xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8 standalone no
record xmlns http:www.loc.govMARC21slim xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.loc.govstandardsmarcxmlschemaMARC21slim.xsd
leader nam Ka
controlfield tag 001 001709539
007 cr mnu|||uuuuu
008 060519s2005 flua sbm s000 0 eng d
datafield ind1 8 ind2 024
subfield code a E14-SFE0001352
Mihok, Lorena Diane.
Cognitive dissonance in early Colonial pictorial manuscripts from Central Mexico
h [electronic resource] /
by Lorena Diane Mihok.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
b University of South Florida,
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 103 pages.
ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the relationship between the imagery and glosses displayed on folios from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl through the application of Leon Festingers concept of cognitive dissonance in order to introduce an alternative approach to the study of codices as points of culture contact. The work analyzes the ways in which this psychological condition manifested itself in post-contact codex production as a result of sixteenth century political and social circumstances. Festinger (1957:14) identifies the existence of cultural mores as a source of potential dissonance between culturally specific consonant elements. According to this idea, a culture may dictate the acceptance of certain actions, ideas, or beliefs and the rejection of others. Thus, at places of cultural confrontation, dissonance may result as each group relies upon authorized referents to deal with the introduction of new information.Among surviving post-contact manuscripts, these three codices contain folios with both pictorial and textual descriptions of annual Nahua pre-contact festivals and their corresponding deities. This particular group of codices allows comparisons and cross-references to be made among three different interpretations of the same feasts. Each manuscript presents a unique visual and alphabetic explanation of each festivals deities and celebratory activities created at different points during the sixteenth century. According to Festingers concept, the divergent descriptions of the same festivals found among these folios illustrate my position that the discrepancies came from inclinations on both sides to reach levels of consonance despite the unfamiliar circumstances of culture contact. This thesis asserts that the imagery and annotations associated with each festival became outlets for expressions of familiar forms and ideas.By locating these codices within the dynamic atmosphere of the early post-contact period, based upon their estimated dates of production, the discrepancies between the imagery and glosses serve as examples of dissonance resulting from larger sixteenth-century cultural frameworks. The disruption and psychological discomfort experienced by natives and Europeans by Spains pressure to colonize and Christianize its new territory directly affected the visual organization of early colonial codices and the selective display of information presented in the folios.
Adviser: E. Christian Wells, Ph.D.
x Political Science
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Cognitive Dissonance in Early Colonial Pict orial Manuscripts from Central Mexico by Lorena Diane Mihok A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Institute for the Study of Latin America and the Caribbean College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: E. Christian Wells, Ph.D. Karla L. Davis-Salazar, Ph.D. Mario Ortiz, Ph.D. Date of Approval: November 14, 2005 Keywords: Nahua, ethnohistory, art history, codex, mexico Copyright 2005, Lorena Diane Mihok
Acknowledgements I would like to thank my major professor, Dr. E. Christian Wells, for the great amount of encouragement, advice, and patience he has given me during this entire thesis process. Special thanks to Dr Karla Davis-Salazar, for shar ing her time and insight along the way, and to Dr. Mario Ortiz and Jos Enrique Moreno-Corts for their wonderful assistance with the transcriptions and translatio ns of these codices. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Jim Davis at th e Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. for the help he provided in obtain ing the images presented in this thesis. I would also like to express my appreci ation to my parent s, Tom and Loreen Mihok, for always supporting my endeavors a nd cheering me on as I have worked to pursue my goals. Finally, I thank my aunt, Dian e Trees, for always being there to listen to my tales of success and disappoint ment in school and in life.
i Table of Contents List of Figures................................................................................................................ .....ii Abstract....................................................................................................................... .......iii Chapter One: Introduction...................................................................................................1 Organization of Thesis.............................................................................................2 Pre-Contact Central Mexico....................................................................................3 The Encounter..........................................................................................................7 Spanish and Nahua Central Mexico.......................................................................10 Production of Post-Contact Codices......................................................................13 Chapter Two: Theory Cognitive Dissonance............................................................................................16 Structure of the Conjuncture..................................................................................17 Double-Mistaken Identity......................................................................................20 Discussion..............................................................................................................22 Chapter Three: Analysis Codex Telleriano-Remensis ...................................................................................25 The Veintenas .............................................................................................27 The Tonalamatl ..........................................................................................35 The Magliabechiano Group...................................................................................43 Codex Magliabechiano ..............................................................................44 Codex Ixtlilxochitl ......................................................................................61 Chapter Four: Discussion...................................................................................................74 Conclusion.............................................................................................................87 References Cited............................................................................................................... .92
ii List of Figures Figure 1. Thirteenth Veintena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis folio 4 recto................29 Figure 2. Sixteenth Veintena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis folio 5 verso................33 Figure 3. Fourteenth Trecena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 18 recto..............37 Figure 4. Sixteenth Trecena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 20 recto.................41 Figure 5. Sixth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 34 recto...................................47 Figure 6. Sixth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 33 verso..................................48 Figure 7. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 41 recto..........................52 Figure 8. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 40 verso..........................53 Figure 9. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 44 recto............................57 Figure 10. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 43 verso...........................58 Figure 11. Sixth Feast, Codex Ixtlilxochitl folio 96 verso..........................................64 Figure 12. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Ixtlilxochitl folio 100 recto................................68 Figure 13. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Ixtlilxochitl folio 101 verso.................................73
iii Cognitive Dissonance in Early Colonial Pict orial Manuscripts from Central Mexico Lorena Diane Mihok ABSTRACT This thesis examines the relationship be tween the imagery and glosses displayed on folios from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl through the application of Leon FestingerÂ’s concept of cognitive dissonance in order to introduce an alternative appro ach to the study of codices as points of culture contact. The work analyzes the ways in whic h this psychological condition manifested itself in post-contact codex production as a result of sixtee nth century political and social circumstances. Festinger (1957:14) iden tifies the existence of Â“cultu ral moresÂ” as a source of potential dissonance between culturally specifi c consonant elements. According to this idea, a culture may dictate the acceptance of certain actions, ideas, or beliefs and the rejection of others. Thus, at places of cultural confrontation, dissonance may result as each group relies upon authorized referents to deal with the introduction of new information. Among surviving post-contact ma nuscripts, these three codices contain folios with both pictorial and textual descri ptions of annual Nahua pre-contact festivals and their corresponding deities. This particul ar group of codices al lows comparisons and cross-references to be made among three differe nt interpretations of the same feasts. Each manuscript presents a unique visual and alpha betic explanation of each festivalÂ’s deities
iv and celebratory activities created at diffe rent points during th e sixteenth century. According to FestingerÂ’s concep t, the divergent descriptions of the same festivals found among these folios illustrate my position that the discrepancies came from inclinations on both sides to reach levels of consonance de spite the unfamiliar circumstances of culture contact. This thesis asserts that the imagery and annotations associated with each festival became outlets for expressions of familiar forms and ideas. By locating these codices within the dynamic atmosphere of the early post-contact period, based upon their estimated dates of production, the discrepancies between th e imagery and glosses serve as examples of dissonance resulting from larg er sixteenth-century cu ltural frameworks. The disruption and psychologica l discomfort experienced by natives and Europeans by SpainÂ’s pressure to colonize and Christianize it s new territory directly affected the visual organization of early colonial codices and th e selective disp lay of information presented in the folios.
1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION The arrival of Hernn Corts into central Mexico in the sixteenth century brought about a wide variety of interactions between the indigenous populations and the Europeans far beyond the infamous military and spiritual conflicts of the encounter. The fall of Tenochtitln and the spread of European diseases altered the daily lives, rituals, festivals, and traditions of the Nahuas. One of the more subtle changes, at least in comparison to the violence of the conquest, invo lved the indigenous trad itions of pictorial representation and oral reco rd keeping. Although the pre-co ntact tradition of painted codices did not disappear af ter the arrival of European s, surviving post-contact manuscripts demonstrate how new coloni al conditions influenced the form. The conquest brought two extremely differe nt methods for recording information together: a Nahua tradition of pictorial representation a nd a European tradition of alphabetic text. By overlayering contrasti ng cultural traditions, post-contact codices created the possibility for miscommunication as each tradition catered to the needs of its respective creators and viewer s. This thesis examines the relationship between the imagery and glosses displayed on folios from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl through the applicati on of Leon FestingerÂ’s concept of cognitive dissonance in order to intr oduce an alternative approach to the study of codices as points of culture contact. Th e work analyzes the ways in which this psychological condition manifested itself in pos t-contact codex producti on as a result of
2 sixteenth century political and social circum stances. The visual organization of early colonial codices and the selective display of information presented on the folios resulted from the disruption and psychological discom fort caused by the conquest to indigenous and European lives as these groups dealt wi th the pressure of Spanish demands to colonize and Christianize the new territory. Among surviving post-contact manuscripts, the Codex Telleriano-Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl contain folios with both pictorial and textual descriptions of annual Nahua pre-contact festivals a nd their corresponding deities. This particular group of codi ces allows comparisons and cr oss-references to be made among three different versions of the same feasts. Each manuscript presents a unique visual and alphabetic interpretation of the de ities and celebratory activities created at different points during the sixt eenth century. The evaluation of the concepts represented through the imagery and annotations on each folio reveals multiple and sometimes competing cultural dialogues; cognitive dissonance resulted from the efforts of each creator to contextualize the otherÂ’s frame of reference. Organization of the Thesis This thesis examines the relationships between the pictorial representations and alphabetic glosses present on individual folios from post-contact codices. The organization of this thesis includes a di scussion of the theoretical and methodological approach, an examination of specific folio s from the codices, a discussion of the application, and a summary of conclusions. In Chapter Two I introduce the theoretical and methodol ogical foundation for this project by presenting the three theoretical concep ts applied to this collection of folios. A
3 brief summary of the overarching theory of cognitive dissonance, introduced by Leon Festinger, leads into applicati ons of this idea to anthropolog ical areas in the studies of Marshall Sahlins and James Lockhart. In Chapte r Three I provide detailed analyses of the imagery and glosses from a selection of folio s representing indigenous deity figures from the Codex Telleriano Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl I present brief historical and physical descri ptions of each codex, which are followed by detailed descriptions of the images and tran slations of the glosse s. In Chapter Four I examine the specific application of the theory of cognitive dissonance to the folios from Chapter Three and provide conclusions for the overall project. I place each codex into its own sixteenth century histori cal context and evaluate th e relationships between the imagery and glosses for evidence of psychol ogical discomfort among the creators during the production process. Pre-Contact Central Mexico In a span of less than 100 years, th e Mexica (pre-Hispanic Nahuas), a nomadic band of mercenaries, successf ully established their populati on as a dominant power in the Valley of Mexico. They created an extensive, militaristic empire literally built by large amounts of tribute collected from conquered te rritories, which even tually attracted the attention of Hernn Corts dur ing his quest for wealth and prestige in the New World. During the twelfth century, the Mexica trav eled south from Â“an island within a lagoonÂ” known as Aztlan, the Â“place of cranes ,Â” into central Mexi co, a location already inhabited by a large number of competing populations (T ownsend 2000:58). According to the Mexica world view, Huitzilopochtli, a prominent deity figure, instructed the Mexica to migrate until they saw his sign for th e location of their new city. According to
4 the visions of the deityÂ’s priests, the Â“s acred spot would be marked by a large nopal cactus upon which an eagle would perchÂ” (T ownsend 2000:64-65). The original tribe split into two factions around AD 1345; these di visions proceeded to establish the capital city of Tenochtitln and the neighboring site of Tl atelolco (Coe 2002:186). As newcomers to the area, the Mexica se rved as mercenaries for the Tepanec kingdom of Atzcapotzalco in 1367 in return fo r protection from rival enemy territories (Coe 2002:187). Frances Berdan (2005) divi des the emergence of the Mexica empire within the valley into two phase s of adjustment and development. Berdan (2005:8) states: From the founding of Tenochtitln in 1325 to the time of the Spanish arrival in 1519, the Mexica strove to carve a niche for themselves in this physical and sociopolitical environment. Their history may be viewed as a dynamic process of adaptation to an environment in some respec ts hospitable, in others, hostile. In the first phase of this history, 1325-1428, the Me xica were subject to forces already at play in the Basin of Mexico, and they pr imarily adapted to existing patterns. From 1428 to 1519, they took an aggressive, im perial position, actively shaping and directing the course of histor y of much of Mesoamerica. In order to strengthen Tenoc htitlnÂ’s political and economic power, the city joined the Triple Alliance, a coalition between Te nochtitln, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan. The establishment of this union enabled the leader s of these cities to send their armies out beyond the boundaries of the valley to obtain long-distance resource s by the sixteenth century. Tenochtitln established itself as the most powerful member of the coalition by gaining control of a valuable chinampa agricultural district to the south of the city (Townsend 2000:80). The alliance received tr ibute from the areas conquered by the coalition forces. The empire became divide d into 38 tributary provinces from which various forms of payment were extracted (Calnek 1982:59). This incoming supply of
5 tribute payments, often in the form of la bor and supplies, bols tered the economy and helped the leaders undertake massive bu ilding projects within the city. During the establishment and growth of the Mexica empire, scribes produced a variety of painted documents, or screenfolds, to record and commemorate various aspects of Mexica social, political, and religious life. The pre-contac t tradition of cr eating painted manuscripts belonged to the honorable profession of native scribe, the tlacuilo This Nahuatl term means either Â“painterÂ” or Â“scr ibe,Â” which reflects a lack of distinction between writing and painting (Peterson 1993: 46). These artists recorded information through their own form of writing, a system of painted symbols and glyphs transcribed onto the stucco-coated surfaces of screenfoldsfolded panels of deerskin or bark paper (Keber 1995a:108). Training for the tlacuilo profession began at an early age for the male children of the religious and political upper class who received thei r education in the calmecacs (schools). The curriculum at these elite schools included history, astrology, religion, and an instruction in painting to c onserve the knowledge they learned (Peterson 1993:50). The calmecac education exposed elite children to the importance of pictorial representation at an early ag e. The MexicaÂ’s close asso ciation between painting and writing made those members of the upper cla ss the bearers of sacred and historical knowledge. After the conquest, th e Spaniards turned toward the elite to share their cultural and artistic knowledge and selected these elite children to receive a Spanish education. Elizabeth Hill Boone (1998:150) divides painted manuscripts into three broad categories: religious books and guides for the living, historical books, and practical documents. Among religious books, the tonalamatl the book of the days, served as a
