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The assimilation of the marvelous other

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Title:
The assimilation of the marvelous other reading Christoph Weiditz's Trachtenbuch (1529) as an ethnographic document
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Book
Language:
English
Creator:
Satterfield, Andrea McKenzie
Publisher:
University of South Florida
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Tampa, Fla.
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Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Ethnographic
Charles V
Indigenous Americans
Performance
Social structure
Dissertations, Academic -- Art History -- Masters -- USF   ( lcsh )
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bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
ABSTRACT: This study examines the watercolor drawings of indigenous Americans in the Trachtenbuch, a small sixteenth-century manuscript by Christoph Weiditz. The manuscript was titled as a trachtenbuch by the Germanisches National Museum Library when cataloged in 1868, and Theodor Hampe published the first facsimile under this title in 1927. As this title suggests, the manuscript has long been narrowly defined and examined by scholars as a costume book. I argue instead for broadening the reading of the Trachtenbuch from a costume book, a subset of ethnographic documents that identify individuals based solely on systems of dress, to a visual ethnographic collection, which documents individuals in a more holistic fashion; examining them not only through their systems of dress, but also through their customs, actions, and societal roles. By addressing the Trachtenbuch as a visual ethnographic collection, I argue that Weiditz's manuscript visually frames the indigenous Americans as performers and laborers in their new context in Imperial Spain. The Imperial Spanish court was deeply affected both by the discovery and subsequent invasion of the previously unencountered Americas, and it became a site where the flow of new information from the Americas to Europe could be organized and managed. This study suggests that Charles V's presentation of the American natives as his court performers reflects one strategy for propagandizing his control over the Americas and managing the influx of new information by placing the exotic indigenous Americans in the familiar role of court performer, thus neutralizing their foreignness. Weiditz accompanied the court of Charles V as it traveled throughout most of the Iberian Peninsula and on through the Netherlands during the years 1529-1532, and he had the opportunity to view the indigenous Americans first-hand in a setting governed by the emperor. Reading the Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic document allows for broader interpretations based on both the dress and action portrayed in these likely eye-witness images. These depictions indicate that Weiditz internalized Charles V's strategy by juxtaposing the indigenous Americans as performers with Europeans of various occupations or roles, thereby visually assigning the role of court performer to the indigenous Americans. However, through imbuing the images of American natives with similar bodily composition, action, and dress to his depictions of laborers, Weiditz enhances the indigenous American role in Imperial Spain from mere curiosity to both performer and laborer.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2007.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
System Details:
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
System Details:
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Andrea McKenzie Satterfield.
General Note:
Title from PDF of title page.
General Note:
Document formatted into pages; contains 112 pages.

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University of South Florida Library
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University of South Florida
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Resource Identifier:
aleph - 001914300
oclc - 175299762
usfldc doi - E14-SFE0001971
usfldc handle - e14.1971
System ID:
SFS0026289:00001


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ABSTRACT: This study examines the watercolor drawings of indigenous Americans in the Trachtenbuch, a small sixteenth-century manuscript by Christoph Weiditz. The manuscript was titled as a trachtenbuch by the Germanisches National Museum Library when cataloged in 1868, and Theodor Hampe published the first facsimile under this title in 1927. As this title suggests, the manuscript has long been narrowly defined and examined by scholars as a costume book. I argue instead for broadening the reading of the Trachtenbuch from a costume book, a subset of ethnographic documents that identify individuals based solely on systems of dress, to a visual ethnographic collection, which documents individuals in a more holistic fashion; examining them not only through their systems of dress, but also through their customs, actions, and societal roles. By addressing the Trachtenbuch as a visual ethnographic collection, I argue that Weiditz's manuscript visually frames the indigenous Americans as performers and laborers in their new context in Imperial Spain. The Imperial Spanish court was deeply affected both by the discovery and subsequent invasion of the previously unencountered Americas, and it became a site where the flow of new information from the Americas to Europe could be organized and managed. This study suggests that Charles V's presentation of the American natives as his court performers reflects one strategy for propagandizing his control over the Americas and managing the influx of new information by placing the exotic indigenous Americans in the familiar role of court performer, thus neutralizing their foreignness. Weiditz accompanied the court of Charles V as it traveled throughout most of the Iberian Peninsula and on through the Netherlands during the years 1529-1532, and he had the opportunity to view the indigenous Americans first-hand in a setting governed by the emperor. Reading the Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic document allows for broader interpretations based on both the dress and action portrayed in these likely eye-witness images. These depictions indicate that Weiditz internalized Charles V's strategy by juxtaposing the indigenous Americans as performers with Europeans of various occupations or roles, thereby visually assigning the role of court performer to the indigenous Americans. However, through imbuing the images of American natives with similar bodily composition, action, and dress to his depictions of laborers, Weiditz enhances the indigenous American role in Imperial Spain from mere curiosity to both performer and laborer.
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The Assimilation of the Marvelous Ot her: Reading Christoph Weiditzs Trachtenbuch (1529) as an Ethnographic Document by Andrea McKenzie Satterfield A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Art and Art History College of Visual and Performing Arts University of South Florida Major Professor: Helena K. Szpe, Ph.D. Giovanna Benadusi, Ph.D. Elisabeth Fraser, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2007 Keywords: ethnographic, Charles V, indigenous Americans, performance, social structure Copyright 2007, Andrea M. Satterfield

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i Table of Contents List of Figures..ii Abstract..vii Introduction..1 Chapter One: Weiditz and His Manuscript: What is the Trachtenbuch and Why was it Created?..24 Chapter Two: Physical Assimilation at Court: Indigenous American Performance and the Negotiation of Identity.51 Chapter Three: Visual Assimilation in the Trachtenbuch: Weiditzs Active Images Compartmentalize a Nation.70 Conclusion.91 Works Cited...95 Bibliography Appendix 1: Visual Analysis of the Trachtenbuch.108

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ii List of Figures Figure 1. Indian with Accout rement. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 2. Albrecht Drer, Psalm 24, Book of Hours of Maximilian (1512). Bayerische Staatsb ibliothek, Munich. SOURCE: Jay Levenson, ed., Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).12 Figure 3. Indian Ball game. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 4. Indian dice game, perhaps patolli. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 5. Juggling Phase One. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 6. Juggling Phase Two. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994)

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iii Figure 7. Juggling Phase Th ree. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 8. Indian with mantle and plate. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 9. Indian with mantle. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 10. Indian with mantle and jug. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 11. Indian woman with mantle. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 12. Indian with fan and parrot. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 13. Cesare Vecellio, Meretrici Publiche, De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diverse parti del mondo (Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590). SOURCE: Bronwen Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City, and Early Modern Identity. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press, 2005...27

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iv Figure 14. Threshing corn in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 15. Tugging boats in Bar celona. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 16. Ploughing in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 17. Pietro Bertelli, Mulier Virginie insule Habitatrix and Vir Virginie insule Habitator (Padua: Pietro Bertelli and Alcia Alciato, 1594). SOURCE: Bronwen Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City, and Early Modern Identity. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press, 2005...31 Figure 18. Basque woman of fashion. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 19. Basque woman. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 20. Female Criminal in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994)

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v Figure 21. Spanish cut-purse. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 22. Mourning the dead in Castile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 23. Penitent in Castile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 24. Hans Burgkmair, Peoples of Africa and India detail of Africans from the frieze for Maximilian I, 1508.......41 Figure 25. Hans Burgkmair, Peoples of Africa and India detail of Arabians and Indians from the frieze for Maximilian I, 1508.41 Figure 26. Jrg Breu, Natives of Calicut in Ludovico Varthema, Die ritterlich un [d] lobwirdig Rayss (Augsburg: Hans Miller, 1515)....42 Figure 27. Jrg Breu, Euthanasia in Java in Ludovico Varthema, Die ritterlich un[d] lobwirdig Rayss (Augsburg: Hans Miller, 1515).42 Figure 28. Six Kinds. Bai Miao tu (album no. 28), entry 26. Societa Geographica Italiana. SOURCE: Hostetler, Laura. Qing Colonial Enterprise: Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).45 Figure 29. Alexander von Humboldt Passage through the Quindus, Researches, concerning the institutions and monuments of the anc ient inhabitants of America, with descriptions and views of some of the most striking scenes in the Cordilleras! (London: Longman, et al., 1814)

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vi Figure 30. Jodocus de Vos (1712-21 ) after Jan Vermeyen (1535). The Campaign of the Emperor Charles V Against Tunis: An Unsuccessful Turkish Sortie from La Goletta Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna...66 Figure 31. Spanish nobleman riding. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 32. Noble riders in Va lladolid. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 33. Castilian water-seller and his ass. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 34. Spanish police o fficer. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 35. Spanish female cr iminal. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 36. Spanish male cut-purse. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994)

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vii Figure 37. Male penitent in Saragossa. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 38. Taking in water in Barcelona. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 39. Spanish galley slaves. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 40. Slave with a wine-skin in Castile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 41. Basque dancer. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 42. Dance in Narbonne. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994) Figure 43. Morisco dance. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. SOURCE: Christoph Weiditz, Theodor Hampe, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994)

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viii The Assimilation of the Marvelous Other: A Broader Reading of Christoph Weiditzs Trachtenbuch (1529) as an Ethnographic Document Andrea Satterfield ABSTRACT This study examines the watercolor draw ings of indigenous Americans in the Trachtenbuch, a small sixteenth-century manus cript by Christoph Weiditz. The manuscript was titled as a trachtenbuch by the Germanisches NationalMuseum Library when cataloged in 1868, and Theodor Hampe pu blished the first facs imile under this title in 1927. As this title suggests, the manus cript has long been narrowly defined and examined by scholars as a costume book. I ar gue instead for broadening the reading of the Trachtenbuch from a costume book, a subset of ethnographic documents that identify individuals based solely on sy stems of dress, to a visual ethnographic collection, which documents individuals in a more holistic fashion; examining them not only through their systems of dress, but also through their cu stoms, actions, and societal roles. By addressing the Trachtenbuch as a visual ethnographic collect ion, I argue that Weiditzs manuscript visually frames the indigenous Am ericans as performers and laborers in their new context in Imperial Spain. The Imperial Spanish court was deeply affected both by the discovery and subsequent invasion of the previously unenc ountered Americas, and it became a site where the flow of new information from the Americas to Europe could be organized and managed. This study suggests that Charles Vs presentation of the American natives as

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ix his court performers reflects one strategy for propagandizing his control over the Americas and managing the influx of new info rmation by placing the exotic indigenous Americans in the familiar role of court perf ormer, thus neutralizing their foreignness. Weiditz accompanied the court of Charles V as it traveled throughout most of the Iberian Peninsula and on through the Nether lands during the years 1529-1532, and he had the opportunity to view the indigenous Ameri cans first-hand in a setting governed by the emperor. Reading the Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic document allows for broader interpretations based on both the dress and act ion portrayed in these likely eye-witness images. These depictions indicate that Weiditz internalized Charles Vs strategy by juxtaposing the indigenous Americans as performers with Europeans of various occupations or roles, thereby visually a ssigning the role of court performer to the indigenous Americans. However, through imbui ng the images of American natives with similar bodily composition, action, and dress to his depictions of laborers, Weiditz enhances the indigenous American role in Im perial Spain from mere curiosity to both performer and laborer.

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1 Introduction The fact is that the body, just like its uprightness, is caught in a web of categories dominated by moral expectations. -Georges Vigarello1 This study concentrates on the watercolor drawings of indigenous Americans in the Trachtenbuch,2 a small sixteenth-century manus cript from the hand of Christoph Weiditz, and argues for a new way of reading these drawings within the context of the manuscript as a whole.3 The Trachtenbuch has long been termed one of the first costume books of the early modern period. This is la rgely due to Weiditzs inclusion of static images focusing on the dress of the depicted individuals, a benchmark of the costume 1 This quote is taken from Georges Vigarello, The Upward Training of the Body from the Age of Chivalry to Courtly Civility in Fragments for a History of the Human Body ed. Michel Feher with Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi (Zone Books, 1989), 157. 2 The full title that the manuscript was first published under in 1927 is largely a description of the manuscript, and reads Das Trachtenbuch des Christoph Weiditz von seinen Reisen nach Spanien (1529) und den Niederlanden (1531/32) but I will refer to it throughout this thesis as the Trachtenbuch. The full title of the manuscript is simply a description of its contents and was derived by Dr. Theodor Hampe, the director of the Germanisches NationalMuseum and th e editor and translator of the original facsimile published in 1927. The manuscript itself is currently housed in the Germanisches NationalMuseum in Nuremburg, and it has been at this site since it was donated to the museum by Dr. Johann Egger, a physician from Freyung, in 1868. The Trachtenbuch is made up of 154 pages of heavy cotton and linen paper. The pages themselves are unevenly cut and measure around 150mm by 200mm, and they are bound in a plain pasteboard cover with a pigskin back and marbled paper on the inside covers. The pages are only painted on one side, though several large drawings w ith multiple subjects cover two side-by-side pages, indicating that the watercolor drawings were completed before the pages were bound. The drawings themselves are brightly colored in rich hues, and some bear silver and gold embossing. Scripted text appears on most pages, and the content of it has been attributed to Weiditz, but he may or may not have written it himself. Because of the fairly random groupi ng of the images, which has no discernable logic in its ordering, it is likely that the grouping and bind ing took place some time after the drawings were completed. Overall, the manuscript is in good condition, with some water wear, small patched areas and stray marks. See Appendix I for information on the categories of action in the Trachtenbuch 3 The term manuscript may conjure up images of scribes copying extremely long religious texts by candlelight, but it can be used to describe any ha nd-written document, be it a book, scroll, or even cuneiform tablet. Though the Trachtenbuch is largely image-based, with some text, it has long been referred to as a manuscript.

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2 ed book genre. I argue instead for broa dening the reading of the Trachtenbuch from costume book, a subset of ethnographic documents that identify individuals based solely on systems of dress, to a visual ethnographi c collection, which documents individuals in a more holistic fashion; examining them not only through their systems of dress, but also through focus on their bodies and actions. I examine strategies through which early modern Europeans, particularly Weiditz a nd his employer Charles V, used indigenous Americans as identity-negotiating tools and ultimately assimilated the American natives into their social structure. The discovery of previously unencounter ed lands shook the foundations of early modern European science, scholarship, politics and personal identity. Early studies of the first Spanish encounters with the Americas usually focused alternatingly on the discovery itself, on some aspect of the in digenous inhabitants, or on the subsequent exploitation of, and atrocities committed against, the American natives.4 In the past thirty or so years, however, scholarship ha s shifted the focus back across the ocean to Europe; to a discussion of how contemporary no tions of distant lands and races inform 4 Many of these studies are first person accounts of the conquest and subsequent colonization. For example, Bartolom de las Casas provides several accounts. For an anthology of several of his accounts, see Bartolom de las Casas, History of the Indies ed. and trans. Andre Colla rd (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1971). For an account particularly concerning the atrocities committed by the Spanish, many in the name of Catholicism, which particular ly enraged las Casas, see Bartolom de las Casas, An account, much abbreviated, of the Destruction of the Indies ed. Franklin W. Knight, trans. Andrew Hurley (Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2003). For a Spanish soldiers account of the conquest, and for initial impressions of the indigenous inhabitants, see Bernal Daz, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517-1521, ed. Genaro Garca, trans. A.P. Maudslay (Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1956). For a Domincan friars acco unt of indigenous American relig ion and custom, see Deigo Durn, Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar ed. and trans. Fernan do Horcasitas and Doris Heyden (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 19 71). For a widely-known Jesuit account, with some information based on the above Durn account, see Jos de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies (Chronicles of the New World Encounter) ed. Jane E. Mangan and trans. Frances Lopez-Morillas (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002). For a comprehensive and very widely-cited Fransican account, see Bernardino de Sahagn, Conquest of New Spain ed. S.L. Cline and trans. Howard F. Cline (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989).

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3 mental the actions of the explorers, missionaries, colonizers, and natura lists who encountered them.5 The discourse locates embedded noti ons of the moral, physical, and characteristics of non-European men and wo men in sixteenth-centu ry humanist thought, and analyzes how these individuals both fit in to the European social structure and aided in the early modern European negotiation of identity and self. Within the scholarship on discovery and fi rst encounters, most scholars argue that the first visual and textual descriptions of non-Europeans connect these individuals more with Plinys monstrous races, marvelous be ings, and objects of wonder than with the human race. In recent research, analysis of images points to inaccura cies in depiction of body, dress, or action as evidence of the vast chasm between the European notion of self versus the European notion of Other.6 Textual descriptions of eye-witness encounters with Africans, East Indians, and West Indians also reveal this chasm.7 Because of the 5 There is a vast amount of scholarship on this matter, from first encounter through conquest and colonization. For a collection of articles on European perceptions of America from the first years of encounter through the eighteenth-century see Karen Ordahl Kupperman, ed., American in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). For a collection of essays on Spanish encounters with the Am ericas and how they affected life in Spain, see John Elliott, Spain and its World, 1500-1700: Selected Essays (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). For a semiotic examination of Spanish encounters with indigenous Americans, see Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc., 1984). For a collection of essays on interpreting the different European texts of earl y American encounters, see Stephen Greenblatt ed., New World Encounters (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1993). For a study on the travel texts of Europeans during early encounters with both the far east and the far west, and how the texts themselves effectively capture and possess the Other, see Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). For a more psychological approach to strategies used by Europeans to understand the newness of America, see Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993). For an exhibition considering objects across the glob e at the time of discovery, see Jay A. Levenson ed., Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1991). 6 For analyses on early depictions of indigenous American dress, see Peter Mason, Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 16-41. See also Fredi Chiappelli, ed., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976). 7 Some of the most revealing sources on encounter psychology can be found in Columbus journals that he kept during each voyage to the Americas. Columbus scholar Samuel Eliot Morisons comprehensive collection of Columbus documents includes Columbus journals from each of his voyages to the Americas alongside his correspondences with Ferdinand and Isabella. Reading all the documents together provides

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4 n immense amount of scholarship on the subj ect, however, some images and texts concerning European encounters with the Other have been only cursorily examined, found to be consistent with others in the genre, and neatly stac ked away without the intense scrutiny that they deserve. Greater scrutiny reveals content resistant to easy classification and affirms both the intense complexity and liminal character of the encounter itself and of the col onial enterprises that followed. I focus on one such understud ied source: the so-called Trachtenbuch, a sixteenthcentury German manuscript by Hapsburg cour t artist and medalist Christoph Weiditz. Featured in many texts concerning the firs t images of the curious and marvelous American natives, the manuscript contains images and descriptions not only of Americans, but also of Africans, Ar abians, and Europeans. Weiditzs Trachtenbuch, translated from the German as dress- or costume-book, actually defies easy classification not only because of its comprehens ive nature but also because of the almost scientific quality of its images and text.8 I refer specifically to the manuscripts images of people in movement, seemingly depicted in an eye-witness manner, as betraying a anthropologically observing eye. This present work contributes to the sc holarship on early modern representation of the foreign by reading Weiditzs manuscrip t as an ethnographic document that depicts valuable insight not only into the sometimes conflicting motives of Columbus and the royals, but also into the conflicting thought patterns of Columbus himself, which will be discussed below. See Samuel Eliot Morison, ed. and trans., Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: The Heritage Press, 1963). 8 This title is a modern one, and as such was not gi ven by Weiditz himself, nor does the word appear anywhere in the text of the manuscript. This title wa s apparently derived during the cataloguing process at the Germanisches NationalMuseum, and appears in pencil on the inside cover of the manuscript: it reads Hs. 22474 Weiditz, Trachtenbuch. Later, in hi s facsimile of the manuscript published in 1927, Theodor Hampe gives it the title Das Trachtenbuch des Christoph Weiditz von seinen Reisen nach Spanien (1529) und den Niederlanden (1531/32) He derives this title both from the catalogue entry and from his own interpretation of Weiditzs itinerary on his jo urney with the traveling court of Charles V.

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5 the actions and customs of many regions, and thus opens up additional avenues of research that have been obscured by previ ous studies terming the manuscript a work on costume only. The scholarly focus on costume, in the case of the Weiditz manuscript, has in effect sublimated the vast arra y of depicted customs, performative and occupational actions, and religious and spiritua l activities into an unstudied background. Just as costume books reveal the motivations and biases of their artists or perhaps the artists patrons, broader ethnographic works depicting cu stoms and actions (alongside dress) also reveal these motives. In fact, because of the detailed attention Weiditz gives to the actions of his subjects, any comprehens ive examination of the manuscript must at least fully consider them alongs ide the depicted costumes. This study brings custom and action to the forefront, and analyzes both the motives behind the collection as a whole and the motives behind the visual treatment of the indigenous Americans. Reading the ma nuscript as an ethnographic collection of images reveals, in the case of the Weidit z, early modern artistic innovation and the methods by which a single artist built his knowledge and repertoire of skills. In the case of the manuscripts historical subject matte r, however, it sheds light on Charles Vs strategies for advertising ow nership of the Americas and for assimilating the foreign American natives into Imperial Spains so cial framework; specifically, by presenting them as performers at his court. I locate bo th of these concepts within Weiditzs imagery of the indigenous American body, and ultimat ely argue that his depictions, when analyzed in the context of the whole manuscript, suggest laborer and performer as the only possible roles for the Ameri can native in Imperial Spain.

