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The darkside of humanity

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Title:
The darkside of humanity an empirical investigation into global slavery
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Balarezo, Christine
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Human trafficking
Sex trafficking
Debt bondage
Exploitation
Human rights
Dissertations, Academic -- Public Administration -- Masters -- USF   ( lcsh )
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bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

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Abstract:
ABSTRACT: Global slavery includes human trafficking, debt bondage, forced labor, commercial sexual exploitation of children, and organ trafficking. Despite its official abolishment within the international community, global slavery continues to thrive in many parts of the world. The various types of slavery do not restrain themselves in a mutual exclusive manner; rather, they transcend and merge to create inter-connectedness within the illegal world of slavery. For instance, a person that is trafficked for the purpose of labor -- domestic or forced -- can also become sexually exploited and prostituted. This thesis discusses the nature and scope of the different faces of contemporary slavery, including human trafficking, debt bondage, and the sex tourism industry. While pervasive worldwide, human trafficking remains a major problem, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, the former republics of the Soviet Union, and Asia. Higher levels of unemployment, the demand for "exotic" women and the existence of well-organized trafficking routes and international criminal organizations has led to the development of this slavery. In short, human trafficking is said to exist in virtually every country of the world. The abundance of beautiful beaches and resorts, as well as the supply of cheap women and children in Southeast Asia and Latin America has led to a thriving sex tourism industry. In Central Asia and Africa, a high demand for manual labor, as well as certain religious and cultural factors, has given rise to the largest type of slavery in the world: debt bondage. An empirical aggregate-level analysis using OLS regression is performed to examine why certain countries have more indigenous people (native to that country) who become enslaved than others. Overall, a lack of human development proves to be a major factor in determining the number of enslaved peoples across countries.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2007.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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by Christine Balarezo.
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Title from PDF of title page.
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Document formatted into pages; contains 160 pages.

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The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation i nto Global Slavery by Christine Balarezo A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Government & International Affairs College of Arts and Science University of South Florida Major Professor: Kiki, Caruson, Ph.D. Susan A. MacManus, Ph.D. Bernd Reiter, Ph.D. Date of Approval: June 19, 2007 Keywords: human trafficking, sex trafficking, debt bondage, exploitation, human rights Copyright 2007, Christine Balarezo

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DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to the memory of my querido To Lucho (13 June 194430 December 2006). I will always remember the tran quility and love you brought into everyone’s life, and the extreme generosity and sel flessness you displayed with others. It is an extreme privilege to present this to you a s an ever-lasting token of my affection and admiration for having known one of the most hon orable persons in my life.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my famil y – my mother, father, sister, maternal grandparents, and son – for all of their l ove and support in helping me complete this degree. I simply could not have done this without them. I would especially like to dedicate this to my beautiful son, Christop her, who has put up with countless days of no play time and no kisses at night. The patien ce you had as a baby and young toddler, as well as the late-night snuggles at bedt ime, are moments I will cherish forever. I would also like to thank Dr. Susan MacManus, Dr. Kiki Caruson, and Dr. Bernd Reiter for their time and dedication to helping me complete this thesis. In particular, I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to Dr. Ca ruson, who has been so patient, diligent, and more than helpful throughout this pro cess. I know I could not have completed this without her wonderful guidance and c ountless hours of help. I extend many thanks to Dr. Festus Ohaegbulam, who I am very appreciative of. He has been incredibly supportive, caring, and generous through out my years as an undergraduate and graduate student. I also would like to thank Doris Kearney and Jenni fer Vincent for their hard work, efforts, and attention to helping me with the ins a nd outs of the department and thesis process. In addition, I am very grateful to have m et three friends who have contributed to my success as a student: Raheleh Dayerizadeh, L aurel Dwyer, and Joseph Torok. They kept me sane with optimism and encouragement, by listening to me, and through relentless humor. I simply could not have done my last two years at USF without any of these people.

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i TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Figures vi Abstract vii Chapter One: Introduction 1 The Importance of Slavery 2 Purpose of the Research 4 Structure of the Thesis 5 Chapter Two: Explaining Global Slavery 10 Slavery Defined 11 The Slave Population 11 The Evolution of Contemporary Slavery 12 Traditional versus Contemporary Slavery 13 Factors that Foster Global Slavery 14 Political Stability 14 Travel/Migration 15 Poverty 15 Corruption 16 Human Deception 19 Previous Research of Factors Contributing to Globa l Slavery 20 Chapter Three: Human Trafficking 23 Human Trafficking Defined 24 The Human Trafficking Population 26 Profits Generated by Human Trafficking 27 Human Trafficking and Smuggling 26 The Processes and Stages of Human Trafficking 30

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ii Where Human Trafficking Exists 37 Latin America and the Caribbean 38 North America 43 Europe 46 The Middle East and Asia 52 Africa 56 Conclusion 57 Chapter Four: Debt Bondage 60 Debt Bondage Defined 61 The Debt Bondage Population 61 Where Debt Bondage Exists 62 Debt Bondage and Sexual Exploitation 71 Conclusion 72 Chapter Five: The Sex Tourism Industry 73 Sex Tourism Defined 74 The Sex Tourism Population 75 Where Sex Tourism Exists 76 The Sexual Exploitation of Children 82 Conclusion 87 Chapter Six: Other Types of Slavery 88 Organ Trafficking 89 Exploitation of Children for Forced Labor 90 Cult Slavery 95 Illegal Adoption 96 Conclusion 97 Chapter Seven: Data and Methodology 98 Dependent Variable 100 Average Number of Slaves 100 Independent Variables 100

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iii Human Development 101 Unemployment 101 Poverty 102 Corruption 102 Compliance with the Anti-Trafficking Act 102 Political Instability 104 Conclusion 104 Chapter Eight: Research Findings 105 Diagnostics 105 Assumption of Linearity 106 Multicollinearity 108 Statistical Analysis 109 Human Development 112 Unemployment 113 Poverty 115 Corruption 115 Compliance with the Anti-Trafficking Act 118 Political Instability 121 Statistical Research Limitations 125 Missing Cases 125 Non-Normal Distribution 126 Conclusion 127 Chapter Nine: Limitations on Scholarly Research 129 Lack of Comprehensive Data 130 Lack of Universal Consensus on Defining Slavery 13 2 Unidentified Populations 135 Conclusion 136 Chapter Ten: Conclusion 138 Future Research 141 Advanced Statistical Research 141

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iv Countries with Significant Number of Slaves 142 Latin America and the Caribbean and Africa 142 External Factors 143 References 144 Appendices 151 Appendix A: Codebook 152 Appendix B: Scatter Plots 157

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v LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Crimes Related to Trafficking in Human Bei ngs 36 Table 2. Bivariate Correlation Matrix (Multicolline arity) 106 Table 3. Regression Analysis Model Summary 110 Table 4. The Independent Variables 110 Table 5. Corruption and Global Slavery 117 Table 6. Compliance with the TVPA of 2000 and Global Slavery 121 Table 7. Political Instability and Global Slavery 1 24

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vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Worldwide Trafficking Estimates by Organi zations 29 Figure 2. Main Origin and Destination Countries 38 Figure 3. Latin America and the Caribbean Region as Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims 39 Figure 4. North American region as Origin, Transit, or Destination for 46 Trafficking Victims Figure 5. Western European Sub-Region as Origin, Tr ansit, or Destination 47 for Trafficking Victims Figure 6. Central and South Eastern European Sub-Re gion as Origin, 48 Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims Figure 7. Commonwealth of Independent States as Ori gin, Transit, or 51 Destination for Trafficking Victims Figure 8. Asian Region as Origin, Transit, or Desti nation for Trafficking Victims 55 Figure 9. African Region as Origin, Transit, or Des tination for Trafficking Victims 57 Figure 10. Average Number of Slaves 107 Figure 11. Countries that Comply with the TVPA of 2000 120

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vii The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigat ion into Global Slavery Christine Balarezo ABSTRACT Global slavery includes human trafficking, debt b ondage, forced labor, commercial sexual exploitation of children, and org an trafficking. Despite its official abolishment within the international community, glo bal slavery continues to thrive in many parts of the world. The various types of slav ery do not restrain themselves in a mutual exclusive manner; rather, they transcend and merge to create interconnectedness within the illegal world of slavery. For instance, a person that is trafficked for the purpose of labor – domestic or f orced – can also become sexually exploited and prostituted. This thesis discusses t he nature and scope of the different faces of contemporary slavery, including human traf ficking, debt bondage, and the sex tourism industry. While pervasive worldwide, human trafficking remains a major problem, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, the former republics of the Soviet Union, and Asia. Higher levels of unemployment, th e demand for “exotic” women and the existence of well-organized trafficking routes and international criminal organizations has led to the development of this slavery. In sho rt, human trafficking is said to exist in virtually every country of the world. The abundanc e of beautiful beaches and resorts, as well as the supply of cheap women and children in S outheast Asia and Latin America has led to a thriving sex tourism industry. In Cen tral Asia and Africa, a high demand for manual labor, as well as certain religious and cult ural factors, has given rise to the

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viii largest type of slavery in the world: debt bondage An empirical aggregate-level analysis using OLS regression is performed to exami ne why certain countries have more indigenous people (native to that country) who beco me enslaved than others. Overall, a lack of human development proves to be a major fact or in determining the number of enslaved peoples across countries.