6 divination book for priests to reference, especi ally during the birth of a child to determine the deities and forces affec ting the childÂ’s date of birt h. Historical books contained information about the origins and history of indigenous communities, such as year-count annals and res gestae documents, dynastic histories of ruling families (Boone 1994:55). The remaining group of practical documents in cluded manuscripts, such as maps and lists of tribute collections. The Mexica incorporated the production of painted manuscr ipts into their efforts to establish and legitimize their empire wi thin the Valley of Mexico. Joyce Marcus (1992:54) states, Â“While oratorical ability wa s and continued to be of great importance for the Aztec ruler, once a system of writi ng had been developed he and his official governmental personnel had a new tool that enabled them to store information, expand record keeping, and open up new forms of comm unication.Â” This system of writing gave established and aspiring Mexica leaders a visible and easily manipulated form of propaganda to support their political as pirations. Marcus (1992:15) describes Mesoamerican writing as Â“both a tool and a by-product of this competition for prestige and leadership positions.Â” The Mexica may have found the conscious ma nipulation of histor ical and political events particularly appeali ng to compensate for their mercenary origins. The Mexica made no visual distinctions between legenda ry events and historical facts during the production of post-contact codices. The scribe s incorporated these Â“mytho-historicalÂ” occurrences into the vast peri od of time that existed befo re the present (Marcus 1992:52). Marcus (1992:15-16) states:
7 They [Mesoamerican rulers] further used writing to establish the importance of their royal ancestors; their genealogical right to rule; the date of their inauguration; their marriages to important spouses; the bi rth of their heirs; and the various honorific titles they could cl aim. We will also see that they rewrote history to their advantage; exaggerated their age; damaged or obliterated the records of some of thei r predecessorsÂ… claimed descent from, or a relationship to, mythical person ages; altered genealogies to include themselves; and used a combination of conquest and political marriage to secure thrones for which they we re never in the line of succession. The Encounter After joining the Triple Alliance, the Mexi ca empire continued to expand in size and wealth until the beginning of the sixteenth century. The city of Tenochtitln benefited from the MexicaÂ’s practices of conquest and forced tribute collection, but these actions generated a great deal of resentment toward the Mexcia by those a ffected directly and indirectly. The attitudes held by these indigenous enemies to the empire would directly contribute to the fall and destru ction of the city in 1521 at the hands of the Spaniards. In 1517, Juan de Grijalva supervised the fi rst Spanish expedition into the territory of the Mexica empire, but direct contact with the city of Tenochtitln did not occur until Hernn Corts and his crew arrived in 1519 (Carrasco 1992:194). According to Mexica accounts, Motecuhzoma, the huey tlatoani (supreme ruler), received news from messengers about the arrival of strangers along the gulf coast well before Corts traveled inland toward the city. Some accounts state th at this information brought Motecuhzoma a great deal of distress, because the year 1519 coincided with the MexicaÂ’s belief in the return of Quetzalcoatl, a deity supposedly des tined to return to the Mexica and replace the huey tlatoani as the rightful ruler of the territory. According to Richard Townsend (2000:20), the Mexica believed Â“occurrences we re not unique or sequential, but were seen as episodes in an essentially cyclic con cept of time and history. Â” If the Mexica did
8 associate the arrival of Corts with the return of Quetzalcoatl, this event would have fit into the cyclical nature of history. Motec uhzoma attempted to delay the movement of Corts by sending messengers and gifts to th e coast, but his efforts failed and he eventually resigned himself to await their ar rival. Davd Carrasco (1992:200) states, Â“The incarnation of QuetzalcoatlÂ’s image in the f ace of Corts persuaded Moctezuma of the imminent dislocation of the center of Mexico to Tula and the anni hilation of his own image as the ruler of the empire. He was no longer worthy to be king. Corts continues to march into Tenochtitln and Moctezuma con tinues to act out the abdication of Aztec sovereignty.Â” CortsÂ’ march toward Tenochtitln expe rienced hostile attacks from various indigenous populations, but ultimately some of these encounters produced valuable allies for the Spaniards. The Tlaxcalans, a group living along the periphery of the Mexica empire, formed an alliance with Corts in retaliation against their greatest enemy, the Mexica of Tenochtitln. Michael Coe (2002:228 ) refers to the Tlaxcalans as the Â“deadliest enemies of the Triple AlllianceÂ” and considers their assistance to Corts critical to the success of th e conquest. The warriors of Tlaxcala served as invaluable allies to Corts and his small group of soldiers during the siege of Tenochtitln. CortsÂ’ initial entrance into Tenochtitl n occurred under peaceful circumstances; Motecuhzoma welcomed Corts into the ci ty and met him along one of the causeways accompanied by lesser nobles and attendants. The organization and magnificent architectural accomplishments of the city impr essed the Spaniards. In his second letter to King Charles V, Corts states, Â“I will simply say that the manner of living among the people is very similar to that in Spain, and c onsidering that this is a barbarous nation shut
9 off from a knowledge of the true God or communication with enlightened nations, one may well marvel at the orderliness a nd good government which is everywhere maintainedÂ” (Corts 1986:93-94). Bernal Daz del Castillo, a member of CortsÂ’ army and eyewitness to the conquest, also recorded his initial re actions to the city upon their approach. As they walked along the causeway to the meeting place between Motecuhzoma and Corts, Castillo (1956:192) states, Â“Gazing on such wonderful sights, we did not know what to say, or whether wh at appeared before us was real, for on one side, on the land, there were great cities, and in the lake ever so ma ny more, and the lake itself was crowded with canoes, and in the Ca useway were many bridge s at intervals, and in front of us stood the great City of Mexico.Â” After Corts and Motecuhzoma met along the causeway, the Mexica allowed the Spaniards to enter the city and watched as their huey tlatoani became a prisoner in his own palace. Frustration with MotecuhzomaÂ’s resigned attitude gradually infiltrated the capital and the Mexica organize d an attack against the Span iards. During a siege upon the palace, Corts recognized a need for an escape from the city during the protection of night, but the Mexica discovere d the plan. The Mexica Â“attac ked as the Spaniards were fleeing down the Tlacopan (now Tacuba) causewa y, and the route was so disastrous that it has been known ever since as la noche triste the Night of SorrowsÂ” (Leon-Portilla 1992:84). Despite suffering massive losses during this escape, Corts managed to rebuild his forces and structure another attack upon th e city. With the support of indigenous allies and superior weaponry, the Spaniards returned and took advantage of a disease-weakened city. The Mexica population suffered from sma llpox, a virus responsible for killing large numbers of people even before Corts arrived in the city to meet Motecuhzoma (Coe
10 2002:228). The union of these advantages helped Corts successfully defeat the capital and claim its wealth only two year s after his arrival to Mexico. Spanish and Nahua Central Mexico The dismantling process of the Mexica empi re began immediately after the fall of Tenochtitln. The conquistadores brought person al attitudes and beliefs fostered during years of reconquista in Spain and applied them to th eir new development process in the New World. The territory of New Spain, claimed under the flag of the Spanish Crown, experienced the colonizing efforts of Spai n to spread its standards of government, religion, and language. The establishment of the encomienda system occurred in conjunction with the distribution of rewards and payments to t hose conquistadors who participated in the expedition and contributed to the defeat of the Mexica. Charles GibsonÂ’s (1964:221) examination of New SpainÂ’s transition to Sp anish governorship identifies the results: Â“one effect of encomienda and of other types of early Spanish control was to decentralize the imperial Aztec organization and to place emphasis on the separate town units.Â” This form of labor management, based upon Spanis h models, already existed in the Spanish colonies of the West Indies in the sixt eenth century (Gibson 1964:59). Gibson (1964:58) states, Â“Immediately, encomienda became the most openly exploitative of all modes of contact with IndiansÂ… Its e ssential feature was the offici al consignment of groups of Indians to privileged Spanish colonists.Â” This arrangement provided the Spanish owner with a personal source of labor and tribut e supplied by the indigenous group. In return for this reward, the Spaniard became responsible for encouraging conversions to Christianity among the Indians to save their souls. Init ially working with the CrownÂ’s permission,
11 Corts managed to organize a system of encomienda assignments to individual conquistadors by 1523, the same year in which the Crown decided to ban the practice. Corts refused to follow these orders and c ontinued to support the arrangements (Gibson 1964:59). Gibson (1964:60) believes Corts strongly opposed the CrownÂ’s decision, because it interfered with his personal amb ition of making Tenochti tln his own Â“private holding.Â” Despite CortsÂ’ efforts, the encomienda system disappeared rather quickly as a result of new royal decrees and a dwindling indigenous population. By 1549, repartimientos replaced encomiendas as the officially sanctioned form of labor management around Mexico City (Lockhart 1992:430). This type of labor program organized indigenous groups according to a rota tional system to fulf ill the labor needs of larger projects. Under these conditions, the indigenous labor force received wages in return for their labor (Coe 2002:229). The Crown also established the offices of corregidores local magistrates, around 1530 to colle ct tribute for the treasury offices (Gibson 1964:82). In addition to these change s in the tribute and labor collection procedures, the religious atmosphere within the Valley of Mexico experienced radical alterations. The unification of Spain under the authority of the Roman Catholic Church directly impacted the countryÂ’s colonization efforts because Sp ain wanted to break the new territoryÂ’s reliance on paganism and bring salvation to New Spain. The ChristiansÂ’ victory at Granada over the Muslims during the reconquista allowed the Christians to see Â“their triumph as evidence that thei r God actively supported their cause, a belief that they carried into battle against th e native civilizations of the AmericasÂ” (Burkholder 1990:17).
12 SpainÂ’s spiritual mission to br ing Christianity to the indigenous populations served as important justification fo r colonization. Missionary gr oups, organized by Cardinal Jimnez de Cisneros during the Mendicant refo rm movement, traveled across the Atlantic to bring Christianity to New Spain (Gib son 1964:99). Robert Ricar d (1966:35) states, Â“The missionaries, the reader is reminded, cam e from a country that had always been particularly touchy about orthodoxyÂ… one in wh ich the Inquisition had gone farther than elsewhere, one in which a king, Philip II, w ho came to the throne during the spiritual conquest of New Spain, wished to be the ch ampion of the true faith in the world.Â” In 1524, only a few years after the military conquest of Tenoch titln, a group of Franciscans known as Los Doce arrived in the valley to convert the indigenous populations to Christianity. The Franciscan s selected exactly 12 members according to the models set by Christ and St. Franci s (Browne 2000:112). The Franciscan order Â“originated as a preaching and missionary groupÂ… Into the medieval and Renaissance periods, intrepid Franciscans had embark ed on arduous travels to far-off countries, experienced firsthand encounters with distan t cultures, and coped with the learning of difficult foreign tonguesÂ” (Keber 2002:9, 10). In central Mexico, the group promoted Christian doctrine and liter acy and founded schools for the educational instruction of indigenous children of noble descent (Gib son 1964:99). Fray Bernardino de Sahagn, creator of the Florentine Codex followed in the path of the original 12 Franciscans after being recruited for missionary work by Fray Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, a member of the original 12 (Nicholson 2002:22). Sahagn relied upon the assistance of indigenous assistants and scribes to complete the producti on of this 12-volume project. He selected
13 trilingual students from the Colegio de Sa nta Cruz in Tlatelolco, a school founded in 1536 by the Franciscan order (Keber 2002:7) The efforts of the early missionary groups to find similarities between Nahua and Christian spiritual practices resulted in the reporting of deceptively high conversion rates to the Spanish Crown and Catholic Church. Fria rs such as Motolina believed their work had successfully prompted the indigenous popul ations to embrace Christianity and rebuff their indigenous beliefs without much hesi tation; they believed the conversion was genuine. In response to these early reactions Nicholas Griffiths (1999:8) states, Â“The friars ensured that Christianity in some form would be adopt ed, but at the same time they inadvertently aided their subjectsÂ’ struggle fo r cultural survival.Â” This survival of indigenous religious practices surprised and shocked Sahagn af ter his arrival to central Mexico. A missionary quest to eliminate the hi dden existence of idol atry resulted in the destruction of numerous i ndigenous objects, including pain ted manuscripts, during the installment of the first bishop of Mexico, Fray Juan de Zumrraga. Production of Post-Contact Codices The survival of pictorial manuscripts after the conquest depended greatly on European interest in the practice, in addi tion to an already established pre-contact indigenous reliance upon graphi c representation for recordin g information. Despite the destruction of numerous codices suspected of containing idolatrous material, many Spaniards turned toward the traditions of na tive scribe painters and adopted their methods to suite Spanish needs. Bishop Juan de Zumrraga, known for his book burning crusade, authorized the destruction of numerous pr e-contact screenfolds (Boone 1983:2). Frances Karttunen (1998:423) states, Â“According to Juan Bautis ta de Pomar, in his Relacin de
14 Texcoco codices that were salvaged from the de struction of the Texcocoan royal archives were later burned by the very people who held them in safekeeping for fear that Bishop Zumrraga, who conducted an inquisition in th e 1530s, would regard possession of them as evidence of idolatry.Â” C ontact with indigenous populations exposed the Spaniards to a variety of manuscript representations of rather common information, such as maps, territorial boundaries and tribute lists (Boone 1998:150) Numerous sections of postcontact codices appear to have been produ ced for European purpos es, yet relied heavily upon these pre-contact prototypes. The construction of post-contact codices us ually required the collaborative efforts of Nahua informants and European annotator s to supply the explan ations of indigenous information to European viewers in the forms of pictorial imagery and alphabetic glosses. Jeanette Peterson (1993:50) believes former calmecac students studied under the supervision of the first-generation friars in New Spain. The production of documents and murals during the early colonial period in corporated the traditional skills of the tlacuilo the pre-contact Nahua profession of Â“pai nterÂ” or Â“scribeÂ” (Peterson 1988:285). The Franciscan and Augustinian orde rs in Mexico established pr ominent metropolitan schools of manuscript painting in Tenochtitln, Texcoco, and Tlatelolco. Among these instructional institutions, two Franciscan sc hools, San Jos de los Naturales and Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco, became recognized as offi cial painting schools. The supervising friars at these schools examined the work produced by their students to prevent the creation of images considered to be Â“i njurious to GodÂ” (Peterson 1993:50). Under this type of supervision and training, the fr iars and Crown officials chos e a select number of students to serve as assistants in the production of post-contact imagery.
15 Elizabeth Hill Boone (1998:156) believes the Spanish Crown took an official interest in the manuscripts for inform ation about geography, demography, and the economy in order to establish and legitimize tax and labor requirements. The orders for the production of the Codex Mendoza for example, came to Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza specifically from the Spanish Crown. He followed the instructions to complete a census for the purpose of determining potenti al tribute sources in areas of New Spain (Boone 1998:157). Boone (1998:158) states, Â“T hey [the Spaniards] accepted painted manuscripts as the indigenous equivalent of European books and written documents and accorded them the same status. If we can j udge by the royal requests for painted tribute lists, the pictorial records were even consid ered more truthful than their alphabetic counterparts.Â” In addition to fulfilling n eeds of the Spanish Crown, the indigenous production of codices also caught the attenti on of missionaries working on behalf of the Catholic Church. One particular example of this attraction ma nifested itself in the creation of Fray Bernardino de SahagnÂ’s encyclopedia of knowledge, the Florentine Codex Under SahagnÂ’s supervision, scribes and annotat ors created a document containing both indigenous pictorial elements and Spanish gl osses. Sahagn created the manuscript with dual purposes: to record cultu ral and spiritual information about the Nahuas and to provide a guide for other friars to recogni ze idolatrous behavior. The production of painted manuscripts like the Codex Mendoza and the Florentine Codex combined pictorial and textual approaches to serve Span ish needs, but also maintained a voice for the Nahuas.