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6 The inclusion of the Indians alongside Europeans in the Trachtenbuch marks a shift in the visual categorizat ion of the foreign body from me re object of wonder to fully human. However, this inclus ion still insists upon sublimation by emphasizing primarily the performative nature of the non-Europeans ra ther than more valued qualities like hard work or austere religious practice. This por trayal insists upon the Amerindians value as purveyors of recreation, entert ainers and gamblers, and as residents of the Spanish courtall familiar roles to the European resi dents of Colonial Spain, and demonstrative of the fact that the New World lay firmly under the thumb of the Hapsburg throne. State of the Scholarship on Weiditz, the Trachtenbuch and the Identity of the Indigenous Americans When Weiditz began his career as a me dal-maker in Augsburg in the mid 1520s, he received little better than an icy recep tion from the goldsmiths guild, probably due to the fact that he received hi s training as a sculptors appr entice and at this time in Ausgburg, medal-making was primarily regarded as a job reserved only for goldsmiths.9 While the Augsburg goldsmiths guild held We iditz in less than high regard, however, Weiditzs patrons certainly enjoyed his talents and held his work in high esteem. In fact, his training as a sculptor probably informed the unusually na rrative quality often found on the back of his medals and memorial coins, and may have contribut ed to his continued 9 For the most complete biography on Weiditz and his time in Augsburg, see the Introduction to Christoffel Widitz; Theodor Hampe, Das Trachtenbuch des Christoph Weiditz von seinen Reisen nach Spanien (1529) und den Niederlanden (1531/32) (Berlin: Verlag von Walter de Gruyte r, 1927). This publication was the first facsimile of the Trachtenbuch and Hampe includes three translations of the manuscripts text and of his introduction and plate analysis in German, Spanish and English.

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7 d is patronage. The goldsmiths however, because of their intense complaints to the Augsburg council, created a harsh working environment for Weiditz. It is unknown for certain, but Weiditz may have left Augsburg and journeyed to the court of Charles V to obtain imperial permission to practice medal-making in Augsburg (which he received in the form of an imperial decree in 1530), or he may have simply been responding to a call for work from patron Johannes Dantiscus.10 In any case, Weiditz served as court artist fo r Charles V circa the years 1529 through 1532, an he likely completed, or made the preliminary drawings for, the Trachtenbuch during th time. The manuscript itself was never published, and only came to scholarly attention when it was donated to the Germanisches NationalMuseum in 1868. Even though it was never published, however, Hampe hypothesizes that it is possible that his [Weiditz] precise work was very well known in interested circles, and it is very probable that the sheets were sold shortly after his death in 1559.11 This theory is supported by many of the images in the Sigmund Heldt costume book that Hampe describes as based Weiditzs images,12 and also by some of the images from a 1577 costume book by Hans Weigel, the woodcuts in which were done after woodcuts by Jost Amman.13 Heldt and Amman both had close working relationships 10 Theodor Hampe in Christoph Weiditz, Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance (Dover Publications, Inc., 1994), 15. This publication is al so a facsimile of Weiditzs work, and it reproduces the English translation of the above 1927 facsimile word for word. 11 Hampe, 22. 12 Ibid., 21. The Heldt costume images can be found in the Lipperheide Costume Library catalog. See Kunstbibliothek (Berlin, Germany), Eva Nienholdt; Gretel Wagner-Neumann and Franz Lipperheide, Katalog der Lipperheideschen Kostmbibliothek (Berlin: Mann, 1965). 13 The woodcuts that were similar to Weiditzs drawings were the images of Basque and Morisco women. Though Weiditz may not have been able to observe these particular women from life, the similarities between these images and Ammans woodcuts indicates at the very least that they were

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8 with Frankfurt publisher Sigism und Feyerabend, and it is likely that they would have had access to the same prototypes. Whether thes e prototypes were originated by Weiditz or whether he simply also had access to them is unknown.14 Typically lumped into the genre of early images of the New World, Weiditzs most critically examined work has only tw o assessments of any length. The first is written by Theodor Hampe, the curator of the Germanisches NationalMuseum in 1927.15 Then the curator of the Germanisches NationalMuseum, Hampe wrote a lengthy description of the manuscript, arguing for its rightful place as the first costume book of early modern Europe. He may have argued in this direction because of the similarities to the Heldt costume book, or simply because th e NationalMuseums catalogue entry for the manuscript, which reads Hs. 22474 Weiditz Trachtenbuch. The title of Hampes facsimile of the manuscript is actually his description of its contents, Das Trachtenbuch des Christoph Weiditz von seinen Reisen nach Spanien (1529) und den Niederlanden (1531/32) This is the title that has stayed with the manuscript, even though Weiditz himself gives it no name in the body of the text. This titling, of course, points focus only probably derived from the same source. See Hans Weigel and Jost Amman, Habitus praecipuorum populorum tm virorum, qum foem inarum, olim singulari Johannis Weigelii proplastis Norimbergensis arte depicti & excusi: nunc ver debita diligentia denu recusi (Vlm: Johann Grlins Buchndlers, 1639). This publication is a reprint of the 1577 edition printed in Nuremburg. 14 It is also interesting to note the similarities be tween Weiditzs illustrations of occupations and Jost Ammans woodcuts from his famous Das Stndebuch (1568), the Book of Trades. Though none of the images or personas in Ammans Book of Trades appears to be based on Weiditzs Trachtenbuch images, both depict occupational action. Because of this similarity as well as his relationship with Feyerabend, it is likely that Amman was at least awar e of Weiditzs images by the time he began work on his Book of Trades. The Book of Trades, however, while depicting occupational action, does not delve into ethnographic matters as Ammans images do not emphasize the occupations of various regions. The Trachtenbuch in turn, emphasizes more than just occupatio n and thus defies categorization as a trade book. What can be emphasized is that some of Ammans and Weigels works from the latter part of the sixteenth-century portray certain degree of familiarity to Weiditzs work from decades earlier. See Jost Amman, The Book of Trades (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1973). 15 This examination appears as introdu ctions to facsimiles of Weiditzs Trachtenbuch See Introductions for Theodor Hampe in Christoffel Widitz, Das Trachtenbuch ; Theodor Hampe in Christoph Weiditz, Authentic Everyday Dress

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9 to the dress of the depicted individuals. Pe rhaps another title should be considered at some point in the future so that the et hnographic qualities other than dresscustom, occupational, performative, and spiritual activitywill be given their due attention. However, for the purpose of this thesis, I will refer to the manuscript as Weiditzs Trachtenbuch. In his intro duction to the Trachtenbuch Hampe provides some biographic information on Weiditz, identifying him as the younger brother of the more widely recognized Hans Weiditz, and attempts to follow his career up to his death around the year 1559.16 Besides providing the most comprehensive data on the life of the illusive Weiditz,17 Hampe connects the images in the Trachtenbuch with a journey undertaken by Weiditz with the court of Charles V, and gr oups them first according to those with a definite connection to the Imperial court of Spain, followed by those from the Spanish territories of Castile, Aragon (or Saragossa), Barcelona, and other images from Catalonia, and finally images from other areas incl uding Granada, and regions of present-day France, Britain and Italy.18 Of intense interest to this present study, Hampe further categorizes the images in this manner: w ithin these different groups [listed above] the larger scenes portraying the life of the people and containing several figures have been 16 Hampe, 16. Hampe identifies this year as the last year that taxes were paid in Weiditzs name, thus identifying this year as the time of his death. 17 I say illusive because various scholars have identifie d Christoph Weiditz as the son, older brother, or younger brother to Hans Weiditz. B ecause of the comprehensive nature of Hampes archival research and the similarities in form between some of Christophs images to those of Hans later images, I side with Hampe in identifying Christoph as the brother of Hans. 18 The original grouping of the images is unknown, although they are currently bound in a slightly different order than that chosen by Hampe in the 1929 facsimile. Becau se of the odd cutting of some of the pages at the time of binding, Hampe argues that these may simply have been se parate leaves of paper with no particular order at the time of binding. See Appendix I, the Visual Analysis of the Trachtenbuch for both page sequences.

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10 placed ahead of the mere costume pictures (emphasis mine).19 This is a striking example of the ethnographic na ture of Weiditzs imagese ven the major proponent of the Trachtenbuch as a costume book recognizes the emphasis that Weiditz placed on depicting the lives and actions his subjects over depicting their dress. This is not to say, however, that Weiditzs work bears no resembla nce at all to a sixt eenth-century costume book. On the contrary, several similarities between Weiditzs manuscript and works on costume exist; particularly when considering Weiditzs static images of figures from Britain, Portugal, Vienna and the Basque regions These drawings, discussed in detail in the next section, represent regions through which the Hapsburg court did not travel during the time that Weiditz accompanied it. Hampe argues that Weiditz, in order to complete the plan for a finished manuscript,20 probably completed these figures not from life but by copying extant models. The second critical examination of Weiditz s manuscript is similar in approach to Hampes 1927 work. However, the authors of the 2001 facsimile, Jos Luis Casado Soto and Carlos Soler dHyver de los Deses, concentrate more on the identities of the Amerindians depicted within.21 Soto and los Deses argue th at some of the individuals termed Indians by Weiditz and subseque ntly by Hampe as Aztecs actually represented Brazilian Indians whom Weiditz never had the opportunity to observe in person. They argue this based largely on the dress of the individual depicted in Fig. 1, 19 Hampe, 20. 20 Ibid., 23. 21 This examination, like Hampes in 1927, appears as the introduction to a facsimile of the Weiditz manuscript. See Jos Luis Casado Soto and Carlos Soler dHyver de los Deses in Christoph Weiditz, The Costume Codex: Trachtenbuch (Valencia: Ediciones Grial, 2001).

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11 and on the feathered necklace and shie ld bearing a Christian cross design.22 This argument is certainly a strong one, based on the fact that feathered accessories and accoutrement are not typically associated with Aztecs, and also on the fact that Weiditz also included other figures that he likely based on models by other artists.23 With this in mind, it is inte resting to note that Fig. 1 bears a striking resemblance to an image, seen in Fig. 2, by Albrecht Drer from the Book of Hours of Maximilian dated (in Drers own hand) 1515. Jean Michel Massing argues that this individual is intended to represent a Brazilian Indian, a stat ement he bases largely on the semi-accurate depiction of the weapon held in the Indians right hand.24 Due to the date of Drers image, it is conceivable that Weiditz might have used it as a template to round out his images of American natives. This argume nt is especially compelling considering the likenesses between the two images, from the more obvious similarities in accoutrement to the more subtle similarities of the feathere d necklace, the hairstyle, contrapposto stance, even down to the tilt of the head. 22 Hampe also addresses this when he discusses the fina l image of an American na tive, though he does not go into as much detail as Soto and los Deses. 23 The possibility also exists that these models were in fact derived by Weiditz himself. At this point in the state of the research on the Trachtenbuch however, a concrete solution to this speculation is simply unavailable. Weiditzs images of Morisco women and the women of the Basque region bear significant resemblance to later printed works by Hans Weiditz, indicating that a template was likely used. Whether Weiditz was the originator of the template is unknown. 24 Jean Michel Massing, Early European Images of America: the Ethnographic Approach, in Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration Jay A. Levenson, ed. (Yale University Press, 1991), 515-16. Massing includes an image of a similar wea pon of the Tupi-speaking tribes which is now housed in the Muse de lHomme in Paris. In this article, Massing also argues that Drer never actually observed a Brazilian Indian due to the decidedly European contrapposto stance, the length of the skirt, and the European style sandals

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12 Figure 1. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 2. Albrecht Drer, Psalm 24, Book of Hours of Maximilian (1512). Bayerische Staatsb ibliothek, Munich. When comparing this image to the other im ages of American natives (Figs. 3-12) in the Trachtenbuch, it becomes especially apparent that Weiditz himself may not have intended this image to belong with the rest. The distinctly different facial features and lack of facial adornment particularly betray this possibility as all of Weiditzs other American natives (with the exception of the woma n) have jewels insert ed into their faces as well as similar facial featur es. The facial features of Fig. 1 are much more in line with those of Drers Brazilian I ndian. Though this fact begs an in-depth stu dy of its own, it regrettably falls outside of my present focus as this thesis requires that I concentrate

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primarily on the preceding active images of American nativesdescribed by Weiditz as those whom Ferdinand Cortez brought to his Imperial Maje sty [Charles V].25 Figure 3. Indian Ballgam e. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 13 Figure 4. Indian dice game, perhaps patolli. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 25 Hampe, 27. It is possible that Weiditz himself textually acknowledged that the last image, Fig.1, was not from the same group as the others. His quote, as tr anslated from the Old German by Hampe, reads, Thus they go in India with their arms two thousand miles away where gold is found in the water. This could mean that this depiction reveals how the Indians within this group of Aztecs travel ed, or it could be read as depicting other Indians who lived two thousand miles away from this group of Aztecs.

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14 Figure 5. Juggling Phase One. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 6. Juggling Phase Two. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 7. Juggling Phase Three. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

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Figure 9. Indian with mantle. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 8. Indian with mantle and plate. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 15 Figure 10. Indian with mantle and jug. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 11. Indian woman with mantle. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

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Figure 12. Indian with fan and parrot. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Based on new and existing scholarship that continually sheds light on the ritual practices and everyday life of sixteenth-century indigenous Americans, the Americans brought to Charles V by Corts and pictured in the midst of play or performance were most likely Aztecs, as Hampe theorized. As will be discussed in detail in Chapter 2, these individuals are documented by Corts secretary Francisco Lopez de Gomara as performers in Aztec ruler Motecuzhomas court.26 Though some scholars like Soto and los Deses have argued otherwise based on th e feathered clothing and weaponry featured on several Americans,27 it is likely that at least some of this featherwork was a later 26 Francisco Lpez de Gmara, Corts: The Life of the Conquerer by His Secretary trans. and ed. by Lesley Byrd Simpson (University of California Press, 1966), 145, 390. 1627 Because Weiditz observed the American natives in pe rson, it is unlikely that he would have originally included the feathered skirt, as this was not a typical article of clothing for the Aztecs (or indeed any American native in North or Central America) and it has been widely misinter preted by early modern

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17 addition to the manuscript, either meant to cater to the sensibility of a more modest audience or owner,28 or to conform to pre-conceive d notions of indigenous American dress. While Hampe and Soto and los Deses ar e the only scholars to write lengthy studies on the Trachtenbuch they are not the only ones to reference it in discussion. In fact, Weiditzs images of the American na tives represent some of the most widely recognized depictions in early encounter scholarship, and are mentioned in myriad journal articles, exhibition catalogues, and books. However, though many scholars reference Weiditzs work, most simply list it as an example, albeit a strangely straightforward one, of the first depictions of American natives on European soil.29 These references lend credibility to Weiditzs drawings as eye-witness depictions, but most stop short of an in-depth study and concentrate instead on questioning the accuracy of the Amerindian dress, citing the Trachtenbuch as one of the first attempts at a costume book, or simply using Weiditzs images as proof of likeness.30 European artists. Hugh Honour writes on the misuse of the feathered skirt image, suggesting that Europeans made the mistake of assuming that a feathered headdress was instead a skirt in his Science and Exoticism: The European Artist and the Non-European World before Johan Maurits, in Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen 1604-1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil E. van den Boogaart, ed. (The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau Stichting, 1979), 269-96. For more information on European artists usage of the feathered skirt in images, see Peter Mason, Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 16-41. For information on Aztec costume as it is depicted in Mexican codices, see Patricia Rieff Anawalt, Indian Clothing Before Corts: Mesoamerican Costumes from the Codices (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1981). 28 When critically examining the images it is easy to detect the loincloths underneath the feathered skirts of the American men, and to realize the difference in tonal quality between Weiditzs original watercolor sketches and the probably later additions. These late r additions are consistent throughout the manuscript and are most prominent when examining the dcolletage of the women. Almost all of the women, though each wears very different dress, have the same sort of sheer collar. 29 See Massing, pp. 516-17; for examples of a discussi on on the forthrightness of Weiditzs images, see Keith Sturtevant in First Images of America: the Impact of the New World on the Old (University of California Press, 1976); Bronwen Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City and Early Modern Identity (University of Toronto Press, 2005), esp. p. 116 and the Notes on pp. 301-302. 30 For an example of using the images in the Trachtenbuch to determine the likene ss of Corts, see Hugh Thomas, Conquest: Corts, Montezuma, and the Fall of Old Mexico (Simon & Schuster, 1995), 136; For an

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18 Although little in-depth information exists on the Trachtenbuch it is my hope that more studies such as this one will appear so that a more complete picture of this rich manuscript will take shape. I seek to expa nd the discourse on this manuscript by arguing here for a broader reading of the Trachtenbuch as a visual ethnographic collection of early modern Europe, with special attention given to the subjects of Imperial Spain, including the Americas. By r eading this manuscript as an ethnographic collection, I hope to open more doors for research on several topics, including early modern artistic innovation; the ceremonial stra tegies through which European s asserted control over foreign cultures, particularly the Americas ; and the manner in which these ceremonial strategies have been represented in th e body of indigenous Americans and Europeans alike. This work fits into the discussion of si xteenth-century Europe s reactions to the New World, described as the c onditions of recepti on and the strategies of interpretation by Claire Farago in Reframing the Renaissance .31 This theory mandates the consideration of the conceptual environmen t of the sixteenth-century European when discussing visual works produced during this time. In this thesis, I identify visual strategies by which Europe received the Ne w World and its inhabitants, and locate these strategies visually within individual images of American natives in the Trachtenbuch as well as by examining the Trachtenbuch as a whole visual object. example of mentioning the Trachtenbuch as a costume book depicting inaccu rate imagery of Amerindians, See Peter Mason, Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic (The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 17. 31 See Faragos introduction to Claire Farago, ed., Reframing the Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America, 1450-1650 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), esp. 18-19.

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19 I begin by concentrating on the nature of the Trachtenbuch itself. From what genre does it spring and what does it reveal about its aut hor, Christoph Weiditz? Is it only a costume book, as many scholars have classified it? Is it the visual equivalent of the early anthropological textual works of Herodotus, Pliny, and Isidore of Seville? Weiditzs images, depicting customs, activities, and clothing, certainly exhibit several of the qualities of early costume books. However, by comparing compositional aspects of early costume books to those of Weiditzs ma nuscript, I argue that many of the factors that point to a documents status as a costume book simply do not apply to many of Weiditzs images. These factors typical of works on costume include figures that are centered on the page, visual frames that ar e devoid of setting, lack of individual identification of figures and, a bove all, visual emphasis on costume. I suggest that due to Weiditzs inclusion of active depictions of a cross-section of early modern Europes population and his lack of emphasis on costume, the Trachtenbuch exhibits a broader range of ethnographic qualities than would a typical costume book. This is not to say that Weiditz did not consider costume at all, as he includes several deta iled static images of dress; rather, I posit that that the inclus ion of active images depicting customs, occupations, and societal roles warrants investigation and begs a broader ethnographic reading of the document. This idea springs not only from the vi sual and textual differences between Weiditzs manuscript and the typical sixtee nth century costume book, but also from the competitive environment of the Augsburg guild s and workshops. Christopher Friedrichs argues that in early modern Germany many ar tisans sought to establish themselves with their own distinctive product in order to avoid increased dependence on capitalist

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20 merchants.32 I argue that the et hnographic quality of the Trachtenbuch s imagery may represent Weiditzs attempt to establish an innovative product that would give him an advantage over his competition. Ethnographic and anthropologi cal texts were not unusual at this time, though there has been no real discussion on the possibilit y of a predominantly visual work of this nature. Margaret Hodgen, in a pioneering review of anthropology in early modern Europe, identifies many largely textual works that exhibit the interest in customs and everyday activities so common to ethnogra phical works. Though largely devoid of imagery, I argue that these works bear a striking resemblance to Weiditzs Trachtenbuch in terms of the interest th e authors exhibit in the daily life of their subject. The number of early modern European artworks described as ethnographic is slim, though recently Stephanie Leitch has identified the woodcuts of Burgkmair and Breu as ethnographic in nature by citing the artists extreme interest in daily customs of their subject. 33 Prior to her research, the closes t matches to early modern European ethnographic imagery were not found in Eur ope at all; rather, they were found in seventeenth-century Asia. The Miao Albums of the early modern Qing dynasty, discussed as ethnographic documents by Laura Hostetler, are both te xtand image-based, and closely resemble Weiditzs manuscript in visual subject as well as in the tone of the te xt. Hostetler argues that the Miao albums act as vessels that adapt the dynastys social structure so that it may at once accept and subjugate new members, and that establish the dynastys dominance 32 Christopher Friedrichs, Capitalism, Mobility and Class Formation in the Early Modern German City, in Past and Present No. 69 (Nov., 175), pp. 24-49. 33 Stephanie Leitch, Better than the Prodigies : the Prints of Hans Burgkmair, Jrg Breu, and the Marvels of the New World, PhD diss (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2005), 17.

