucifixion, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 118v. 78
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 6. Crucifixion, Phillipus de Pincis, Missale romanum (Venice, March 1495). 79
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 7. Crucifixion, Joanis Paep, Missale quinque ecclesiarium (Venice, April 1499). 80
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 8. Entry into Jerusalem, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 66v. 81
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 9. Virgin Adoring Child with the Symbols of the Passion, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 7v. 82
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 10. The Calling of Peter and Andrew, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 156v. 83
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 11. Ascension of the Virgin, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 189v. 84
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 12. Stigmatization of St. Francis, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 201v. 85
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 13. All Saints, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 203v. 86
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 14. Sts. Peter and Paul, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 207v. 87
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 15. Elevation of the Host, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 137v. 88
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 16. Annunciation with facing cribl border page, Missale romanum (Venice, November 1501), fols. 169v.-170r. 89
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 17. Annunciation with facing cribl border page. Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fols. 168v.-169r. 90
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 18. David with Lyre, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. bb8v. 91
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 19. Nativity of the Virgin, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 195v. 92
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 20. Annunciation to the Shepherds, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 9v. 93
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 21. Ascension of Christ, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 124v. 94
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 22. Pentecost, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 128v. 95
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 23. Resurrected Christ in historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, Gradual romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 1, fol. 155r. 96
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 24. Resurrection of Christ, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale romanum (Venice, October 1508), fol. 123v. 97
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 25. St. Francis of Assisi, Georgio Arrivabene, Missale romanum (Venice, May 1499). 98
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 26. Adoration of the Magi in historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 1, fol. 27v. 99
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 27. Sts. Peter and Paul in historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 2, fol. 243r. 100
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 28. The Lamentation over the Dead Christ by Andrea Mantegna, c. 1490. 101
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 29. Presentation at the Temple by Andrea Mantegna, c. 1460. 102
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 30. Presentation at the Temple by Giovanni Bellini, 1460-64. 103
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 31. Death of the Virgin by Andre Mantegna, c. 1461. 104
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 32. Nativity of the Virgin historiated initial, Lucantonio Giunta, Graduale romanum (Venice, 1499), Vol. 2, fol. 252v. 105
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 33. Nativity of the Virgin miniature (attributed to Benedetto Bordon), Sa Nicolo dei Frari, Antiphonarium (Venice, c. 1500), fol. 5r. 106
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 34. The Annunciation in anonymous retable, c. 1480-90. 107
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 35. Congregatio Casinensis with Saint Benedict, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale congregatio casinensis (Venice, 1507), fol. 1r. 108
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 36. Feast of the Trinity, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale congregatio casinensis (Venice, 1507), fols. 147v.-147r. 109
Appendix I (Continued) Figure 37. Saint Giustina, Lucantonio Giunta, Missale congregatio casinensis (Venice, 1507), fol. 218v. 110