16 CHAPTER TWO: THEORY The co-existence of pictorial imagery and alphabetic text on folios from sixteenth and early seventeenth centur y codices visually represen ts the diverse systems of communication and documentation relied upon by the scribes and artisans involved during the production process. The folios se rve as points of contact between these different traditions of expressing informa tion and provide tangible evidence for the limitations experienced by the Eu ropean and Nahua participants to create work based on their respective cultural referents. Cognitive Dissonance This reliance upon the familiar found in postcontact codices relates to the work of psychologist Leon Festinger (1957:2) who published his ideas surrounding the existence of Â“psychological di scomfortÂ” in the face of inc onsistency under his theory of cognitive dissonance. Festinger (1957:3) st ates, Â“The existence of dissonance, being psychologically uncomfortable, will motivate the person to try to reduce the dissonance and achieve consonance.Â” This dissonance, or lack of harmony among thoughts, ideas, or beliefs, often occurs when people are exposed to new information that conflicts with the body of knowledge and opinions already held by an indivi dual or group. Â“The basic background of the theory consists of the notion that the human organism tries to establish internal harmony, consistency, or congruity among his opi nions, attitudes, knowledge,
17 and values. That is, there is a drive to ward consonance among cognitionsÂ” (Festinger 1957:260). Festinger (1957:14) iden tifies the existence of Â“cultu ral moresÂ” as a source of potential dissonance between culturally speci fic consonant elements. For example, he identifies the emergence of psychological conflict over simple table manners by describing the acceptable and unacceptable ways to eat a piece of ch icken according to a specific social framework. He states, Â“If a pe rson at a formal dinner uses his hands to pick up a recalcitrant chicken bone, the knowledge of what he is doing is dissonant with the knowledge of formal dinner etiquette. Th e dissonance exists simply because the culture defines what is consonant and what is notÂ” (Festinger 1957:14). According to FestingerÂ’s idea, a culture may dictate the ac ceptance of certain actions, ideas, or beliefs and the rejection of others. Thus, at places of cultural confrontation, dissonance may result as each group relies upon familiar and authorized referents to deal with the introduction of new and unexpected inform ation. Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood (1979) also examine the use of goods, includi ng the consumption of food, as a means of expressing culturally acceptable meanings. Structure of the Conjuncture Marshall SahlinsÂ’ (1981) ex amination of the early stages of contact between Europeans and the people of the Sandwich Isla nds Kingdom serves as an application of FestingerÂ’s theory of cognitive dissonance to an anthropological study. Sahlins focuses upon the behavior and attitude s exchanged between Captain Cook and his men and the Hawaiians during their encounter SahlinsÂ’ analysis of this point of contact between cultures shows the emergence of dissonance as each side attempte d to comprehend the
18 unfamiliar in familiar ways. Ideas and actions considered consonant within each cultural framework created an atmosphere of discom fort as the interac tion brought the known and unknown together. According to Sahlins (1981:50), the ways in which the different levels of Hawaiian society interacted with the Eur opeans were Â“traditionally motivatedÂ” and functioned within the Â“world as Hawaiia ns conceived it.Â” The Hawaiians acted according to tradition and relied upon their own referents to incorporate the arrival of Captain Cook and his men into thei r lives. Sahlins (1981:35) states: Practice, rather, has its own dynamicsa Â“structure of the conjuctureÂ” Â– which meaningfully defines the persons and the objects that are parties to itÂ… Everything that was done by the English and the Hawaiians was appropriately done, according to their own determinations of social persons, their interests and intentions. Yet the effect of thus putting culture into practice was to give some significance to the actors and actions that had not been trad itionally envisioned. For example, Sahlins describes the initial meeting between Captain Clerke and chief Kaneoneo; an encounter where th e actions of both leaders foll owed the standards of their respective societies. Accord ing to the account, Kaneoneo or dered his canoe to move directly toward the CaptainÂ’s ship despite the presence of smaller vessels in his path. Sahlins (1981:34) describes the action as Â“traditionalÂ” as Kaneoneo possibly viewed Clerke as Â“a potential riva l and danger to the Hawaiian chief as a source of desirable mana.Â” At the same time, ClerkeÂ’s introduc tory actions toward the chief remained consistent with traditional British behavior Sahlins (1981:35) stat es, Â“ClerkeÂ’s reaction was friendly British gesturewhich violated th e strictest Hawaiian tabus on the person of a sacred chief.Â”
19 Sahlins (1981:33) believes Hawaiian societ y underwent changes and alterations as a result of its attempts to recreate itself and its traditions after this contact with Europeans. As the Hawaiians and Europeans pr oceeded to act within familiar realms of behavior, their interact ions created circumstances outside of their initial intentions as each side attempted to process the new information. The emergence of dissonance, as a result of this exposure to unexp ected interpretations, altered the original expectations of the participants as they attempted to find some degree of consonance. Regarding these reactions, Sahlins (1981:35) states, Â“The re lationships generated in practical action, although motivated by the tradit ional self-conceptions of the actors, may in fact functionally revalue those c onceptions. Nothing guarantees that the situations encountered in practice will st ereotypically follow from the cultural categories by which the circumstances are interpreted and acted upon.Â” An interesting change in the dynamics between the common men and women of Hawaiian society began shortly after the Eu ropeansÂ’ arrival. Sahlins describes the emergence of sexual relations between common Hawaiian wome n and British sailors at the insistence of the women. The womenÂ’s at traction to the European men appears to come from the Hawaiian custom of wawahi, which Â“refers to the offering of virgin daughters to a ranking chief by prominent commonersÂ… in the hope of bearing a child by the chiefÂ” (Sahlins 1981:40). According to th e HawaiiansÂ’ belief that Captain Cook was the returned deity Lono, the original inte ntions behind the womenÂ’s actions held no monetary motivation; however, the sailors responded by giving the women gifts. Â“They immediately gave the womenÂ’s services tangib le value. Again, a structure of conjuncture: they thus defined the relation as a Â‘servi ceÂ’Â” (Sahlins 1981:41). As a result of this
20 alteration to the original intention, Hawaiia n men actually developed economic interests in these relationships because they could ac quire adzes, menÂ’s items, from their womenÂ’s sexual services (Sahlins 1981:41). Sahlin s (1981:67) states, Â“People act upon circumstances according to their own cultural presuppositions, the socially given categories of person and thingsÂ… According to the place of the received category in the cultural system as constituted, and the interests that have been affected, the system itself is more or less altered. At the extreme, what began as reproduction ends as transformation.Â” In this example, the womenÂ’ s possible original inte ntion to re-create the custom of wawahi with the European sailors chan ged as the unexpected economic benefits of the relations became evident. Double-Mistaken Identity The application of FestingerÂ’s theo ry of cognitive dissonance to the anthropological field of ethnohi story exists in an examina tion of central Mexican postcontact legal procedures and terms. Ethnohi storian James Lockhart (1985) believes the interactions between Nahuas and Spaniards du ring the early colonial period (sixteenth century) are more than simple examples of the replacement of indigenous practices by dominant Western forms. He applies his c oncept of Â“Double Mistak en IdentityÂ” to a comparison of Nahua and Spanish concepts of public office and issues of legality. Lockhart (1985:477) states: To give it a name, one might call it the process of Double Mist aken Identity, in which each side of the cultural exchange presumes that a given form or concept is operating in the way familiar within it s own tradition and is unaware of or unimpressed by the other sideÂ’s interpreta tion. Spaniards could imagine that they had introduced Hispanic governance with al l its paraphernalia of offices, legal procedures, and records, while the Nahuas could imagine that they were the same
21 collection of sovereign city states as be fore, with the same ruling circles and the same mechanisms of law and office holding now somewhat renamed. Rather than subscribe to a model of displa cement where European practices and values completely replaced indigenous traditions and beliefs, Lockhart addr esses the conflict in terms of evidence for the maintenance of indi genous practices. In the face of coercive efforts by both the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church, indigenous institutions achieved a certain degree of survival due to a lack of awareness or understanding on both sides. LockhartÂ’s ideas suggest that both si des of the central Mexican colonial experience believed it could make reference to practices of th e other to discuss supposedly commonly understood concepts, yet ha ve no true comprehension of the other. Lockhart (1985:467) states, Â“The core process of inte ractions was one in which each side perceived a certain phenomenon in similar but far from identical ways, often without having any notion of the divergen t perceptions of the other side.Â” For example, Lockhart identifies discrepancies between the functi ons associated with the Nahua and Spanish roles of the testigo the accepted Spanish term for witness. Despite sharing this vocabulary term, each side viewed the role s of witnesses to legal documents very differently from the other. Unlike their Sp anish counterparts, Na hua witnesses Â“not merely attested to the attaining of a formal legality through the pe rformance of certain acts, but actually assented to the justice of the content of the proceedingsÂ” (Lockhart 1985:475). On the surface Nahuas and Spaniard s used the same word for witnesses involved during legal procedur es, yet both sides managed to maintain a sense of familiarity about their respective different ro les of witnesses. Under such conditions, the
22 cognitive dissonance created through the in troduction and subsequent enforcement of new legal offices and procedures quickly tr ansformed into consonant relations as the Nahuas and Spaniards externally recognized new information but internally remained loyal to familiar interpretations. Discussion Unlike comparisons between the perceived understandings of legal and social practices, such as LockhartÂ’s (1985: 474) examination of the meaning of testigo for Nahua and Spanish audiences, colonial pictorial manuscripts present the viewer with a direct juxtaposition of pictorial and alphabetic textual traditions. The use of painted manuscripts by both indigenous and European groups presen ts the viewer with questions about the accuracy of the correlation between images and texts. Nahuas and Spaniards faced more than just the difficulties of understanding differe nces in the spoken word as a result of the conquest. The creation of post-contact codices ch allenged each sideÂ’s interpretation of the other through both spoken a nd written languages. Attempts to understand foreign concepts often forced people to relate th em to concepts considered equivalent comparisons. For example, Eloise Qui ones Keber (1995b) describes a portion of European glosses for an image in the Codex Vaticanus A as an Â“effort to get things right.Â” She states, Â“Yet, given the extensiveness of th e text, it seems clear that the commentator wanted to understand, and to make unde rstood, this perplexi ng culture and its expressions. Thus he tells us: their history is really our history; thei r ceremonies are like ours; their gods are like our s; their priests are like oursÂ” (Keber 1995b:238). These statements reflect a genuine effort on the pa rt of the annotator to make the concepts presented in the images familiar to the intended audience.
23 Closer examination of such comparisons reveals the existence of discrepancies between the pictorial and text ual interpretations of supposed ly the same concepts. Davd Carrasco (1992:12) believes schol ars must apply the Â“hermeneutics of suspicionÂ” to the study of post-contact products; one must rec ognize the intentions behind the production of colonial materials befo re establishing conclusive meanings. The pictorial and alphabetic information contained within the foli os reflects the goals of a European agenda and exists primarily for European consump tion. Carrasco (1992:6-7) states, Â“Between us and the pre-Columbian city a nd its symbols stand not just times and wear, distance and cultural diversity, and renewal within a tradition of wisdom but also the conquest of Mexico and the invention of the American Indian.Â” Modi fications or omissions to indigenous elements often resulted from a need to Â“please European eyes,Â” an audience largely ignorant of the live s of those native to New Spai n (Carrasco 1992:15). Many of these adjustments and alterations resulted fr om the encounter between the collaborative efforts of the Nahua and Spanish. The pres ence of misinterpretations and mistaken identities are evident, but their existence is not simply the result of processing information incorrectly or insufficiently; cogni tive dissonance resulted from the attempts of Nahuas and Spaniards to relate to forei gn concepts in their ow n terms and to reach degrees of consonance despite the unfamiliar effects of contact between the Old and New Worlds. The recognition and examination of th e manifestations of psychological discomfort present in the work of Festinger, Sahlins, and Lockhart may be applied to the body of surviving post-contact codices. Fes tinger (1957:20) believes that a person may actively work toward reducing the amount of dissonance experienced during a situation if
24 a level of control exists ove r the environment (1957:20). Th e production of post-contact codices provided its participants with an e nvironment that offered a level of control over the finished product. As cr eations of the earl y colonial period, these New World documents supplied the Nahuas and Europ eans with the potential for perceived consonance amidst the dissonance produced by the conquest. The foliosÂ’ surfaces existed as physical locations for the scribes and arti sans to retain identit ies and negotiate the interpretations of concepts. Susan Wright (1998) makes reference to these places or moments of contact between foreign ideas in her examination of the implications surrounding the use of the word Â“cultureÂ” by an thropologists. Wright (1998:9) discusses the limitations of past anthropological uses for the term and describes Â“the new idea of culture as a contested proce ss of meaning-making.Â” Just like Sahlins and Lockhart, Wright identifies a quest for familiar elements during unfamiliar points of contact. In reference to a study of eighteen th and nineteenth century Ha waii, Wright (1998:9) states: In an unbounded site, this medley of peopl e drew on the practices of their various places of origin, in the light of their cu rrent interestsÂ….Each actor endeavored to maneuver, in unpredictable political and ec onomic situations, to define or seize control of symbols and pract ices. Symbols and ideas never acquired a closed or entirely coherent set of meanings: they were polyvalent, fluid and hybridized. The folios of post-contact codices offered th e creators physical locations to approach unpredictable situations by relying upon cu lturally specific referents and familiar frameworks to process the great magnitude of the unfamiliar.
25 CHAPTER THREE: ANALYSIS The analysis of the visual and textual information from folios within the Codex Telleriano-Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl provide the viewer with a specific applica tion of cognitive dissonance to the fields of art history and ethnohistory. This examination exposes the ch allenges that scribes and annotators faced during codex production, a point of direct contact between the Nahua and Spanish cultures. The information and labor required to create these manuscripts brought together two culturally specific methods of communica tion and frames of reference. These postcontact codices provide both i ndigenous and European interp retations of a single concept on the same page, but comparisons between the pictorial representations and the alphabetic glosses demonstrate how FestingerÂ’s concept appears in the attempts of these visual and textual statements to make fore ign concepts more familiar and understandable. The folios exist as tangible pieces of dissona nce; the artisans and scribes worked within familiar cultural frameworks to complete the production process. Codex Telleriano-Remensis The Codex Telleriano-Remensis provides the viewer with a specific examination of cognitive dissonance. The codex pr esents both indigenous and European interpretations of the same concept on the same page but through different methods of communication. Instead of depending solely on the existence of artis tic hybridity, this post-contact codex exposes the challenges that scribes and annotators faced when
26 attempting to make foreign concepts more familiar and understandable. Comparisons between the indigenous imagery and Spanish glosses demonstrate how FestingerÂ’s ideas may be manifest in the vi sual and textual statements of post-contact codices. The origins of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis and its original purpose are unknown today. Unlike the spec ific functions of the Codex Mendoza and the Florentine Codex the goals behind the production of this co dex can only be inferred by its contents. Carrasco (1992:29) places the codex in the category of Â“post-Columbian storybook:Â” a document created in an indigenous style containing pre-contac t historical and cosmological information. The book contai ns three separate sections: the veintenas (an annual ritual calendar), the tonalamatl (a divinatory almanac), and a collection of historical annals. Keber (1995a :108) describes the format as a combination of three different types of pre-Hispanic documents into a single manuscript. She compares the presentation to a visual encyclopedia of i ndigenous life. The current document contains only 50 folios of European paper, because a number of pages disappeared after its completion around 1563 in Mexico. The major ity of folios contain both pictorial representations and annotations. Keber (1995a:1 23) identifies the pain ting styles of two distinct artists, but she gives credit to a Â“main, more accomplishedÂ” artist for all the imagery in the tonalamatl and the majority of the veintena section for his knowledge of Â“traditional graphic conventions .Â” Keber (1995a:125) states, Â“T he overall similarity in content between preand early post-conquest manuscripts dem onstrates the continuity of many painting traditions into the early colonial period. From the beginning, format rather than content was most directly affected by European influence.Â”
27 KeberÂ’s analysis of the glosses reveals that a number of annotators worked on the Spanish commentary without any attempt to blend the statements together. Keber (1995a:125) states, Â“Six annotators, four of them major (1, 2, 3, 5) supply glosses in Nahuatl and Spanish that directly identify na mes of figures, dates, and details, with longer explanatory annotations written in Sp anish.Â” A Â“primary annotatorÂ” created an arrangement for the annotations in ea ch section: Hand 2 worked with the veintena section and Hand 1 worked with the tonalamatl (Keber 1995a:125). The codex survives with each annotatorÂ’s remarks located exactly where they were originally placed on the page (Keber 1995a:111). She refers to this codex as a Â“polyvocal colonial documentÂ” for its unique and transitional arrangement (Keber 1995a:111). The gradual addition of textual information and the presence of corrections reveal how the Spanish attempted to understand the indigenous populations over time. Keber (1995a:112) believes the information came from native sources, but the texts present filtered material. The Veintenas The first section of the codex, a collection of veintenas presents the viewer with a calendar of 18, 20-day ceremonies celebrated du ring the year. In its current condition, the Codex Telleriano-Remensis is missing several of the early veintenas from its calendar. The image of a single costumed figure usually accompanies the description of each feast. The imagery appears to be the result of effo rts by two artists of di ffering abilities. Keber (1995a:137) believes both artists attempted to preserve a sens e of pre-conquest style and avoid European artistic influences. The scribe s positioned their pictorial representations in the upper, middle portions of the pages to leave space available for the glosses. The annotators provide information in the glosse s about the deity and activities carried out
28 during the feast (Keber 1995a: 138). The areas of text are sc attered across the folio around the images in a variety of different handwriting styles. Fray Diego Durn observed and research ed the spiritual lives of the Nahuas during his time in New Spain. He recorded th e findings to educate a European audience about the religious practices of the New World a nd to alert other friars to the survival of idolatrous behavior among the indigenous populations despite conversion efforts on behalf of the Catholic Churc h. In DurnÂ’s (1971) publication, Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar he provides lengthy and highly subjective descriptions of the Nahua deities and the monthly festivals and r ituals performed in their honor prior to the conquest. A large portion of his text focuses on the rituals of the veintenas the 18, 20-day festivals. His descriptions provide details, although biased, about the celebrations behind the pictorial representations and alphabetic glosses included in these codices. The thirteenth veintena (folio 4 recto) represents th e celebration of a feast for Hueypachtli beginning on the 22nd of October (Figure 1). The scribes painted a Tlalocstyle head without a body, in profile, facing right. The elements of the mask include a goggle eye, fang, curling lip, and headdress composed of green feathers and blue streamers. The majority of the headdress is blue with some white trim and highlights of gold and red. The artists positioned the disem bodied head at the top of a green bush or mountain. An area of blue, presumably repres enting water, lies below the green bush and appears to flow away from th e green mass. White shells adorn the tips of each wave of water. White banners decorated with black mark ings appear to the right and left of the Tlaloc-style head on the green bush a nd below the head in the water.