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21 over its peripheral territories.34 This argument offers a lens through which to read Weiditzs images and also the actions of Charles V. I apply this theory to the Trachtenbuch and build upon it by examining the historical circumstances of the first encounters with the New World, following the court system that allowed Weiditz to depict the I ndians, and arguing for Charles Vs reputation of using his court to bolster the Hapsburg political reputation as possessors of the newly acquired territories of the Americas. As Imperial Spains military campaign conquered the Americas by force, Charles V advertised his own identity as the New Worlds possessor by exhibiting indigenous Amer icans at his court. Weiditzs Trachtenbuch, when read as an ethnographic document, rev eals how Weiditz intern alized Charles Vs strategy by juxtaposing the indigenous Amer icans as performers with Europeans of various professions or roles, thereby assi gning the role of court performer to the indigenous Americans. Of c ourse, Edward Saids seminal Orientalism is crucial to this study, given that I argue as he does, for both the intentional and unintentional European authoring and domination, through representatio n, of the Otherin this case American natives. Using Stephen Greenblatts notion of s elf-fashioning, I discuss Charles Vs methods of constructing his id entity as ruler of the Americas by using a collection of artifacts and people brought to him by Hern an Corts. By presenting the American natives, the first to appear in Europe, as his court performers, Charles V effectively neutralizes their strangeness and places them in a role familiar to his European 34 For a comprehensive look at how th e rise in ethnographic albums, such as the Miao, in the East mirrored the rise of ethnography in the West, see Laura Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise: Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China (University of Chicago Press, 2001), 81-101.

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22 subjects. This act expresses his control ove r the Americas in a highly visible material form. I also note his use of tapestries comme morating military victories as evidence of a continuous pattern of mate rializing his empire. The final section reveals how the furthe r ethnographic considerations of custom, religious, performative, and occupational activit y manifest in Weiditzs manuscript. In this section, I visually analyze the individuals depicted in the manuscript and focus on the different regional groups and soci al hierarchy revealed by Weid itzs drawing strategies. I identify five main categorie s of action depicted in the Trachtenbuch: labor (both voluntary and forced), punitive and civil admi nistration, spiritual and religious activity, travel, and performance and play. Based on action, bodily comportment and dress of the American natives in comparison to that of the Europeans depicted in the Trachtenbuch I argue that Amerindians visually occupied bot h the roles of performer and laborer. While their role as performer remains obvious due to the actions depicted, th eir possible role as laborer is more subtly identified thro ugh similarities in body and dress between Amerindians and laborers. I plot the incorporation of these concepts on the body of the Amerindians as they are represented by Weiditz in his Trachtenbuch, and on the performance and play activities observed and conducted in the court of Charles V. Considering David Napiers discussion of the foreign body, I suggest that th e concept of self is completely dependent on the existence of the physical body of the Other;35 thus, the actions of and roles taken on by the physical body play a large part in id entity formation, both in terms of Self and Other. Keeping this in mind, I apply the not ion of bodily comportm ent as it relates to 35 A. David Napier, Foreign Bodies: Performance, Art, and Symbolic Anthropology (University of California Press, 1992), 141.

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23 societal status in order to identify a role fo r Amerindians in Imperial Spain based on their bodily depictions.36 This thesis examines the possible historical circumstances behind the inception of Christoph Weiditzs Trachtenbuch, and seeks to understand wh at the manuscript reveals about early modern European strategies for integrating American natives into a familiar social structure. By identifying Weiditzs Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic collection, I reveal a physical location for this integrati on to take place, while Charles Vs court provides the historical setting. The images of the Amerindi ans performance at court illustrate how Charles V used the American natives as tools to espouse his identity as possessor of the Americas, and, when taken in the full context of the Trachtenbuch, argue for Charles Vs role in the incorporation of the Amerindian into Imperial Spains social structure as performer or entertainer. 36 The idea of bodily comportment as it relates to early modern societal status is thoroughly explored in Georges Vigarello, The Upward Training of the Body from the Age of Chivalry to Courtly Civility in Fragments for a History of the Human Body ed. Michel Feher with Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi, Vol.2 (New York: Zone Books, 1989), 148-199.

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24 Chapter One Weiditz and His Manuscript: What is the Trachtenbuch and Why was it Created? Scholars have devoted much interest to manuscripts and printed books, written in antiquity through the early modern period, that categorize and catalogue curiosities.37 An equal amount of interest has also been directed to the classification of plants and animals, perhaps reaching a furor just after Carl von Linns development of a concrete classification system in 1735. Catalogues, in manuscript and printed form, which included all of the above-mentioned topics we re fairly common, and tended to include brief sections on human curiosities, or on humans who lived nearby the catalogued curiosities or whatever flora and fauna was being discussed. Oddly, however, it is much harder to locate documents or imagery recording, cataloguing and classifying only humans, as humans are generally only include d as relating to discussed subjects. While albums featuring humans only do exist, they ar e usually presented to the public eye as costume books. Of course, several exceptions to this rule exist, with the most notable being a small, pocket-sized book by Johann Boemus. First published Augs burg under the title 37 For discussions on the Wunderkammer and its development in early modern Europe, see Mark A. Meadow, Merchants and Marvels: Hans Jacob Fugger and the Origins of the Wunderkammer, in Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe ed. by Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen (Routledge, 2002), pp. 182-200; Paula Findlen, Inventing Nature: Commerce, Art, and Science in the Early Modern Cabinet of Curiosities, in Merchants and Marvels pp.297-323; and Paula Findlen, Possessing the Past: The Material World of the Italian Renaissance, in The American Historical Review, Vol. 103, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 83-114. For a discussion on the reemergence of the Wunderkammer in the post-modern world, see see See Umberto Eco, Travels in Hyperreality trans. by William Weaver (Harcourt Inc., 1986) pp. 1-58.

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25 Omnium gentium mores, leges, & ritus ex multis clarissimis rerum scriptoribus (1520),38 it contained ethnographic data on the manners and customs of known peoples throughout Europe, Africa and Asia. The book was widely circulated almost immediately, and it is likely that Weiditz, working in Augsburg at the time, was familiar with it. I argue that due to Weiditzs inclusion of active depict ions of a cross-sec tion of early modern Europes social structure, the Trachtenbuch, which has long been classified as a costume book, exhibits more of the qualities of a visu al ethnographic document, such as Boemuss printed book, than of an early costume book. Before turning to the active images as ethnographic observations, however, I would like to address the Trachtenbuch s classification as costume book, and suggest that the static images, devoid of landscape or setti ng, that aided in this classification can be explained by an artistic nece ssity to round out a product, rath er than a desire to produce a work documenting costume only. That is, due to the competitive nature of artisanal work in Augsburg, and indeed much of early modern Europe, Weiditz may have felt pressure to present an innovative product of his ownfor use in his familys workshop as a model book, or in order to advertise his pers onal expertise and abil ities. According to Hampes itinerary for Weiditzs travels wi th the Hapsburg court, the active images correspond to regions through which the cour t traveled, thus allowing Weiditz the opportunity to depict individuals from life. Most of the static images, however, 38 See Margaret Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964). She references the Latin version Johann Boemus, Omnium gentium mores, leges, & ritus ex multis clarissimis rerum scriptoribus (Augsburg: Augustae Vindelicorum, S. Grimm & Wirsung, 1520). She also references the English version Johann Boemus, The fardle of faions conteining the aunciente maners, customes, and Lawes, of the pe oples enhabiting the two partes of the earth, called Affrike and Asie (London: Jhon Kingstone and Henry Sutton, 1555).

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26 correspond to regions that the court did not travel through.39 The inclusion of these images, some of which Hampe argues were probably copied from earlier sources, indicates a desire to present a complete work depicting individuals from as many regions as possible.40 The voyages of discovery that took place in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries heralded a new desire to view indi viduals from foreign la ndstheir appearance, clothing, and at times, the landscape they inha bited. Mirrored literally in the curiosity about other cultures was the desire to defi ne self, and national or regional identity by comparison. According to Bronwen W ilson, the emergence of the costume book sensation in the mid to late sixteenth-centu ry reflected this growing interest with geographical boundaries.41 In fact, she compares the costume book to an atlas, saying like atlases, costume books ordered the wo rld by geography, rende ring it legible and compact.42 Of course, the shift from script to pr int also allowed the costume book sensation to flourish, and most of the costume books fr om the sixteenth-centu ry are printed works rather than manuscripts. This shift contri buted to the costume book artists ability to order the world for a large slice of Europe s population by providing graphic aids and a method for rapid reproduction and distribution. Visually, this ordering was largel y achieved by dividing a costume book by region, and placing one or more static individuals in a viewing plane devoid of architecture or identifiable landscape. In addi tion, these figures were placed at the center 39 These include primarily the regions of Grenada, Portugal, England and Ireland. 40 Hampe, 23. 41 Wilson, 70. 42 Ibid, 72.

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of the image, so that the viewers focus would land squarely on the costume of the depicted figures. Often, the costume book arti sts literally separated their subjects by a decorative frame, further removing them from any sort of discerna ble habitat (See Fig. 13). Figure 13. Cesare Vecellio, Meretrici Publiche, De gli habiti antichi, et moderni di diverse parti del mondo (Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590). Rarely identified by an actual name, most of the individuals featured in costume books represent the social types of a re gion, termed specimens by Wilson.43 These characteristics of costume books emphasize th e reasons why scholars have focused on the clothing itself, and rightly so. Because habita t, action and individual naming rarely exists in the image, the costume takes on an agency of its own. Indeed, historians and art 2743 Ibid, 97.

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28 historians alike have identified, in ma ny cases, extremely codified systems for establishing national identity, reinforcing regional social structure or interpreting the foreign body.44 When comparing the visual aspects of typical costume books to Weiditzs Trachtenbuch, however, several significant differences are obvious. Primarily, the active imagery of individuals from the Americas, Spain and the Netherlands points to Weiditzs interest in visually identifying them by thei r actions, which variously portray occupation, religion, and leisure activities. While the artists of typical costume books often identify males by occupation, and sometimes include the accoutrement of that occupation, the artists rarely, if ever, depict their subjects in the midst of performing the duties of their occupation.45 Weiditz, however, depicts seve ral individuals performing their occupational tasks. Figs. 14-16, for example, depict the acts of threshing corn, tugging boats, and ploughing, with Weiditz visually fo cusing the interest on the actions at hand, on the specifics of how the task is performed, rather than fo cusing the visual interest on the clothing. In fact, in these images, Weiditz centers the implements of action, the tools, at the center of the viewing plane, and relegates the bodies, especially in Figs. 14 and 16, to the periphery of the page. This is completely uncharacteristic of a typical costume 44 In addition to Wilsons The World in Venice see Wilson, Reproducing the Contours of Venetian Identity in Sixteenth-Century Costume Books, in Studies in Iconography Vol. 25 (2004), pp. 221-74; Wilson, Reflecting on the Turk in Late Sixteenth Century Venetian Portrait Books, in Word and Image Vol. 19, no. 1/2 (January/June, 2003), pp. 38-58. For dress as it relates to proper conduct, see Elizabeth Currie, Prescribing Fashion: Dress, Politics and Gender in Sixteenth-Century Italian Conduct Literature, in Fashion Theory 4 no. 2 (June 2000), pp. 157-77. For the cultural significance of sixteenth century clothing in life vs. death, see Beatrix Bastl, Clothing the Living and the Dead: Memory, Social Identity and Aristocratic Habit in the Early Modern Habsburg Empire, in Fashion Theory 5 no. 4 (December, 2001), pp. 357-88. 45 Though similar to Jost Ammans Das Stndebuch (1568) in that both depict occupational action, Weiditzs work cannot be termed a trade book becaus e it focuses on so many other regional activities. The similarities, rather, likely indicate that Amman was familiar with the subject matter of Weiditzs manuscript. See Jost Amman, The Book of Trades (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1973).

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book, where the subject, indeed th e clothing of the subject, re mains centered on the page and is intended as the sole focus for the viewer. Figure 14. Threshing corn in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 15. Tugging boats in Bar celona. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 29

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Figure 16. Ploughing in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Even more striking examples of Weiditzs decision not to retain costume as the main focus can be found in the active images of the indigenous Americans. Fig. 4 portrays two indigenous Ameri can men playing a dice game,46 and, as in the case of the Europeans discussed above, the activity receives the visual focus. Even the gestures and body positioning of each man pull the viewers fo cus back to the game at hand. Weiditz depicts the two figures wearing the traditio nal loincloths typical of Aztec men under Motecuhzomas reign. The minimal nature of the loincloths would have been striking to Weiditz and any other early modern European ; in fact, most of the first images of indigenous Americans focused on the lack of clothing worn by the native peoples by placing the figures facing forward, fully disp laying their attire (See Fig. 18). Weiditz, however, relegates these shocking articles of clothing to the outskirts of the pages, focusing instead on depicting the game played by the men. 3046 The accompanying text describes as gambling, and Ha mpe refers to it as similar to the Italian Morra. This image probably actually represents the Mesoamerican game of patolli, which was usually played with a playing board drawn on a thin strip of cloth.

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Figure 17. Pietro Bertelli, Mulier Virginie insule Habitatrix and Vir Virginie insule Habitator (Padua: Pietro Bertel li and Alcia Alciato, 1594). This is not to say that Weiditz never fo cuses on the strangeness of the indigenous American attire; but when he does visually pu ll focus to attire in the active images, he does so in an effort to emphasize the role of the costume in the activity. For example, Fig. 3 portrays the indigenous American ballgame. Though the ballgame took on different forms in different regions of the Am ericas, this particular form consisted of hitting a ball with the hips and rear of the body.47 While Weiditz composes this image so that attire is featured more prominentl y, he does so to emphasize the clothing as protective gear related to the activity. Described by the accompanying text as hard leather [to] receive the blow from the ball, they also have such leather gloves on,48 the oddness of the clothings appearance has little to do with establishing a ny sort of codified 47 For a thorough description of the Aztec ballgame a nd its significance in Aztec society, see John Gerard Fox, et.al, Playing with Power: Ballcourts an d Political Ritual in Southern Mesoamerica, in Current Anthropology Vol. 37, no. 3 (June, 1996), pp 483-509. 3148 Hampe, 28.

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identity based on costume, and everything to do with depicting an activity that Weiditz observes as part of the i ndigenous American culture. While Weiditzs images of daily activities with little emphasis on costume, argue against pigeon-holing this manuscript solely into th e category of costume book, similarities between his Trachtenbuch and a typical costume book also argue against removing the manuscript from the costume book genre entirely. Though the original order of the manuscript pages cannot be known for certain, they may have been grouped by region, like the majority of the costume books from the sixteenth century. Also, the short labels, the text of which has been at tributed to Weiditzs notes, bear a strong resemblance to those that accompany typical images in books on costume. The most compelling of these similarities, however, is compositional. Weiditzs inclusion of static figures in the center of the vi ewing plane, in stances that highlight costumes, along with text referencing the subjects dress (Figs. 18 and 19), certain ly points to his interest in depicting dress. Figure 18. Basque woman of fashion. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Figure 19. Basque woman. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 32

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33 el book. Even the figures in these images, however, s eem to interact with someone or something outside of the viewers line of sight, betraying a commitment to active, narrative imagery. This commitment can also be observed in the case of Weiditzs portrait medals, the reverse, or tail-side, of which often depi ct narrative scenes described by Hampe as characteristic of Weiditzs work.49 Another explanation fo r these static images, discussed briefly above, may be that Weiditz either felt pressure to present a finished work for himself or for use in his workshop as a mod Prior to the early sixteenth-century, ma nuscripts depicting humans alone were found primarily in artisan workshops as model books.50 The humans within, however, largely represented biblical a nd allegorical figurestypes and exempla that provided sources for masters and apprentices alike du ring the processes of manuscript illumination and the completing of alterpieces, frescoes and mosaics. These albums were not generally meant for public consumption, but for the private use of a workshop, though they were sometimes available for loan to other artisans. Robert Scheller, following Julius von Schlossers argument that artists of the middle ages used models from other artists rather than observing a subject from nature, cites the concept of authority [as] an important constituen t of this process.51 Process here refers to the transmission of models and examples from master to appr entice or from workshop to workshop, and implicates the author, or in some cases th e owner, of the prototype from which all 49 Ibid 13. 50 See Robert W. Scheller, Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca. 900-ca. 1450) (Amsterdam University Press, 1995). 51 Ibid., 7.

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34 subsequent models spring as holding some de gree of power or authority over the copiers of the prototype.52 This certainly rings true when examining artisan culture in early modern Germany and the concept of intellectual property. In his discussion on the cla ss structure of early modern German cities, Christopher Friedrichs charts the process by which artisans began to have debtor relationships with wealth ier merchants. The merchants supplied the materials and the artisan s and craftsmen supplied the finished products.53 While these debtor/debtee relationships became more co mmon through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,54 Friedrichs notes that upward mobility was still possible for the artisan through marriage and also through produci ng and marketing his or her own goods.55 As early modern Europeans increasingly create d and delineated ranks among themselves, so too artisans sought to distinguish th emselves from their contemporaries.56 Logically then, the more innovative the style, materials or technology involved in an artisans work, the more successful and sought after the work became.57 In terms of Weiditzs career, I locate th e concept of innovation in his reactions to the continued complaints levied against him by the Augsburg goldsmiths guild. The majority of the work attributed to Weiditz is in the form of medals, which the goldsmiths 52 For different models of this transmission process, see Scheller, 27-33. 53 Christopher Friedrichs, Capitalism, Mobility and Class Formation in the Early Modern German City, in Past and Present No. 69 (November, 1975), pp. 24-49; this reference appears on p. 25. This process can be observed in the Verlagssystem through which a craftsman would run his own workshop, but obtain materials from and give finished products to a merchant, creating a debt relationship. Though the Verlagssystem is largely studied in relation to the textile crafts, Friedrichs locates this system in other crafts, including those of metalwor kers, like Weiditz, and even in the workshops of master artisans. 54 Friedrichs, 33. 55 Ibid, 31. 56 For a comprehensive investigation of artisan social status and self-definition, see James Farr, Artisans in Europe, 1300-1914 (Cambridge University Press, 2000), esp. 5-6 and 159-221. 57 For more on intellectual property of artists in early modern Europe, see Anthony Hughs, The Cave and the Stithy: Artists Studios and Intellectual Property in Early Modern Europe, in Oxford Art Journal Vol. 13, No. 1 (1990): 34-48.