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1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Imagine having to wake up at 5 AM to cook and clean for the entire family. This happened to 4 year old Naresh of India, who was enslaved as a domestic servant for two years. His father thought he had sent Naresh to a man that was going to “provide” for his son’s future, but instead he was deceived. Naresh never saw his family ag ain. He is one of the lucky few who managed to escape this situati on, and is now in a child slavery rehabilitation center reclaiming t he years he has lost. Naresh is currently trying to reconnect with his family (Free the Slaves 2006). Slavery is a serious form of human rights abuse tha t exists in the world today. “[It] was outlawed in Britain and in the rest of th e world in the nineteenth century” yet it continues to flourish, and in some areas, has even increased despite numerous laws (van den Anker 2004, 1). In fact, it was the first human rights issue to provoke extensive international concern (Office of the High Commissio ner for Human Rights 1991). Although traditional slavery as one knows it was of ficially abolished long ago, it has continued to evolve over time to include more conte mporary forms of exploitation (Kapstein 2006, 103). “Slavery is not a horror saf ely consigned to the past; it continues to exist throughout the world, even in developed co untries like France and the United States” (Bales 1999, 3). Contemporary forms of sla very include the sale of children1, the prostitution of children, child pornography, exploi tation of child labor, sexual mutilation of female children, the use of children in armed confl icts, debt bondage, trafficking in persons (human trafficking), trafficking in the sal e of human organs, exploitation of 1 For clarification’s sake, as defined by the United Natio ns Convention on the Rights of the Child, a child “is anyone younger than 18 years” (Gerdes 2006, 49).

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2 prostitution, and even certain practices under apar theid and colonial regimes (Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights 1991). Forc ed labor, sex tourism, forced or arranged marriages, contract slavery, and mail-orde r brides also constitute additional forms of slavery (Skrobanek et al. 1997, 149; Bales 2005, 148-150). Even traditional [chattel] slavery still exists in many parts of the world, including Africa. A country may have internal problems which serve to exacerbate conditions that encourage exploitation. Such problems include unem ployment, poverty, development (or lack of it), income inequality and corruption, conflict and political instability, and a lack of enforcement of anti-trafficking legislation (Bal es 2005, 148; U.S. Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report ). In addition, external factors (e.g., travel/mig ration, war/conflict, and natural disasters) can also play a role in fostering of slavery. It is important to evaluate which problems serve as catal ysts in creating the necessary environment for people to become enslaved. Without properly identifying and then addressing the internal factors within each country that contribute to slavery, the challenge to fight it at the transnational level re mains a significant problem. Slavery does not only render itself to just one typ e of exploitation, nor does it limit itself within the scope of illegal activity. It is often intertwined with other illicit industries, including the trafficking of arms and drugs, as wel l as organized criminal networks. Different forms of slavery can occur simultaneously or in a sequential order. In other words, the various forms of slavery are not mutuall y exclusive. Someone who has been bonded (debt bondage) can concurrently be trafficke d to another country for sexual and/or labor exploitation. A young girl can be lur ed into a false job opportunity by a perpetrator, enslaved (taken control of), trafficke d (exploited and moved within or even across borders), and then told she owes a “debt” fo r the entire process. Thereafter, she is prostituted or sexually exploited in some way to repay the “debt” (debt bondage).

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2 Even people who initially set foot to try to smuggl e themselves across a border in search of economic opportunities risk the chance of becomi ng trafficked and enslaved. Opportunities for enslavement present themselves in the world today at any given moment. Today, slaves are being seen and used as commoditie s, like economic tools of trade within the global market. The exploitation o f such people brings in an estimated yearly profit of $13 billion (based on an estimated population of 27 million slaves) (Bales 1999, 23). The breakdown of each type of slavery w ill be discussed at greater lengths later in the research. The Importance of Slavery Slavery is a very important transnational (and dome stic) issue to pursue further study in because it includes virtually every countr y in the world, and it targets the most vulnerable people. Anyone is susceptible to its de ceptions. While women and children remain the most commonly targeted victims, men are also involved in the largest type of global slavery known: debt bondage. Perpetrators prey on exploiting individuals repeatedly in a manner that is not unlike an econom ic transaction. People are being used as commodities – traded, sold, and exploited i n unimaginable ways. Sometimes they are literally disposed of when they are done b eing exploited. The global slavery industry is pervasive and spans across countries in an organized but illegal, underground criminal network. Population pressures also create an unnecessary bu rden on the limited amount of resources available, leading to financial, socia l, and political strains. Space becomes limited, jobs scarce, and economic security almost impossible. Population growth only further exacerbates living conditions thereby creat ing an environment from which slavery

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3 can flourish. Countries are already facing these p roblems, as evident in China and India, where the former country has enacted not onl y a one child policy, but also a one dog policy (due to rabies though). While drastic i n nature, these measures realistically reflect the world today, and the effects factors, l ike population, can have on the living conditions of people. Reports convey that slavery is not decreasing, but is growing at a rapid pace (Obokata 2006, 173). It ranks among the top three illicit international industries (alongside the arms and drug trade) in profits gene rated. Slavery, particularly human trafficking, intermeshes with other types of intern ational crime, creating a greater threat to the security of a country, and the safety of its people. It also threatens the governance and political foundations of countries b ecause “traffickers, especially organized crime groups resort to violence and corru ption as a means to advance business” (Obokata 2006, 173). It is necessary to study global slavery in order to understand why and how this industry has flourished so much, and to prevent it from further becoming enmeshed alongside other dangerous industries. The internal and external root/causes of slavery a lso pose significant problems within each country, as well as at the transnationa l communal level. If governments do not properly address the factors that foster the gr owth of slavery within a country, then it cannot be deterred or contained at the internationa l level. It is imperative to study and understand the causes of slavery so as to effective ly formulate policies for curtailing its spread worldwide. Women and young girls are extremely susceptible to the sexual exploitation and indentured servitude industry. Men are vulnerable to the forced labor and agricultural sectors of slavery. Children are also becoming vic tims in many areas of the world for enslavement, including the lucrative sex tourism in dustry in Southeast Asia and Latin

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4 America, camel jockeying in the Middle East, and fo rced labor all around the world. Innocent people are losing their free will and thei r spirits, and unfortunately, many live without the hope of ever regaining their complete f reedom. Photo: “One of the youngest camel jockeys encountered du ring the investigation. The distinctive Dubai skyline can be seen in the background. This Pakistani child, probably no more than four or five yea rs of age, wears racing body armor and helmet while working in blistering hea t at the Nad al Sheba.” Source: Daoud Khan. 2005. “Riding for their Lives.” Photo essay on the use of children as camel-racing jockeys in the United Arab Emira tes. July. New Internationalist, Issue 380. Purpose of the Research The purpose of this research is to illuminate what causes slavery to flourish in some countries and not in others through the use of an empirical analytical technique. To date, the majority of the research has focused o n selected countries – particularly in Asia and Europe with an overall lack of qualitati ve analyses and models of the different types of slavery. Slavery scholar, Kevin Bales’ st atistical model does provide some

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5 understanding of the field; however, his empirical research leaves much to be desired. Only a number of factors are discussed within his m odel, and do not provide for a holistic approach to explaining slavery worldwide. By using available data – the estimated average nu mber of slaves in each country – it is possible to provide for a better un derstanding of the slavery field. This provides the researcher the tools needed to perform a quantitative analysis, and allows the construction of possible solutions to the probl em. The use of such estimates therefore offers a glimpse into the slavery industr y by allowing researchers to create methods for designing models that could better pred ict slavery, and the factors that give rise to it. The author’s contribution to the field of contempo rary slavery is to assess what is known to be important in predicting slavery, and us ing available data to create a statistical model capable of analyzing multiple fac tors at once. OLS regression analysis allows the researcher to evaluate the impact of sev eral explanatory variables simultaneously (Johnson and Reynolds 2005, 372). A lthough qualitative research can be rich in detail, empirical analyses allows the re searcher to determine which of the explanatory variables (factors) are important (stat istically significant) in explaining instances of slavery. Through a statistical analys is, factors more likely to contribute to the growth of slavery are illuminated. By introduc ing new variables into a model, possible discoveries are made, which can result in positive changes in policymaking. Structure of the Thesis This thesis will focus on the nature of contemporar y global slavery. The emphasis will be on indigenous (native) people beco ming enslaved within their own country or out of their country – not foreigners br ought into a particular country. For

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6 example, when looking at Thailand, only Thais will be discussed in terms of their enslavement, whether in Thailand or in Japan. Chapter 2 discusses how slavery is defined, the sla ve population, the evolution of contemporary slavery, and the main differences betw een traditional versus contemporary slavery. In addition, certain factors (not limited to these) that foster slavery are discussed, including: political instab ility, travel/migration, poverty, corruption, and human deception. Despite numerous socioeconomi c, political, cultural, and religious factors that contribute to the growth of slavery around the world, these factors are identified throughout the literature as primary catalysts through which people become enslaved. A statistical analysis carried ou t by Kevin Bales also highlights how certain factors, especially corruption, play a role in the enslavement of people. A literature review is conducted on the existing re search of contemporary global slavery including (but not limited to) human traffi cking (Chapter 3), debt bondage (Chapter 4), the sex tourism industry (Chapter 5), and other types of slavery (Chapter 6). Chapter 3 defines human trafficking, discusses the vast estimates of the number of people trafficked worldwide, the differences betwee n human trafficking and smuggling, the processes and stages of trafficking, and finall y, where this form of slavery exists. Chapter 4 also discusses the nature of debt bondage the total bonded population in the world, the countries where it primarily exists, and the interconnectedness of debt bondage and sexual exploitation. Chapter 5 discuss es sex tourism in terms of both adults and minors, the estimated number of people t rapped within the industry, and the major countries it exists in. In addition, due to the sexual nature of this form of slavery, the sexual exploitation of children is also discuss ed within the sex tourism chapter. Finally, Chapter 6 discusses other forms of slavery in the world today, including organ trafficking, the exploitation of children for force d labor, cult slavery, and illegal adoption.