29 Figure 1. Thirteenth Veintena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis folio 4 recto
30 (Figure 1. continued) Editorial Notes (Keber 1995a):  hand of annotator ( ) information deleted by annotator [ ] editorial change for clarification [Â…] unreadable The transcription states:  Heypachtil  Entra a beynte y dos de octubre  Fiesta q[ue] dize del omillamiento (asi como angel dela guarida porq[ue] cada vno) tenia su abogado el que a el le parecia y este abogado es esto como fiesta delos aboga[dos]  (En este mes hazian fiesta lo s de matalzingo al dios suchiquecal)  Esta era la gra[n]de fiesta del omillamiento en esta fiesta celebraba[n] la fiesta de todos sus dioses asi co mo quien dize fiesta de todos los sa[n]tos KeberÂ’s (1995a:255) translation states:  Hueypachtli  It begins the 22nd ( ) of October  Feast that is called of humiliation (as well as of the guardian angel because each person) had his advocate, the one who seemed right to him, and this is like the feast of the advocates.  (During this month the Matlazi nca celebrated a feast to the god Xochiquetzal)  This was the great feast of humiliati on; here they celebrated the feast of all their gods or, as it were feast of all saints
31 Durn (1971:452) translates the name Hueypachtl i, the name of the thirteenth feast, as Â“Great Moss.Â” Durn (1971:452) states: It was a most solemn occasion, a most magnificent affair in which the mountains and hills were honoredÂ…Beside commemo rating Tlaloc, God of Lightning and Thunder, and the Goddess of the Waters a nd Springs, the feast was also held in honor of the Popocatepetl a nd the Iztaccihuatl and the ot her principal mountains of the land. Thus it was called Te peilhuitl, Feast of the Hills. According to his descriptions, during this festival the Nahua created small amaranth dough models of mountains and placed them in special places within their homes. They decorated these figurines with facial feat ures and pieces of Â“native paper which was similar to cheap tan paper, estraza, with designs in black rubber paintÂ” (Durn 1971:453). The Nahua provided these models with offeri ngs and ultimately cut them apart as a sacrifice to be eaten for Â“med icinal qualitiesÂ” (Durn 1971:453). Keber (1995a:146) translates the name Hue ypachtli as the Â“Gr eat Pachtli Plant.Â” She interprets the representation of the deityÂ’s head as Tlaloque, the assistants of Tlaloc living inside and around mountai ntops. The imagery of the green mountain shape relates to the feast of Tepeilhuitl, a festival in honor of mountains and hills. The annotatorÂ’s reference to the feast of the advocates proba bly refers to the large number of rain and mountain deities involved during Tepeilhuitl. Furthermore, references to the Christian Holy Day of Â“All SaintsÂ” attempt to make this indigenous concept more familiar to European audiences by equating it to a European tradition (Keber 1995a:146). This effort to translate an indigenous festival into Chri stian terms corresponds to LockhartÂ’s idea of double mistaken identity. The pictorial repres entations provide an indigenous audience, or at least someone familiar with indi genous traditions, information about the
32 significance of the rain and mount ain deities. The glosses, however, equate the role of these advocates and guardian angels to Christian saints. The sixteenth veintena (folio 5 verso) presents the feast for Atemoztli beginning on the 20th of December (Figure 2). The imagery re sembles the folio of Hueypachtli with another representation of a Tlal oc-style head. The head faces right, in profile, and wears a Tlaloc mask with a goggle eye, fang, curling lip and headdress of f eathers. Two sets of blue streamers with white edges extend out fr om the back of the headdress. The head lacks a body once again, but is lo cated at the end of a stream of water. The water appears to flow down from the left and then curve upw ards to the right until it connects with the disembodied head. The artist painted the figures with clear, black outlines and filled the forms with a variety of colors. The majority of the Tlaloc head is blue with some red and gold areas. The artists painted the water blue with black lines to show the ripples and movement of the water. White shells appear at the edges of each extension of water. Durn (1971:461) translated the sixteenth month commemorating the feast of Atemoztli as Â“Coming Down of the Waters.Â” Durn (1971:461-62) states: Thus the feast at the beginning of the si xteenth month commemorated the descent of Huitzilopochtli to the worldÂ… It was believed that a child came down from heaven. This infant was called Water, as can be understood from the Nahuatl name for it. Let us remember that Atemotztli means Coming Down of the Waters. Atl means Â‘water,Â’ temo si gnifies Â‘to descend,Â’ and t hus is composed the term atemoztli, which we have explained. Thus the natives indicated that the purpose of this feast was a plea for water in the springtime. This festival demanded the Nahuas wait and wa tch for the arrival of the water. Durn (1971:462) compared this behavior to the Christian observances for the holiday of Christmas Eve.
33 Figure 2. Sixteenth Veintena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis folio 5 verso
34 (Figure 2. continued) Editorial Notes (Keber 1995a):  hand of annotator ( ) information deleted by annotator [ ] editorial change for clarification [Â…] unreadable The transcription states:  Atemoztli  Entra a onze de diziembre  XX En este mes celebraba[n] la fiesta del abajamiento delas aguas del dilubio y por esto le hazia[n] fiesta  (Atemoztli quiere dezir abaxamiento delas aguas. Porq[ue] ya en este mes por marabilla lluebe y asi le pi ntan con un rio q[ue] va de cayda y lo tiene debaxo delos pies)  Digo cua[n]do ya doscubrio la tier ra o cua[n]do ya estaba[n] fuera del peligro del dilubio KeberÂ’s (1995a:256) translation states:  Atemotztli  It begins the 11th () of December  20th [of December] During this month they celebrated the feast of the descent of the floodwaters, and for this reason had a feast.  (Atemoztli means descent of the waters, for during this month it rains greatly; and thus they depict him wi th a descending river, which he had under his feet.)  I say [it means] when the earth wa s already exposed or when it was no longer in danger from the flood.
35 Keber interprets the name of the festival as the Â“Descent of the Water.Â” She believes the imagery refers to the role of the Tlaloque for their assist ance in producing rain (Keber 1995a:149). The annotators for this section do not seem to agr ee with their interpretations of the meaning of the festival. The glosses pr esent the festival as both a celebration of an abundance of floodwaters and as a feast to commemorate the end of a flood. Keber believes the annotatorsÂ’ interpretations of th e magnitude of water as floodwaters, rather than simply rain, may refer to the floods that destroyed the NahuaÂ’s fourth world. Irene Nicholson (1967:53) refers to this world as th e Â“fourth SunÂ” and states, Â“Last of the four Suns was the Sun of Water, during which the fi shes of the sea were created. But this Sun perished by flood.Â” Within her discussion, Keber (1995a:149) references the biblical deluge as well, but places greater em phasis on the more mythological indigenous meaning. The Tonalamatl The second section of the c odex includes portions of the tonalamatl a divinatory manual. Keber considers the survival of the Â“book of da ysÂ” surprising, because most Christian missionaries and ecclesiastics considered divination a suspicious and threatening activity. A combination of the Span iardsÂ’ linear concept of time and Catholic monotheism would have required the rejection of an indigenous polyt heistic order (Keber 1995a:153). This document separates time into 20, 13-day divinatory periods known as trecenas The scribes placed each series of 13 days across two facing folios with depictions of the supernatural forces that influenced each trecena under the corresponding series of days. On each pair of folios, the scribes painted the major trecena deity on the left page and a subsidiary figur e on the right page. All of the deities are
36 represented as single, full-l ength figures positioned in pr ofile poses. They are dressed with unique costumes, ornaments, and face pa int to help the viewer identify each deity and festival. Keber (1995a:158) believes these supernatural figures are the most elegantly drawn and painted im agery of the entire Codex Telleriano-Remensis Unlike other surviving tonalamatls the codex includes Spanish glosse s in addition to the pictorial representations on the folios. Keber (1995a:161) believes the glosses seem very vague in terms of providing information about the fe stivals and appear to concentrate more on events that could be related to Ch ristianity and European examples. The fourteenth trecena (folio 18 recto) dedicated to the deities of Xipe Totec and Quetzalcoatl currently exists as an incomplete divinatory period with the loss of the Xipe Totec folio. The scribes presented Xipe Totec as the primary deity of the trecena but only the companion image of Quezalcoatl corre sponding to days 6-13 remains (Figure 3). The imagery depicts a serpent, in profile, wearing a plumed headdress and facing left. The serpent rears up on its bell y with an open mouth and exposed fangs and appears to be eating a human figure. Almost all of the human body is visible outside the serpentÂ’s mouth except for the head, which has alre ady entered into the gaping mouth of the serpent. The artistÂ’s preference for the use of clear, black outlines and a lack of contour for the figures seems to correspond to pre-conqu est pictorial traditions The scribe filled the serpentÂ’s outline with the vibrant colors of gold, red, green, and blue. Most of the serpentÂ’s body is green, while thick lines of gold and red follow along the lines of the belly. Green feathers fi ll out the plumes of the headdr ess and the shape of a bloody knife emerges from a few green tail feathers. Th e scribe completed the human figure mainly with a dark orange color, contrasted with wh ite for a loin cloth. In comparison to the
37 Figure 3. Fourteenth Trecena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 18 recto
38 (Figure 3. continued) Editorial Notes (Keber 1995a):  hand of annotator ( ) information deleted by annotator [ ] editorial change for clarification [Â…] unreadable The transcription states: Esta es la culebra quealcoatle Para dar a ente[n]der q[ue] es la fiesta de [temer] pinta[n] este drago[n] q[ue] se esta comiendo vn honbre KeberÂ’s (1995:265) translation states: This is the serpent Quetzalcoatl To express that it is the feast of f ear they depict this dragon devouring a man.
39 large amount of space allotted to the glosses, the deity image does not dominate the page. The artist placed the imagery into the niche cr eated by the right angle of the calendar and left the remaining space on the pa ge open for textual commentary. This folio presents a level of misco mmunication between the imagery and the glosses. The scribe created an image of the de ity Quetzalcoatl, the feathered serpent, as a snake dressed with a headdress of green feathers. The line of text above its head clearly identifies the figure as a serp ent, but the annotation below the figure compares the image to the European concept of a dragon. The use of this term caters to the needs of a European audience by referring to a familiar crea ture of fantasy. A dragon relates more to images of knights on horseback or the courage of Christian saints than to the significant role Quetzalcoatl played in indigenous lives. According to KeberÂ’s interpretation of the imagery, the combination of snake and quetzal bird features creates a sense of unity between terrestrial and celestial forces. The Nahua related these forces to a cycle of creativity and fertility where the cosmos re quired sacrificial deat h as a prelude to continued rebirth (Keber 1995a:181). The ideas behind this imagery present a much more complicated and meaningful message for an indigenous audience than the glosses attempt to interpret for European viewers. It is impossible to determine how much information was given to the a nnotators about the trecena but the focus of the text greatly diminishes the ideological significance su rrounding this period of days. The images of two deities, Xolotl and Tlachitonatiuh, represent the sixteenth trecena on opposite folios. The artist painted Xo lotl, the patron deity, on the left page underneath the first five days of the peri od. The figure kneels in a profile position facing the deity on the right page. Xolotl, the monster, appears to have a human face and body
40 and holds a serpent. The figure wears a mask with certain features possibly related to Tlaloc, such as a goggle eye and curling lip below the nose. Tlachitonatiuh (folio 20 recto), the subsidiary deity, appears in profile from the mouth of the earth monster (Figure 4). The upper torso of the figure faces left and seems to be emerging or descending into the open mouth of the monster. The figure wears a Tlaloc mask similar to Xolotl and a feathered headdress consisting of green plumes and orange and white streamers. A gold disk rests on its back. The head of a snake emerges from the headdress in profile facing right. The earth monster squats below the deity in a frontal position with both pairs of legs and arms visible to the viewer. Its mouth opens upward and is filled with white fangs. The artist decorated porti ons of the monsterÂ’s body with brown and gold and painted the tips of the claws red. Th e arrangement of the information leaves the majority of the space for the text and restri cts the imagery to the niche underneath the sixth to thirteenth days of the trecena In this trecena discrepancies exist between the imagery and the glosses and the pictorial representation of th e earth monster appears to be completely overlooked by the annotators. Keber (1995a:184) considers this image a rare example of the personification of the earth monster swallowi ng the setting sun for it to travel through the underworld until its re-emergence at dawn. The glosses fail to provide the reader with any information about the terms listed to the side of the figure or the significance of the monsterÂ’s mouth. The annotations only seem to convey information about an everyday observance of the setting sun rather than provide insight into the significance of the trecena or the earth monster fo r the indigenous population.
41 Figure 4. Sixteenth Trecena, Codex Telleriano-Remensis, folio 20 recto
42 (Figure 4. continued) Editorial Notes (Keber 1995a):  hand of annotator ( ) information deleted by annotator [ ] editorial change for clarification [Â…] unreadable The transcription states:  El que naca en 7 [ayub] se ra rico y hombre de consejo  El mundo propiamente Sol Tierra Tinieblas  Tlalchitonatio (los rayos del sol h azia abajo) propiame[n]te entre la luz y las tinieblas [Â…] y asi le pinta[n] el sol sobre los onbros y la muerte debaxo de los pies como aqui parece. Dizen q[ue] es esto el escalentamiento o calor q[ue] da el sol a la tierra. Dizen q[ue] cua[n]do el sol se pone q[ue] va a lumbrar a los muertos KeberÂ’s (1995:266) translation states:  One born on 7 winds [7 Wind] would be rich and an adviser  The world, properly speaking Sun Earth Darkness  Tlalchitonatiuh (the rays of the s un descending), that is, between the light and darkness. ( ) And thus th ey depict the sun on his shoulders and death below his feet, as shown he re. They say that this is the warmth or heat that the sun sheds on the earth; they say that when the sun sets it goes to give light to the dead.
43 The Magliabechiano Group The Codex Magliabechiano belongs to the Magliabechiano Group, a collection of eight post-contact codices lin ked to one another by a commo n prototype. According to Boone (1983:3), an anonymous friar working in central Mexico oversaw the production of a lost prototype, the sour ce of the Magliabechiano Group, at some point between 1529 and 1533. The friar selected one or more indigenous artists to create pictorial representations of re ligious and ritual information Â“t o record and to assist other Europeans in understanding the preconquest reli gious and calendrical tenets of Central MexicoÂ” (Boone 1983:4). Boone believes the or iginal prototype may have been one of the earliest post-contact manuscripts to doc ument aspects of indigenous life; the friarÂ’s efforts to create this European learning tool preceded many conquistador accounts of the conquest (Boone 1983:4). The original prototype received a great deal of attention upon completion, because it prompted the gradual production of th e Maglibechiano Group beginning in the sixteenth century and continuing into the ei ghteenth. Regarding th e first duplication, Boone (1983:5) states, Â“Shortly after the creatio n of this codex, an almost identical copy was made, this now-lost copy being known through catalogue descriptions as the Libro de Figuras .Â” The prototype and the Libro de Figuras served as the foundation for the group; subsequently these documents became models for later direct and indirect reproductions. Boone (1983:6) considers the Codex Maglibechiano a direct copy of the Libro de Figuras made during the sixteenth century, to be Â“the most accurate existing copy of the original. The Magliabechiano manus cript was derived only indirectly from
44 the prototype, having been copied from the Libro de Figuras which was itself a copy. But the Libro de Figuras was a nearly identical replica tion of the prototype, and the Codex Maglibechiano is a very close copy of the Libro de Figuras .Â” The Codex Maglibechiano Boone (1983:7) calls the sixteenth century Codex Magliabechiano Â“a faithful copy of an even earlier ethnological codexÂ” a nd describes its struct ure as a group of 92 numbered folios providing a collection of illustrations accompanied by Spanish glosses Â“that present diverse aspects of the preconque st intellectual culture.Â” The existence of both visual and alphabetic desc riptions of Mexican life pres ents another opportunity for the application of the concept of cognitive dissonance. Examinations of the imagery and annotations show the interpreta tions the artists and scribes created for the subject matter they encountered and processed. The specific identities of the creators of this codex and the precise reasons behind its production remain unknown, much lik e the mysterious origins of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis Among the 92 folios included within the manuscript, the Codex Magliabechiano contains a section of pictorial representations accompanied by descriptive alphabetic texts for the veintena cycle, the series of 20-day festivals celebrated annually duri ng the Nahua calendrical year. Unlike the Codex TellerianoRemensis the imagery and glosses in the Codex Maglibechiano exist on separate folios. Each pair of folios presents the image of th e deity on the recto, or right folio, while the glosses are on the facing page, the verso. The wi dth of each page is much greater than the height; this layout allowed the artists to crea te imagery that could dominate an entire folio without taking away space for the descriptiv e text. Based upon an analysis of the
45 watermarks, the European paper used within this codex dates to the middle of the sixteenth century and appears to be similar to the type of paper used to create European manuscripts during the year s of 1532-1545 (Boone 1983:20). Boone (1983:21) identifies the collaborative efforts of tw o artists and one scribe to duplicate the images and text from the Libro de Figuras She differentiates the artistic styles through an examination of the unique a pproaches Artist A and Artist B apply to the lines, proportions and paraphernalia of each de ity figure. Boone (1983:28) states, Â“Artist A, probably an Indian ar tist trained fully in the native tr adition, copied his source with great precisionÂ… Artist B, who was somewh at familiar with both indigenous and European iconographies and painting styl es, reproduced the illustrations in the Libro de Figuras with slightly less fidelit y.Â” The stylistic approach of Artist A adhered closely to the pre-contact style of painti ng with clear outlines and flat areas of color. Artist B, probably another indigenous artist, maintained pre-contact artistic traditions, but Â“was capable of using the fundamental illusionis tic devices of European paintingÂ” (Boone 1983:26). The presence of three-di mensional objects, such as mats and boxes, under deity figures and the attempts at perspective reflec t the effects of these divergent influences upon Artist BÂ’s painting style. The annotator, Sc ribe A, also created a relatively accurate copy of the Spanish glosses from the Libro de Figuras Boone (1983:186) describes the texts and glosses as Â“faithful to their source,Â” but identifies small differences primarily in the form of additional information. She states Â“The scribe distinguishes himself with minor embellishments, such as the addition of the phrase Â‘la figura es la siguienteÂ’ after each text, and with the insertion of extra pronunciation guides to some of the Nahuatl wordsÂ” (Boone 1983:186).