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35 vigorously complained about. Interestingl y, during the times of the most intense persecution by the goldsmiths guild, Weiditz larg ely turns away from medals and focuses on painting, in the form of the Trachtenbuch and later to woodcuts, in the form of a genealogical book illustrating Augsburgs elite fa milies. Thus, it is certainly plausible, if not likely, that the Trachtenbuch and the unusual ethnographic quality of its images points to Weiditzs attempts to separate himself from his contemporaries and establish a craft and style for which he would not be pe rsecuted. Indeed, Weiditzs travels to and with the Hapsburg court may have been unde rtaken to obtain imperial permission to practice medal-making. If true, this would em phasize that Weiditz had the fate of his career in mind during the production of the Trachtenbuch By including the static images of areas through which he did not travel, We iditz would have been able to compile a complete product which he could use in many different ways: as a model book for his workshop, to loan out to other workshops, or as a sketchbook from which woodcuts could be completed for future publication. That the images of active figures corres pond to the areas that Weiditz traveled, thus indicating the likelihood that he depict ed these individuals from life, firmly illustrates his commitment to narrative imagery and attention to the everyday activities and customs of the people he depicted. I argue that this element of Weiditzs work bears some strong similarities to early ethn ographic works such as Johann Boemuss Omnium gentium mores, leges, & ritus ex mu ltis clarissimis rerum scriptoribus (1520), published in English as Fardle of Faions (1555). In her discussion of Boemuss book, Margaret Hodgen asse rts that his main concerns were:

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first, to make accessible to the ordinary r eader an already not inconsiderable body of knowledge concerning the variety of human behavior, to arrange it on a broad geographical plan, with the geographical features subordinated to the ethnological, and to use the printed page, as others had employed the cabinet de curiosits, for assembling and exhibiting the range of human custom, ritual, and ceremony. Second, in the interest of improved political morality, he desired to inform his readers concerning the laws and governments of other nations.58 In this endeavor, Boemus completed his Fardle as a manual of customs and a predominantly textual resource, with little mo re than a frontispiece as his imagery. He felt his work was largely practic al, and fit to inform his r eaders with enough information to decide which of these alternate cu stoms might fit in their own society.59 While Boemuss work is textual in nature, Weiditzs Trachtenbuch is, for the most part, a visual manuscript. Each imag e contains a brief caption explaining it, but Weiditz certainly neglects to go into as much detail as Boemus. As an artist, however, Weiditzs concentration on imagery is not su rprising. In his images, Weiditz depicts, much like Boemuss texts, the mannerisms, customs, religious actions and civil administration of a region. For example, in Figs. 20 and 21 Weiditz depicts the punishment of criminals in Spain. Figure 20. Female criminal in Spain. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 21. Spanish cut-purse. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 58 Hodgen, 131. 3659 Ibid, 132.

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In Figs. 22 and 23, he depicts two religious customs of Castilemourning the dead and flagellating oneself (a penitent), respectively. Figure 22. Mourning the dead in Castile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 23. Penitent in Ca stile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 37

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38 There are several differences in the nature of the Trachtenbuch when compared to The Fardle of Faions however. For example, Boemus includes much more detail on family matters than does Weiditz, highlighti ng differences in marriage customs between typical western monogamy and the polygamy, as Boemus describes, of Egypt and Medes. Boemus also goes into detail on the diet of various locales, which Weiditz excludes completely. Weiditz includes many static images depi cting the clothing of a region, which of course begets the Trachtenbuchs historical classification as a costume book. Regarding this matter, however, I woul d argue that had Boemuss Fardle been completely illustrated, many of the images might bear re semblance to Weiditzs active images as well as his static images of costume. L ogically, this possibility could simply be a reflection of the sixteenth centu rys growing interest in cl othing, and not necessarily an indication of the authors true intention. Nonetheless, it is the inclusion of a regions mannerisms and customs that marks the ethnogra phic genre, while the exclusion of these facets of society marks the costume genre. For example, Vecellios famous costume book, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (1598), includes woodcuts of the garments of depicted regions al ong with the titles of the indi viduals depicted, with little or no attention to any of the customs of the regions.60 The content of the Trachtenbuch however, depicts the subjects of Imperial Spain, for the most part, including the Americas, and visually emphasizes their activities and some of their customs.61 Within these images, Weiditz in cludes the day-to-day actions of 60 Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (Venice: Appresso i Sessa, 1598). 61 Weiditz also includes depictions of French and German individuals, but only very cursorily, and he does not include anything about their manners or customs.

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39 a cross-section of Spanish society. He documents the activities of the clergy, the nobility, civil administrators, jurists, prisoners and prison officials, ransom collectors, performers, merchants, working class shepherds, farmers, sailors and spinners, p easants and slaves. Because of the thorough treatm ent of the subjects of Impe rial Spain, and perhaps the promotion of their hardworking qua lities, it is possible that the Trachtenbuch contained sketches meant to be made into woodcuts for eventual printingeither requested by or meant for Weiditzs employer, Charles V. Of course, that it was meant for Charles V is at this point purely spec ulative, but reading the Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic document that classifies the individuals of Imperial Spain based on race, sex, region, and occupation could certainly contribute to a mo re thorough investigation of the possibility. By another comparison, Weiditzs images bear significant resemblance, at least in ethnographically documenting his interest in the daily activities and customs of his subjects, to some of the prints of two othe r Augsburg artists, Hans Burgkmair and Jrg Breu. Both men operated in Augsburg at the same time as Weiditz, and he was likely familiar with their work. Stephanie Leitch asserts that they were th e first to release [the] native inhabitants from the shackles of an exotic visual tr adition that had grouped them together with marvelous beings, monstrous races, wild men, and barbaric Others, and considered them instead as fully human.62 By illustrating the natives in print, Burgkmair and Breu dually rescued them from the realm of the Wunderkammer and catalogued, at least partially, the vast amount of information that emerged from voyages both to the far East and the far West. She further explains that the artists accomplish the depiction of a fully human 62 Leitch, 2.

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40 native by juxtaposing figures from the Americas, Africa, and Asia, against each other, accentuating their similarities and differences, but also by emphasizing the notion of eyewitness depiction. Though Burgkmair and Breu did not always view the various natives in person, their prints highlight continued attempts to present their subjects as empirically observed.63 Empirical observation, whet her actual or insinuated, provided the artists with strategies for assimilating the Otherin this case, the artists prints represent a space where they could classify and catalog the va rious foreign peoples in relation to each other, but safely away from themselves. By presenting the indigenous Americans in the same context as the Europeans, Weiditz also rescues them from the realm of the Wunderkammer In fact, I would argue that he takes this rescue, and also empi rical observation, a step further by directly comparing, within the same visual context, the indigenous American activities and the activities of the Europeans. This direct comparison illustrates perhaps the most daring visual strategy for assimilati ng the Other--by placing the American natives squarely within a visual European social structure. Also, like Breu, Weiditz notes class distin ction in his images as well as gives attention to the eating and drinking implements used by th e indigenous AmericansFigs. 8 and 10 illustrate a plate and wooden drinki ng jug which Weiditz no tes as being brought to Europe from the Americas.64 63 Leitch asserts that both men may have been able to view foreign natives in person, as Augsburg was, at this time, a major cultural center of information. As such, it was a site through which new information, objects, and people from foreign worlds were often trafficked. 64 While the text asserts that the jug and plate were br ought from the Americas, it is more likely that they obtained the utensils on European soil, as they bear little resemblance to utensils used by Aztecs.

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As made apparent in by Burgkmairs 1508 frieze of African a nd Indian natives, Figs. 24 and 25, and Breus woodcuts from Ludovico Varthemas Itinerario (1515),65 Figs. 26 and 27, an important difference betw een Burgkmairs and Breus prints and Weiditzs manuscript is the formers absence of juxtaposed natives and Europeans. Figure 24. Hans Burgkmair, Peoples of Africa and India detail, 1508. Figure 25. Hans Burgkmair, Peoples of Africa and India detail, 1508. 4165 Ludovico Varthema, Die ritterlich un[d] lobwirdig Rayss (Augsburg: Hans Miller, 1515).

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Figure 27. Jrg Breu, Euthanasia in Java in Ludovico Varthema, Die ritterlich un[d] lobwirdig Rayss (Augsburg: Hans Miller, 1515). Figure 26. Jrg Breu, Natives of Calicut in Ludovico Varthema, Die ritterlich un [d] lobwirdig Rayss (Augsburg: Hans Miller, 1515). This difference indicates that Burgkmair and Breu wanted to stress the customs and daily activities of the natives, but pr edominantly in relation to othe r native subjects. Weiditz, however, places the American natives literally within the same visual context as the Europeans. Several possible explanations for this difference exist; perhaps, as proposed above, Weiditz intended to deve lop an innovative product, or perhaps he simply intended for a direct comparison to be made, as did Boemus in his Fardle of Faions With the Reformation in full swing, Weiditz, likely a Protestant yet still a member of the largely Catholic Holy Roman Empire, may have been interested in further delineating the roles of each member of that Empire. He incl udes an amusing image of a Toledan prelate riding away without his shoes, pointing to what would surely be an intriguing study on Weiditzs ideas on Catholic and Protestant relations. In a ny case, viewing the Trachtenbuch strikes viewers with a sense that some sort of underlying ideological principle exists in the pages of the manuscript. 42

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43 Other ethnographic document s that reveal an underlying ideological purpose include the Miao albums of the Qing dynasty, produced during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and recen tly discussed by Laura Hostetler.66 Hostetler argues that these albums, which identify non-Han peoples, the regions they inhabit, their garments and outward appearances, their disposition, marriage customs, funeral rites, and other religious and yearly ceremonies, contai n an underlying subjective purpose directed toward the viewer of the albums. This subjective impression that a viewer received, Hostetler suggests, conveyed a sense that the frontier was known, that there was an order to the exotic peoples and customs found in these regions, and that by uncovering it the officials could and did know what they ne eded in order to maintain harmony in the region.67 By systematically cataloguing and categorizing unfamiliar groups, the Miao albums served as a method of assimilating the non-Han groups into the rest of the population of the Qing dynasty, and assuring the viewer either that these groups posed no threat to the majority population or that a ny posed threat was we ll under Qing officials control. This same sort of geographic classificati on is typical to costume books as well as the broader category of ethnographic documen ts. However, where costume book artists bind the bodies of their subjects in clothing (or the conspicuou s lack thereof), pose it in a static fashion, and attach a label indicating geographic region, ethnographic documents such as the Miao Albums portray dress as we ll as the actions and customs of the region. The addition of action and custom adds an ex tra element of necessary control, levied by colonial rulers and understood by the reader. The knowledge and depiction of an activity 66 Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise. 67 Ibid., 174.

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44 or custom, the naming of it, and the continue d placement of this action within the visual boundaries of the controlled empire indicates the colonial rulers power to the reader. I argue that the impression of an empi re under control presented in the Miao Albums is similar to the impression the vi ewer receives when examining the American natives, and the African slaves to an extent, within the body of the Trachtenbuch. While the exotic individuals depicted by Weiditz are less in number than those depicted in the Miao albums, the necessity for such depictions is similar. To Europeans, the Americas represented the unknown, the foreign and the ex otic. Imperial Spain, however, had a special stake in these perceptions. If Spai n were to settle American land, indigenous American peoples would have to be enc ountered and communicated with. However, based upon classical and medieval texts that theorized that the nature of foreign humans was often brutish, violent, and ex ceedingly different from known society, and on Columbuss often inconsistent versions of his encounters with the American natives, Imperial Spain had a real problem on its ha nds. How could Spain capitalize on American land while dealing with the exotic indigenous Americans? Were the American natives to be made slaves? Or was their nature such that they could be safely assimilated into Spanish society? When visually comparing the images and textual descriptions in the Trachtenbuch with those of the Miao albums, a possible answ er to these questions emerges. I suggest that the Trachtenbuch presented subjective ideological answers to questions related to foreignness and the exotic nature of the Ot her similar to those presented by the Miao albums. For example, in Fig. 28, the Six T ypes ethnic group, a sub-se t of the Bai Miao

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or white Miao, so-named for their dress, play a game which Hostetler refers to as a type of Blind mans bluff. Figure 28. Six Kinds. Bai Mi ao tu (album no. 28), entry 26. Societa Geographica Italiana. Comparing this illustration to Fig. 3, Weiditzs depiction of the American ballgame, the visual similarities are striki ng. Most notable is the absen ce of much of a landscape. I would argue that visually lifti ng the subjects out of their na tive landscape negates their status as anything other than members of the group to which the aut hor or artist defines them as belonging. This is especially true of the Trachtenbuch, as almost every image of Americans, Africans or Europeansis devoid of an identifiable landscape. As such, these individuals become part of whatever visual or textual category that Weiditz designates. Another similarity between the Miao albums and Weiditzs Trachtenbuch lies in the textual descriptions. The Miao albums portray an extremely complex system for 45

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46 classifying different ethnic groups. While the Trachtenbuch is only one manuscript, and categorizes only individuals a ppearing in Europe, the same textual desire to categorize takes place. Hostetler, in discussion of the Miao albums, designates 82 common names for Non-Han peoples living in the particular province of Gu izhou and notes several bases for the names, such as location, dress, and custom. While the Trachtenbuchs text, attributed to Weiditz,68 does not devise a naming system, the textual descriptions relay the same sort of information. For example, turning again to the de scription for Fig. 3, In such manner the Indians play with the blown-up ball with the seat without moving their hands from the ground; they have also a hard leather [cover] before their s eat in order that it shall receive the blow from the ball, they have also such leather gloves on.69 This description designates an identity, mu ch like the Miao classification system, by location (Indians, from India) dress (hard leather cover fo r the buttocks and hands) and custom (in such a manner the Indians play w ith a ball). Thus, ev en the text of the Trachtenbuch exhibits definitive ethnographical qualities; and, much like the Miao albums, reading the text in conjunction with the images points to an underlying subjective categorizing of the individuals depicted within. The classification of the Americas an d the American natives based on text juxtaposed with image is not inconsistent with later ethnographic discourse on the Americas. In fact, the question of how to assi milate the Other into ones social structure can be found in many nineteenth century documents. In her book Imperial Eyes Mary Louise Pratt discusses inland journeys on non-European soil, and the subsequent classification and documentation of all the raw materials encountered therein, as evidence 68 I emphasize that the text is attributed to Weiditz b ecause there is some debate on whether he wrote the text himself or rather that he had a scribe write the text from his notes. In any case, whether or not the handwriting is Weiditzs the content of the text is believed to be his. 69 Weiditz, 28.

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47 of western Europes desire to capitalize and profit from her colonies in Africa and the Americas.70 The documents that emerged from these journeys included Alexander von Humboldts Views of Nature (1808), which Pratt identifies as Humboldts attempt to combine the personal narrative aspects of travel writing with the scientific classification so inherent to the early nineteenth century. What resulted, Pratt argues, was a document extolling not only Humboldt as a re-discoverer of America, but also the region itself as a huge, undeveloped landmass ready for European taking.71 While this work illustrated plants and animals primarily, it led to Humboldts subsequent Views of the Cordilleras and Monuments of the Indigenous Peoples of America (1810 and 1814). This ethnographic document, according to Pratt, built upon Views of Nature by presenting the people of America within the landscape. The underlying ideology is revealed by Humboldts own hope that the two aspects would be taken together to illustrate that savage nature begets a savage culture. He also solves his own insinuated quandary of what to do with such a cultu re by placing the indigenous Americans as servants for the Europeans. For example, in Fig. 29, an engraving from the 1814 version of Views and Monuments Humboldt depicts the Americans carryi ng his baggage on his journey. In the accompanying description, he describes the baggage carriers as cargueros literally translated as cargo boats. 72 Thus, by depicting the indigenous Americans as serving the Europeans, Humboldt engineers a useful place for individuals raised by savage nature. 70 Pratt, 15-37 and 132-135. 71 Ibid, 125-129. 72 Alexander von Humboldt, Researches, concerning the institutions and monuments of the ancient inhabitants of America, with descriptions and views of some of the most striking scenes in the Cordilleras! (Longman et al, 1814), 68.

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Figure 29. Alexander von Humboldt Passage through the Quindus, Researches, concerning the institutions and monuments of the ancient i nhabitants of America, with descriptions and views of some of the mo st striking scenes in the Cordilleras! (London: Longman, et al., 1814). Weiditz certainly illustrates a similar notion in the Trachtenbuch By depicting the indigenous Americans as performers in the court of Charles V (Figs. 3-7), Weiditz categorizes them as providing a service for th e Emperor. In Weiditzs depictions as well as the historical setting of Charles Vs court, which will be discussed in detail below, Weiditz neutralizes the foreignness of the Am erican natives by placing them in a role familiar to Europeans and reveals Charles Vs role in what amounts to the assimilation of the indigenous American into the so cial structure of Imperial Spain. 48

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49 Though the visual and textual similarities certainly argue for the Trachtenbuch as an ethnographic document, such as the ones re ferenced above, so too does the underlying subjective perception of order and control over an empire or an empires peripheral territories. Reading Weiditz s manuscript as an ethnographic document points to Weiditz as the eye-witness observer, indicating that he had some stake in presenting a document of this type. Although the lack of persona l records impedes the development of a single, concrete theory explaining why Weiditz comp leted the manuscript, it gives researchers the unique ability to theorize on a number of contributing f actors. As discussed above, the historical climate in Augsburg surely contributed in one way or another to the manuscripts development; either by encour aging Weiditz to develop an innovative product or by inspiring him to participate in the same spirit of ethnographic engagement as Burgkmair and Breu,73 or through a combination of the two. Also, like the prints of Burgkmair and Breu, Weiditzs manuscript pr ovided a venue for him to devise his own strategy for incorporating the Other into his conceptual framework. By producing an ethnographic work that classifi ed the peoples of early modern Europe, especially the subjects of Imperial Spai n, according to profession or rank, Weiditz designates a role for the American nativesas pe rformers in the service of Charles V. It follows that the historical setting behind the Trachtenbuchs images of American natives, the Hapsburg court, also deserves atten tion in the context of the manuscripts development. 73 Leitch, 3.

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50 As will be discussed below, the arrival of the American natives in the Hapsburg court provided an unstable situation that dema nded a strategy for order. I argue that in this case, while Charles V safely neutrali zed the foreign by displaying the American natives as court performers, he also solidif ied his identity as a strong and far-reaching Emperor. In fact, as the next section discusses, Emperor Charles V had quite the reputation for using people and objects to bols ter his reputation as ruler of both Imperial Spain and the American colonies.

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51 Chapter 2 Physical Assimilation at Court: In digenous American Performance and the Negotiation of Identity Having named we have recognized and, having recognized, we have also taken possession. -Anthony Pagden 74 Non sufficit orbis . -From an inscription on a Hapsburg Imperial medal (The world is not enough). While the Trachtenbuch contains images of individuals from across the European continent, along with individuals from its peri phery, Weiditz refers to only a few of these individuals as personall y interacting with Charles V. Specifically, I refer to the American natives, whom Weiditz describes in the text a ppearing in Fig. 4: T hese are the Indian people whom Ferdinand Cortez brought to Hi s Imperial Majesty from India and they have played before His Impe rial Majesty with wood and ball. Corts brought these individuals back as part of a collection of New World phenomena, much of which he subsequently gifted to Charles V.75 In this section, I posit that Weiditzs images of Amerindians performing at court reveal an early modern strategy for integrating the New World into a familiar conceptual framework; that is, Charles V neutralizes the foreign American natives by displaying them as perf ormers in his court and part of his New World collection, and thus as evidence of his possession of New World and its peoples. 74 This quote is taken from Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press), 26. 75 The fate of the American natives is unknown. They ar e not included in the list of items that Corts gifted to Charles V, nor have I been able to find any documentation of their whereabouts after Weiditzs depictions of them at court c.1529.

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52 By displaying the indigenous Americans as performers, Charles V effectively names them performer.76 Weiditzs images of the pe rformances and games provide a visual record that at least one member of Charles traveli ng court (Weiditz) internalized the natives in this given role. In all likelihood, however, many court residents and visitors internalized this role. Two questions arise immediately when c onsidering the above statements. How could Charles V give a group of individuals a societal role simply by displaying them in that role? And why would he see the giving of a role as necessary? I argue that the answer to the first question lie s at the convergence of theo ries from Norbert Elias and Mary Louise Pratt. In Elias sociological assessment of self-c onsciousness, the self is a series of learned roles for use within the different so cial groups in which an individual interacts,77 and the self can gain independence and power from successfully navigating these interactions, taking advantage wher e advantage is available. In The Court Society, Elias applies this idea to the question of how rulers become rulers, and how they or their lineages gain and keep power. He notes the court setting as a site where ceremony and etiquette-driven interactions enforce and enhance the power of the ruler.78 In the case of Charles V, the court setting provided him with a highly-charged stage on which he presented the indigenous Americans to his subjects. 76 These Amerindians were presented to Charles V by Corts, and Corts definitely observed them performing in Mexico. This gives Corts some amount of agency in presenting them as performers. However, the venue in which the majority of Europeans observed the Amerindians was Charles Vs court, and this is the venue in which Weiditz depicted th em. Thus, the historical circumstances surrounding Charles court are of most interest to this present study. 77 See Dennis Smith, Norbert Elias, and Michel Foucau lt, The Civilizing Process and The History of Sexuality: Comparing Norbert Elias and Michel Foucault in Theory and Society Vol. 28, No. 1. (February, 1999), pp. 79-100, 82. 78 See Norbert Elias, The Court Society (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), 78-116.