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7 The literature review serves to make the reader awa re of the nature and scope of the three major types of slavery discussed in the thesi s, as well as other forms. In Chapter 7, the dependent variable and the six in dependent variables – human development, unemployment, poverty, corruption, com pliance with the anti-trafficking act, and political instability – are discussed in d etail, including how each is coded, what data is used, and the statistical techniques employ ed. Using the estimated average number of slaves per co untry as the dependent variable, six hypotheses are tested in relation to the factors that create the most hospitable environment for the enslavement of peopl e all around the world. Of particular interest is discovering whether human development, unemployment, poverty, corruption, the adherence of a country’s government to the TVPA of 2000 guidelines, and/or political instability contribute to the creation of an enviro nment for enslavement. According to the literature review, these are identified as importan t factors in understanding why some people become enslaved, and it is important to dete rmine if these factors have the same impact on the growth of slavery worldwide. Followi ng is a summation of the hypothesized relationships: H1: As the human development index increases (measured as the wellbeing of a person’s life) within a country, the numbe r of people from that country who are enslaved decreases. In general, the gre ater the wellbeing of a person’s life (higher life expectancy, hig her educational attainment, and greater income), the less likely he/she is to become a victim of slavery. H2: As the level of unemployment increases within a coun try, the number of people from that country who are enslaved i ncreases. When people are without employment and are desperate for income, they are highly susceptible to become victims of slavery. H3: As the level of poverty increases in a country, the n umber of people from that country who are enslaved increases. When cond itions of poverty arise -whether people cannot afford to eat, r eceive medical treatment, or pay their household bills – it creates th e susceptibility to become enslaved. Sometimes in extreme situations, peopl e take drastic measures and unexpectedly enslave themselves or beco me enslaved. H4: As government corruption increases within a country, the number of people from that country who are enslaved increase s. The more

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8 governmental officials are involved in the slavery industr y – whether to procure, buy, sell, or assist traffickers – the more likel y that respective country’s people are to become enslaved. Instead of det erring and fighting slavery, government corruption fosters such an in dustry and creates the necessary environment for slavery to flourish. H5: As the effectiveness of combating trafficking increases in a country, the number of people from that country who are ensla ved decreases. A negative relationship is expected because a country’s rec ognition of trafficking or any type of slavery does not necessarily yi eld a decrease in the number of people those enslaved. H6: As political instability increases within a country, the number of people from that country who are enslaved increases. Wh en a country is unstable, or its governing structure weak, there is a gr eater vulnerability for people to become targeted for slaver y. An empirical aggregate-level analysis (state-by-sta te) is performed and then evaluated to discover which factors are statistical ly significantly related to the enslavement of people all around the world. Ordina ry least squares (OLS) regression is utilized in the cross-national model. Data in this investigation is derived from the CIA World Factbook, the U.S. Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report 2002 Transparency International, the Human Development R eport 2000 (United Nations Development Programme), and Kevin Bales’ Understanding Global Slavery (2005). Chapter 8 then examines the results of the statisti cal analysis in detail, and looks at which variable(s) proved to be statistically sig nificant and which did not. In addition, a section on diagnostics brings to light several comp licating factors this model faces (e.g., lack of linearity between the dependent variable an d independent variables and multicollinearity), limitations within the statisti cal research (e.g., missing cases and a non-normal distribution), and why the analysis yiel ds the results that it did. Chapter 9 explores the limitations the thesis faces in terms of scholarly research, including a lack of comprehensive data, a lack of u niversal consensus on defining slavery, and the problem with unidentified populati ons (those individuals that remain concealed within the illicit industry of slavery). Finally, Chapter 10 concludes the research with the author’s contribution to the exis ting literature, a summary of the

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9 findings, and possible avenues for future research. In the next chapter, slavery is introduced, with a definition, the number of people enslaved in the world, the evolution of contemporar y slavery, and the differences between traditional and contemporary slavery. Five factors which have been proven to foster the growth of global slavery are also discus sed: political stability, travel/migration, poverty, corruption, and human deception. Although this list is not limited to these five factors, time constraints do not permit for further detail. Previous research on the four factors that have statistically been proven to fost er the growth of slavery will also be discussed briefly.

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10 CHAPTER TWO EXPLAINING GLOBAL SLAVERY Numerous socioeconomic, political, cultural, and re ligious factors have contributed to the growth of contemporary slavery a round the world. Several important ones include: poverty, lack of employment, an uned ucated population, civil unrest, political instability, internal armed conflicts, go vernment corruption, natural disasters, population pressures, and human deception (Skrobane k et. al 1997, 139; Kempadoo 2005, 7; Gerdes 2006, 133-134; Parrot and Cummings 2006, 115). In addition, “…illiteracy, the lack of access to economic and pol itical power, discrimination toward girl child[ren]” greatly contribute to slavery, particul ar human trafficking (Survivor’s Rights International). Apart from poverty and violence, c ertain regions like Latin America, may have a tendency to experience gender inequality and a general indifference towards woman and children that fuel such slavery as human trafficking (Langberg 2005, 133). Countries experience these factors to a greater or lesser extent; some factors are more prevalent in certain regions than others. Followin g is a brief discussion of five significant factors that create a hospitable environment for sl avery to thrive. Note that the demand side of factors that foster slavery is not discusse d due to limited scope and available literature. First, slavery will be introduced, wit h a definition, the number of people enslaved in the world, the evolution of contemporar y slavery, and the differences between traditional and contemporary slavery.

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11 Slavery Defined Slavery is “the total control of one person by anot her for the purpose of economic exploitation” (Bales 1999, 6). According to Anti-S lavery International, a slave is “forced to work – through mental or physical threat; owned or controlled by an ‘employer’ usually through mental or physical abuse or threatened abus e; dehumanized, treated as a commodity or brought and sold as ‘property;’ physic ally constrained or has restrictions placed on his/her freedom of movement” (van den Ank er 2004, 18). The Slavery Convention of 1926 (article 1(1)), defines slavery as “the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the power attaching to the right of ownership are exercised” (Obokata 2006, 12). These definitions demonstrate a key component of slavery: control and the use of violence. Historically, traditional slavery entailed complete ownership and legal control over a person; contemporary slavery d oes not. Today, slavery is illegal everywhere, yet people continue to enslave others. Contemporary slaveholders do “not have legal ownership [which] is an improvement beca use they get total control without any responsibility for what they own” (Bales 1999, 5). In other words, in what can be compared to renting an apartment, if your name is n ot on the lease, then you do not have any responsibility for damages incurred while living in the apartment. With slavery, if there is no legal document detailing ownership, than the slaveowner is not held responsible for the slave. It is for this reason t hat a leading expert on slavery, Kevin Bales, has coined the term slaveholder instead of u sing slaveowner. The Slave Population Today, estimates of the number of slaves in the wor ld are at 27 million (Bales 1999, 8; Bales 2004, 4). Other slavery and human r ights advocates believe the estimate to be as high as 200 million (Bales 1999, 8; Bales 2004, 4; van den Anker 2004, 18;

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12 Bales 2005, 4; CAST 2005). Debt bondage (bonded la bor) accounts for the largest form of slavery, with about 15-20 million people, concen trated mainly in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal. Although sexual exploitatio n receives greater attention, debt bondage is more widespread. The majority of slaves work in the agricultural sector, not in the sex industry (Bales 1999, 9). Approximately “…80% of today’s slaves on the global market are female, and up to 50% are under a ge 18 […] spanning 127 countries to be exploited in 137 countries” (Kapstein 2006, 1 05). Both types of slavery will be discussed at greater lengths later in the research. The Evolution of Contemporary Slavery Kevin Bales theorizes that three primary factors ha ve led to a shift from traditional to contemporary slavery. First, follow ing Word War II, the world population “has almost tripled, increasing from about 2 billio n to more than 5.7 billion …” (Bales 1999, 12; Bales 2004, 7-8). The countries that rec eived the most growth are also where slavery most often exhibits itself, including South east Asia, the Indian subcontinent, Africa, and the Arab countries (Bales 1999, 12). T remendous growth has only exacerbated the socioeconomic conditions of these c ountries, where resources are already limited. Children under the age of fifteen make up nearly fifty percent of the population of some of these countries, including Ug anda, Chad, Mali, Niger, Yemen, and Burkina Faso. However, this should not distort the fact that slavery exits in virtually every country. Second, these regions simultaneously experienced “ rapid social and economic change,” which only further aggravated inequality a mong the wealthy elites and the impoverished segments of society (Bales 1999, 12; B ales 2004, 7-8). The abundance of available people makes slavery a cheap and short-te rm investment, almost “like buying

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13 an inexpensive bicycle or a cheap computer” (Bales 1999, 14). Slaveholders do not have to think much about investing in people, while at the same time increasing their potential earnings with this new disposability. “T oday slaves cost so little that it is not worth the hassle of securing permanent, ‘legal’ own ership. Slaves are disposable” (Bales 1999, 14). Finally, government corruption has played a central role in the emergence and evolvement of contemporary slavery (Bales 2004, 7-8 ; Bales 2005, 16). Those who hold the power – government officials, police, security, law enforcement officials, and judiciary officials – are often involved in the slavery indus try, essentially encouraging the trade to develop and continue. There are varying reasons why slavery has persisted through time, and why it has evolved into so many disparaging and repulsive forms. “Being poor, homeless, a refugee, or abandoned can all lead to the desperati on that opens the door to slavery, making it easy for the slaver[holder] to lay an att ractive trap” (Bales 1999, 32). In fact, poverty creates the most favorable environment for slavery to thrive on. Five other factors will be discussed in Chapter 2 to illuminat e how they play a role in fostering the growth of slavery. Traditional versus Contemporary Slavery The main difference between traditional (old) and c ontemporary (new) slavery is that legal ownership is no longer necessary. Peopl e today are cheaper and available in greater abundance than they have ever been. Indivi duals can be purchased for as little as $10.00 (and free for those kidnapped) (Bales 200 4, 5). Moreover, they are usually no longer kept in long-term exploitative positions; ra ther, they are seen as short-term and disposable tools. Lastly, while traditional slaver y emphasized ethnic differences,