46 Imagery relating to the sixth feast (folio 34 recto) presents the viewer with a visual representation of the feast for Etzalcualiztli (Figur e 5). The corresponding Spanish glosses (folio 33 verso) app ear on the facing folio (Figure 6) and allow the pictorial representation to dominate th e space of the page. On this folio, a human body with a Tlaloc-style head stands in a frontal pose with each ar m clearly shown extending out from the body; the figureÂ’s legs and head re main in a profile position facing right. The figure stands on a green mat or box divided into thin, horizontal registers by fine black lines. Tlaloc elements dominate the facial f eatures of the figure; an extended blue curling nose, a blue goggle eye, and a row of fange d white teeth bordered by red along the lip. The headdress is predominately blue with a black design that runs horizontally across the figureÂ’s head and extends onto the back fla p. Above the blue portion, a row of white feathers extends upwards and tw o longer, green plumes continue out in both directions. A green covering with a band of red and white trim falls across the figureÂ’s shoulders. Small, white circular ornaments hang from th e edges of the trim. Underneath the green covering, the figure wears a blue shirt and blue, pleated skirt se parated by a red belt. The figure also wears blue sandals with red ties. To the right, the figure holds in the left hand a long, green stalk with yellow corn kernels emerging from the top. To the left, the figure holds in the ri ght hand a staff with two tiers. The figure wears two bracelets on the right wrist, one red and one white. A series of gold circles and small blue banners with white edges decorated the level of each tier. A larger blue banner trimmed in white ha ngs from the base of the staff. To the far right, beyond the green stalk, a gold container floats in a vacant space on the folio. This
47 Figure 5. Sixth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 34 recto
48 Figure 6. Sixth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 33 verso
49 (Figure 6. continued) Editorial Notes: [ ] editorial change for clarification The transcription states: Esta es la fiesta q[ue] llaman ecalcoliztli que quiere dezir comida de ecatl q[ue] [es] vna manera de comida de mahiz cozido. El demonio q[ue] en ella se honrraua era quealcoatl q[ue] quiere dezi r culebra de pluma rica. Era este dios del ayre y dezian ser amigo o pari ente de otro q[ue] se llamaua tlaloc y hermano de otro q[ue] se llamaua xuboltl. El qual pone en los juegos de pelota pintado o de bulto. Y tanbien este q[ue] alcoatl para su inuocacione e[n] esta fiesta. Los yndios cozian mucho mahiz e frisoles q[ue] ellos llama[n] poole. Pintan este sobre vn manojo de juncos. En esta fiesta los yndios se sacrificauan de sus naturas q[ue] ellos llamauan mo te pulio, q[ue] quiere dezir esta suziedad sacrificada. Dizen algunos q[ue] esto hazian porq[ue] su dios tuviese por bien de darles generaion. En esta fiesta tanbien los maeguales tomauan las coas o palos con q[ue] cabauan los mahizes y arymadas en pie a la pared a cadauno segun era pequena o grande le ponian en vnas hojas de mahiz de aquel poole o mahiz cozido y en esta fies ta ofreian al demonio nios rezien nacidos q[ue] ellos llaman teyoque q[ ue] es vn rrito q[ue] ellos tienen. do conbidauan a los parjentes a comer como vs an los [crist]ianos en el babtismo de sus hijos la figura esla siguiente. BooneÂ’s (1983:194) translation states: This is the feast that they called Etzalcua liztli, which means meal of etzalli that is a type of food of cooked corn. The demon who was honor ed during it was Quetzalcoatl, which means richly plumed serpent. He was the god of the wind and was said to be a friend or relative of another [god] who was called Tlaloc and brother of another [god] who was called Xolotl, he who they put in the ball games painted or carved in relief. A nd also [for] this Quetzalcoatl, for his invocation in this feast, the Indians cooked much corn and beans which they call pozolli. They paint this [pozolli] upon a bundle of reeds. In this feast the Indians sacrificed from their genitals calling [the feast] motepolizo, which means filth is sacrificed. Some say that they did this because their god considered it fitting to give them de scendants. Also in this feast the macehuales [commoners] took the hoes or poles with which they dug corn and placed them standing together against th e wall, each one according to whether it was small or large. They put the pozo lli or cooked corn in some leaves of corn. And in this feast they offered infants to the demon. They called [this rite] Teizoque, which is a rite that they have when they invited the relatives to eat, as the Christians do at the baptism of their children.
50 vessel is filled with small circles that rest beneath the arch of the largest handle. Three smaller handles emerge from the walls of the vessel. Durn (1971:430) translates the name of the sixth feast of the y ear, the festival of Etzalcualiztli, as the Â“Day of Eating C ooked Corn and Beans.Â” Durn (1971:430-31) states: The first day of the sixth month [is] Etzalcualiztli, which means Day on Which Etzalli is Allowed to be EatenÂ… In the first place, it was at this time that rain began to fall copiously and that corn and other plants were growing and were beginning to bear fruit. Thus the sign of this day was shown, proud and handsome, as a hand holding a cornstalk in the water. This denoted fertility and predicted a good season, since the water had come at the proper time. Another hand held a small pot, which meant that the people could eat wit hout fear of that food of bean and corn. According to Durn (1971:431), the Nahua indul ged in combined servings of corn and beans and the farmers paid homage to their agricu ltural tools. He refers to these festivities as Â“ridiculous heathen ce remoniesÂ” (Durn 1971:433). In contrast to the visual image of a single deity figure, these glosses refer to relationships among three different deities: Quetzalcoatl, Tlaloc, and Xolotl. A major discrepancy between the imagery and glo sses involves the textual reference to Quetzalcoatl, the honored Â“demonÂ” of the fes tival, and the visual portrayal of Tlaloc. Regarding the veintena section of the Codex Magliabechiano Boone (1983:184) states, Â“The deities drawn in this section may also differ from those named in the texts as the major gods of the feasts, for the text to the sixth feast says that Quetzalcoatl was honored during Etzalcualiztli, although th e deity Tlaloc is pictured.Â” The iconographic details of the fangs, goggle eye, and curling lip clearly de pict Tlaloc rather th an Quetzalcoatl, the
51 plumed serpent deity. The annotators also comp are the feasting held during the rite of Â“TeizoqueÂ” to the family-oriented cele brations of Christian baptisms. Nicholson (2002:78) describes some of th e activities performed during the feast of Etzalcualiztli as follows: Â“collecting reed s and weaving them into seats and mats; offering and feasting on etzalli (maize and bean porridge); dancing (by the lords) with maize stalks and etzalli-filled pots; maki ng offerings to agricultural implements; and sacrificing impersonators of Tlaloque and the water goddess Chalchiuhtlicue, their bodies buried not cremated.Â” Nicholson (2002:88) examines the colors and iconography present in the imagery of the Etzalcualiztli veintena from the Codex Magliabechiano Among the elements he (Nicholson 2002:88) identifies are the Â“blue paper regalia, including his heron feather headdress (azt atzontli) garnished with th e quetzalmiahuayotl.Â” He (Nicholson 2002:88) recognizes th e stalk of corn held by th e deity in one hand, a Â“staff (oztopilli) decorated with fl ower-filled paper cupsÂ” pres ent in the other hand, and a Â“handled etzalcomitlÂ” located to the deityÂ’s side. The thirteenth feast (folio 41 recto) provi des imagery for the feast of Hueypachtli (Figure 7). The glosses (folio 40 verso) appe ar on the page opposite the imagery (Figure 8). Unlike the previous folio image containi ng a single deity figure, the imagery for this festival illustrates many of the activities perf ormed during the feast. These figures appear to float on the page due to a lack of geogra phical or architectural settings to establish their location and relationships to one another. On the left side of the composition, a large human figure stands in profile facing the right. The figure extends both arms away from his body toward the right and holds a bundle of re d material or a red bag in one hand. The figureÂ’s face is decorated with a large blue nose plug and circular blue ear flares.
52 Figure 7. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 41 recto
53 Figure 8. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 40 verso
54 (Figure 8. continued) BooneÂ’s (1983:225) transcription states: Esta fiesta llamavan los yndios huepachtl i. que quiere dezir grande yetua. de las q en estotra fiesta dize era fiesta del pueblo. y por esto pintauan vna cuesta. y encima vna culebra. la qual cubrian de masa de tamales. que ellos. coaltica quipepechoa. y este diablo se llamava su chiquecala. y sacreficauan vna yndia. y en este mesmo dia celebrauan. otra fies ta q se llamaua pilauana quiere dezir borrachera de los ninos por q en ella. lo s ninos bailauan con las ninas. y el vno otro de dauan a beuer hasta enborrachar se y des comedian el vno al otro. sus fealdades y fornicos estos yndios eran ya grandezillos. de nueve o diez anos. esta Vellaqria no se usaua Vniuersalmente sino en los tlalhuicas. q son tierras llana de Regadio. do calienta el sol. la figura es las siguiente BooneÂ’s (1983:197) translation states: This feast the Indians called Hueypachtli, which means great grass, of those that [were] in this other feast, which wa s said to be the feas t of the town. And because of this they painted a hill and on top a snake, which they covered with dough of tamales that they [called] coal tica quipepechoa [serpent of paste]. And this devil they called Xochiquetzal [quetzal flow er]. And they sacrificed an Indian woman. And on this same day th ey celebrated another feast that they called Pilahuana, which means drunke nness of the children, because during it the boys danced with the girls. And th ey all drank until they were drunk, and afterward they committed abominations and fornications with one another. These Indians were already of age by nine or ten years. Th is roguery was not done universally, but only in the Tlahui cas, which are plains of irrigated land where the sun is hot.
55 A large red, white and blue headdress trimme d with gold edges extends upwards from the top of the head. A triangular section of red material with white edges extends out from the back of the headdress and a single green plume extends out from the top. Red material lined with blue trim and gold circ ular ornaments covers the figureÂ’s shoulders. Underneath this material, a large gold disk ha ngs below the neck and covers the chest. The figure wears a red skirt and white sandals with red ties. In the upper right portion of the folio, a brown snake with a white underbelly sits in profile facing the left. A forked red tongue extends from its mouth and blue highlights accent the area around its eyes. Thin bands of white and red enci rcle the snakeÂ’s neck and tail, and an additional small section of blue material extends out from the tip of the tail. The artist placed the snake on top of a green mound, possibly either a bush or mountain; two horizontal lines, one red and one white, d ecorate the base of this green shape. The snake faces a small bundle of five green leaves or plumes floating in the center of the folio. The plumes emerge from a gold object at the center, which rests upon a base of two horizontal lines, similar to those at the base of the snakeÂ’s green mound. In the lower right portion of the folio, two small male and female figures stand facing one another in profile. Th ese figures are depicted on a much smaller scale than the figure on the left and also have much paler skin tones of light brown. The man wears a thin red headband over his hair and a red and white checkered n ecklace or band around his neck and shoulders. His clothing consis ts of a simple white loincloth and white sandals with red ties. The woman has her hair pulled back on top of her head with some red material and two white feathers or extens ions. She wears a plain white shirt and skirt and white sandals with red ties. Both fi gures hold small green bowls in one hand
56 extended away from their bodies and toward each other. They hold the bowls close to their mouths; a small trail of black dots ex tends between the top of the bowls and their mouths as if they are consuming the food or beverage. The sixteenth feast (folio 44 recto) provides the viewer with a pictorial representation of the feast for Atemotztli (Figure 9). The glos ses (folio 43 verso) appear on the page opposite the imagery (Figure 10). On this folio, a human figure with a Tlalocstyle head sits on a box or platform in pr ofile facing the right. The Tlaloc elements imitate the imagery from the feast for Etza lcualiztli very closely: an extended blue, curling nose, blue goggle eye and row of white fanged teeth lined with red along the lip. A greenish-gray plumed headdress decorated with black designs rests atop the figureÂ’s head with three different colored rows of f eathers. A short row of vertical red feathers forms a horizontal band along the top of the headdress, while a taller row of white feathers emerges from this base of red. Two long, green plumes tied to the front of the headdress form the third grouping of feathe rs. A triangular section of greenish-gray material covered with the co rresponding black design extends out from the back of the headdress. Two circles, one red and one wh ite, also appear on the figureÂ’s face possibly as earflares. The figureÂ’s shoulders are covered with a piece of gray materi al trimmed with a red border and white circular decorations. Underneath this covering, the figure wears a blue shirt and skirt separated by a red belt. A large, gold disk hangs directly below the shoulders covering the figureÂ’s entire chest. Back flaps made of the greenish-gray headdress material emerge from the back of the figure. The two rect angular sections of material are covered with the black designs and trimmed with a wh ite border along the
57 Figure 9. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 44 recto
58 Figure 10. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Magliabechiano folio 43 verso
59 (Figure 10. continued) Editorial Notes: [ ] editorial changes for clarification The transcription states: Esta fiesta se llamaua atemuztle q[ue ] quiere dezir baxamiento de agua. Porq[ue] enella pedian a su dios agua para comenar asenbrar los mahizes el domonio q[ue] enella se festesaua se llamaua tlaloc. Q[ue ] quiere dezir con tierra porq[ue] su nifluentia era enlo q[ue] uaia enla tierra esta fiesta por la mayor parte hazian los caiques y seores y estos seores sacreficauan en las questas esclavos y ofreian plumajes. Y enel agua ahogauan nios en lugar q[ue] les diese su dios agua BooneÂ’s (1983:198-99) translation states: This feast they called Atemotztli, which means falling of water, because during it they asked their god for water in order to begin sowing the corn. The demon who was feasted during it was cal led Tlaloc, which means with earth, because his influence was in that whic h was born in the earth. This feast was held mainly by the chiefs and lords. A nd these lords sacrificed slaves in the hills and offered feathers. And in the wa ter they drowned children in the place that their god might give them water.