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53 According to John Elliott, no man was mo re acutely aware of the way in which symbols could be deployed and manipulated for political effect [than Charles V].79 As a master manipulator of his own public image, Charles V endeavored to imbue his position as emperor with the powe r befitting a world ruler.80 By presenting the American natives as his court performers, he symboli zes his rule in the Americas. I argue that Mary Louise Pratts description of assigning names to natural phenomena, as well as humans, applies here. She discusses previous analyses of natural history as a verbal enterprise but notes that they fail to underscore the transformative, appropriative dimensions of its conception.81 Here she refers especially to the eighteenth-century European obsession with cl assification, which I di scussed briefly in the previous section, and argue s that by classifying a person or object, the European effectively removes that person or object from its natural setting and presents it literally in European terms. She further argues that naming, whether of a human, plant, animal or region, brings the reality of order into being.82 I posit that Charles V names the i ndigenous Americans performers by presenting them in his court as such. He t hus establishes the reality of order in his American colonies by presenting the American inhabitants as known, and as taking on a familiar role within Imperial Spains social structure. Weiditz then internalizes this naming, and follows Charles Vs suit by depictin g the American natives in a performative role. 79 See John Elliot, Spain and its World, 1500-1700 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989), 152. 80 For information on Charles Vs reaction to the possibility of ruling a world empire, Elliot, Spain and its World, 7-8. 81 Pratt, 31. 82 Ibid., 33.

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54 While Charles V had the power to place the Amerindians into a role within his court, why would he feel it necessary? Wh at were the historical circumstances that necessitated a propagandized control over the Americas, a nd the assimilation of the indigenous Americans? I argue that the atmosphere of his court, along with discovery of the Americas and their inhabitants presented Charles V with a unique opportunity to consciously bolster his identity as a power ful emperor. By presenting the American natives as his performers, he also acknowledge s his identity as thei r owner, and further builds his identity as pos sessor of the Americas. Stephen Greenblatt refers to the philos ophy of the individual as an increased self-consciousness about the fashioning of human identity as a manipulable, artful process.83 This theory has been widely criticized for its insistence that the self, though able to form an identity, must form itself from within his or her cultures set of norms or control mechanisms.84 I argue that in th e case of Charles Vs id entity negotiation, the acknowledgement of control mechanisms with in which he both functioned and that he sought to uphold is completely necessary. In deed, according to Elias, the court setting was rife with extremely complicated control mechanisms in which court residents zealously participated and sought the upper hand.85 Any self-fashioning done by Charles V would have been done in order to enfor ce his rule and his identity as ruler. 83 Stephen Greenblatt. Renaissance Self-Fashioning (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980), p.2. This process has several critics 84 A comprehensive account of these criticisms appears in John Martin, Inventing Sincerity, Refashioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe, in The American Historical Review Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1 997), pp. 1309-1342. 85 Elias, 83-88. Here he discusses ceremonies of the court of Louis XIV predominantly, but also discusses the broader ranging theories behind the specific occurances.

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55 According to Greenblatt, the power stem ming from self-fashioning lies not only in fashioning ones own identity but also in constructing the identities of others.86 In order to form a self-identity, then, one mu st have a counterpart. This counterpart, commonly referred to as the Other, operates if not in opposition to, then at least from within a different cultura l framework than the I. Usually found marginalized within European society or in Europes geographic peripheries, the Other existed as anyone who was not a healthy, white, European male. The fundamental differences between the Other and the early modern European, base d on race, class, and gender, laid the foundation for European identity negotiation be cause the self only existed as it could be prised apart from the worldwide populus. Hi ghlighted within the realms of literature, historical chronicles, the vi sual arts, and personal style, identity negotiation was an intricate process, and became even more so wi th the discovery of the New World in the late fifteenth-century.87 The presence of a hitherto unknown c ontinent further complicated identity creation by revealing a seemingly endless stream of information concerning the indigenous inhabitants and their lands, anim als, and objects. The discovery built upon the contemporary European notion of Other, and provided a new location for identity negotiation. Charles V took advantage of this new information, location, and necessity for order within his court setting. He orde red and managed the information by providing 86 Greenblatt, p.1. 87 Obviously, the Americas existed before Europe stumbled across them, so the term discovery is not adequate. I use it here because it is the term that early modern Europe used, and this study attempts to penetrate the framework that informed the term. For more on the notion of the invention vs. the discovery of America, see Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America (New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1984); Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World: From Renaissance to Romanticism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); Stephen Greenblatt, New World Encounters (Berkeley, CA: University of Californi a Press, 1993); and Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991).

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56 his court visitors and residents with visual affirmation that the indigenous Americans were indeed controllable, a nd that he controlled them. The Particulars of Possession: Columbus Invents the Indigenous American I want to briefly discuss the first Eur opean perceptions of the New World to determine why the indigenous inhabitants a nd their crafted objects became part of Charles Vs traveling court a nd collection as well as tool s in his identity negotiation. These first perceptions reveal a European need to sublimate the indigenous Americans into a manageable role with in early modern European society. Christopher Columbuss texts provide a good starting point for this ve nture, as they inaugurated a tradition of unstable literary constructions of the Amer ican natives and questions of Amerindian humanity, and further muddled the problem of how the natives should be treated. Was the nature of the indigenous American s humanity such that they could and should be assimilated into the civilized Eu ropean world? This question loomed large over the first encounters and through the subseq uent period of conquest. The Spaniards, as the first Europeans to interact on a wi de scale with the indigenous Americans, approached it in one of two ways: either they engaged in an in-depth analysis of indigenous character, like Las Casas and Sahagn, or they larg ely avoided the question in order to take personal adva ntage of the American Indians while keeping a clean conscience, like Corts and many of the conqustadores These two philosophies were arguably born of Columbus texts, as in hi s attempt to understand and compartmentalize the first encounters with the na tives, he oscillates back and forth between a discussion of their aptness as Christians and their ability to provide him with gold.

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57 Some of the more recent readings of Columbuss documents, undertaken in the spirit of postcolonial discourse, target the sense of ownership that Columbus exhibits upon encountering the unknown lands which would become the Americas. They reference his frantic search for gold and tit les as self-aggrandizing behavior at the expense of the inhabitants of the Americas Columbuss furious naming becomes the signpost of European hegemony as it reaches westward, and his assumptions of any sort of understanding between himself and the indigenous Americans becomes the subject of scholarly high-browed chuckling.88 Tzvetan Todorov marshals this theory in The Conquest of America (1984), a book that endured some intense criticism as a result of Todorovs stance, based in semiotic method, that the natives were unable to withstand the conquest because of thei r inability to read th e European signs. Also noted in these more recent readings of Columbuss documents is the incompatible nature of his textual descriptions of the indigenous inhabitants of America. In the prologue to his journal of the first voyage, for instance, he speaks of his objective to convert those he encounter s thus: Your Highnesses resolved to send me to see the said princes and peoples and lands and th e disposition of them and of all, and the manner in which may be undertaken th eir conversion to our Holy Faith.89 Then, later in his account of the first voyage in the entry for October 12, Columbus details his first contact with land and natives: I, in order that they might develop a very friendly disposition towards us, because I knew that th ey were a people who could better be freed 88 See especially Todorov, The Conquest of America for a full sense of the ironies of the first linguistic encounters. Todorov retells an encounter where, in or der to put the natives at ease, Columbus has his men dance and sing on the bow of his ship. This sign is immediately misunderstood as threatening, and the American natives begin to rain arrows down on Columbus and his men. 89 Christopher Columbus, Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus trans. and ed. by Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, NY: The Heritage Press, 1963), p. 48.

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58 and converted to our Holy Faith by love than by force, gave to some of them red caps and to others glass beads, whic h they hung around their necks.90 He continues by describing them as handsome, well built, docile, timid, and argues that they would make good Christians for these reasons. Frequently in his journal, Columbus reveal s his shock at the civility of the natives he encounters. In his book Spain and its World: 1500-1700 (1989), John Elliott observes Columbuss surprise when, in the first letter on discovery, Columbus notes, I have so far found no human monstrositi es, as many expected.91 Columbus, however, quickly follows this information with descriptions of people who are regard ed in all the islands as very ferocious and who eat human flesh; and [they] pillage and take as much as they can.92 In his third voyage, Columbus runs afoul of some American natives in Hispaniola and the mainland, and frequently accuses them of malice and trickery for leading him astray in his search for gold.93 Thus, taking his sometimes sincere analys es of the giving indigenous character along with his almost flippant disregarding of it, Columbus establishes the precedent for the unstable perception of the inhabitants of the New World.94 As he initiates this line of thought, he also initiates the framework for using the indigenous Americans as tools to aid Europeans in the search for their own pers onal goals. In his first letter of discovery 90 Ibid., 64-5. 91 This quote comes from Columbus, Journals and Other Documents p. 185. For Elliotts full essay on the Discovery of the Americas as it relates to the discovery of self, see John H. Elliott, Spain and its World: 1500-1700 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989). 92 Columbus, Journals and Other Documents p. 185 93 Ibid., 292. 94 Ibid., 183. This transition is obvious when reading Columbuss Letters to the Sovereigns, in Journals in sequence. His first letter gushes about the generous and timid nature of the indigenous inhabitants, but by the third letter, he refers to them as dishonest and full of malice as they con tinually lead him away from gold.

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59 Columbus states I took by force some of them [Indians] in order th at they might learn [Castilian] and give me information of what they had in those parts and they have been very serviceable.95 Both of these aspects of the initi al encounters; that is, the unstable perception of the indigenous Americans follo wed by the use of natives as tools toward European goals, indicate the problem/soluti on strategy employed by Columbus to at once neutralize the threat of the unknown peoples and also to a ssimilate the American natives into a familiar social structure. In Orientalism Edward Said has identified an entire discourse concerning how Europe was able to manageeven producethe Orientd uring the postEnlightenment period.96 I would argue here that a similar discourse, albeit a less comprehensive and much less prominent one, in part due to the Americas geographic distance from Europe, was produced by Impe rial Spain in the years just following Columbuss first encounters with indigenous Americans. This discourse would include Columbuss accounts on indigenous American ci vility, or lack thereof, which were spawned by his interactions with the Amerindian s on American soil. It also includes the first interactions between Ch arles V, Amerindians, and i ndigenous American objects on European soil, and how these interactions propagandized the Emperors power over the Americas. Though identity negotiation often took place in texts, as in the case of Columbuss letters to Ferdinand and Isabella concer ning first contact with the New World and Cortss Letters of Relation [concerning the c onquest] to Charles V, it also manifests through the early modern colle ction. I refer specifically to American objects and 95 Ibid., 184. 96 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1978), 3.

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60 indigenous animals collected by Corts, and also to the human collection he acquired in Mexico, which served as his traveling court. To be sure, this court also consisted of Spanish nobles and conquistadores, but it pr imarily consisted of indigenous elite men, non-elite very white men and women, perf ormers, and dwarves and monsters.97 From these collections, Corts gifted indi genous men and women, animals, and natural and manmade objects to Empero r Charles V in the year 1528.98 During this time, while Charles court sat at Tole do, Weiditz depicted the indigenous Americans in the Trachtenbuch. The activities illustrated in these images indicate that the Indians not only sat at court, but also performed, or were forced to perform there. Because this was the first time that American natives were observed or interacted with on European soil, these images are im portant to the scholarship concerning first encounters. They represent a second phase of liminality concerning the encounters with the Americas. The first phase took place on American soil, and how the Europeans involved dealt with and interp reted what they saw was detailed above. This phase indicated the European confus ion concerning the civility, at times even the humanity, of the American native. In the second phase, Corts presents the American natives to Charles V, who in turn presents them for th e first time on European soil as Imperial court performers. 97 Fransisco Lpez de Gmara. Corts: The Life of the Conqueror by his Secretary trans. and ed. by Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1966), p.390. The full quote appears on p. 8 of this paper. 98 Charles inherited the Iberian territories upon the death of his grandfather Ferdinand, and was named Charles I of Spain. He was elected as Holy Ro man Emperor Charles V upon the death of his other grandfather Maximilian in 1519.

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61 The American Context: Gift-Givin g and Identity Appropriation Before discussing the presentation of Amerindians in Europe, it is necessary to establish the precedent for perceiving the Ameri can native both as performer and as a tool for identity negotiation. Intere stingly, this pattern stems back from Charles V in Europe to Cortes in Mexico; indeed, this pattern st ems all the way back to, and is appropriated from the Aztec leader Motecuhzoma. By all accounts, modern as well as thos e of his contemporaries, Corts was a shrewd and perceptive leader.99 Though, like Columbus, Corts frequently takes possession of indigenous Americans for his own uses, he uses more subtle tactics with Motecuhzoma.100 Both consummate military men, Motecuhzoma and Corts read as wary cats in the accounts of their first meetings. It was immediately obvious to Corts that a simple military campaign would not suffice in the face of the vast numbers commanded by Motecuhzoma. Instead, Corts trie d to build the Aztec leaders trust, as well as bolster his own reputation, by molding his identity toward that of an Aztec prince. In Bernal Dazs account of the conquest several factors pr ove Motecuhzomas princely stature. Daz describes gifting as one of these factors: The Great Montezuma had already at hand some very rich golden jewels, of many patterns, which he gave to our Captain, and in the same manner to each one of our Captains he gave trifles of gold, and three loads of mantles of rich feather work, and to the soldiers also he gave to each one two loads of mantles, and he did it cheerfully and in every way he seemed to be a great Prince.101 99 For a modern take on Corts persona as a military leader, see Elliott, Spain and its World p. 27-41. For information on his abilities from his contemporaries, see Bartolom de las Casas, History of the Indies trans. and ed. by Andre Collard, (New York, NY: Ha rper and Row Publishers, 1971); Bernal Daz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico trans. by A.P. Maudslay and ed. by Genaro Garca (Farrar, Strauss, and Cudahy, 1956); and Gmara, Corts 1956. 100 Gmara uses the term acquires, which implies some sort of agreement. However, even Corts notes that he takes by force, making taking possession a more accurate assessment. 101 Daz, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico p. 205.

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62 In one of the shocking displays of cultural difference so common to first encounters, giftgiving in many early Mesoamerican societies was a tactic by which a giver could raise his or her status while effectiv ely lowering the status of the recipient, if an equal gift could not be returned.102 Not aware of this, Corts si mply assumed that Motecuhzoma was operating as a European gift giver might acting to ingratiate himself with or ask favors of a perceived leader, as Corts hi mself does with Charles V upon return to Spain.103 In the American context however, Corts gave Motecuhzoma only certain twisted cut glass beads in return.104 He participated in th e indigenous gift-giving process, but he did so through his own European concept, the te rms of which will be further discussed below. A second factor that both Gmara and Daz note as princely about Motecuhzoma, and that Corts incorporates into his own identity, is th e indigenous court. Gmara describes the members present at Motecuhzom as meals as twenty of his wives the most beautiful and shapely, dwarfs, hunchbacks, cripples, and so on, all for his entertainment and amusement, and these, al ong with the jesters and mountebanks, were given the leavings to eat.105 Immediately after the meal the jesters and the footjugglers, entertained the court. These jugglers, the likely su bjects of some of Weiditzs 102 For more on gift-giving in early Mesoamerican societies, and in pre-and early state societies, see Arthur Demarest, Ideology in Ancient Maya Cultural Evolution: The Dynamics of Galactic Polities, Ideology and Pre-Columbian Civilizations ed. by A. Demarest and G. Conrad (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research, 1992), 135-157 and E. Christian Wells, Rece nt Trends in Theorizing Prehispanic Mesoamerican Societies, Journal of Archeological Research Vol. 4, no. 13, pp. 265-312. 103 In fact, a cultural comparison on gift giving in Europe and in pre-hispanic America might provide a useful alternate reading of the conquest. For more on gi fting practices in Europe as they relate to identity fashioning, see Lisa Jardine, Worldly goods: A New History of the Renaissance (New York, NY: Doubleday, 1996), 418-421. 104 Daz, Discovery and Conquest p. 184. Gmara also describes this necklace in Corts 139. I use Daz because he was actually a soldier in the conquest and is more likely to have seen the necklace in person. Gmara never actually went to the Americas, he merely records as he is directed by Corts. 105 Gmara, Corts 144.

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63 sketches, are referred to as tumblers in section 192 of Gmara s biography on Corts. This section chronicles Cortss 1528 return voyage to Spain, and th e description of the accompanying court and collection reads thus: He took with him Gonzalo de Sndoval, Andres de Tapia, and some of the noblest and most renowned of the conquistadores; also a son of Mo ctezuma and a son of Maxixca, this latter now baptized as Don Lorenzo, and many gentlemen an d lords of Mexico, Tlaxcala, and other cities; eight tumblers, several very white Indian men and women, and dwarfs and monsters. In short, he traveled like a great lord. Beside s the above, he brought along as exhibits: tigers, albatrosses, an ayotochtli [armadillo], an animal called a tlacuachi [opossum], which carries its young in a pouch while running and the tail of which, according to the Indian women, is of great help in childbirth. For gifts he carried a large quantity of feather and hair mantles, fans shields, plumes, stone mirrors, and the like. He arrived in Spain toward the end of the year 1528, while the court was sitting at Toledo. The whole kingdom was agog with his fame and the news of his coming, and everyone wanted to see him.106 Similar to descriptions of Motecuhzomas c ourt, with the notable exceptions of the addition of Spanish nobles and conquistadores this hybrid court served to espouse Cortss authority both in Mexico and in Spain. By appropriating the makeup of Motecuhzomas court, likely even the very members of it, Corts symbolically slips into place as a ruler of high status in the Ameri cas, both to the indigenous Americans and to the Spanish.107 When the court traveled back to Spain, Corts used both it and his collection to portray his identity as a competent ruler. He also used them as gifts, both in the hopes of clearing the charge s that had been levied agai nst him, and to obtain his requested titles from Charles V. Of particul ar interest to this study, he provided Charles V with a model for displaying the American na tives and objects and also a model for how an individual with power in the Americas should portray that power. As will be 106 Gmara, Corts p. 390. 107 Ibid p. 145. Gmara states Corts brought several of [Motecuhzomas] these foot-jugglers to Spain and showed them at court, so we assume that these performers were also members of the Aztec Imperial court.

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64 discussed below, gift-giving pl ayed a very prominent role in the shifting of this power, and possession to a degree, to from Cortes to Charles V. The European Context: Gifting and the Collection as a Display of Propaganda Lisa Jardine explains the European proce ss of gift-giving among elites in this way: For the rich and powerfu l, lavish gift-giving was part of a highly codified way of establishing networks of personal indebte dness, which could be called in times of need.108 Corts collection from the New World was indeed lavish, and also personalized to an extent. In his second Lette r of Relation to Charles V, Corts mentions some of these objects and relates that he had Motecuhzoma commission several likenesses of European itemscrucif ixes, medals, jewelry and the like.109 For Corts, gifting his collection and part of his court to Charles V prov ided a way to get out from under the accusations of violence against both Spaniards and Indians.110 It also set the stage for Corts to request ti tles and property of his Empero r. The strategy worked, as Charles V granted Corts all of the numerous requested titles and also cleared him of all charges. In full possession of the collection, Char les V wasted no time in having the Amerindians perform and displaying them in his court, where they were depicted by 108 Jardine, Worldly Goods p. 421. 109 Fig. 3 depicts an Amerindian with a feathered shield bearing a cross. Since no iconography of this type was used in Mexico, it is possible that this is an image of one of the commissioned pieces. It might also simply be a visual garnish from Weiditz. 110 At this time Corts had several enemies, and he himself decries that he has been a victim of a conspiracy headed by Diego Velazquez. Among the most serious charges is that he has not sent the Kings Fifth, a fifth of the spoils of Mexico, that he was illegally ap pointing officials, and that he was seriously violating the human rights of the natives. See Gomara, 383 ; Hernando Corts, trans. F. Baynard Morris, Five Letters, 1519-1526 (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1962), 243-286, esp. 247.

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65 Weiditz in 1529. While Corts used his cour t and collection to ne gotiate his identity within the Americas and in Spain to lobby fo r territory in Mexico, Charles V used the indigenous Americans, their animals and obj ects for a different purpose. In her book Worldly Goods: A New History of the Renaissance, Jardine discusses the notion that works of art, exotic objects, and the collections in which they resided were meant to display the material wealth and worldly knowledge of the collector.111 I would like to expand this notion to include the display of exotic objects and pe oples as exhibiting possession, and argue that for Charles V, e xhibiting the indigenous Americans at court was a propagandistic enterprise. Long known as a master manipulator of court spectacle, Charles V was also skilled in military and political propaganda.112 In 1535, he commissioned a series of tapestries commemorating his campaign in North Africa. Entitled The Conquest of Tunis (Fig. 30), this series of tapestries depicted Charles V s victory at Tunis.113 While more a morale booster than a serious blow to the O ttoman Empire, the battles were nevertheless portrayed as a great victory for Charles Vs forces. The extremely ornate and lavishly threaded tapestries, with their enormous si ze, depict a literal opening up of Turk controlled Tunis. Each expansive view, cove red with Charles Vs forces overrunning the darker skinned and turban-wearing Turks, delivers the assurance of a decisive and successful invasion of the hitherto mysterious Ottoman Empire. This series of tapestries traveled with the Hapsburg court, and Charle s V displayed them prominently as part of his royal collection and as advertisement of his military might. 111 Jardine, Worldly Goods 112 For information on spectacle in the Hapsburg court, see Elliott, Spain and its World 142-161. 113 This particular tapestry was woven by Jodocos de Vos between 1712-21after the original cartoons commissioned by Charles V and designed by Jan Vermeyen in the 1530s.