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14 contemporary slavery does not discriminate against anyone. There are exceptions in particular cultures, however, where religion and cu lture play a role (Bales 2005, 9). In addition to these differences, contemporary slav ery also includes three key factors: violence, length of enslavement, and cont rol. Violence is present in all forms of slavery, and is essentially used to maintain contro l of the slave (Bales 2005, 9). It ranges from physical abuse and hitting, to outright rape and even murder. Second, the length of employment is usually short-term, lasting anywhere from ten weeks to ten years. Some victims, if lucky, can escape their sl avery. Finally, people completely lose the ability to act according to their free will whe n they are enslaved. They no longer have the freedom to make their own decisions and ar e subservient to the slaveholder (Bales 1999, 19; Bales 2004, 4-5; Obokata 2006, 13) Factors that Foster Global Slavery Political Instability Recently, political conflicts have helped to foste r the growth of slavery, particularly the use of child soldiers and the sexu al exploitation of women. When a government breaks down or fails to thrive, the infr astructure to support the people no longer exists. Without law and order, the security and safety of the country is at high risk for insurgencies, terrorism, and crime. When somet hing like this occurs, women and children are usually the first to leave the country They make up a large proportion of refugees around the world, and are easily targeted by criminals (Survivor’s Rights International). While political instability does n ot necessarily cause slavery, it does foster the industry because it allows perpetrators to targ et vulnerable people far from their homes, and to either traffic or smuggle them for ex ploitative purposes.

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15 Travel/Migration The ease and fluidity of travel (despite increased security along areas, such as the U.S.-Mexican border and even required passports for U.S. citizens for all international travel) has made it even easier for m igrants to leave their homes. It is strongly predicted that as migration increases, so will the number of people being trafficked (Survivor’s Rights International; Skroba nek et al. 1997, 98; Kempadoo 2005, 11). In fact, the International Office on Migratio n estimates that 150 million people migrate each year in search of better economic oppo rtunities [employment], “or to escape gender discrimination, armed conflict, polit ical instability, and poverty” (Survivor’s Rights International). Of these, two million will become trafficked victims (Survivor’s Rights International; McGill 2003, 80). Trafficker s transport nearly four million illegal migrants each year, revealing just how closely inte rtwined migration is with that of trafficking (Renzetti et al. 2001, 473). The indus try does not discriminate between legal or illegal migration, and decreasing international migration will not put an end to human trafficking. Migrants are especially vulnerable to being trafficked apart from other forms of slavery. Poverty Kevin Bales asserts that “…it is poverty that makes people vulnerable to being enslaved in present times” (van den Anker 2004, 19; Bales 2005, 10). With the majority of populations in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America living under impoverished conditions, many women are forced to migrate from r ural areas to urbanized centers in search of better socioeconomic opportunities for th emselves and their families (Altink 1995, 2). Currently, most nations in Latin America and Africa have more than 40 percent

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16 of the population living below the poverty line (CI A World Factbook 2005).2 “To traffic women means to work upon their desire or need to migrate by bringing them into prostitution under conditions that make t hem totally dependent on their recruiters in ways which also impair their rights. It exists where poverty has forced women to seek different methods of survival for the mselves and their families” (Altink 1995, 1). In many nations, especially in the devel oping world, women often travel beyond their homes to acquire economic security and freedom. The lack of employment and/or the little to no income received usually enc ourages women to travel within or outside of their countries in order to survive. Certain types of slavery, like the lucrative sex i ndustry involving the trafficking of people, and the sex tourism industry, flourish in a reas where there is greater poverty. Due to this, “sex tourism draws men from wealthy co untries … where they can take advantage of economically vulnerable women and chil dren and weak criminal justice systems” (U.S. Department of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ). Thailand and Brazil serve as examples of a thriving sex tourism industry where poverty is exposed. Corruption Corruption is the number one factor in fostering g lobal contemporary slavery, given that the “rule of law” is severely disrupted and altered (Bales 2005, 139; Agbu 2003).3 It occurs at various points in the processes of c ertain types of slavery including human trafficking during documentation, exploitat ion, border-crossing, transportation, 2 CIA World Factbook 2005 figures for the percentage of the population living below the poverty lines for the top 10 nations (whose poverty rate was report and was no t missing) in the world: Zambia (80%); Liberia (80%); Haiti (80%); Moldova (75%); Guatemala (75%); Bolivia (70%); Sierra Leone (68%); Venezuela (67%); Zimbabwe (60 %), and; Georgia (60%). Four o f these nations are in Africa, four in Latin America, and two in Eastern Europe. 3 Kevin Bales found corruption to be the leading factor fostering global contemporary slavery through a multiple regression analysis, in which the variable pr oved to be the most significant among others he tested. For greater detail on this analysis, please ref er to: Kevin Bales. 2004. New Slavery 2 nd ed. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc.

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17 and/or recruitment. By convening with traffickers, governmental officials, police, customs, immigration services, embassies and consul ates, law enforcement officials, intelligence/security forces, influential people, a nd domestic agents,4 corruption repeatedly allows the movement of victims between c ountries (Bales 2005, 140; Agbu 2003). “From a trafficker’s point of view, the per fect destination country would be a relatively rich country [like the United States and those of the European Union] with just enough corruption to allow low-risk passage through its borders” (Bales 2005, 140). Without corruption, human trafficking would not be as extensive as it is today (Malarek 2004, 135). Many trafficked victims who are lucky enough to es cape, “risk being sent back to traffickers” when obtaining police assistance (Bale s 1999, 59; Jordan 2002, 29). This has been reported in Brazil for example, when young prostitutes seek police assistance, and are instead abused or further exploited (Awake 2003, 5). Some victims choose not to seek police assistance fearing such occurrence. Although corruption can best be illuminated through the sex-related industries, it is pervasive and occurs and promotes many other types of slavery. For example, in the s ex tourism industry, brothel owners might provide money or free “services” to governmen t and police officials in exchange for the continuous support and operation of the ind ustry. According to the West Africa Review corruption can exist in varying degrees in different countries, and take different forms (Agbu 2003). Systematic or entrenched corruption “occurs where bribery [large or small sc ale] is routine” (Abgu 2003). Usually the norms of the specific institution are broken, a nd informal rules start to abound by a certain official. This particular form of corrupti on is widespread among slavery, particular human trafficking and any sex-related industry give n the large profits that are generated. 4 This includes travel agencies, the transportation sector, banks, and financial institutions.

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18 In Thailand, for example, bribes made to police of ficials are not overly expensive; rather, these officials stop by to brothels and “pi ck up 200 to 400 baht [$8 to $16]” (Bales 1999, 54). This translates into approximately 6,00 0 bahts a month, or $240. Apart from the money, sometimes police officials even “receive ” a girl if they are inclined (Bales 1999, 54). They continuously keep watch on theses brothels, which have the potential to bring in between $32,000 and $64,000 a year (Bal es 1999, 54). Police officials are essentially paid off to keep quiet and make extra i ncome easily (Bales 1999, 54). “Bribe income is the key reason that senior police officia ls are happy to buy their positions and compete for the most lucrative ones” (Bales 1999, 5 4). If officials in high power receive some of the pro ceeds, then why would they need or want to deter the growth or expansion of slavery ? On the contrary, these officials keep the slavery industry intact to receive such pe rks. According to the Human Rights Watch researcher for Human Trafficking, Martina Van denberg: Traffickers often use bribes sometimes in the form of cash, sometimes free sexual services to entice police and officials to lo ok the other way, to gain protection and to circumvent supposedly impenetr able borders. Complicity not only guarantees impunity for traffickers; it sends a message to trafficked women that their traffickers enjoy i mpunity and that they cannot escape (Malarek 2003, 137). Traffickers are often easily able to persuade [cor rupt] government officials, police, and other law enforcement and security offi cials to aid them within their networks, transportations, and movement of illegal migrants, women, and young girls. It is very unfortunate that those with power, arms [weapons], and high ranking status do not always perform their duty to protect people or dete r slavery; rather they try to profit from the industry (Bales 1999, 48). Instead, they conti nuously undermine international law and domestic law by abusing, raping, and greedily t aking advantage of innocent lives (Bales 1999, 48).