60 bottom edges. The figure wears white sandals with red ties and sits upon a blue box decorated with a row of white semi-circular ornamentation. The figure extends one arm out away from the body and holds a double-tiered staff painted in blue, green, and gold. Small gold circles decorate th e top of each tier and two small green banners trimmed with white ex tend from the top tier. A series of eight white circles attached to blue triangular exte nsions float in front of the figure. These circles surround the space to the left and right of the staff. The imagery for this festival depicts Tlal oc, the deity of rain, but the addition of select artistic elements reveals the influen ce of Western painting st yles on the production of post-contact codices. Boone (1983:185) stat es, Â“Magliabechiano Ar tist B did add an extra accessory figure to the scenes of the tenth and eleventh feastsÂ… and he painted stools or chairs drawn with an attempt at Eu ropean perspective bene ath the figures of the deities of folios 29 recto, 33 recto, 37 rect o, 44 recto, and 46 recto, thereby transforming the pose of the figures from a pre-conquest Â‘pin -wheelÂ’ stance to a seated position.Â” The presence of the box or platform underneat h the figure eliminat es the pre-contact indigenous preference for figures that appear to float on the page. The feast of Atemoztli included a Â“fast of Tlaloc pr iests; rubber-spattered paper banners offered to Tlaloque; tzoalli (maize dough) images of mountain; fertility deities prepared, Â‘sacrificedÂ’ with weaving swords, and eaten; children sacrificed by drowning; slaves sacrificed on hilltops; and food offerings in miniature vesselsÂ” (Nicholson 2002:78). Nicholson (2002:93) identifies the blue clothing and circular go ld disk worn by the Atemoztli figure among the veintenas of the Codex Magliabechiano The figure holds an Â“oztopilliÂ” in one hand
61 amidst the falling rain and sits upon a Â“quadr angular seat decorated with the Â‘precious,Â’ or jewel, motif.Â” Codex Ixtlilxochitl Among the eight manuscripts of the Magliabechiano Group, the Codex Ixtlilxochitl like the Codex Magliabechiano exists as a copied version of the lost prototype. As a part of the Goupil-Aubin Collection in Paris, this codex received its name from its Â“presumed author: the chronicler Don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who bequeathed it with all his papers to Don Juan de Alva IxtilixochitlÂ” (Durand-Forest 1976: 34-35). Jacqueline de Durand-Forest (1976) estim ates the age of the manuscript through an examination of the handwriting styles and the watermarks. She believes the handwriting script included within the veintena section dates to the mid-sixteenth to early seventeenth century. She confirms this time peri od with the presence of two distinct types of watermarks imprinted on the folios; th ese marks appeared in Mexican documents during the late sixteenth cen tury (Durand-Forest 1976:35). The document contains 27 folios of European paper divided into three separate sections: a se ries of illustrated monthly festivals accompanied by Spanish text, representations of f our Tetzcocan lords, Tlaloc and the Templo Mayor, and a calen dar of the religious festivals without illustrations (Durand-Forest 1976:35). The first group of 11 folios contains the only information in this codex derived from th e Magliabechiano Group prototype. These pages include images and descriptive texts pertaini ng to the gods, rites, and feasts of the 18 monthly festivals and two death rites (B oone 1983:102). The imagery appears in the upper, middle portion of the folios, while th e majority of the annotations fill the remaining space. This visual configuration presents the viewer with another opportunity
62 to apply the concept of cognitive diss onance through an examination of these corresponding images and glosses. The folios provide tangible eviden ce for the artisansÂ’ and scribesÂ’ efforts to work within thei r cultural frameworks during the codex production process. The creative approach to the pictorial representations from the first section presents elements from both indigenous a nd European artistic styles. Durand-Forest (1976:35) states, Â“The rigid line of the native tr adition as well as the cursive contour line of European influence are noticeable.Â” B oone (1983:103) believes a single artist completed all the imagery for the first sec tion and unsuccessfully attempted to copy the indigenous style of Â“flat colo rs outlined in black.Â” She describes the imagery as a Â“degenerationÂ” of the indige nous pictorial style and believe s the artists produced figures suffering from a Â“loss of iconographic clar ityÂ” (Boone 1983:34). Boone (1983:34) notes the presence of distorted fi gures and unclear costume elements; she associates these problems with the creators: historians or secretaries who produced Â“ethnohistoric documents containing information on a culture that had ceased to exist.Â” The deity figures with human features appear Â“awkward and bonele ssÂ” and the iconography seems to be presented Â“ambiguouslyÂ” (Boone 1983:103). Boone associates the glosses and texts written in the Codex Ixtlilxochitl with a single scribe who appears to have copied the information from other sources. She believes the scribe was uncomfortable with th e material and Â“ignorant of the meaning of the textsÂ” (Boone 1983:105), because of the frequent presence of misspelled Nahuatl names. Robertson (1959) believes the figures may have been completed at a later date than currently accepted based on the styles of the figures and script. He states, Â“We
63 suggest this on the basis of inadequate handling of the forms of native traditional religious art, iconography, and also on the basis of the handwriting of the commentary which is taller, thinner, clearer, and more easil y read than the sixteen th-century script of Magliabecchiano and Tudela Â” (Robertson 1959:132) Unlike the Codex TellerianoRemensis and the Codex Maglibechiano this codex also includ es translations of the festival names in Otom and Â“an idiom related to the HuastecÂ” in addition to Nahuatl (Durand-Forest 1976:35). The sixth feast (folio 96 verso) presents the viewer with imagery for the feast of Etzalcualiztli (Figure 11). The image of a single standing human figure with a Tlalocstyle head exists in the upper, middle por tion of the folio. This location leaves the majority of the folio surface available for th e Spanish commentary below the image. The imagery from this folio is very si milar to the sixth feast from the Codex Maglibechiano but the artwork is much less detailed and precise. The figureÂ’s torso is positioned in a fr ontal pose with both arms extended away from the body, while the legs and head remain in a profile position facing the right. The Tlaloc imagery includes a blue curling nose, white goggle eye, and two white fangs. The facial decorations also include a large, red circular ear flar e located near the end of the curling lip. A rigid diagonal line extends from the end of the nose; a small white circle decorated with several blue re ctangular segments hangs from the edge of this line. The figure wears a short headdress consisting of a blue horizontal band above the goggle eye and a matching blue triangular section trimmed in red exte nding from the back of the figureÂ’s head. A row of white se mi-circles or short feathers with little detail extend from the blue horizontal band. Four taller green feathers stand ab ove this row and two longer
64 Figure 11. Sixth Feast, Codex Ixtlilxochitl folio 96 verso
65 (Figure 11. continued)
66 (Figure 11. continued) The transcription states: A nuebe de junio Etzatlcoaliztli Amab, Esta es la fiesta que llamaban etzalcoliztli, que quiere desir comida de ezatl, que es vna manera de comida de mais cosido. El demonio que en ella honrraba era quezalcoatl que quiere desir culebra de pluma Rica. Era este Dios del ayre, y desian que era amigo o pariente de ot ro que se que llamaba tlaloc, y hermano de otro que se llamaba popotl, el qual poni an en los juegos de pelota, pintado o de bulto. Y tambien este quezalcoatl, para su ynbocasion cosian muncho mays y frijoles, que llaman pocole, pintaban a este sobre vn manojo de juncos en esta fiesta sacrificaban los yndios de sus naturas que llamaban motepolizo, que quiere decir esta susiedad sacrificada. Disen algunos que esto asian porque su Dios tubiese por bien de darles generasion, En es ta fiesta tanbien los maceguales tomaban las coas o palos con quecaban y arrimada senpre a la pared a cada uno segun era pequea u grande le ponian en unas ojas de maiz de aquel pozole y en esta fiesta ofresi an al demonio los nios rresien nasidos que ellos llamaban [Â…] Rito que ellos tenian y conbidaban a los parientes a comer como vsan los christianos en el Bautismo de sus hijos The translation states: The ninth of June Etzalcoatliztli Amab This is the feast they called Etzalcualiztli, which means meal of etzalli that is a type of food of cooked corn. The de mon honored during it was Quetzalcoatl, which means richly plumed serpent. He was the god of air, and they said that he was a, friend or relative of another who they called Tlaloc, and brother of another who was called xolotl, which they put in the ball games painted or carved in relief. And also this Quetza lcoatl, for his invocation they cooked much corn and beans, which they call poz ole. They painted this on a bundle of reeds. In this feast the Indians sacrifi ced from their genitals which they called motepolizo which means this sacrificed filth. Some say that they did this so that their god considered it good to give them descendants. In this feast the maceguales also took hoes or poles w ith which they dug and brought always closer against the wall each one accordi ng to whether it was small or large. They put it on some leaves of corn of that pozole. And in this feast they offered newborns to the demon that they called [Â…] a rite that they had and invited the relatives to eat like the Christians do at the baptism of their children.
67 green plumes extend out from the front of the headdress. A reddish-orange back flap hangs down from the headdress along the back of the figure. A segment of white material decorated with red circles at the edges c overs the figureÂ’s shoulders below the neck. Underneath this covering, the fi gure wears a blue shirt and a blue skirt trimmed with red. It appears as if the artist included sandals on the figureÂ’s feet, but th e straps and ties on the sandals lack de tail and precision. The figure extends his left arm away fr om the body toward the right and holds a green stalk with multiple leaves. Two red ex tensions with frayed edges extend out from the stalk amidst the leaves. In the right arm, extended toward the left, the figure holds the base of a green two-tiered staff. Rows of small gold circles and small red banners decorate each tier of the staff. The figure stands on a double-tiered white platform. The box or pair of steps is outlined in gray and divided into two horizontal levels. To the far right of the image, a gold vessel containing sm all white circles with a large semi-circular handle floats near the feet of the deity. The thirteenth feast (folio 100 recto) depi cts imagery related to the festival from Hueypachtli (Figure 12). The upper half of th e folio contains a similar layout to the Codex Maglibechiano representation with multiple figures floating across the page without geographical or archit ectural settings. The artist placed the images in the top portion of the folio to leave space fo r the Spanish commentary underneath. On the left side of the composition, a la rge human figure stands in profile facing the right. The figure wears an elaborate headdr ess made of horizontal sections of white, red, and gray. A horizontal row of gold se mi-circular objects decorates the top, along with a single green plume. A large triangular section of red material trimmed in white
68 Figure 12. Thirteenth Feast, Codex Ixtilixochitl folio 100 recto
69 (Figure 12. continued)
70 (Figure 12. continued) The transcription (Boon eÂ’s 1983:225) states: Esta fiesta la llamaban gueypachtli que si gnifica los hilos pardos que crian los arboles contenidos en la plana antes de esta que la llamaban mayor que la otra era fiesta del pueblo y pintaban vna questa y ensima della vna culebra y la cubrian de masa de tamales que llamaba n cohaltica quipepechoa y este diablo se llamaba zuchiquetzale y sacrificaban vna yndia y este mismo dia selebraban otra fiesta que llamaban pilaguana que quiere desir borracher a de los ninos por que en ella los ninos de nuebe or dies anos baylaban con las ninas y vnas otras se dauan de beber asta enborracharse y despues comedian otros pecados y esto no jeneral en todos que solo lo husaban los tlalguicaz que es en tierra caliente en llanos de rregadio The translation states: This feast was called Hueypachtli, whic h means the brown-grey threads that are raised by the trees restrained in the plains. Before this one that they called bigger than the other, there was feast of the town. And they painted a hill and on it, a snake, and they covered it wi th a dough of tamales which they called cohaltica quipepechoa. This devil was cal led Zuchiquetzale and they sacrificed a female Indian and the same day they celebrated another feast which they called pilaguana which means drunkenne ss of the children because during it children of nine or ten years old danced with girls and they gave each other to drink until they got drunk, afterward th ey committed other sins. And this was not general for all of them, but performe d by the tlalguicaz, which are in warm lands on irrigation plains.
71 extends out from the back of the figureÂ’s he ad. The figureÂ’s gold-orange face is decorated with a long, gray bar, or nose plug, and a circular gray ear fl are. The figureÂ’s costume is predominately red, but an arc of gray material accented w ith red circular decorations along the edges covers his shoulders. A larg e gold disk hangs on his chest in the area between the shoulder wrap and belt. The figur e wears a red shirt a nd skirt underneath the gray material; the skirt is decorated with a sq uare of blue material containing a white and gold design. Red sandals adorn the figureÂ’s gold-orange feet. The figure extends both arms away from his body toward the right. He wears red bracelets on both wrists and holds a red bag or staff decorated in gold trim in one hand. In the upper right section of the page, a gol d snake sits in prof ile facing the left atop a green bush or mountain. A series of bl ack semi-circular designs decorate its body and a long, forked red tongue emerges from its mouth. The snake wears a red and gold band around its neck and a gold plume extends from its tail. A red and gold horizontal bar sits at the base of the green bush. The snak e looks toward a white vessel floating in the center of the page. The vessel sits upon a red and gold bow-tie shaped base and a single green plume extends from its top. The lower right section of the comp osition contains two figures, a man and woman, standing in profile facing one anot her. These figures are drawn on a much smaller scale than the figure on the left and their skin color is a much paler shade of orange compared to the gold-or ange tones of the larger figur e. The male figure on the left wears a red headband over his dark, short hair and a red a nd white checkered necklace or wrap falls across his shoulders. He wears a simple white loincloth and white sandals with red ties. The female figure on the right wears a white covering on top of her head with
72 her dark hair pulled back. She wears a simple white dress, which covers her arms and a white skirt trimmed with gold. She also wears white sandals with red ties. Both figures extend one arm away from their bodies and hold large green goblets or chalices in their hands. The edges of the goblets are red, and sm all black dots float above the top rims; a similar sets of black dots float ar ound the mouths of both figures. The sixteenth feast (folio 101 verso) presen ts imagery for the festival of Atemoztli (Figure 13). A single figure sits or crouches in profile facing the right in the upper, middle portion of the folio. The figure extends one arm away from his body toward the right and his legs are bent. The figureÂ’s Tlaloc-style head includes the standard Tlaloc iconography: a blue goggle eye, a blue curling nose, and the presen ce of three white fangs appearing from the open red lips of the figure. Two circular ea r flares or decorations, one red and one gold, decorate the figureÂ’s face as well. The majority of the figureÂ’s headdre ss consists of rows of colored feathers positi oned above a dark horizontal band directly above the goggle eye. A group of dark red feathers makes up the shortest row from which the middle row of taller gold, gray, and white f eathers stretches upwards. The ta llest feather, a single dark red plume, extends out from the front of the headdress and curves sl ightly backwards. A piece of red material trimmed with wh ite semi-circular extensions and gold circular decorations drapes around the figureÂ’ s shoulders beneath his neck. Underneath this wrap, the figure wears a re d and white vertically stripe d shirt and skirt; the bottom edge of the skirt is trimmed in red. A gold braided belt encircles the figureÂ’s waist and gold sandals with red ties deco rate the figureÂ’s feet. A large piece of black rectangular material, presumably a back flap, hangs down along the figureÂ’s back. The bottom
73 Figure 13. Sixteenth Feast, Codex Ixtlilxochitl folio 101 verso
74 (Figure 13. continued)
75 (Figure 13. continued) The transcription (Lorena Mihok 2005) states: A xxvi de dizienbre Atemotztli quesa Esta fiesta se llamaba atemoztle que quiere decir baxamiento de agua porque en ella pedian agua afre dios para comensar a senbrar los mayses. El demonio que en ella se festesaba se llamaba tla loc que quiere decir con tierra porque su ynfluensia era en lo que nacia en la tierra Esta fiesta hasian por la major parte los caziques y senores y esto s senores sacrificaban en las cuestas esclavos y ofresian plumases y en el agua agaban ninos en senal que les diese sua agua. The translation (Lorena Mihok 2005) states: The twenty-sixth of December Atemotztli quesa This festival they called atemotztli, which means falling of water because during it they asked for water from th eir god to begin to sow the corn. The demon which they feasted during it was called tlaloc which means with earth because his influence was in that whic h was born in the earth. This feast was done for the most part by the chiefs and lords and these lords sacrificed slaves in the hills and offered feathers. And in the water they drowned children as a sign that god give them water.
76 portion of the back flap matches the red a nd white stripes of the costume with the addition of gold trim. The figure holds a black double-tiered staff in his extended arm. Each tier of the staff is decorated with small gold circles and small red banners or feathers. Five circular blue objects float in the space to the right of the figure; three blue circles exist above his arm and two float below. Small sections of frayed blue material are attached to each circle.