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Figure 30. Jodocus de Vos (1712-21) after Jan Vermeyen (1535). The Campaign of the Emperor Charles V Against Tunis: An Unsuccessful Turkish Sortie from La Goletta. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Though the American natives appear at cour t in 1529, five to ten years before the tapestries, it is easy to see their presence as the same type of militaristic and political propaganda. Just as the Conquest of Tunis tapestries, displayed at court, advertised Charles Vs military identity, so too the presen ce of indigenous Americans, their objects and animals displayed his presence in the Am ericas. By exhibiting the American natives along with the lavish objects that Corts br ought, and the hybrid one s that Corts had commissioned, Charles V affirms to Europe that his empire is strong in the Americas. 66 Along with military and political propaganda, however, Charles V also endeavors to advertise his scholar ly identity. Paula Findlen desc ribes the patrician desire to advertise worldly identity via collections in this way: Travel, di scovery, and collection all served to deepen ones sense of iden tity. Only by going out into the world and

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67 bringing the world into the home could one achie ve the sort of knowledge that constituted identity, as most early modern patricia ns understood it, and further, that by the sixteenth century, displaying knowledge was a prized courtly virtue.114 As stated earlier, the outside world primarily existed as it related to the inner self, so sixteenth century individuals used the world around them to display their desired identity. Certainly Columbus, Corts, and Charles V used their Am erican collections to demonstrate control over the New World and to espouse their poli tical import, but they also used the collections to reflect their knowledgeable and scholarly identity. Co lumbus bolstered his scholarly identity by relaying knowledge that he obtained through the forcibly collected and trained indigenous interpreters. Corts and Charles V, however, provided a more visceral knowledge of the Americas by physical ly appearing with th e traveling court of indigenous Americans, and the collections of animals and American objects. Using these collections as tools, each man negotiated a powerful, scholarly, and politically important identity, and successfully navigated what Gr eenblatt termed the m anipulable, artful process of early modern self-fashioning. While the above men were successful in navigating the process of identity formation and manipulation, one wonders about the individual s who fell victim to this processs. Specifically, I refer of course to the indigenous American performers, but also to the existing European entertainers and perf ormers at the Hapsburg court. During this time, as mentioned above, all Europeans were seeking to separate themselves from their inferiors, and to distance themselves by comparison. How were the European court performers affected by this sudden, unavoidable comparison to indigenous Americans? 114 Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994), 294-5.

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68 These questions beg further research concerning a cultural comparison of conceptions of court performers, and the st rikingly different ways in which Europeans and indigenous Americans perceived them. For example, in the Americas, court performers and residents were quite revere d, and often thought of as holding a special place between gods and humans because of their performative talents, talents as craftsmen, or in some cases their deformitiesanything that set them apart from the typical populus.115 In western Europe, however, performers, jugglers, and acrobats were often thought to be transgressors in their own societies. In a large part, this was because of the fleeting nature of their work and th e extreme amount of travel it required. Performers were people of talents, from odd to amazing; however, they had to travel to receive their livelihood; thus their viewers often perc eived the performers as destabilizing people with out a permanent past or future. Traveling great distances in general was also perceived by many as destab ilizing, and the traveling space was noted as a liminal space in which encounters with the foreign or forbidden might take place.116 This brings up travel as a nother interesting comparison be tween Amerindian performers and performers in Europe. In order to arrive in Europe, the American natives crossed the vast and fairly uncharted expanse of the Atla ntic, while European performers also had to travel great distances to reach new audien ces. Thus the Amerindians, without even 115 See Mary Helms, Craft and the Kingly Ideal (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 56. For information on this theorys place in antiquity, see Ch apter 9 of Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society (Hassocks and Sussex: Harvester Press, 1978). 116 This idea is detailed in Richard Wrigley, Infecti ous Enthusiasms: Influence, Contagion, and the Experience of Rome, in Transports: Travel, Pleasure and Imaginative Geography, 1600-1830 ed. Chloe Chard and Helen Langdon (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996,), p. 75-116; and Chloe Chard, Crossing Boundaries and Exceeding Limits: Dest abilization, Tourism, and the Sublime, in Transports pp. 117-149.

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69 performing, already bore comparison to the more familiar European traveling performers, acrobats and entertainers. Examining this idea in reverse, how did the appearance of Amerindian performers in Charles Vs court impact the European cour t performers already in place there? Did they add any of the Amerindian talents to th eir repertoire? Were European performers further marginalized as a result of being cat egorized alongside American natives? These questions are difficult to answer as the indige nous Americans virtually disappear from the historical record at this point. What it is possible to theorize is that by presenting the American natives as court performers, Charles V assured his court and his empire that he was well in control of the Americas. Indeed, the indigenous Americans we re in his employ, most likely by force, as entertainers. While the Hapsburg traveling court provided an historical setting for Charles V to exercise this power, Weiditzs manuscript provides the visual record of Charles Vs strategies for incorporating the indigenous Americans into his empire. In addition, Weiditz provides his own model fo r assimilation through developing a visual hierarchy of Europes social structure into which he places the American natives.

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70 Chapter Three Visual Assimiliation in the Trachtenbuch : Christoph Weiditzs Images Compartmentalize a Nation The images in the Trachtenbuch depict a wide variety of actions, from the flogging of a criminal to the transporting of a horse from land to a sea-going vessel to the plowing of a field. These actions, and the at tention given to habit and dress, all bear witness to the ethnographi c nature of the manuscript, as discussed above, and they also testify to the placement of the depicted indivi duals within European society. This section discusses visual markers of hierarchic stat us present within the active images in the Trachtenbuch, with specific reference to those de picting performance and play and with the intention of revealing images that indica te Charles Vs role in the assimilation of indigenous Americans into early modern Europe. By examining the visual hierarchy present throughout Weiditzs Trachtenbuch, I argue that the bodily depictions of the American natives suggest two possible statio ns for them within Imperial Spain: as laborers or as playful ente rtainers of the court. This argument peels even more layers away from the solidly costume book exterior of the Trachtenbuch, by focusing directly on the illustrated body. Bronwen Wilson argues that since foreign bodies did no t live up to their theorized monstrosities, the costume, and consequently the costum e book, was then charged with articulating

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71 e. geographical differences.117 In the case of Weiditzs ethnographic images, however, this is simply not the case. While Weiditz i ndeed depicts the clothing, or lack thereof, of the indigenous Americans in his active images the clothing in no way takes center stag Likewise, in his other active images throughout the manuscript, clothing takes a backseat to depicted activity. In fact, when the viewer notices clothing at all, is it because Weiditz has made it apparent that adaptations were made to the clothing to accommodate the activity at hand. Weiditz calls the viewers attention to the body in motion, emphasizing the actionwhether it be a simple task, lik e kneading bread, or hard labor, like tugging boats in to harbor. I argue that there are five main categories of action depicted in the Trachtenbuch: Labor (both voluntary and forced), punitive/ci vil administration, spiritual and religious activity, travel, and performance/play. A lthough each category, and indeed most images in each category, deserves an in depth individual study, I focus primarily on the labor and performance/play images and their relationshi ps with the images of the Amerindians. However, in order to properly contextualize these images within the manuscript, I discuss all five categories of action as they make up the visual hierarchy of the Trachtenbuch.118 Only by viewing the Amerindian images within the context of the whole manuscript is it possible to extrapolate their stati on within a visual hierarchy. Mary Louise Pratt discusses a similar theory in the spirit of reexamining the travel writings of Alexander von Humboldt.119 As discussed in the fi rst section of this study, Pratt identifies the nineteenth century European interest in classification of American raw 117 Wilson, 77. 118 Refer to Appendix I for a list of each image and corresponding category. 119 Pratt, 111-143, esp. 132-135.

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72 materials as evidence of the European re-ope ning of the Americas and the desire to capitalize and draw profit from them. Later in her study, she lo cates this desire within the body of Humboldts Views of the Cordilleras and Monuments of the Indigenous Peoples of America (1810 and 1814), arguing that by pl acing engravings of indigenous monuments alongside engravings of the lu sh and undeveloped landscape of America, Humboldt begs the comparison the more savage the nature, the more savage the culture.120 Although Pratt certainly takes the or der of the engravings into account, which cannot be done with the Trachtenbuch, the basic model that she uses can be applied to this present study. That is, by examining the visual strategies by which Weiditz depicts individuals of different groups and regions in relation to each other, it is possible to address the question of how indi genous Americans were perceived during the original opening up of the Americas in Europe. Depicting the foreign through an eth nographic document, in the words of Jonathan Friedman, embodies the authority to represent and, by logical implication, the authority to maintain the Other in silence. Now this is a serious political act since it identifies the Other for us.121 For the viewer, author or patron of the Trachtenbuch then, the Other, in this case the American na tives, comes to embody the performer and the entertainer because he or she is depicted in the midst of entertaining actions. Within Orientalism his seminal critique of Western thought and attitudes concerning the East, Edward Said discusses the mythological and almost occult elements 120 Ibid, 133. Interestingly, Humboldt himself wished that these images be taken in such succession with each other to indicate how the climate and landscape influenced the st yle and technique by which a regions art is made. 121 Jonathan Friedman, Narcissism, Roots and Postmodernity: The Construction of Selfhood in the Global Crisis, in Modernity and Identity ed. Scott Lash and Jonathan Frie dman (Basil Blackwell, 1992), 332.

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73 of the Western Orientalist at titude, saying It shares with magic and with mythology the self-containing, self-reinfo rcing character of a closed system, in which objects are what they are, for once, for all time, for ontologi cal reasons that no em pirical material can either dislodge or alter.122 This logic is also very apt to describe the first representations of the Americas, but it is especi ally apt in describing the first representations of American natives on European soil because it allows for the possibility of myriad, actual eyewitness experiences. Historically, as the previous s ection details, the indigenous Americans performed at Charles Vs court, ma king the representation of American native as performer twofold: in cer emonial and in painted form. Categories and the Visual Hierarchy of the Trachtenbuch Before discussing the images of the American natives play and performance, I will outline some of the literatur e in which the concepts of Self and Other manifest in depictions of the body. This literature repr esents a model for cr eating what I term a possible visual hierarchy within the Trachtenbuch. I use the term visual hierarchy to delineate possible stations in the Trachtenbuch s social structure, which in turn reveal 122 Said, 70. Said discusses this notion in response to a quote from Isaiah Berlin, Historical Inevitability (Oxford University Press, 1955), 13-14. This quote, taken from Orientalism reads In [such a] cosmology the world of men (and, in some versions, the entire universe) is a single, all-inclusive hierarchy; so that to explain why each object in it is as, an d where, and when it is, and does what it does, is eo ipso to say what its goal is, how far it successfully fulfills it, and what are the relations of coordination and subordination between the goals of the various goal -pursuing entities in the harmonious pyramid which they collectively form. If this is a true picture of reality, then historical explanation, like every other form of explanation, must consist, above all, in the attribution of individuals, groups, nations, species, each to its own proper place in the universal patte rn. To know the cosmic place of a thing or a person is to say what it is and what it does, and at the same time why it should be and do as it is and does. Hence to be and to have values, to exist and to have a function (and to fulfill it more or less successfully) are one and the same. The pattern, and it alone, brings into being and causes to pass away and confers purpose, that is to say, value and meaning, on all there is. To understand is to perceive patterns. The more inevitable an event or an action or a character can be exhibited as being, the better it has been understood, the profounder the researchers insight, the nearer we are to the one ultim ate truth. This attitude is profoundly anti-empirical.

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74 certain aspects of Imperial Spains social structure at the time of the Trachtenbuch s creation. To determine the Trachtenbuchs visual hierarchy, I ta ke into account the deportment of the body, clothing, and the accoutrement surrounding the body of the indigenous Americans and compare these charac teristics with typica l sixteenth-century European notions of bodily and behavioral ideals. Though these ideals differed from region to region (as illust rated by images in the Trachtenbuch ), they are consistent enough to contrast with those of the wholly unfamiliar lands of America, especially when backed up by Weiditzs textual descriptions. Anthropologist A. David Napier argues that the concept of the stranger is central toeven, perhaps, the central meta phor forany discussion of the body.123 In other words, any discussion of the self as body is only made possible by accessing the concept of the strangers body, a body inherently differe nt than our own. Thus, noting differences between peoples based on the body and the actions or deportment of the body is an inherent activity, and an activ ity that has taken place for centu ries in the determination of an individuals, or group of individuals, conceptions of self. In this case, depicting the American natives as performers or laborers effectively neutralizes them, or removes a component of the unknown, and renders them as conquered i ndividuals taking a familiar place in society Georges Vigarello discusses bodily comportment as it rela tes to societal status. His main argument states th at in the sixteenth-century, the emergent courtier class seemed to generate rules of deportment fo r the body, emphasizing upward deportment, 123 A. David Napier. Foreign Bodies: Performance, Art, and Symbolic Anthropology (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1992), 141.

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75 or straight posture, as indicators of ones civility and morality.124 This upward deportment was ideally hereditary, and a result of generations of elite activities, such as fencing and riding.125 These were, of course, leisure activities for the nobility, and were never more than moderately strenuous. 126 Examining this idea of bodily deportment, it is apparent that early modern men and wo men, especially those of the upper classes believed that ones daily activities influence the appearance of the body.127 The more strenuous the activity, th e greater the toll taken on the body; the more obvious the bodily effect, the less that body resembled the ideal. Less resemblance to the ideal equaled a less civilized person.128 It follows then that ones soci al station could be interpreted by images of bodily appearance and physical ch aracteristics as well as the more widely studied dressdepicted in the myriad cost ume books of the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies. I find that the active images in the Trachtenbuch offer a promising location to begin this interpretation as th ey portray not only the appare l of the subjects, but more importantly active representations of the body at leisure, work or play. In line with Vigarellos assessment of ridi ng as one of the main activities for elite exercise, travel riding constitutes the only depi cted activity of individuals described by Weiditz as rich or noble. In fact, only three such images exis t out of the 154 images in the Trachtenbuch. Fig. 31, with Weiditzs caption r eading this is a Spanish nobleman riding horseback depicts a small bearded ma n; fully-dressed, whip in hand, with a 124 Vigarello, 151. 125 Ibid., 156. Vigarello also mentions dance here. However, he refers to the dances of the European nobility, not to the dances of the lower class in the Basque region, or to Moorish dances. 126 Vigarello points out that the strenuous exercises were believed to be more appropriate for tumblers. This was quoted by Vigarello from J. Du Chesn, Le portrait de la sant o est ou vif represent la rgle universelle et particulire de bien sainement et bien longuement vivre (Paris, 1606), 309. 127 This idea is also stressed in B. Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier trans. George Bull (Penguin Books, 1967). 128 The definition of civility, or course, differs from region to region.

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76 straight posture and a stern countenance. The second image, Fig. 32, depicts noble riders in Valladolid.129 This image reveals the same body types as the nobleman in Fig. 31; a small couple, fully dressed with straight postures, in stark contrast with the loinclothwearing American natives who squat bare-footed on the ground.130 Other travel images are made up mostly of depictions of merchants traveling with their wares, such as Fig. 33, which bears an imag e of a Castilian water-seller and his ass. Here, the merchant is fully-dressed in bulky pantaloons and walks behind the somewhat deflated animal with a prodding stick. 129 Although Weiditzs text simply reads In this manner they take their wives out riding in Vollodoliff behind them, the adjoining image reveals an indivi dual trailing them who is identified by Weiditz as a slave. This addition indicates the elite status of the couple. 130 The third example of an action of an upper class citizen breaks fr om the first two in that Weiditz describes this man as a Toledan prelate. Though th e identity of this individual may never be known, he represents one of only two images in the Trachtenbuch that depict members of the clergy. In posture and countenance, Weiditz depicts the prelate in a simila r fashion to the two aforementioned nobles. With a straight posture and stern expression the prelate clearly fits the bodily mold occupied by the individuals described as rich or noble. However, in a rich display of humor very common to the images in the Trachtenbuch Weiditz depicts a servant running behind th e prelate carrying his shoes. The servant gestures, trying in vain to get the attention of the prel ate who has obliviously ridden off in his stocking feet. Adding to the humor, or perhaps simply attempting to obviate any misunderstanding of the intended humor, Weiditz sits the prelate on an ass instead of a horse! Though Weiditz depicts asses and horses in a very similar fashion, he carefully delineates one from the other by his modeling of the ears and facial expressions. The ears of the asses are very long, while th e ears of the horses are so short that it is close to impossible to confuse one for the other. Also, the expressions on the faces of Weiditzs asses are usually very animated, from sly (similar to this one) to we ary and even to laughing. In contrast, the faces of Weiditzs horses are usually fierce, st ern, and alert. The only other images featuring a person riding an ass are of a slave and a criminal, which makes Weiditzs st ab at humor here all the more evident. The presence of this type of humor certainly begs for a more in depth study of this image and others like it. One of the more frustrating aspects of this project has been encountering idiosyncrasies such as these and discovering that they are simply beyond the scope of the present study. However, it has also been a joy to encounter these images as they promise many threads of intriguing study for the future.

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Figure 31. Spanish nobleman riding. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 32. Noble Riders in Va lladolid. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 77

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Figure 33. Castilian water-seller. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. In addition to travel images, a second type of activity depicted in the Trachtenbuch is punitive or civil administration. This category features primarily Spanish criminals and civil administrators including court ushers, bailiffs, police officers, and ransom collectors. As in Fi g. 34, Weiditz often depicts the police officers riding horses, with posture and dress similar to that of the nobles and elite mentioned above. Weiditz depicts the criminals (see Figs. 35 and 36), however, riding asses while being flogged. The dress of the criminals and cut-purses remains one of the most telling sets of images, as they are the only i ndividuals, other than the Amerindians and a religious penitent, whose upper bodi es are in a state of undress.131 78131 These two images remain very frustrating to interpret because of the likelihood that they were doctored at some point. As mentioned in the Introduction, many of these images appear to have been altered in attempt to adhere to the more modest sensibility of one of the manuscripts later owners. In these particular cases, it seems obvious that the images were indeed changed due to the entirely different tonal quality of the rendering of the upper body undergarments, as compar ed to the rest of the de picted clothing, on both the male and female criminal. Due to this addition, it is possible only to speculate that these two criminals

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Figure 34. Spanish police officer. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 79were once entirely topless. This theory seems especi ally plausible when examining the male criminal as well as the second image of the female criminaltheir upper body garments seem to simply have been added with no attention to the volume of the rest of the clothing depicted throughout the manuscript.

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80 Figure 35. Spanish female criminal. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 36. Spanish male cutpurse. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nurem b erg Spiritual and religious activity represents the third category of action depicted in the Trachtenbuch. This category contains five images of spiritual activities, such as Fig. 37, and exemplifies the only category in which c onfraternities are likely identified; that is, the penitential confraternities of Castile and Saragossa (now Zaragoza).