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19 Corruption feeds off of greediness and the “excess ive materialism and the culture of ‘get rich quick’” (Agbu 2003). In addition, con temporary slavery adds the disposability of human beings as an attractive feature to perpetr ators (Bales 1999, 54). Corruption occurs everywhere, from the wealthy United States t o the poor country of Nigeria. “Corruption in the trafficking trade is so well est ablished that it can constrict the efforts of those who work with rescued women” (Malarek 2004, 1 38). This exemplifies how persistent, deep-rooted, and difficult corruption c an be, especially in the poorer countries of Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Easte rn Europe. As long as money and sex are involved, and “as long as there are governm ent officials with their hands out or cops with their pants down, the [trafficking] trade will continue to flourish” (Malarek 2004, 135). Ironically, the country that is trying to en d slavery with the best legislation is the same one whose government and police officials are trying to keep the industry intact by contributing to its existence (Malarek 2004, 136). In other words, “the machine of the state is the machine of enslavement” (Bales 1999, 6 3). Human Deception Human deception is a common method that is used to trick people into slavery. False employment advertisements, promises of marria ge, student grants, and other similar offers are large enticements for those look ing to pay for school, bring in extra income to a one-parent household, or even to obtain a job due to unemployment (Altink 1995, 5). Once individuals are taken into custody by traffickers, their personal documents are taken and they are no longer free. T his form of deception is not limited to females, but also occurs with males. For exampl e, impoverished men living in the urban centers in Brazil are particularly vulnerable to this sort of deception when recruiters promise them lucrative jobs in the rural regions (Bales 1999, 126). It is

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20 through these methods that many become enslaved. In certain regions, particular deceptive practices make luring people into slavery easier. In Latin America, the smallest unit is the family, which often represents the closest and tightest bond.5 Family life is one of the most important things, with children at the top of the hierarchical family pyramid. A d eceptive system used to traffic women from South America to Europe involves the creation of “artificial families” (Altink 1995, 75). For example, many South American women who ar e trafficked into the Netherlands – a prime destination spot gain Dutch nationality by first marrying Antillese men. The traffickers themselves then approach other women to see if they would claim them as their “daughters” according to fraudulent birth cer tificates and documents. Numerous women participate in such scams to create “artifici al families;” some “mothers” fully cooperate with traffickers’ demands, while others a ssisted their “daughters” to freedom out of shame and guilt (Altink 1995, 75). It is also not uncommon for well-trusted people su ch as close family, friends, and relatives to contribute to the enslavement of a per son. In Central and Eastern Europe, as well as Africa, this tactic is prevalent, where children are often sent to live with other relatives and then become enslaved and exploited. The next section focuses on significant factors Kevin Bales found in predicting the factors that give rise to slavery. Previous Research of Factors Contributing to Global Slavery Through a multiple regression analysis, Kevin Bale s discovered four statistically significant factors that contributed to the overall growth of global slavery. Detailed in his book, Understanding Global Slavery (2005), the four main predictors of global slavery 5 While this is true for most countries of the world, the emphasis on family is particular strong in Latin America and Asia, where several generations often live t ogether under one household. This is not to say that family is not viewed as being important elsewhere; rather cultural factors help to reinforce this notion of a close-knit family in those regions.

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21 are (ranked in order of significance): government and police corruption, a high level of infant mortality rate, a high proportion of the pop ulation that is below the age of 14 years, and a low GDP per capita (Bales 2004, 99). Given the extensive theoretical and Bales’ statist ical support for corruption, this variable is included in the statistical analysis. Infant mortality rate is not used in the analysis because it is not discussed at great lengt h in the literature as a significant factor contributing to the growth of slavery. However, a similar element is captured by the human development index, which measures the life ex pectancy at birth. In addition, although the population below the age of 14 years i s not stressed in the literature as a main factor contributing to the growth of slavery, it has been cited as being conducive to the child sex tourism industry. Finally, low GDP p er capita is illuminated in the human development index, where the standard of living, as measured by real GDP per capita, is taken into account as part of the overall index. Other major factors discussed in this chapter that are included in the statistical analysis include poverty (which goes alongside unem ployment) and political instability. Those factors that are excluded include travel/migr ation and human deception. Travel/migration is known to cause a greater moveme nt of peoples across borders because of the ease and fluidity in which people ca n migrate. This is agreed upon by most scholars, and is therefore not included in the analysis. Although human deception is widespread and contributes to people becoming en slaved, it is a variable that is hard to quantify. For this reason, it is excluded from the statistical analysis. Countries’ compliance with the anti-trafficking act is not dis cussed in this chapter because it is not the most critical factor contributing to the growth of slavery; but it is included in the statistical analysis because it provides for the in clusion of a legal framework that was adopted at the international level. In short, huma n development (which highlights life

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22 expectancy at birth and real GDP per capita), unemp loyment (which complements poverty), corruption, political instability, and th e compliance with the anti-trafficking act are the six variables discussed in the statistical analysis. The next chapter discusses human trafficking, main ly in terms of sexual exploitation, where it exists, and the factors prev alent in different countries around the world that give rise to this type of slavery.

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23 CHAPTER THREE HUMAN TRAFFICKING “[Human] Trafficking6 is the fastest growing means by which people are f orced into slavery” (Farr 2005, 5; Anti-Slavery Internati onal 2007). It is also the third most profitable trafficking trade after drugs and weapon s (Altink 1995, 2; Miko 2003, 1; Malarek 2003, 4; Farr 2005, 21; U.S. Department of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ; CAST 2005; Survivors Rights International). Whil e the majority of those trafficked is done so for non-sexual purposes, a qu arter of the entire [trafficked] population is exploited sexually, a figure that is currently on the rise (Obokata 2006, 28). “…Female prostitution has become a worldwide epidemi c as part of the global sex trade of flesh [where] an increasing number of women are entering prostitution involuntarily through deceit, coercion, kidnapping, or sexual sla very” (Flowers 1998, 165). Apart from sexual exploitation, human trafficking also involve s forced labor in areas such as domestic servants, farm workers, factory workers, a nd other laborers (Farr 2005, 3-4; Kempadoo 2005, 7, 11; Gerdes 2006, 25; Parrot and C ummings 2006, 136; Possley 2007). There are a number of economic, social, and politi cal factors that contribute to the existence of human trafficking within a country Some of these factors include the ease and fluidity in which people can travel/migrat e, human deception, poverty, lack of employment opportunities, corruption (oftentimes in conjunction with international criminal networks), and political instability. Wit hin each of the five regions discussed in 6 Human trafficking will be used interchangeably with t he term “trafficking.”

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24 terms of where this slavery exists (e.g., Latin Ame rica and the Caribbean, North America, Europe, the Middle East/Asia, and Africa), additional factors endemic to that country or region also illustrate how individuals a re trafficked. The focus of this chapter is primarily on human trafficking for sexual exploi tation. However, forced labor remains an important component of the trafficking industry, and will be mentioned briefly throughout this chapter. What follows is a discuss ion of what human trafficking is, the trafficked population worldwide, profits generated by this industry, the differences between human trafficking and smuggling, the proces ses and stages of human trafficking, and finally, where this form of slaver y exists around the world. Human Trafficking Defined The concept of trafficking in persons (and slavery in general) predated even the concept of writing; however many denote this form a s a modern slavery given the evolvement and changes it has undertaken.7 It is “the oldest, most traditional form of procuring for prostitution” (Barry 1995, 165). There are several competing definitions of human t rafficking, with little agreement among scholars, researchers, policymakers, and huma n rights activists about the exact nature of the industry (Kempadoo 2005, vii). Concr etely defining the term has remained problematic, particularly at the national level (th at is, within a country). The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement simply defines trafficking in persons as “modernday slavery, involving victims who are forced, defr auded or coerced into labor or sexual exploitation” (2004). Some organizations and resea rchers even define trafficking as the “systematic buying and selling of women and girls” (Sleightholme and Sinha 1997, 34). This definition, however, would not serve victims e xploited in the non-sexual industry. 7 For a brief, but concise chronology of slavery, see “Chap ter 2: Chronology” (Bales 2005, 55-69).

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25 The definition which is universally recognized is t hat of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especia lly Women and Children of 2000.8 Specifically in Article 3a, trafficking in persons is defined as: The action of: recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or receipt of persons By means of: the threat or use of force, coercion, abdu ction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or vulnerability, or giving p ayments or benefits to a person in control of the victim For the purposes of: exploitation, which includes exploi ting the prostitution of others, sexual exploitation, forced labo r, slavery or similar practices, and the removal organs (Altink 1995, 9; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 51). Trafficking is almost synonymous with “transportin g and forcing women into prostitution,” as well as smuggling (Bales 2004, 4; Bales 2005, 126; Survivor’s Rights International). Both can lead to being trafficked, and often, trafficked victims are exploited through prostitution. It should be menti oned, however, that human trafficking is not just about the movement of people, but rather t he exploitation and the “denial of freedom” (Gerdes 2006, 25). Despite numerous definitions of human trafficking, the thesis adheres to that of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Traffickin g in Persons, Especially Women and Children of 2000 (Article 3a). This definition holisticall y describes how people are 8 Since 1815, there have been more than 300 internati onal slavery treaties (which include human trafficking) signed; yet rarely did they all use a universal defini tion as to what constituted slavery or its counterparts (Bales 2004, 3 New Slavery). The first tool that was u sed to condemn slavery was the 1815 Declaration Relative to the Universal Abolition of the Slave Tra de, or the 1815 Declaration as it was known (Bales 2005, 41). The Rome Final Act created by the International Criminal Court in 1998 “deemed [slavery] a crime against humanity…” (Bales 2005, 49; United Nation s Office on Drugs and Crime 2007, 3). This was instrumental in elevating the issue of slavery to a crim e and making people accountable. It was the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Cri me and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Childr en, created 15 November 2000 that universally sought to “standardize terminology, laws, a nd practices” (Bales 2005, 50; Survivor’s Rights International; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crim e 2007, 3). 8 This addition was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and was the first step w ithin the international community to come into agreement on what human trafficking was, and what it co nstituted (Kempadoo 2005, 10; Goodey 2005, 269; Obokata 2006, 173; United Nations Office on Drug s and Crime 2007, 7; Survivor’s Rights International). Moreover, at the end of 2006, 117 countries had signed the protocol, and 111 ratified it, making it an international success (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2007, 3; Rosenthal 2007). This protocol provides countries an excellent universal fra mework to criminalize those involved in the trafficking trade, and to assist and protect the victims.