77 CHAPTER FOUR: DISCUSSION SpainÂ’s political and social conditions at the time of the conquest directly impacted the countryÂ’s colonization efforts and affected finished products, such as painted codices, created in the New World yet intended for Old World audiences. The influence of Christianity ca nnot be ignored as numerous sixteenth century documents emerged under the direction of missionari es. Louise Burkhart (1989:15) states, Â“Evangelization was for Spain inseparable fr om conquest and colonization: the Crown must have its gold but God must in return have His souls.Â” This missionary quest began as soon as Hernn Corts entered into the NahuasÂ’ lives; his desi re to expedite the conquest process manifested itself in his e fforts to advance his personal Christian convictions through the conversion of Mot ecuhzoma (Ricard 1966:19). His behavior and beliefs reflected SpainÂ’s political and reli gious attitudes and se t the tone for later missionary work and manuscript production. Details from the visual and textual interpretations of veintena and trecena information relate to the sixteenth century spiritual struggles of the Eur opean colonizers. Due to the la rge role the Mendicant Orders played in the production of post-contact codices, their gra dually changing attitudes and roles, largely dictated by the Spanish Crown and Catholic Church, seem to have directly contributed to the levels of dissonance reached between the imagery and glosses. Regarding the educational and instructional ro le of the missionaries, Burkhart (1989:22) states:
78 The friarsÂ’ ethnography was influenced by the goals of missionization. Much was missed or misinterpreted; European cultu ral categories were imposed haphazardly upon indigenous conceptual schemesÂ… Though the friarsÂ’ aim was to gain more insight into Nahua culture in order to ev angelize more effectively (and also to preserve useful information), it was so di fficult for them to perceive it except in their own cultureÂ’s terms that the degree of understanding they were able to attain was severely limited. At the same time th ey simply recorded, or allowed their Nahua assistants to record, ma ny things with little or not alteration-other than that imposed by acculturating informants and assistants. Anonymous artisans and scribes created the Codex Magliabechiano around 1550, approximately 30 years after the fall of Te nochtitln. The overall presentation of the veintena festivals presented through the images a nd glosses appears to correspond to the missionary strategies of the Mendicant orders during the first half of the sixteenth century. Despite its mid-sixteenth century completion date, the pictorial and textual contents of the Codex Magliabechiano were copied from the Libro de Figuras an earlier document produced sometime between 1528 and 1553. During these years, Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian friars optimistic ally worked to intr oduce and educate the indigenous populations in the beliefs of Ch ristianity. These early members of the Mendicant orders felt confiden t in their conversion and baptism efforts and considered the indigenous populations to be innocent a nd easily impressionable. Burkhart (1989:44) states, Â“The friars viewed the Nahuas as bei ng predisposed to Christianity because of the simplicity of their lifestyle, judging them by superficial attr ibutes interpreted through a Christian screen and ignoring essential aspe cts of their thought sy stem.Â” Disgusted by the prideful and greedy tendenc ies of European culture, the friars interpreted the NahuasÂ’ pre-contact enforcement of sumptuary laws, re stricted access to luxury goods, as a sign of their inherent nature as simple a nd generous people (Burkhart 1989:18).
79 The friars initially treate d the indigenous populations as Â“basically good but errant children who, with guidance and constant su pervision, could become model ChristiansÂ” (Burkhart 1989:18). With a great deal of confid ence in their conversion efforts, the friars proceeded to open schools and conduct massive numbers of baptisms. With the approval of the Spanish Crown, the Franciscans established the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco in 1536 to educate the descendants of Nahua nobility in theology and the liberal arts (Burkhart 1989: 19). Members of the Mendicant Orders created manuscripts for instructional purposes within Mexico and fo r transport back to Spain to provide their European audience with information about their work in the New World. In 1542, Motolina dispatched his manuscript, the Historia de los indios de la Nueva Espana to update the Spanish Crown on the friarsÂ’ comp letely Â“successfulÂ” missionary endeavors (Browne 2000:104). The Libro de Figuras from which the contents of the Codex Magliabechiano were copied, existed as the original copy of the early sixteenthcentury instructional prototype for friars. The supe rvising friar over production want ed the manuscriptÂ’s visual and alphabetic information to educate me mbers of the religious orders in the identification of idolatrous be havior. Despite the variety of deity figures and celebrations included within the three veintena feasts in the Codex Maglibechiano the images and glosses maintain a somewhat standard approach to the festivals. The glosses, written in Spanish and intended for a European audience, repeatedly describe the veintena deities as demons or devils and relate the sacrific ial activities to the indigenous populationsÂ’ veneration of these figures. For example, te xt from the sixth feast, the festival of Etzalcualiztli, states, Â“The demon who was honored during it was Quetzalcoatl, which
80 means richly plumed serpentÂ” (Boone 1983:194 ). Another statement from the feast of Hueypachtli states, Â“And this devil they cal led Xochiquetzal [que tzal flower]Â” (Boone 1983:197). The alphabetic interp retations of these feasts emphasize major physical activities performed during the celebrations; the scribes po rtray scenes of death and sacrifice and describe the participants maki ng these offerings. For example, a portion of the glosses describing the feast of Atemoztli states, Â“This feast was held mainly by the chiefs and lords. And these lords sacrificed sl aves in the hills and o ffered feathers. And in the water they drowned children in the pl ace that their god might give them waterÂ” (Boone 1983:199). During the feast of Etzalcualiz tli the text states, Â“And in this feast they offered infants to the demonÂ” (Boone 1983:194). The emphasis on this terminology fits in to the early Mendicant strategy for conversion very well. The devil served as a usef ul tool for the friars; their certainty of his existence in the New World allowed them to blame the NahuasÂ’ seemingly barbaric actions on the devilÂ’s duplicity. Burkhart (1989:40) states, Â“The friars, for whom devils were very real creatures, assumed that the i ndigenous deities were devilsnot products of pagan ignorance but minions of the Prince of DarknessÂ…The natives may have invented on their own the worship of images and the de ification of natural ob jects, but even so these practices led to their enslavement by the DevilÂ… This diabology exercised a strong hold on the Europeans in Mexico.Â” The friars defended their belief in the innocence of the indigenous populations by asso ciating the idolatry they fo und with the presence of the devilÂ’s deception. The friars relied upon the ex istence of the devil in the New World to protect the indigenous populat ions; they created an imag e of the Nahuas as innocent people, completely capable of acting as Christians, but deceived into behaving
81 unacceptably by the devilÂ’s treachery (Bro wne 2000:186).Â“For Europeans like Sahagn, the devil served as a vehicle for salvaging the dignity and humanity of the indigenous population. The indigenous population was viewed as emerging from an era of diabolic deception under the guidance of the missionaries rather than as remaining trapped in the chains of the inherent deficiencies most Sp aniards attributed to the Nahuas by the end of the sixteenth centuryÂ” (Browne 2000:189-90). By describing the deity figures from the pictorial representation as demons, the friars could maintain their belief in the i nnocent nature of the Nahuas and blame their actions on the devilÂ’s trickery. Browne (2000: 185-86) states, Â“Like many of his contemporaries, Sahagn used the devil to explain the existence of what seemed like unimaginable evil indigenous practices, such as institutionalized human sacrifice. As John Elliott has noted, this enabled the friars to shift the blame for idolatry away from ideas of inherent deficiencies and toward the deceptive powers of the devil.Â” Their emphasis upon the actions involved during the ce remonies also posited the idea that the core of the devilÂ’s influence resulted in physic al activities rather th an spiritual thoughts; this portrayal supported missionary work with the incentive that ac tions may be altered and controlled. These textual descriptions enabled the Mend icants to bring a degree of harmony and familiarity into a psychologically uncomfortable situation. Unlike the directed intentions of the gl osses for a Christian European audience, the pictorial representations actually allow sp ace for both Spanish a nd Nahua participants to confront the dissonance of cultural cont act. Much like SahlinsÂ’ assessment of the contact between Europeans and Hawaiians as a place for the existence of the Â“structure of the conjuncture,Â” the energies invested into the production of these images created a point
82 of contact where both sides of the interaction could express themselves in familiar ways in unfamiliar surroundings. The incorporation of European artistic elements into the imagery served the needs of the friars by providing visual support for the glossesÂ’ interpretations of the festivals. The pictoria l representations depict the deities as human figures; the artisans gave the gods arms with clearly delineated fi ngers and fingernails and legs with defined feet and toes. The Hu eypachtli deity (folio 41 recto) maintains a human face, while the images of Etzalcualiztli (folio 34 rect o) and Atemoztli (folio 44 recto) appear with Tlaloc-style facial features and headdresses. Despite this difference, all three bodies and pairs of appendages remain recognizably human. The artists painted the deity impersonators in either standing or s eated profile positions a nd placed personalized accessories in the godsÂ’ outstretched arms. In his examination of the European-influenced imagery present in Fray Bernardino de SahagnÂ’s work, Browne (2000:169) states: It is easy to see why the increased huma nization by Western standards of the deity images would appeal to Sahagn. Even though the deity images of the Primeros memoriales could easily be depictions of deity-impersonators, to European eyes the individualized images in the Florentine Codex emphasize more the idea of ordinary human beings Â“d ressed upÂ” like gods. In Book I of the Florentine Codex for example, the Nahua informants presumably eager to please the friars emphasize that some of the old gods like Huitzilopochtli were Â“only menÂ” (e.g., FC I:i). Sahagn and his companions could easily have perceived if only unconsciously the i ndigenous imitation of European artistic techniques as a way of unma sking the deity-impersonators. By representing the demons as humanized figures, the perceived discomfort produced by the exposure to Nahua culture became much less threatening and more controllable. These human figures may have help ed the friars to explain visually how the indigenous populations lacked any true form of religion. By connecting the textual references to demons with images of people disguised by masks and cloaks, the veintena
83 folios provided its European a udience with the visual clues to identify an idolatrous presence. In their humanized forms, the co stumes and actions associated with deityimpersonators appeared as temporary, superfic ial conditions; ordinary people, rather than supernatural or god-like bei ngs, existed under these disgui ses. By perpetuating this interpretation as a learning tool, the friars may have stripped the festivals of their indigenous spiritual significance by simplifying th em into removable, tangible costumes and controllable actions. Me ndicant members may have prom oted the effectiveness of their conversion efforts by portraying the Nahua s as simple people, enchanted by demons into wearing strange costumes, and living without the presence of a true spiritual guide, like God, in their lives. In spite of the adjustments made to the images as a result of the format switch from screenfold to codex, and the superv ision of a friar over production, the imagery from the Codex Magliabechiano maintains elements of pre-contact indigenous iconography. The figures display numerous indige nous painting traits: flat areas of color, clear outlines, and an absence of geographica l or landscape settings that make the deity figures appear to float on the folios. The fe stivals of Etzalcualiztli (folio 34 recto) and Atemoztli (folio 44 recto) present clearly identifiable traits for Tlaloc, fangs, and a curling nose and lip, while the feast of Hueyp achtli (41 recto) includes a visual reference to Coatepec, Serpent Mount ain, in the imagery of a snake placed upon a mountain. Despite the humanization of the figures, the imagery may visually display the pivotal roles deity-impersonators played during veintena festivals. Unlike the less threatening perception of humanized figures to European s, the Nahuas believed the people selected as impersonators literally ascended to a divi ne level. Browne ( 2000:171) states, Â“Deity-
84 impersonators were not impersonators in th e modern, almost pejorative sense of the word. Through their impersonation, human bei ngs became one with the omnipresent gods and affirmed their collective place in a mythic cosmic order.Â” In this way, the folios provided visual spaces for the survival of indigenous spiritu ality. The pictorial representations of deity figures preserved the familiarity of Nahua beliefs while simultaneously allowing the Spaniards to interpret deity-impersonators in their own familiar terms. Browne (2000:170) also stat es, Â“In medieval iconography, saints seldom look truly human because they are modeled afte r the invisible realit y of a typos hieros. This idea is still ingrained enough in West ern consciousness to provoke the assumption that the very human mundaneness or realism of the deity images in the Florentine Codex reveals their lack of true divini tybut could it be otherwise?Â” Skepticism about the effec tiveness of the Mendicant ordersÂ’ efforts began to appear by the middle of the sixteenth century. Browne (2000) identifies numerous changes ordered by the Spanish Crown to the religious practices of New Spain in 1555. He describes the ecclesiastical efforts to c onfiscate Â“sermons writt en in an indigenous languageÂ” and Â“to instigat e the careful regulation of indigenous displays of their Christian faithÂ” (Browne 2000:111). The friarsÂ’ instruct ion of the Nahuas in Christian doctrine diminished over time as they were graduall y replaced with secular priests between the 1550s and 1580s (Burkhart 1989:18). Concern fo r the salvation of indigenous souls and for the social and religious promotion of indigenous members within their own communities started to wane as the friars Â’ numbers dwindled. Â“Most Spaniards in sixteenth-century New Spain were not overly concerned with the true conversion of the Nahuas unless it somehow played into th eir more worldly objectivesÂ” (Browne
85 2000:110). Whereas the manuscripts created under the supervision of the first Mendicant orders attempted to identify idolatrous Nahua behavior with the deceptive tricks of the Devil, some codices from the middle of the century appear to lack these early missionary fears of perpetuating and preserving th reatening pre-contact traditions. During this time, a group of anonymous artisans and scribes created the Codex Telleriano-Remensis around 1563. Unlike the folios from the Codex Magliabechiano this later manuscript presents dramatically different pictorial and textual interpretations of the veintena festivals. Compared to the earlier code x, these later images and glosses present the viewer with a somewhat unique approach and tone. Although the precise purpose of the document is unknown, the emphasis upon the identification and elimination of idolatry from earlier in the cen tury seems to be missing. The codex appears to record and relate to the details of the festivals without a desire to condemn the participants or activities. Without bear ing the responsibility of producing an instructional tool for friars, the creators of this codex may have experi enced the freedom to record and describe aspects of indigenous life for a Euro pean audience devoid of judgment. The glosses from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis omit any references to the roles of demons or devils; these terms do not a ppear on the selected folios. Instead of identifying the deity figures as demons, the glosses focus upon comparing the purposes of the festivals to concepts a Christian European reader might understand. For example, the second gloss from the feast of Hueypachtli (fo lio 4 recto) states, Â“This was the great feast of humiliation; here they celebrated the feast of all their gods or, as it were, feast of all saintsÂ” (Keber 1995a:255). For the feast of At emoztli (folio 5 verso) the gloss reads, Â“Atemoztli means descent of the waters, for during this month it rains greatly; and thus
86 they depict him with a descending river, which he has under his feetÂ” (Keber 1995a: 256). The glosses within the trecena section of the codex also maintain this interpretive attitude. The text from the sixteenth trecena (folio 20 recto) states Â“Tlachitonatiuh (the rays of the sun descending) that is, between the light and darkness. And thus they depict the sun on his shoulders and death below his feet as shown here. They say that this is the warmth or heat that the sun sh eds on the earth; they say that when the sun sets it goes to give light to the deadÂ” (Keber 1995a:266) The annotators replaced references to sacrificial rituals, demons, and offerings with more positive e xplanations of the celebrations. For example, the scribes avoid descriptions of the sacrifice of a woman during the feast of Hueypach tli and the drowning of ch ildren during the feast of Atemoztli. Radical differences also exist between th e pictorial representa tions of the deity figures in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis and the Codex Magliabechiano Abstract iconography and disjointed figures app ear to replace a prior emphasis upon the humanized forms of the deities. Disembodied heads and fragmented imagery pictorially represented on the veintena folios in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis provide a stark contrast to the complete, full-standing, costume-wearing human figures from the Codex Magliabechiano The later imagery focuses on the disembodied head of Tlaloc for the festivals of both Hueypachtli and Atemoztli. Instead of dressing a human figure with a Tlaloc-style mask, these images position an enti re Tlaloc-style head at the top of a green mountain for the feast of Hueyp achtli and at the end of a stre am of water for the feast of Atemoztli. This approach to the imagery no longe r allows the viewer to interpret the deity
87 as a superficial being; the simplified head elim inates the tangible, controllable aspects of the celebration and implies a much great er spiritual significance. The Codex Ixtlilxochitl, another painted book from the Magliabechiano Group appeared around 1600 as an indirect copy of th e lost prototype. As a member of this family of related manuscripts, the visual a nd textual information contained within this codex imitate the interpre tations found within the Codex Magliabechiano very closely. The codex contains a much smaller number of folios, but the existing representations of the veintena festivals appear to mimic the term inology and painting style used in the earlier document. The glosses appear to describe the veintena feasts with an emphasis on the presence of demons and their influence over the NahuasÂ’ actions, similar to the Codex Magliabechinao interpretations. The ex act vocabulary and phrase s used to convey the ritual activities vary upon comparison with the earlier codex, but the overall tone directed toward the events remains the same. For exam ple, a portion of the glosses from the feast of Atemotztli (folio 101 verso) states, Â“Most of the feast was done by the chiefs and lords and these lords sacrificed slaves in the hill s and offered feathers and in the water they drowned children.Â” A phrase included within the description of the feast of Hueypachtli (folio 100 recto) states, Â“And this devil wa s called xuchiquetzale and they sacrificed a female Indian.Â” Except for rather minor disc repancies, the alphabeti c glosses refer to the deities as demons and emphasi ze the violent actions of the Nahuas during the feast. Since the source of the veintena information contained within the Codex Ixtlilxochitl came from a copy of the Magliabechinao Group prototype, the instructiona l manuscript, this type of condemning narrative seems appropriate.