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Figure 37. Male penitent in Saragossa. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. The majority of the active images in the Trachtenbuch depict labor, forced in the case of galley and attendant slaves and volunt ary in the case of working class farmers and sailors (Figs. 38-39, 15-16). No less than tw enty-nine images make up this category, and they are spread throughout th e body of the manuscript, which is currently grouped very loosely by region. When visually analyzing the body of the laborers, it is apparent that Weiditz emphasized the toll that labor took on the musculature and posture of the body. Although Weiditzs main profession as a medalist cert ainly influenced his drawing techniquehis 81

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bodies are very sculptural in appearance; squat with shallow lines marking contours rather than the subtle tonal gradation that marks the early modern mastersit is still possible to recognize the differences in repr esentational strategy within Weiditzs own visual style. Figure 38. Taking in water in Barcelona. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. 82 Figure 39. Spanish galley slaves. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

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83 In Figure 15, for example, Weiditz depicts two sailors tugging boats in to harbor at Barcelona. The angle of the body on the right reflects the tension of the rope, and the heavily muscled legs and buttocks are clenched with the effort of pulling the weight of the boat. Even the line of his jaw and his right hand, outstretched toward a goal just outside of the viewers gaze, indicate the diffi culty of the task at hand. The figure on the left reflects an element of urgency, and allo ws the viewer an eyewitness account of the action.132 Taking into consideration his planted le ft foot, which bears the weight of his body, his twisted upright posture and open mout h, this man was captured in the act of momentary interaction with someone or thi ng just outside the vi ewing area. Also heavily muscled, the contours of the buttocks and neck reflec t the strain of holding this precarious position. In addition, Weiditz employs distinctive strategies in the representation of the clothing of laborers, and their respective states of dress/undress. In this case, the pantlegs have been pulled up and the shoes removedpresumably to preserve their dryness or for eas e of movement underwater. These same strategies are also employed in Fig. 16, which depicts a Spanish tiller preparing soil for planting. His forward motion is apparent in the line of his body as well as in the positioning of his legs. His left leg is planted behind him, and his heel raises as he pushes off onto his right leg. The clenched muscles of the legs and massive shoulders and back indicate the strenuous nature of this activity as well as im ply many years of hard labor. In terms of dress, his coat has been pulled up and tucked into his waistband to 132 By eyewitness, I refer to the notion that some imag es give a real sense of the present, or of a momentary snapshot of an actual event. That eyewitness depiction was important to Weiditz can be located within his series of images of the indigenous American j ugglers. Though the jugglers are different individuals, Weiditz depicts the act of juggling in a sequential fashionsomething that could only be achieved by an eye-witness.

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84 avoid soiling it and to ensure that it will not get caught under the plow. As a result, however, the tillers legs have been exposed (or stockings in this case), emphasizing the musculature, much like the boat tuggers legs discussed above. Thus, their bodily actions seem to dictate adaptations to their dress that lead to the visual emphasis in musculature. Considering the depictions of the indige nous Americans, it is evident that their bodily actions influence their dress as well. Especially evident in Fig. 3, the image of the Amerindian ballgame, the American natives ha ve adapted their dre ss according to their activity, something consistent only with the othe r depictions of labor. In this case, the hard leather covers for the butto cks and hands are most obvious. In this image, similar to the labor images mentioned above, Weiditz em phasizes the musculature of the American natives, and depicts them in the midst of a strenuous activityan act which Weiditz reserves solely for laborers and indigenous Americans. Figs. 5-7 present a more obvious comparison between American natives and laborers, in this case forced laborers, pictured in Figs. 38 and 39the ankle bracelet. Interestingly, all of Weiditzs images of for ced labor feature an ankle bracelet, similar to the feathered ones on the ankles of the Amerindian jugglers. On the forced laborers, the ankle bracelets represent the method by wh ich an owner could secure a slave by threading a chain through the loop on the bracelet itself. This is also evident in Fig. 40, which depicts a slave whom Weiditz has identified as wearing the chain as a result of an attempted escape. While the jugglers anklets do not have loops, nor any other method designed to restrict movement, th e visual similarity remains.

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Figure 40. Slave with a wine-skin in Castile. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Historically, the possibility of American native as forced laborer represented a familiar problem for Imperial Spain. Both Columbus and Corts obtained indigenous Americans by force, in order that they could aid them in exploratory ventures and, in the case of Corts, militaristic enterprises. Both men also brought American natives back to Europe and presented them as in their service. Columbus even went so far as to bring numerous indigenous Americans back as slav es, though Isabella had them returned to America within a period of months.133 In fact, according to records, over one thousand indigenous Americans were se nt to Europe as slaves.134 This issue was not resolved until 133 For more information on this event, see Christopher Columbus, Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus trans. and ed. by Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, NY: The Heritage Press, 1963). 85134 Hodgen, 111.

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86 the middle of the sixteenth century. By then, of course, the damage had already been done.135 The fifth and final category of action that I identify in the Trachtenbuch is that of performance and play. This category repr esents the most obvious physical strategy by which Charles V, and consequently a vi sual strategy by which Christoph Weiditz assimilated indigenous Americans into the so cial structure of Im perial Spain. The Trachtenbuch features nine instances of performan ce/playsix of these depict American natives, one depicts individuals converted from the Islamic, one depicts a woman of the Basque region and the last depicts wo men in the French region of Narbonne. 136 The images of the female dancers provi de a good entry point for a discussion of images of performance/play in the Trachtenbuch because they represent the only images of Western European dance. This first im age, Fig. 41, contains text written by Weiditz that reads In this manner they dance in Biscay.137 Oddly reminiscent of John Travolta in Saturday Night Fever, the woman pictured raises her hand, fingers held in an elegant manner, and shifts her weight to her right foot as if about to push herself up on tip-toe. We get a sense of movement both from her body stance and the movement of her 135 For a more detailed look at this debate, see Elliott, 7-26 and 43-63. Bartolom de las Casas was one of the biggest criticizers of the earliest Spanish enc ounters with America; see Bartolom de las Casas, An Account, Much Abbreviated, of the Destruction of the Indies trans. Andrew Hurley (Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2003). 136 Weiditz refers to all the individuals formerly of the Islamic faith from Granada as Moriscos. Because of the severe punishment leveled on those of the Islamic faith by Ferdinand and Isabella, Muslims in Granada were forced to convert to Christianity or they would be expelled from Spain into north Africa. Granada was thus the only region where some fixtures of traditional Islamic culture could be observed. That Weiditz made it a point to so completely capture aspects of life in Granada, especially aspects of womens lives, deserves a study of its own. 137 Weiditz, 50.

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87 clothing, which sways with her body to the right.138 The second image of female dancers in the French region of Narbonne, Fig. 42, re veals a similar body stance to that of the Basque dancer. Both of the women raise thei r hands in an elegant fashion, one holding what may be an instrument. Of note in this image, one woman has removed her shoes and stockings and has rolled up her dress indi cating an instance of the adaptive clothing discussed above. It is also important to note that this woman represents one of very few individuals depicted with bare feet; the ot hers include only the American natives, two sailors, all five depictions of slaves, and several depictions of Morisco women in house dress.139 The only other image of performance/play aside from the images of indigenous Americans is a two-page spread, Fig. 43, de picting The Morisco dance with Weiditzs text reading In this manner the Moriscos dan ce with each other, snapping with fingers at the same time and This is the Morisco dance music they make noises also like calves (text following has been mutilated).140 In this image, three individuals play instruments while a male dancer manipulates his cloak and a female dancer maneuvers toward him (or perhaps around him) with outstretched arms. In his accompanying description, Hampe notes that though this dance was typi cally considered a Morisco one, it became popular in Germany and the rest of Europe dur ing the first half of the sixteenth-century which indicates that Weiditz was probably familiar with it. 138 Her face reveals a coy expression, and she faces the artist/viewer. Interestingly, very few of Weiditzs subjects face the viewer. Of the indi viduals that do face the artist and thus, the viewer, all save one are women. 139 The term Moriscos represents the Muslims who were forced to convert to Christianity in order to avoid expulsion to Africa. These regions in which Moriscos lived, however, were the only regions in Spain to reserve many Islamic customs. This certainly raises one of the more interesting anomalies of the manuscript. Did Weiditz actually observe these women in their homes? If so, how did he gain access? If not, who or what was his source of information? 140 Weiditz, 43.

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88 Figure 41. Basque dancer. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 42. Dance in Narbonne. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Figure 43. Morisco dance. Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch (1529). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

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89 Turning to the images of American natives the viewers see indi viduals clothed at the most in a feathered skirt a nd at the least in a loincloth.141 Considering the dice game, Fig. 4, the two players are depicted in the squatting position engaged in a game described by Weiditz as gambling.142 The caption on the left reads These are the Indian people who Ferdinand Cortex brought to His Imperial Majesty from India and they have played before His Imperial Majesty with wood and ball.143 Of particular interest is the use of the term play.144 While recreation was a familiar concept at this time in the West, Weiditz only uses the term in regard to this image and Fig. 3, the de piction of indigenous Americans playing ball. In addition, that Weiditz clearly iden tifies for whom the individuals play, His Imperial Majesty Charles V, only occurs within the images of the American natives. This indicates their role as playing and performing in the service of Charles V. The third performance activity that Weiditz identifies as taking place before Charles V is the juggling of the wooden plank, pictured in Figs. 5-7. In these images, American natives lie prone on their backs and manipulate a large piece of wood with their feet. These are the only images depicting an individual in a prone position; indeed, only the images of the American natives de pict body positions othe r than upright or sitting. This is a striking difference, and wh en coupled with the fact that the performing 141 As mentioned earlier, however, the feathered skirts on the jugglers were likely added at a later date, indicating that the jugglers probably only wore simply the loin clothes and, in two cases, feathered anklets. 142 The full caption over the figure at left reads With their hands they gamble like the Italians, Weiditz, 27. This game resembles the Italian game of Mora, which may be why Weiditz likens the Amerindians to Italians. However, this game likely represents the Aztec board game of Patolli, which is played with stones and a game board which could be rolled up. Weiditz has not included the game board, so perhaps he simply assumes the game is Mora, which would certainly have been more familiar to him; or perhaps he made a conscious decision to make a foreign game more familiar by likening it to an Italian game. 143 Ibid, 27. 144 For a helpful study on leisure during this time period, see Peter Burke, The Invention of Leisure in Early Modern Europe, in Past and Present No. 146 (Oxford University Press, Feb., 1995), 136-150.

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90 Amerindians wear only loincloths it is immediately apparent that the depictions reflect the intensely foreign nature of the New World natives. Though Weiditz highlights their foreignness in his depictions by visually placing them in the context of other images of inha bitants of Imperial Sp ain and beyond, he also neutralizes their strangeness by textually plac ing them in the service, if not the custody, of Charles V. In so doing, he reveals Charle s Vs role in displaying the American natives as performers at his court and thus presenti ng them to his empire as Other, but as an Other who has safely been conquered. By pl acing them as his court performers, Charles V physically assimilates them into Imperial Spains social structure not as unknown or unstable beings, but in the firm and cont rollable roles of harmless entertainers.

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91 Conclusion In this thesis, I have argu ed against classifying the Trachtenbuch as a work on costume only, and argue instead for a br oader ethnographic read ing that includes acknowledging Weiditzs emphasis on the customs, occupational, and religious activities, as well as the dress of the de picted regions. I argued that the ethnographic quality of the Trachtenbuch reflects the artistic innovation so pr evalent in early modern Europe, and that this manuscript represents Weiditzs creation of a distin ctive product that would give him an advantage over his contemporaries Also, by analyzing Weiditzs broader ethnographic considerations, I compared the Trachtenbuch to other ethnographic journals, such as the Miao albums of the Qi ng dynasty, and identifie d the possibility of similar underlying ideologies of order a nd control behind the creation of both. Historically, I located thes e ideologies in Charles V s naming of the indigenous Americans as performers, and his displaying th em at his court. The early modern court was a setting in which a ruler managed and pr esented information to his subjects, so the court of Charles V provided a fertile setti ng to order and manage the vast influx of information spawned by the discovery of th e Americas. By presenting the American natives as his court performers, Charles V propa gated his identity as their ruler, and thus as the ruler of the Americas. Finally, I analyze how the ordering of the New World and the assimilation of the indigenous Americans manifests in Weiditz s images. By examining the broad ethnographic qualities of the docum ent, I identify five main categories of action: labor

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92 (both forced and voluntary), punitive and civi l administration, reli gious and spiritual activity, travel, and perf ormance and play. By comparing the depicted actions and bodily comportment of the various Europeans to thos e of the indigenous Americans, I note that Weiditz visually assigns the ro le of court performer to the American natives. This indicates that he internal ized Charles Vs strategy fo r assimilating the indigenous Americans into Imperial Spains social struct ure as performers. Further, by imbuing the American natives with similar bodily composition, comportment, and action to the laborers, Weiditz enhances the role of the i ndigenous American to include both performer and laborer. The intended function of Christoph Weiditzs Trachtenbuch may never clearly be identified, in part because Weiditz left no c oncrete intentions or instructions in the manuscripts images or text, but also because of the lack of information on Weiditz himself. However, this thesis provides entryways into several different theories regarding Weiditzs intentions for the manuscript, as well as points to new avenues of research based on an ethnographic reading of the Trachtenbuch. Though the manuscripts visual and textua l nature argues for its place alongside other ethnographic journals or albums, like the Miao albums of the Qing dynasty, it has long only been studied for its value as a work on costume. By broadening the reading to include other ethnographic qualities such as customs and occupational and religious activities, however, the Trachtenbuch has much to reveal about the relationships not only between American natives and early modern Eu ropeans, but also between European class structures and geographical regi ons. It also provides alte rnate avenues for study within

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93 the Orientalism discourse and possibly within the discussion on Cat holic and Protestant relations. Certainly further research can be underta ken concerning a cultural comparison of conceptions of court performers, and the st rikingly different ways in which Europeans and indigenous Americans perceived them. How were the European court performers affected by this sudden, unavoidable comparis on to indigenous Americans? European performers in general already had the reput ation of being unstable and transgressive, simply because of the contemporary ideas on th e liminal and variable nature of travel, which was a huge part of the European pe rformers existence. Of course, court performers were able to stay in one placethe traveli ng courtthrough being in the employ of the Empire, but their talents stil l sprang from the volatile nature of the traveling performer. Also, how did the existing court performers receive the indigenous American performers? Did the American pe rformers try to establish identities for themselves? How did their privileged status at the court of Motecuhzoma prepare them to deal with their new home, and were they kept by force? These questions are difficult to answer as the indigenous Americans virtua lly disappear from the hi storical record at this point. Due to its comprehensive nature and Christ oph Weiditzs status as court artist to an emperor, however, the Trachtenbuch remains an excellent arena within which to begin inquiries such as these. Indeed, the persis tent study of early modern strategies for assimilating the American natives into either the conceptual framework or the literal social structure of the European world, combined with an ethnographical approach to the

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94 early images of the Americas, will surely c ontinually provide insight into early modern notions of identity and representation.

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96 Demarest, Arthur. "Ideology in Ancient Maya Cultural Revolution: The Dynamics of Galactiv Polities." In Ideology and Pre-Columbian Civilizations edited by A.; Conrad Demarest, G., 135-57. Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1992. Detienne, Marcel; Vernant, Jean-Pierre. Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society Hassocks and Sussex: Harvester Press, 1978. Diaz, Bernal. The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico Translated by A.P. Maudslay. Edited by Genaro Garcia: Farrar, Strauss, and Cudahy, 1956. Duran, Diego. Book of the Gods and R ites and the Ancient Calendar Translated by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden. Norm an: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality Translated by William Weaver. San Diego, New York, London: Harcourt, Inc., 1986. Elias, Norbert. The Court Society New York: Pantheon Books, 1983. Elliott, John Huxtable. Spain and Its World, 15001700 : Selected Essays New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989. Farago, Claire, ed. Reframing the Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America, 1450-165. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995. Farr, James R. Artisans in Europe, 1300-1914 New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Findlen, Paula. "Inventing Nature: Commerce, Art, and Science in the Early Modern Cabinet of Curiosities." In Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe edited by Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen, 297-323. New York and London: Routledge, 2002. . "Possessing the Past: The Material World of the Italian Renaissance." The American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (1998): 83-114. Fox, John Gerald; et. al. "Playing with Power: Ballcourts and Political Ritual in Southern Mesoamerica." Current Anthropology 37, no. 3 (1996): 483-509. Friedman, Jonathan. "Narcissism, Roots and Postmodernity: The Construction of Selfhood in the Global Crisis." In Modernity and Identity edited by Scott; Friedman Lash, Jonathan: Basil Blackwell, 1992. Friedrichs, Christopher R. "Capitalism, M obility and Class Formation in the Early Modern German City." Past and Present no. 69 (1975): 24-49.

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97 Gomara, Fransisco Lopez de. Cortes: The Life of the Conqueror by His Secretary Translated by Lesley Byrd Simpson. Edited by Lesley Byrd Simpson. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966. Greenblatt, Stephen. Marvelous Possessions : Th e Wonder of the New World Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. . New World Encounters Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. . Renaissance Self-Fashioning Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Helms, Mary. Craft and the Kingly Ideal Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993. . "Essay on Objects: Interpretations of Distance Made Tangible." In Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 355-77. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Hodgen, Margaret. Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. Honour, Hugh. The New Golden Land: European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Present Time New York: Pantheon Books, 1975. . "Science and Exoticism: The European Artist and the Non-European World before Johan Maurits." In Johan Maurits Van Nassau-Si egen 1604-1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil, edited by E. van den Boogaart, 269-96. The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau Stichting, 1979. Hostetler, Laura. Qing Colonial Enterprise: Eth nography and Cartography in Early Modern China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. Hughes, Anthony. "The Cave and the Stithy: Artists' Studios and Intellectual Property in Early Modern Europe." Oxford Art Journal 13, no. 1 (1990): 34-48. Humboldt, Alexander von. Researches, Concerning the In stitutions and Monuments of the Ancient Inhabitants of America, with De scriptions and Views of Some of the Most Striking Scenes in the Cordilleras! Translated by Helen Maria Williams. London: Longman et. al, 1814. Jardine, Lisa. Worldly Goods : A New History of the Renaissance New York: Doubleday, 1996. Kunstbibliothek (Berlin, Germany); Eva Ne inholdt; Gretel Wagner-Neumann and Franz Lipperheide. Katalog Der Lipperheideschen Kostumbibliothek Berlin: Mann, 1965.

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98 Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, ed. America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Leitch, Stephanie. "Better Than the Prodigies: The Prints of Hans Burgkmair, Jorg Breu, and the Marvels of the New World." PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2005. Levenson, Jay A. Corp Author National Gallery of Art. Circa 1492 : Art in the Age of Exploration Washington National Galle ry of Art: New Haven, 1991. Martin, John. "Inventing Sincerity, Refash ioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe." The American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (1997): 1309-42. Mason, Peter. Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998. Massing, Jean Michel. "Early European Images of America: The Ethnographic Approach." In Circa 1492, 514-20. New Haven: National Gallery of Art and Yale University Press, 1991. Mauss, Marcel. Sociology and Psychology: Essays Translated by Ben Brewster. London, Boston, Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979. Meadow, Mark A. "Merchants and Marvels: Hans Jacob Fugger and the Origins of the Wunderkammer." In Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe edited by Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen, 182-200. New York and London: Routledge, 2002. Morris, Colin. The Discovery of the Individual, 1050-1200. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972. Napier, David A. Foreign Bodies: Performance, Art, and Symbolic Anthropology Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer sity of California Press, 1992. Pagden, Anthony. European Encounters with the New World : From Renaissance to Romanticism New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London and New York: Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group, 1992. Sahagun, Bernardino de. Conquest of New Spain Translated by Howard F. Cline. Edited by S.L. Cline. Salt Lake City: Un iversity of Utah Press, 1989. Said, Edward W. Orientalism New York: Penguin Books, 1995.

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99 Scheller, Robert W. Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (Ca. 900-Ca. 1470) Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995. Seed, Patricia. Ceremonies of Possession in Europe 's Conquest of the New World, 14921640. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Smith, Dennis; Norbert Elias and Michel Fou cault. "'the Civilizing Process' and 'the History of Sexuality': Comparing No rbert Elias and Michel Foucault." Theory and Society 28, no. 1 (1999): 79-100. Thomas, Hugh. Conquest: Cortes, Montezuma, and the Fall of Old Mexico New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. Todorov, Tzvetan. The Conquest of America New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1984. Vecellio, Cesare. Habiti Antichi, Et Mode rni Di Tutto Il Mondo Venice: Appresso i Sessa, 1598. Vigarello, Georges. "The Upward Training of the Body from the Age of Chivalry to Courtly Civility." In Fragments for a History of the Human Body, Part 2 edited by Michel Feher; Ramona Naddaff and Na dia Tazi. Cambridge: Zone Books, 1989. Weiditz, Christoph. The Costume Codex: Trachtenbuch Edited by Jose Luis; Carlos Soler d'Hyver de los Deses Casado So to. Valencia: Ediciones Grial, 2001. Weiditz, Christoph; Hampe, Theodor. Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance Translated by Theodor Hampe. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994. Weiditz, Christoph; Jose Luis Casado Soto and Carlos soler d'Hyver de los Deses. Das Trachtenbuch Des Christoph Weiditz Von Sein en Reisen Nach Spanien (1529) Und Den Niederlanden (1531/32) Valencia: Ediciones Grial, 2001. Weigel, Hans; Jost Amman. Habitus Praecipourum Populorum Tam Vivorum, Quam Foeminarum, Olim Singulari Johannis Weigelii Proplastis Norimbergensis Arte Depicti & Excusi: Nunc Vero Debita Diligentia Denuo Recusi... Vlm: Johann Gorlins Buchandlers, 1639. Wells, Christian E. "Recent Trends in Theorizing Prehispanic Mesoamerican Societies." Journal of Archeological Research 14, no. 4 (2006): 265-312.