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26 trafficked, through what means, and for what purpos es. It is especially important to note that trafficked persons within this definition are included in both the sexual and nonsexual sectors of slavery. The Human Trafficking Population On the low end of the scale, an estimated 600,000 to 800,000 innocent lives are stolen each year, and some even fatally lost to thi s treacherous trade (Bales 1999, 39; U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement 2004; CAST 2005; U.S. Department of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ; Kapstein 2006, 105). Approximately 70 percent of these victims are female and 50 percent are children, many of whom are being forced into the commercial sex trade (U.S. De partment of State 2005). Of the approximate 4 million people who are trafficked aro und the world each year, over one million are trafficked into the sex industry (Farr 2005, 3; Gerdes 2006, 35). Within these one million who are trafficked for sexual exploitat ion, approximately 225,000 come from Southeast Asia, 200,000 from the former republics o f the Soviet Union, 150,000 from South Asia, 100,000 from Latin America and the Cari bbean, 75,000 from East Europe, and 50,000+ from Africa (Farr 2005, 4). The Intern ational Organization of Migration (IOM) estimates that between 700,000 and 2 million women are trafficked across international borders yearly (Masika 2002, 10; Gerd es 2006, 35). The United States Department of State estimates that threshold at 4 m illion people (Miko 2003, 1; Goodey 2005, 271; Parrot and Cummings 2006, 135). In 2005 the IOM increased their estimate to 2.4 million people (Anti-Slavery International 2 007). One non-governmental organization, Survivor’s Rights International, esti mates that 1 to 2 million people are trafficked around the world each year (2006). In g eneral, since the mid-1970s,

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27 approximately 30 million women have been sold into prostitution (Flowers 1998, 165).9 These figures illuminate the fact that human traff icking remains hidden, and accurate statistics are difficult to assess. In ad dition, they also highlight the fact that traffickers move with ease within and across countr ies, and that permeability between borders is rather fluid. Figure 1 (page 26) clearl y highlights this challenge in the varying estimates of trafficking. As illustrated by variou s NGOs and institutions, the true figure for worldwide human trafficking remains elusive; es timates range from 500,000 to 4 million people being trafficked annually. Profits Generated by Human Trafficking Profits in the industry are estimated to range for m $5 to $7 billion (Skrobanek et al. 1997, 151; Renzetti et al. 2001, 474; Gerdes 20 06, 35; Parrot and Cummings 2006, 135). The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that worldwide, the trafficking industry yields $7 billion annually. T he United Nations Children’s Fund10 estimates this figure at $10 billion a year (Feingo ld 2005, 28; Kapstein 2006, 106; Possley 2007). Current estimates report that the t rafficking in human beings is worth $30 to $40 billion (Rosenthal 2007). Essentially, it is a “multi-billion dollar industry” involving the trafficking of people for forced labo r or sexual exploitation (United Press International 2007). 9 It should be noted that these human trafficking figure s do not necessarily reflect those trafficked against their free will. In fact, such clarification was not mad e and should not be presumed. 10 Formerly the United Nations International Children ’s Emergency Fund.

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28 Human Trafficking and Smuggling 11 Human trafficking and human smuggling are often th ought of as being the same, or synonymous with one another. According to the Smuggling Protocol Article 3, smuggling is “the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of illegal entry of a perso n into a State Party of which the person is not a national or permanent resident” (Obokata 2 006, 20-21; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 6). According to the U.S. De partment of State in 2005, human smuggling involves overall cooperation from a perso n; whereas those trafficked are usually done so against their will by “force, fraud or coercion” (2005). Smuggled persons are treated as violating the law, such as when they cross international borders without proper documents; tra fficked persons are seen as victims due to the exploitative nature of the work they are being forced to perform, although they are often treated as criminals when captured or det ained. An important difference between smuggling and trafficking is that the forme r have the choice and freedom to leave their current situation at any time. Victims of trafficking do not have that opportunity and are enslaved and subjected to explo itation (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 52). Moreover, trafficking d oes not have to involve crossing an international border or the movement of the victim; but smuggling “facilitates the illegal entry of person(s) from one country into another” ( U.S. Department of State 2005; Obokata 2006, 21; United Nations Office on Drugs an d Crime 2006, 52). It should be noted that trafficking can involve the illegal entr y of a person as well. When the situation becomes exploitative, then the person is said to be ‘trafficked’ (Goodey 2005, 270). Therefore crossing an international border is a pre requisite for smuggling. 11 This section on “Human Trafficking and Smuggling” is rel evant, as the author believes, because it will help to differentiate between the two, since they are ofte n confused, used interchangeably, and regarded by some countries to be the same (when in fact they are no t). Smuggling, in many instances leads to human trafficking, which is a reason why both are often though t of to be similar in nature.

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29 Figure 1. Worldwide Trafficking Estimates by Organi zations Source: United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cu ltural Organization (UNESCO). 2003. “Data Comparison Sheet #1 Worldwide Trafficking Estimates by Or ganizations.” UNESCO Trafficking Project. Bangkok, Thailand: United Nations .

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30 A final note on the differences between smuggling and trafficking one sometimes follows the other. For instance, if some one willingly enters the United States from Colombia illegally (that is to say, without pr oper documents such as visas, a passport, or permit) to look for work or start anew he/she would be considered to have been smuggled, and thereafter an illegal citizen. If upon arriving into the country he/she is captured by a predator and forced to do laboriou s or sexual work without consent, then he/she becomes trafficked. While the two are different in scope, they are interconnected in many ways and often migrant worke rs in many impoverished nations seeking a better life are forced to perform work ag ainst their will. For example, consider the many maquiladoras or maquilas present in the United States, particularly in the larger cities (e.g., New York and Miami) and those along the U.S.-Mexican border. Many migrants work long, arduous hours in a variety of sectors ranging from agriculture and factory-work, to manufacturing and construction Depending on the locale, they are exploited in terms of labor and violence, and women sometimes subjected to sexual exploitation. Smuggled persons are not taken into account in the statistical analysis, since they are not considered victims of slavery. Howeve r, should they be deemed trafficked, they will then be included as part of that populati on. It should be noted that the statistical model does not distinguish between different types of slavery, and the distinction between smuggled persons and trafficked persons ser ves to specifically illuminate how trafficked victims are identified. The Processes and Stages of Human Trafficking The process of human trafficking is very deceptive and brutal, yet organized and sequential. What follows is an example of how indi viduals become trafficked.

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31 First, the victim is abducted or recruited under f alse premises, whereby he/she is transported and moved within a country, or into oth er countries. Human deception is very widespread, and is a common tactic used to pro cure individuals worldwide. This deception will be detailed within the discussion of where human trafficking exists. Second, the exploitation phase accustoms the victim to the brutality of the business by forcing him/her into labor or sexual servitude. La st, the traffickers “may find it necessary to launder criminal offenses as well, such as smugg ling of weapons or drugs” (Bales 2005, 135). A good number of trafficked victims co mplement the drug and weapons industry, as well as organized criminal networks. According to the Kevin Bales, there are eight stag es that define the human trafficking process (Bales 2005, 141-148): 1. The Context of Vulnerability 2. Recruitment 3. Removal 4. Transportation 5. Establishment of Control 6. Arrival 7. Exploitation 8. Resolution Stage 1 is the juncture at which traffickers caref ully choose their victims. Poverty and poor socioeconomic conditions are key factors i n determining the victims. While the most vulnerable populations, such as the elderly, d isabled, very poor, or sick seem likely candidates given their conditions, they are the one s most often avoided (Bales 2005, 141). It is their frail condition that makes them less valuable to the industry. For this, the young, strong, and healthy are considered prime tar gets however, not necessarily from the poorest regions. Bales asserts that victims ha ve “a level of education that seems incongruent with their enslavement” (Bales 2005, 14 1). Many young women seek financial support for college, other schooling, or additional income to help support family and children. For this reason, level of education does not seem to have a significant

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32 correlation to becoming trafficked. Most are false ly deceived, and thereby become trafficked. However, children who have not yet att ained a high school-level of education are vulnerable to the deceptions and tricks employe d by the large span (and types) of traffickers.12 Overall, poverty, high levels of unemployment, an d human deception create greater susceptibility among people by allow ing traffickers to more easily target them. Apart from their age and general navet, ch ildren without an adequate education (in terms of literacy) face this vulnerability as w ell. Stage 2 or recruitment, varies from victim to vict im, but generally involves certain characteristics. In West Africa, Thailand, and Cen tral America, “older women are known to recruit young people of the same ethnic and lang uage group” (Bales 2005, 142). To do this, they lure them with attractive goods. In addition, older women and people in general are viewed as more trust-worthy and respect able. In Eastern Europe, false and deceptive unemployment schemes draws in vulnerable people. Again, human deception plays a major role in trafficking human beings, esp ecially when a greater level of trust is built or already in existence, such as between frie nds, family, or significant others. Today, Central and Eastern Europe loom in the traf ficking industry, with disillusioned women and young girls looking for bet ter socioeconomic opportunities and stability. After the fall of the Soviet Union in t he early 1990s, political instability (as a government disbanded) threatened the well-being of people, by allowing traffickers to 12 While many countries have some sort of mandatory educ ational requirements, they are not rigorously enforced. Kevin Bales cites education as the most “fundame ntal basis for economic growth and social development” (Bales 2005, 15). While education fares w ell in many European countries, major Asian countries (e.g., China, Japan), and North America, rur al populations in those countries, as well as many developing ones face little opportunities to engage in a primary education (or even higher). Most of the developed world focused on establishing these developing countries into trading partners, than investing in education. As a result, “…as the guns flow south, the money gushes north. Every year, the countries of Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America spe nd about $22 billion in the international arms market” (Bales 2005, 15). Less than half that amount could be used to provide a primary education to every child on Earth that does not have one (Altink 19 95, 18). What is distressing is that the top industrial nations, United States, Russia, France, Britain, and Chi na, sell nearly 90 percent of all weapons to lessdeveloped countries (Altink 1995, 18).