88 The reduced degree of detail and precision applied to the pictorial representations of the three veintena festivals presents a major c ontrast to the clear forms and iconography present in th e earlier manuscript, the Codex Maglibechiano The gradual evolution of the visual imagery may corre spond to the ever changing dynamics between the Spanish Crown and Catholic Church a nd the indigenous populations. By the mid to late sixteenth century, a realization deve loped among Europeans regarding the large numbers of false conversions after it becam e apparent that significant elements of indigenous spirituality survived despite the missionary efforts. Ricard (1966:35) describes the emergence of a Â“violent an tinative reactionÂ” among Franciscans around 1570. Fray Bernardino de Sahagn, one of th e most active friars in New Spain, acknowledged the failure of the early Mendi cant Orders to eliminate the NahuasÂ’ nonChristian practices. Unlike MotolinaÂ’s earlier accounts of successful conversion practices in 1542, SahagnÂ’s Arte adivinatoria a written statement from 1585, depicts a completely different religious atmosphere. Browne (2000:105) desc ribes SahagnÂ’s work as the Â“clearest statement that exists of his pessimism and despair concerning the mission in New Spain.Â” Ricard (1966:35) states: The missionaries, the reader is reminded, came from a country that had always been particularly touchy about orthod oxy, one that had shown a profound horror of heresy, one in which the Inquisition has gone farther that elsewhere, one in which a king, Philip II, who came to the throne during the spiritual conquest of New Spain, wished to be the champion of th e true faith in the worldÂ…It is easy to see why the phobia about heresy that rage d in Spain was exaggerated in America among the religious who were perpetually in contact with a pagan civilization. The devil still maintained his presence in New Spain. The seemingly careless painting styl e found among the images in the Codex Ixtlilxochitl may have been intentional rather th an sloppy, second-hand copies of earlier
89 Magliabechiano Group manuscripts. Revelations about the false conversions may have given rise to a fear of perpetuating paga n rites through the preservation of indigenous pictorial writing in post -contact codices. Among the veintena folios, the iconography contains minimal detail; the elements appear blurry and difficult to read while the colors are uneven and distorted compared to the Codex Magliabechiano images. For example, the sandals worn by the deity du ring the festival of Etzalcualiz tli (folio 96 verso) in the Codex Ixtlilxochitl display shoddily drawn straps and tie s in comparison to the crisp lines present in the representation of the same celebration in the Codex Magliabechiano By designing images that are difficult to rea d, the creators prevent the preservation of indigenous religion; iconogra phic features perceived as remnants of paganism by Christian Europeans. Dramatic examples of such alterations occur among the thr ee codices in their representations of Atemotztli. The Atemotztli imagery from the Codex TellerianoRemensis provides the viewer with th e most abstract visual representation: a disembodied Tlaloc-style head placed at the end of a stream of flowi ng blue water. As previously discussed, this mid-sixteenth century codex appears to have been produced without the burden of serving as an instructional manua l or visual warning of the presence of paganism. The major shift in the pictorial representation of Atemotztli appears between the two Magliabechiano Group manuscripts, the Codex Magliabechiano and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl Despite their existence as indirect copies of the same prototype, these manuscripts present very different depictions of the same deity. These changes to the outward appearances of the figures seem unusua l when the glosses imitate each other so
90 closely. The Codex Magliabechiano presents a humanized fi gure of Tlaloc (folio 44 recto); the deity sits upon a box in profile with recognizable human arms and legs. The artists limited the Tlaloc iconography to the de tails of the figureÂ’s mask and headdress. The artists involved with the Codex Ixtlilxochitl transform Tlaloc into a frightening animal-like figure without any recognizable human traits. Unlike the lighter skin color and orderly fangs of the earlier Tlaloc image, the late sixteenth century painting for the Atemotztli feast (101 verso) confronts the vi ewer with dark blackish skin color and prominent, exaggerated fangs. This menacing creature may relate the overall frustration and fear experienced by the friars and priests by the end of the century. Conclusion This thesis provides an examination of folios from the Codex TellerianoRemensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl through the application of Leon FestingerÂ’s concept of cognitive disso nance in order to intr oduce an alternative approach to the study of cultu re contact. The work analyzes the ways in which this psychological condition manifested itself in pos t-contact codex producti on as a result of sixteenth century political and social circum stances. Post-cont act codices containing visual and textual descriptions of pre-contact Nahua spiritual entities and events exist as tangible applications of the concept presented within the theoretical work of Festinger. By locating these codices within the dynami c atmosphere of the early post-contact period, based upon their estimated dates of production, the discrepancies between the imagery and glosses serve as examples of di ssonance resulting from the larger sixteenth century cultural framework. As points of cu lture contact between the Nahua and Spanish participants, these codicesÂ’ folios expose relationships existing between the imagery and
91 texts that reflect FestingerÂ’s (1957:2) assertions about th e existence of Â“psychological discomfortÂ” under his theory of cognitive dissonance. The codices served as physical meeting grounds for the scribes and annotat ors to confront the confusing and unknown aspects of the conquest. The application of FestingerÂ’s concept of cognitive dissonance to post-contact codices provides an example for the reassessm ent of the interactions and products that resulted from contact between the Old and Ne w Worlds. By applying FestingerÂ’s ideas, the existence of discrepancies between differe nt descriptions of the same feasts and deities seem to be the result of the overall di scomfort created by the conquest rather than simple instances of miscommunication or ab sences of information. Festinger (1957:14) discusses how each culture defines what it accepts as consonant information and subsequently rejects what it considers t oo unfamiliar or uncomf ortable as dissonant. According to this concept, the divergent de scriptions of the sa me festivals found among the folios in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl came from natural inclinations on both sides to reach levels of consonance despite the unfamiliar circumstances. The imagery and annotations became outlets for expressions of familiar forms and ideas. The imagery retained degrees of indigenous identity, even when altered, while the texts al lowed for European translations of foreign events and entities. As demonstrated in th is thesis, the folios do not provide unaltered glimpses into pre-contact Nahua life nor si mple misinterpretations of information. Through the application of FestingerÂ’s concep t, the combination of images and glosses found on the folios supplies modern audiences with visible interpre tations of culture contact; the codices give the encounter a visual form that simply did not exist prior to
92 contact. This work with post-contact codi ces suggests the possibility for broadening current opinions surrounding artifacts and accoun ts from the central Nahuan colonial period by bringing FestingerÂ’s concept of psyc hological discomfort into the analyses of points of culture contact. The analyses of painted codices also tie directly into the an thropological studies of Marshall Sahlins and James Lockhart. Sa hlins (1981:35) identifie s the Â“structure of conjunctureÂ” as a place where traditional ideas and behaviors gradually absorb new meanings during moments of culture contact because all participants interpret foreign actions in respectively familiar ways. This concept applies to the production of postcontact codices because the physical producti on process literally brought two distinct methods for communication together: the Nahua tradition of pictoria l representation and the European tradition of alphabetic text. Each style of communication proceeded to produce descriptions of festivals and deities according to respective cultural standards, yet their meeting produced original results in the form of the painte d colonial codices. These manuscripts provide tangible reflectio ns of the rapidly changing political and social conditions in sixteenth century centr al Mexico as a result of the conquest, particularly those circumstan ces revolving around the friarsÂ’ positions in the New World. The missionariesÂ’ early efforts to visually doc ument and describe as pects of pre-contact Nahua life progressively became attempts to defend their presence and authority in the New World to the Spanish Crown. The codice s became places of culture transformation where Sahlins (1981:67) states that, Â“W hat began as reproduction ends as transformation.Â” Pressured by Spain to prove th e effectiveness of thei r conversion efforts,
93 but also plagued by their fear of preserving id olatrous information, the friars supervised the creation of the images and annotations within the manuscrip ts to justify their work. Furthermore, as the creators of thes e forms of communication proceeded to function within their respective frameworks the scribes and annotators continued to interpret information in traditionally acceptable ways, whether it resulted in incorrect or consciously altered meanings. Despite the accuracy of the finished products, the completed images and glosses translate in to examples of LockhartÂ’s (1985) doublemistaken identities. By retaining consonant ideas and forms, a ll participants could continue to discuss the same subjects during moments of cu lture contact without Â“having any notion of the divergent perceptions of the other sideÂ” (Lockhart 1985:467). According to this concept, the discrepanc ies between the images and glosses in postcontact codices appear as natural attemp ts by both Nahuas and Spaniards to rely upon familiar interpretations during the confusion of the early sixteenth century. Painted codices bring lasting visual interpretations of culture contact into sixteenth century discussions unlike SahlinÂ’s emphasis on the immedi acy of face-to-face interactions and LockhartÂ’s study of the emerge nce of mistaken ident ities during colonial legal proceedings. As physical documents, th ese manuscripts provide d the participants with a different type of space for contact a nd reaction apart from SahlinsÂ’ and LockhartÂ’s exchanges. Central Mexican codices emer ged as new types of documents from the effects of the conquest and the political and social demands of the sixteenth century. This thesis presents the folios as visual manifest ations of the conquest; the codices reveal the artistic and textual selections made by the creators to document information according to the social conditions of the time. The imager y and glosses required an initial exposure to
94 the subject matter and the subse quent translation of the details once the artisan or scribe interpreted the information. By identifying ch anging visual and textua l interpretations of the same indigenous festivals through the si xteenth century, the cr eatorsÂ’ attempts to selectively preserve, omit, or alter th e content become more apparent. Comparisons between the images and glosses from the Codex TellerianoRemensis, the Codex Magliabechiano, and the Codex Ixtlilxochitl provide an opportunity to evaluate the application of FestingerÂ’s theory of Â“cognitive dissonance,Â” SahlinsÂ’ concept of the Â“structure of conjuncture,Â” and LockhartÂ’s idea of Â“double mistaken identityÂ” to post-contact codices. As survivi ng early sixteenth century manuscripts, these codices represent the simultaneous preserva tion of an indigenous tradition and the misrepresentation of indigenous beliefs. Th e foundation for the imagery comes from the Nahua pre-contact tradition of pictorial representation while the presence of the glosses comes from the annotatorsÂ’ need to cater to a European audience. The joint creation of post-contact codices challenged the Spaniard s and Nahuas with moments of dissonance, which resulted in divergent in terpretations of the other th rough both visual and textual descriptions.
95 References Cited Berdan, Frances F. The Aztecs of Ce ntral Mexico: An Imperial Society Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2005. Boone, Elizabeth Hill. Codex Magliabechiano Berkeley: U of California P, 1983. Boone, Elizabeth Hill, and Walter D. Mignolo, eds. Â“Aztec Pictorial Histories: Records with Words.Â” Writing Without Words: Alte rnative Literacies in Mesoamerica and the Andes Durham: Duke UP, 1994. 50-76. Boone, Elizabath Hill and Tom Cummins, eds. Â“Pictorial Documents and Visual Thinking in Postconquest Mexico.Â” Native Trad itions in the Postconquest World Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Resear ch Library and Collection, 1998. 149-193. Browne, Walden. Sahagn and the Transition to Modernity Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 2000. Burkhart, Louise M. The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in SixteenthCentury Mexico Tucson: U of Arizona P, 1989. Burkholder, Mark. Colonial Latin America Oxford: Oxford UP, 1990. Calnek, Edward. Â“Patterns of Empire Formation in the Valley of Mexico, Late Postclassic Period, 1200-1521.Â” The Inca and Aztec States, 1400-1800: Anthropology and History Ed. George Collier, Renato Rosaldo, and John Wirth. New York: Academic P, 1982. 43-62. Carrasco, Davd. Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire: Myths a nd Prophecies in the Aztec Tradition. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992. Coe, Michael and Rex Koontz. Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Corts, Hernn. Hernn Corts: Letters from Mexico Trans. and ed. Anthony Pagden. New Haven: Yale UP, 1986. Daz del Castillo, Bernal. The Discove ry and Conquest of Mexico: 1517-1521 Trans. Alfred P. Maudslay. New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1956.
96 Douglas, Mary and Baron Is herwood. The World of Goods New York: Basic Books, 1979. Durn, Fray Diego. Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar Trans. and ed. Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyde n. Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1971. Durand-Forest, Jacqueline de. Codex Ixtlilxochitl Graz: Akademische Druck-und Verlagsanstalt, 1976. Festinger, Leon. A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance Stanford: Stanford UP, 1957. Gibson, Charles. The Aztecs Under Spanish Ru le: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1964. Griffiths, Nicholas and Fernando Cervantes, eds. Â“Introduction.Â” Spiritual Encounters: Interactions between Christianity and Native Religions in Colonial America Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1999. 1-25. Karttunen, Frances. Â“Indigenous Writing as a Vehicle of Postconquest Continuity and Change in Mesoamerica.Â” Native Trad itions in the Postconquest World Eds. Elizabeth Hill Boone and Tom Cummin s. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1998. 421-447. Keber, Eloise Quiones. Code x Telleriano-Remensis: Ritual, Divination, and History in a Pictorial Aztec Manuscript. Austin: U of Texas P, 1995a. ---. Â“Collecting Cultures: A Mexican Manuscrip t in the Vatican Library.Â” Reframing the Renaissance Ed. Claire Farago. New Haven: Yale UP, 1995b. 229-242. ---, ed. Â“Representing Aztec Ritual in the Wo rk of Sahagn.Â” Representing Aztec Ritual: Performance, Text, and Image in the Work of Sahagn. Boulder: UP of Colorado, 2002. 3-19. Leon-Portilla, Miguel, ed. The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. Boston: Beacon P, 1992. Lockhart, James. Â“Some Nahua Concepts in Postconquest Guise.Â” History of European Ideas 6 (1985): 465-82. ---. The Nahuas After the Conquest Stanford: Stanford UP, 1992. Marcus, Joyce. Mesoamerican Writing System s: Propaganda, Myth, a nd History in Four Ancient Civilizations New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1992.
97 Nicholson, Henry B. Â“Fray Bernardino de Sa hagn: A Spanish Missionary in New Spain, 1529-1590.Â” Representing Aztec Ritual: Pe rformance, Text and Image in the Work of Sahagn Ed. Eloise Quiones Keber. Boulder: UP of Colorado, 2002. 21-39. ---. Â“Representing the Veintena Ceremonies in the Primeros Memoriales .Â” Representing Aztec Ritual: Performance, Text and Image in the Work of Sahagn. Ed. Eloise Quiones Keber. Boulder: UP of Colorado, 2002. 63-106. Nicholson, Irene. Mexican a nd Central American Mythology New York: Peter Bedrick Books,1967. Peterson, Jeanette Favrot. Â“The Florentine C odex Imagery and the Co lonial Tlacuilo.Â” The Work of Bernardino de Sahagn: Pi oneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth-Century Aztec Mexico Ed. J. Jorge Klor de Alva. Al bany: Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York, 1988. 273-293. ---. The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinal co: Utopia and Empire in Sixteenth-Century Mexico Austin: U of Texas P, 1993. Ricard, Robert. The Spiritual Conquest of Me xico: An Essay on the Apostolate and the Evangelizing Methods of the Mendica nt Orders in New Spain: 1523-1572 Trans. Lesley Byrd Simpson. Berkeley: U of California P, 1966. Robertson, Donald. Mexican Manuscript Painting of the Early Colonial Period New Haven: Yale UP, 1959. Sahlins, Marshall D. Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Structure in the Early History of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1981. Townsend, Richard. The Aztecs London: Thames & Hudson, 2000. Wright, Susan. Â“The Politicization of Â‘Culture.Â’Â” Anthropology Today 14 (1998): 7-15.