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100 Widitz, Christoffel; Hampe, Theodor. Das Trachtenbuch Des Christoph Weiditz Von Seinen Reisen Nach Spanien ( 1529) Und Den Niederlanden (1531/32) Translated by Theodor Hampe. Berlin: Verl ag von Walter de Gruyter, 1927. Wilson, Bronwen. The World in Venice: Print, th e City, and Early Modern Identity Toronto, Buffalo, London: Univer sity of Toronto Press, 2005. Wrigley, Richard. "Infectious Enthusiasms : In fluence, Contagion, and the Experience of Rome." In Transports: Travel, Pleasure, and Imaginative Geography, 1600-1830 edited by Chloe; Langdon Chard, Helen, 75-116. New Ha ven: Yale University Press, 1996.

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101 Bibliography Acosta, Jose de. Natural and Moral History of the Indi es (Chronicles of the New World Encounter) Translated by Frances Lopez-Morilla s. Edited by Jane E. Mangum. Durham: Duke University Press, 2002. Amman, Jost. The Book of Trades New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1973. Bastl, Beatrix. "Clothing the Living and the Dead: Memory, Social Identity and Aristocratic Habit in the Ea rly Modern Habsburg Empire." Fashion Theory 5, no. 4 (2001): 357-88. Boemus, Johan. The Fardle of Facions Conteining the Aunciente Maners, Customes, and Lawes, of the Peoples Enhabiting the Two Partes of the Earth, Called Affrike and Asie New York: Da Capo Press, 1970. Boemus, Johann. Omnium Gentium Mores, Leges, & Ritus Ex Multis Clarissimis Rerum Scriptoribus... Augsburg: Augustae Vindelic orum, S. Grimm & Wirsung, 1520. Burke, Peter. "America and the Rewriting of World History." In America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750, edited by Karen Ordahl Kupperman, 33-51. Chapel Hill and London: University of No rth Carolina Press, 1995. . "The Invention of Leisure in Early Modern Europe." Past and Present no. 146 (1995): 136-50. Casas, Bartolome de las. An Account, Much Abbreviated, of the Destruction of the Indies Translated by Andrew Hurley. Edited by Franklin W. Knight. Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hacket Publishing Company, Inc., 2003. . History of the Indies Translated by Andree Collard. Edited by Andree Collard. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1971. Castiglione, Baldassarr e; Javitch, Daniel. The Book of the Courtier: The Singleton Translation: An Authoritative Text Criticism New York: W.W Norton & Co., 2002. Chard, Chloe; Langdon, Helen, ed. Crossing Boundaries and Exceeding Limits: Destabilization, Tourism, and the Sublime. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996.

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102 , ed. Transports: Travel, Pleasure, and Imaginative Geography, 1600-1830 New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. Chiappelli, Fredi, ed. First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer sity of California Press, 1976. Columbus, Christopher. Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus Translated by Samuel Eliot Morison. Edited by Samuel Eliot Morison. New York: The Heritage Press, 1963. Cortes, Hernando. Five Letters, 1519-1526 Translated by F. Baynard Morris. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1962. Cowans, Jon, ed. Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. Currie, Elizabeth. "Prescribing Fashion: Dress, Politics and Gender in Sixteenth-Century Italian Conduct Literature." Fashion Theory 4, no. 2 (2000): 157-77. Demarest, A.; Conrad, G., ed. Ideology and Pre-Columbian Civilizations Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1992. Demarest, Arthur. "Ideology in Ancient Maya Cultural Revolution: The Dynamics of Galactiv Polities." In Ideology and Pre-Columbian Civilizations edited by A.; Conrad Demarest, G., 135-57. Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1992. Detienne, Marcel; Vernant, Jean-Pierre. Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society Hassocks and Sussex: Harvester Press, 1978. Diaz, Bernal. The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico Translated by A.P. Maudslay. Edited by Genaro Garcia: Farrar, Strauss, and Cudahy, 1956. Duran, Diego. Book of the Gods and R ites and the Ancient Calendar Translated by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden. Fe rnando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality Translated by William Weaver. San Diego, New York, London: Harcourt, Inc., 1986. Elias, Norbert. The Court Society New York: Pantheon Books, 1983. Elliott, J. H. "Final Reflections: The Old World and the New Revisited." In America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 edited by Karen Ordahl Kupperman, 391-408. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.

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103 Elliott, John Huxtable. Spain and Its World, 15001700 : Selected Essays New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989. Farago, Claire, ed. Reframing the Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America, 1450-165. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995. Farr, James R. Artisans in Europe, 1300-1914 New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Feest, Christian F. "The Collecting of American Indian Artifacts in Europe, 1493-1750." In America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 edited by Karen Ordahl Kupperman, 325-60. Chapel Hill and London: The Univ ersity of North Carolina Press, 1995. . "Mexico and South American in the European Wunderkammer." In The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Europe edited by Oliver; Macgregor Impey, Arthur, 237-44. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985. Findlen, Pamela H. Smith and Paula, ed. Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe New York and London: Routledge, 2002. Findlen, Paula. "Inventing Nature: Commerce, Art, and Science in the Early Modern Cabinet of Curiosities." In Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe edited by Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen, 297-323. New York and London: Routledge, 2002. . Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. . "Possessing the Past: The Material World of the Italian Renaissance." The American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (1998): 83-114. Fox, John Gerald; et. al. "Playing with Power: Ballcourts and Political Ritual in Southern Mesoamerica." Current Anthropology 37, no. 3 (1996): 483-509. Friedman, Jonathan. "Narcissism, Roots and Postmodernity: The Construction of Selfhood in the Global Crisis." In Modernity and Identity edited by Scott; Friedman Lash, Jonathan: Basil Blackwell, 1992. Friedrichs, Christopher R. "Capitalism, M obility and Class Formation in the Early Modern German City." Past and Present no. 69 (1975): 24-49. Gomara, Fransisco Lopez de. Cortes: The Life of the Conqueror by His Secretary Translated by Lesley Byrd Simpson. Edited by Lesley Byrd Simpson. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966.

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104 Greenblatt, Stephen. Marvelous Possessions : Th e Wonder of the New World Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. . New World Encounters Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. . Renaissance Self-Fashioning Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Helms, Mary. Access to Origins: Affines, Ancestors and Aristocrats Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998. . Craft and the Kingly Ideal Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993. . "Essay on Objects: Interpretations of Distance Made Tangible." In Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 355-77. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Hodgen, Margaret. Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. Honour, Hugh. The New Golden Land: European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Present Time New York: Pantheon Books, 1975. . "Science and Exoticism: The European Artist and the Non-European World before Johan Maurits." In Johan Maurits Van Nassau-Si egen 1604-1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil, edited by E. van den Boogaart, 269-96. The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau Stichting, 1979. Hostetler, Laura. Qing Colonial Enterprise: Eth nography and Cartography in Early Modern China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. Hughes, Anthony. "The Cave and the Stithy: Artists' Studios and Intellectual Property in Early Modern Europe." Oxford Art Journal 13, no. 1 (1990): 34-48. Humboldt, Alexander von. Researches, Concerning the In stitutions and Monuments of the Ancient Inhabitants of America, with De scriptions and Views of Some of the Most Striking Scenes in the Cordilleras! Translated by Helen Maria Williams. London: Longman et. al, 1814. Jardine, Lisa. Worldly Goods : A New History of the Renaissance New York: Doubleday, 1996. Knight, Bartolome de las Casas; Franklin W. An Account, Much Abbreviated, of the Destruction of the Indies Translated by Andrew Hurle y. Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2003.

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105 Kunstbibliothek (Berlin, Germany); Eva Ne inholdt; Gretel Wagner-Neumann and Franz Lipperheide. Katalog Der Lipperheideschen Kostumbibliothek Berlin: Mann, 1965. Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, ed. America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. . "Introduction: The Changing Definition of America." In America in European Consciousness, edited by Karen Ordahl Kupperma n, 1-29. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Leitch, Stephanie. "Better Than the Prodigies: The Prints of Hans Burgkmair, Jorg Breu, and the Marvels of the New World." PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2005. Levenson, Jay A. Corp Author National Gallery of Art. Circa 1492 : Art in the Age of Exploration Washington National Galle ry of Art: New Haven, 1991. Martin, John. "Inventing Sincerity, Refash ioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe." The American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (1997): 1309-42. Mason, Peter. Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998. Massing, Jean Michel. "Early European Images of America: The Ethnographic Approach." In Circa 1492, 514-20. New Haven: National Gallery of Art and Yale University Press, 1991. Mauss, Marcel. Sociology and Psychology: Essays Translated by Ben Brewster. London, Boston, Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979. Meadow, Mark A. "Merchants and Marvels: Hans Jacob Fugger and the Origins of the Wunderkammer." In Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe edited by Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen, 182-200. New York and London: Routledge, 2002. Morris, Colin. The Discovery of the Individual, 1050-1200. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972. Napier, David A. Foreign Bodies: Performance, Art, and Symbolic Anthropology Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer sity of California Press, 1992. Pagden, Anthony. European Encounters with the New World : From Renaissance to Romanticism New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993.

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106 Phillips, Seymour. "The Outer World of the European Middle Ages." In Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Re flecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 23-63. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London and New York: Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group, 1992. Quesada, Miguel Angel Ladero. "Spain, Circa 1492: Social Values and Structures." In Implicit Understandings: Observing, Repor ting, and Reflecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era edited by Stuart B. Schwartz, 96-133. Cambridge: Camb ridge University Press, 1994. Sahagun, Bernardino de. Conquest of New Spain Translated by Howard F. Cline. Edited by S.L. Cline. Salt Lake City: Un iversity of Utah Press, 1989. Said, Edward W. Orientalism New York: Penguin Books, 1995. Scheller, Robert W. Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (Ca. 900-Ca. 1470) Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995. Schwartz, Stuart B., ed. Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Ot her Peoples in the Early Modern Era Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Seed, Patricia. Ceremonies of Possession in Europe 's Conquest of the New World, 14921640. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Smith, Dennis; Norbert Elias and Michel Fou cault. "'the Civilizing Process' and 'the History of Sexuality': Comparing No rbert Elias and Michel Foucault." Theory and Society 28, no. 1 (1999): 79-100. Thomas, Hugh. Conquest: Cortes, Montezuma, and the Fall of Old Mexico New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. Todorov, Tzvetan. The Conquest of America New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1984. Turner, Victor. The Anthropology of Performance New York: PAJ Publications, 1988. Vecellio, Cesare. Habiti Antichi, Et Mode rni Di Tutto Il Mondo Venice: Appresso i Sessa, 1598.

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107 Vigarello, Georges. "The Upward Training of the Body from the Age of Chivalry to Courtly Civility." In Fragments for a History of the Human Body, Part 2 edited by Michel Feher; Ramona Naddaff and Na dia Tazi. Cambridge: Zone Books, 1989. Weiditz, Christoph. The Costume Codex: Trachtenbuch Edited by Jose Luis; Carlos Soler d'Hyver de los Deses Casado So to. Valencia: Ediciones Grial, 2001. Weiditz, Christoph; Hampe, Theodor. Authentic Everyday Dress of the Renaissance Translated by Theodor Hampe. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1994. Weigel, Hans; Jost Amman. Habitus Praecipourum Populorum Tam Vivorum, Quam Foeminarum, Olim Singulari Johannis Weigelii Proplastis Norimbergensis Arte Depicti & Excusi: Nunc Vero Debita Diligentia Denuo Recusi... Vlm: Johann Gorlins Buchandlers, 1639. Wells, Christian E. "Recent Trends in Theorizing Prehispanic Mesoamerican Societies." Journal of Archeological Research 14, no. 4 (2006): 265-312. Widitz, Christoffel; Hampe, Theodor. Das Trachtenbuch Des Christoph Weiditz Von Seinen Reisen Nach Spanien ( 1529) Und Den Niederlanden (1531/32) Translated by Theodor Hampe. Berlin: Verl ag von Walter de Gruyter, 1927. Wilson, Bronwen. "Reflecting on the Turk in Late Sixteenth Century Venetian Portrait Books." Word and Image 19, no. 1/2 (2003): 38-58. . "Reproducing the Contours of Venetian Id entity in Sixteenth-Century Costume Books." Studies in Iconography 25 (2004): 221-74. . The World in Venice: Print, th e City, and Early Modern Identity Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press, 2005. Wrigley, Richard. "Infectious Enthousiasms : Influence, Contagion, and the Experience of Rome." In Transports: Travel, Pleasure, and Imaginative Geography, 1600-1830 edited by Chloe; Langdon Chard, Helen, 75-116. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996.

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108 Appendix I Visual Analysis All images are listed by Hampes Roman numerals. The actual sheet numbers from the Trachtenbuch are listed in parentheses. This an alysis categorizes the active images by type, and also includes a list of the static images. Some of the images, indicated by an asterisk, belong to more than one category. Th e text of several static images indicates that an activity has or is about to take place. These images are thus included in the static category as well as the category corr esponding to the insinuated activity. Types: Travel: I (78) Weiditz* VII and VIII (35, 36) Imperial baggage wagon IX (59) Mendoza X (66) Army drummer* XI and XIII (12, 13) Indian ball and dice game* XXV and XXVI (33, 34) wine transport* XXXIV (39) corn/flour transport* XXXV and XXXVI (41, 42) waterseller* LII (19) peasant going to market LXXV and LXXVI (51, 52) Catalonian married couple traversing the country LXXVII (109) woman walking in Valencia* LXXVIII (64) Citizens riding in Valencia* LXXXVII and LXXXVIII (105, 106) Morisco tr aveling w/wife and child in Granada XCIII and XCIV (24, 25) Riders in Valladolid* XCV (18) Women in Galacia (Dal matia?) go to the spinning room CXXVI (48) Country Woman Riding to Market in Perpignan CXLV (142) Genoese Wo man Going for a Walk* Punitive/Civil Administration: XXXIX (29) Spanish court usher XL (30) punishing a Spanish cut purse XCIII and XLIV (75, 76) Flogging female criminal in Spain XLV (62) punishing female criminal in Spain XLVI (21) ransom collector

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109 Spiritual: LIII and LIV (26, 27) Bewailing the Dead in Castile LVI (70) Castilian Penitent LVII (28) Penitent in Sagrossa LVIII (16) Women Mourning in Sagrossa L (23) Castilian Woman Going to Church LXIII (43) Catalonian N oblewomen in Mourning XCVI (123) Woman Going to Church in Santander* CIX (126) Dress Worn by Basque Women* CX (118) Old Basque Wo man Going to Church* CXXXV (149) Bride Going to Church in Holland* CXXXVI (150) Flemish Wo man Going to church* Labor: II (85) Ships Captain III (86) Steersman XXV and XXVI (33, 34) Transporting wine* XXIX and XXX (55, 56) Spanish Peasant Ploughing XXXI and XXXII (37, 38) Threshing Corn XXXIII (40) Cleaning Corn XXXIV (39) Corn/Flour Transport XXXV and XXXVI (41, 42) Waterseller* LIX and LX (79, 80) Ship Manuevering LXI (82) Caulking Ships in Spain LXII (81) Loading Horses on Ships LXIII and LXIV (73, 74) Ships Taking in Water LXXIV (44) Spanish Water Carriers LXXXI (101) Morisco Woman Spinning LXXXII (103) Morisco Woman Sweeping CXII (119) Basque Woman Spinning CXXXII (94) Girl Carrying Water in Hennegau CXXXIII (148) Woman Sewing in Hennegau CXXXIV (147) Mixing Dough in Zeeland Forced Labor: XLVII (22) Slave with Wineskin LXV and LXVI (53, 54) Spanish Galley Slaves XCIV (25) Slave with Riders in Valladolid Performance/Play: X (66) Army Drummer*

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110 XI and XIII (12, 13) Indian Ball and Dice Game* XIII and XIV (10, 11) Indian ballgame XV (8) Indian Juggling Wooden Block XVI (6) Indian Juggling Wooden Block XVII (9) Indian Juggling Wooden Block LXXXIX and XC (107, 108) Morisco Dance CXIII (116) Basque Dancing in Biscaya CXXVIII (92) Dance in th e District of Narbonne Other: I (78) Weiditz* IV (77) Cortes V and VI (83, 84) Andreas Doria and Ship Owner XVIII (1) Indian Woman XIX (2) Indian Man XX (3) Indian XXI (5) Indian with Wooden Drinking Jug XXII (4) Indian Chief XXIII (7) Indian with Accoutrement XXIV (17) Toledan XXVII and XXVIII (45, 46) Toledans Riding XXXVII (31) Spanish Bailiff XXXVIII (32) Spanish Policeman XLI (63) Spanish Policeman XLII (61) Spanish Beadle XLVIII and XLIX (57, 58) Spanish Noblewoman L (23) Castilian Woman Going to Church* LI (47) Spanish Nobleman Riding LV (20) Castilian Shepherd LXVII and LXVIII (71, 72) Esco rt of Barcelona Noblewoman LXIX (68) Unmarried Barcelona Woman LXX (69) Unmarried Barcelona Woman LXXI (67) Womens Dress in Barcelona LXXIII (43) Catalonian N oblewomen in Mourning LXXVII (109) Woman Walking in Valencia LXXVIII (64) Citizens Riding in Valencia LXXIX (99) House Dress of Morisco Women in Granada LXXX (100) House Dress of Morisco Women and Children LXXXIV (97) Street Dress of Morisco Women LXXXV (98) Street Dress of Fashionable Morisco Women LXXXVI (96) Street Dress of Morisco Women and Girls XCI (104) Morisco Carrying Bread XCII (60) Dress of Women in Seville XCVI (123) Woman Going to Church in Santander*

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111 XCVII (117) Dress Worn by Old Women in Santander XCVIII (124) Dress Worn by Women in the Mountains of Santander/ Among Basques XCIX (9) Womans Dress in Pamplona (Navarre) C (110) Womans Dress in Pamplona (Navarre) CI (111) Womans Dress in Pamplona (Navarre) CII (113) Dress Worn by Navarre and Basque Women in the Mountains CIII (131) Costume Worn by Basque Unmarried Women CIV (132) Costume Worn by Unmarried Basque Men CV (133) Basque Peasant with his Accoutrement CIV (134 Basque Warrior CVII (121) Dress of Fashionable Basque Women CVIII (114) Dress Worn by Basque Women CIX (126) Basque Women Going to Church* CX (118) Old Basque Wo man Going to Church* CXI (120) Holiday Dress of Basque Women CXIV (125) Basque Womens Dress in Santa Maria CXVV (129) Basque Womans Fantastic Dress CXVI (128) Old Basque Womans Dress CXVII (115) Dress Worn by Basque Women in the Mountains CXVIII (122) Dress Worn by Basque Women in the Mountains CXIX (130) Dress Worn by Basque Wo men on the Hispano-French Frontier CXX (112) Dress Worn by Basque Wome n on the Frontier and in Mountains CXXI (127) Dress Worn by Basque Women in the Mountains of French Frontier CXXII (91) Womens Dress in Roussillon CXXIII and CXXIV (49, 50) Bourgeois Dress Worn in Roussillon CXXV (65) A Priest in Roussillon CXXVII (93) Womens Dress in Laguedoc (frontier near Spain) CXXIX (146) Womens Dress in Limousin CXXX (135) Womens Dress in Brittany CXXXI (145) Dress of Rich Unmarri ed Women in France and Hennegau CXXXV (149) Bride Going to Church in Holland* CXXXVI (150) Flemish Wo man Going to Church* CXXXVII (151) Dutch Womens Dress CXXXVIII (152) Womens Dress in Zeeland CXXXIX (153) Womens Dress in Friesland CXL (154) Womens Dress in Friesland CXLI and CXLII (87, 88) Former German Dress CXLIII (90) Dress Worn by Women in Vienna CXLIV (141) Dress Worn by the Rich Citizens of Genoa CXLV (142) Genoese Wo man Going for a Walk* CXLVI (139) Womens Dress in Napl es and other places in Italy CXLVII (140) Womens Dress in Romagna CXLVII (143) Womens Dress in Venice CXLIX (144) Mens Dress in Venice CL (137) Womens Dress in England

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112 CLI (138) Dress Worn by Unmarried Men in England CLII (136) Womens Dress in Ireland CLIII (14) Dress Worn by Portuguese Men CLIV (15) Dress Worn by Portuguese Women *Indicates an image that appears in more than one category.