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33 prey on their vulnerabilities. As unemployment ros e, people migrated out of the former Soviet Union, increasing their susceptibility to be come targets of traffickers in the midst of traveling through unfamiliar countries. In shou ld be noted that country differences will not be distinguished in the statistical analysis. Stage 3 or removal, involves, as the name implies, the removal of the victim from his/her home or local setting. For a small percent age, this involves force or violence during abduction/kidnapping; most are convinced or coerced into going with the traffickers as per the recruitment methods previous ly discussed (Bales 2005, 143). Stage 4 or the transportation phase, involves the trafficking of the victims, and upon arrival to their destination, total exploitati on. Given that large numbers of people are trafficked through many countries, the human tr afficking process is quite organized. A. Bajretarevic, a researcher who studies the horiz ontal design of trafficking organization (as well as smuggling), asserted that “they are div ided into several subunits that specialize in a particular part or sequence of the operation” (Bales 2005, 144). One could almost compare the human trafficking process to a military’s chain-of-command or bureaucratic hierarchy. Apart from allowing the pr ocess to function, each subunit provides additional services including the followin g: Management/Supervising Escort Corrupted Public Officials Recruitment Guiding/Navigating Supporting/Logistics Debt Collecting Exploiting Reescorting (Bales 2005, 144-145). 13 Stage 5, or the establishment of control, immediat ely begins upon transportation of the victims. Typically the victims’ travel docu ments are confiscated and “…placed immediately in the control of the trafficker” (Bale s 2005, 145). Without their passports, 13 The units generally imply what services are taken care of For additional details as to what each subunit specifically does, please refer to Bales 2005, 144-145.

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34 travel or identity cards, many have no way of leavi ng their situation safely. Victims are introduced to the other victims at this point, and usually realize their enslavement and deception. “The aim of the trafficker will be to d isorient the victim, to increase his or her dependence, to establish fear and obedience, [and] to gain control” (Bales 2005, 145). Brainwashing and psychological and mental trauma fu rther disorient the victims. Stage 6 or arrival, sees the complete control over the victim being carried out and the exploitation phase begins. Deception becomes c lear at this point to the victim once at their destination. After reaching their destina tion, victims enter complete exploitation. Stage 7 or the exploitation phase, victims are forc ed to perform any job that the “owner(s)” see fit, be it prostitution, domestic se rvice, agricultural work, sweatshop work, mining, land clearance, selling in the market, or b egging” (Bales 2005, 146). While some victims initially protest or oppose their work after subsequent violence, they are forced to perform their “duties” without much prote st. After time, with repeated abuse and violence, the victims begin to accustom themsel ves to this treatment, both mentally and physically (Bales 1999, 58). Those that protes t, risk the chance of murder and/or death. In the end, some even begin to identify with their “owner(s)” and do not even require constant enslavement given the mental brain washing and conditioning. In nearly every case of human trafficking for sexual exploita tion, more than one type of crime is involved, including fraud, kidnap, assault, rape, a nd sometimes even murder (Bales 1999, 48). Table 1 further highlights the crimes a ssociated with the trafficking process, particularly the exploitative portion. Human traff icking includes a multitude of crimes, which many countries do not even recognize. Stage 8 or resolution, the final part of the traff icking process, involves the outcome of the victim’s case. While many victims e nd up dying from violence, sickness, or suicide, others become injured, sick, infected w ith sexually-transmitted diseases such

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35 as HIV/AIDS, or impregnated (Bales 1999, 59). Thes e victims become “useless” in the eyes of the traffickers and are discarded and repla ced with new victims. Those that unfortunately become pregnant are sometimes sent fo r an abortion. In many countries, this procedure is done illegally, such as in Thaila nd, further increasing complications and risks to the life of the mother and baby (Bales 199 9, 60). Disgustingly, “a few women are kept working while they are pregnant [in Thaila nd], as some Thai men want to have sex with pregnant women” (Bales 1999, 60). In some rare circumstances, when a woman gives birth, the baby is taken and sold by th e owner of the brothel; the woman then returns to work almost immediately. The final state, while involving physical freedom, may not help the majority of victims to recuperate, rehabilitate, and assimilate back into society. Many are left “untreated,” which could lead to psychological and emotional distress, disorders, depression, and even suicide attempts. What is mor e, many are left with major health issues, such as infections, reproductive issues, pr egnancy, sexually-transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, or injuries caused by violent a ttacks. Rehabilitation of the victim is an area that needs further refinement and attention in order to prevent such people from becoming victims of trafficking again, or from expl oiting themselves. Overall, people are trafficked in much the same wa y a new product is manufactured -put on the assembly line, shipped o ut throughout various transnational (or sometimes domestic) networks and points of ship ment, and then used. Victims are quickly “broken” into the industry through immediat e sexual exploitation, rape, and sexual assault. Thereafter, once the “product” is ready, groups of usually women and young girls are then shipped to various destination points where they live as enslaved

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36 sex workers.14 In essence, “the women have to be brought to the target country, distributed, watched over and housed by the traffic kers, who can’t operate without contacts in the women’s home countries” (Altink 199 5, 4). Traffickers have extensive Table 1. Crimes Related to Trafficking in Human Bei ngs Recruitment of Victim Transportation of, or Entry with, Victim Exploitation of Victim Disposition of Criminal Proceeds Document forgery Fraudulent promises Kidnapping Document forgery Immigration law abuse Corruption of officials Damage to property Withholding of documents Unlawful coercion Threat Extortion False imprisonment Kidnapping Procurement Theft of documents Sexual assault Aggravated assault Rape Murder Forced abortion Torture Money laundering Tax evasion Corruption of officials Source: This table was compiled and created by Bales 200 5, 134. Italics indicate that the offenses are perpetrated against the individual victim. networks at all levels, from taxi drivers to aid in the transportation of their victims, to toplevel security officials to aid in the smuggling an d falsification of documents. This chain assembly line is what helps to distribute the traff icked victims in an organized and orderly manner to their chosen destinations. It is no wonder then that most organized 14 Apart from the sexual exploitation, women and young ch ildren can also be involved in labor intensive work, domestic servitude, and the like apart from their main duty as a sex slave.

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37 crime groups, such as the Italian and Russian mafia the Japanese yakuza, and Chinese triads, are all heavily involved in this highly pro fitable trade (Altink 1995, 5). Corruption heavily encourages this trade because of the strong connections that are made between powerful officials and traffickers. “Trafficking i n persons is smuggling plus coercion or deception at the beginning of the process and explo itation at the end” (Bales 2005, 132). Where Human Trafficking Exists Human trafficking exists everywhere – from wealthy Beverly Hills, California, to the poorest cities in Peru, Belarus, China, and Gha na. Trafficking may occur internally (within a country) or internationally (across count ries) (Barry 1995, 165; Renzetti et al. 2001, 473; Masika 2002, 11). Certain countries ser ve primarily as source or origin countries,15 those where individuals are trafficked out of; oth ers serve as destination countries, where individuals are trafficked to; and finally, some as transit countries, where trafficked individuals are en route to their destination country via that particular country (Skrobanek et al. 1997, 112). Transit coun tries usually serve as midway points where traffickers conjure up false documents, inclu ding marriage certificates and visas. Destination countries usually include developed or developing economies with entrenched sex industries, such as Japan, the Unite d States, the Netherlands, Thailand, Germany, Taiwan, South Korea, and India (Renzetti e t al. 2001, 473; Masika 2002, 11). Origin countries are mainly poor and experience lit tle development, and include much of Africa, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and Southeast Asia. More often than not, countries can serve as more than one type of h ost in the trafficking industry (Renzetti et al. 2001, 473; Masika 2002, 11). A pr ime example is Thailand, which serves as a major origin country in Southeast Asia, as wel l as a transit and destination country 15 The remainder of the thesis will acknowledge such countri es as “origin” countries to avoid confusion.

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38 for neighboring trafficked victims (Masika 2002, 11 ; Obokata 2006, 39-40). Figure 2 highlights the major origin and destination countri es around the world. What follows is a brief examination of the Latin American and Caribbe an, North American, European, the Middle East/Asian, and African regions, and the imp act and nature the human trafficking industry has had in these areas. Figure 2. Main Origin and Destination Countries Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 17. . Latin America and the Caribbean Numerous studies suggest that trafficking to, from, and within the Americas is a major problem (Masika 2002, 11). The region has lo ng been marked by a history of trafficking, especially in countries like the Domin ican Republic, Colombia, Cuba, Mexico,

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39 Brazil, Ecuador, Suriname, Venezuela, Uruguay, Peru Argentina, and Paraguay (Masika 2002, 11). Approximately 100,000 women and children are trafficked each year across Latin America and the Caribbean; 80 percent are women who are mainly trafficked for sexual exploitation (Survivor’s Righ ts International; Amnesty International 2005). Roughly 14,500 to 17,500 women are traffick ed into the United States annually (Ribando 2005, 5). In fact, Latin America ranks as the region with the “…highest outmigration rate in the world” (Ribando 2005, 5). There are m ore people trafficked out of the region than there are coming in. Travel/migrat ion plays a significant role in the enslavement of people because of the vulnerability they face when they are away from home and in unfamiliar areas. Language and cultura l barriers also add to this vulnerability during travel/migration. Figure 3 clearly highlights the Latin American and the Caribbean region to be mainly origin in terms of trafficking. More indivi duals are trafficked out of the region than are brought in. Figure 3. Latin American and the Caribbean Region a s Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims16 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 30. . 16 Note that these United Nations figures on “origin, t ransit, or destinations for trafficking victims” are derived from source institutions that report according to region. For the Latin American and Caribbean region, a total of 35 source institutions reported the region as o ne of origin, transit, or destination for trafficking victims. The percentages in the figures refer to the tot al amount of 35 source institutions.

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40 Political instability, social unrest, and even envi ronmental destruction have created the necessary driving forces for traffickin g to occur in this region (Survivor’s Rights International). When governments break down or there is a lack of law and order, people become easily targeted amidst the chaos. Oth er individual factors contributing to human trafficking in the region include poverty, la ck of economic alternatives, illiteracy and/or minimal education, physical or sexual abuse, family dissolution, homelessness, drug abuse, gang membership, and sexual orientation (Langberg; Inter-American Commission of Women 2001; IHRLI 2002, 40). Females in particular, are subject to the machismo attitude prevalent throughout Latin America, which has only aggravated gender inequality. Gender bias/discrimination agai nst women is a deeply-ingrained cultural norm that has long existed in the region. “Since Asia’s crackdown on sex tourism [in the lat e 1990s], trade in the Americas has increased at an alarming rate …” (Survivor’s Rig hts International; Flowers 1998, 178-179). Experts believe that tougher laws in Asi a have led to a wave of trafficking in Latin America. Ironically, many Latin American wom en are trafficked back into Asia, most notably to Japan (apart from Western Europe an d the United States) (Masika 2002, 11). About 1700 are sexually exploited; of these, most are from Peru, Colombia, or Brazil (Ribando 2005, 9; Inter-American Commission of Women 2005). Apart from Japan serving as a major destination country, Spain Italy, Canada, the Netherlands, Great Britain, and the United States also serve as primary destination countries for Latin American women (Ribando 2005, 5; United Nations Off ice on Drugs and Crime 2000, 97). Latin America has also become “a transit poin t for trafficked women en route to Europe, North America, and Australia” due to the po ssible lucrative jobs abroad (Survivor’s Rights International).

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41 The following figures – all sourced from Survivor’ s Rights International – help to illuminate the growing concern about the traffickin g of people in Latin America. According to Interpol, 35,000 women are trafficked out of Colombia each year (Farr 2005, 5). In fact, approximately 45,000 to 50,000 Colombia women serve as prostitutes abroad; many of whom are trafficked (U.S. Departmen t of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ). Given that the nation is heavily involved in the narcotics trade, a large proportion of women are trafficked alongside the da ngerous industry. A primary reason why many have migrated from Colombia between 1995 a nd 2000 was due to the “economic stagnation, poverty, unemployment, and th e ongoing conflict [of the guerrillas and the drug war]” (Ribando 2005, 6). The country’ s economic and political turmoil has greatly distressed society, making the population m ore susceptible to drug and human traffickers. Poverty, lack of employment opportuni ties, political instability, and ease of travel has allowed people to become trafficked. Th ese factors create the conditions which put people at risk to traffickers, who view t hem as easy prey. In Guatemala City, Guatemala, the city police clai m 2,000 children were sexually exploited in nearly 600 brothels (Flowers 1998, 178 ). In Brazil, 500,000 girls work as prostitutes, many of them trafficked internally int o the gold mining regions in the Amazon (Flowers 1998, 178; Inter-American Commission of Wo men 2001). In fact, girls as young as nine years old have been reportedly forced into prostitution in the remote mining camps in the Amazon [in Brazil] (Flowers 199 8, 178-179). In Brazil, 75,000 women are prostituted to the countries of the Europ ean Union (Farr 2005, 5). Environmental destruction is an avenue through whic h people become trafficked because of the demand for labor in rural areas. Ov erall, the poorest segments of society, usually women and children, face the great est vulnerability throughout Latin America and the Caribbean to being trafficked.

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42 The Dominican Republic ranks fourth in the world f or the number of women working abroad in the sex trade.17 Approximately 50,000 Dominican women serve the illicit sexual industry in all areas of the globe ( IOM 1996; Farr 2005, 5; U.S. Department of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ; CAST2005).18 Many are concentrated in Panama, Costa Rica, Argentina, St. Martin, Curaao, and Europe (IHRLI 2002, 14). According to the International Organization of Migr ation Study, the primary causes of human trafficking in the Dominican Republic are une mployment and lack of socioeconomic opportunities due to the extreme inco me inequality and poverty the country suffers (U.S. Department of State 2005, Trafficking in Persons Report ). Moreover, women and young girls are lured into fals e “marriages,” and then ultimately trafficked (CAST 2005). Most of the victims are in troduced by a friend or family member to the potential trafficker, whereby they are then lured into the trap. These women seek jobs overseas in hopes of more prosperous financial opportunities; however, this is one of the many deceptions involved in the trade. A pr imary feature of this trade in the Dominican Republic is that it is mainly controlled by organized crime networks (IOM 1996). “Being trafficked for sexual exploitation i s a clear alternative seen by low-income, low-educated young women to leave their misery. No other main alternatives are offered to them apart from badly paid domestic jobs or work in the free-trade zones” (IOM 1996). Apart from the lack of viable economic opportunities within the country, women become victims of human deception because of the desperation in obtaining employment. Traffickers can target people during p eriods of such vulnerability because they are more easily deceived. The Dominican Repub lic remains an outlet for the highest number of women trafficked out of a country in Latin America. 17 Just after Thailand, Brazil, and the Philippines (IOM 1996). 18 They are highly concentrated in the following countri es: Austria, Curaao, Germany, Greece, Haiti, Italy, the Netherlands, Panama, Puerto Rico, Spain, Switzerl and, Venezuela, and the West Indies (1996, IOM; (U.S. Department of State, June 2005 report).

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43 The Latin American and Caribbean region faces nume rous factors which encourage trafficking. Political instability in co untries like Colombia, threaten the wellbeing of people. Environment destruction in the Am azon region, particularly in Brazil, creates greater vulnerability for people to become trafficked due to the high demand for labor in these rural areas. Poverty, corruption, a nd lack of employment opportunities have all encouraged trafficking due to existing soc ioeconomic conditions in most countries. In addition, deeply-rooted cultural nor ms, such as gender bias/discrimination towards women, and the overall ease in which people migrate within and between countries, increase susceptibility for people to be come targeted by traffickers. North America Despite the recent wave of publicity human traffick ing has been given in the United States, it still remains a growing concern. According to Sister Patrice Colletti of the Salvatorian order, “human trafficking or modern slavery is the second largest problem facing the United States” (Possley 2007).19 It occurs not only in major metropolitan cities, such as New York City and Chic ago, but also in suburban areas in Florida and even Connecticut. What follows is a br ief discussion of human trafficking instances in Florida. Florida ranks second in the United States for the greatest number of trafficked victims, largely due to its agricultural enterprise s, manufacturing sector, and robust restaurant (and hotel) industry (Possley 2007; Ash 2007).20 Despite some of the toughest state legislation targeting human traffick ing in the United States, it still pervades the state. The most recent law that passed (2006) “[made] traffickers subject to the same racketeering laws used to prosecute organized crime” (Ash 2007). This example 19 Other problems facing the United States were not state d in the article. 20 California ranks number one in the United States for the highest volume of trafficked people.

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44 illustrates that despite an excellent legislative f ramework, human trafficking still permeates through borders; greater enforcement mech anisms are needed to curtail this industry. According to Gerardo Reyes of the Coalit ion of Immokalee Workers an organization promoting farm worker rights the “co nditions of workers’ lives, lacking basic human rights, breeds human trafficking” (Poss ley 2007). Many migrants come to Florida seeking employment, whether in the agricult ural sector or as a domestic servant, and then become exploited. Poverty and unemploymen t are factors that create the conditions for people to become trafficked because they are in search of a better life and greater economic opportunities. In South Florida, more than three quarters of people trafficked are women (Possley 2007). The last several years have seen several crackdown s on prostitution rings, as well as forced labor in Florida. Very recently, Jo rge W. Melchor of Colombia was charged with four counts of kidnapping and human tr afficking. He lured women from their homes in Guatemala, and falsely promised them lucrative-paying domestic jobs in the United States. They were smuggled across the M exican border on June 30th [2006], and then taken to Florida via Houston, Texas. In t he end, the women were told they were in debt $25,000, and were forced to work in or der to pay it off (Ash 2007). In yet another case, the Cadena family, a group consisting of Mexican sex traffickers, profited from nearly $2.5 million in only two years during t he mid-1990s (Farr 2005, 23). This family trafficked 25-40 Hispanic women, and then se xually exploited them in brothels throughout Florida and neighboring states (Farr 200 5, 23). These two examples demonstrate how different forms of slavery can occur simultaneously, and how smuggling can lead to traff icking. The women were not only forced into domestic labor, but also bonded as well (when told they owed a debt). Although they were under the impression that they w ere smuggled to work in a more

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45 lucrative field (human deception), they were ultima tely trafficked when exploitation set in. A key point to remember is that a smuggled individu al becomes a trafficked one when they become exploited – sexually or non-sexually. Approximately 45,000 to 50,000 women and girls are trafficked into the United States from around the world for the purpose of sex ual exploitation (Parrot and Cummings 2006, 136). On 28 October 2000, the Unite d States Congress passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (VTVPA), a “…comprehensive statute that addresse[s] the recurring and signific ant problems of the illegal trafficking of persons for the purpose of committing commercial se x acts or to subject them to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or sl avery” (U.S. Department of State 2005). This act assists victims of trafficking and other related violent crimes. Canada recently released its first systematic stud y of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. On 27 February 200 7, the Federal Standing Committee on the Status of Women published the “Turning Outra ge into Action to Address Trafficking for the Purposes of Sexual Exploitation in Canada” (CNW TELBEC 2007). The main issues addressed include “measure[s] to co mbat child sex tourism and trafficking of persons in Canada, [and] the develop ment of a Canadian CounterTrafficking Office (CCTO)” (CNW TELBEC 2007). The government has taken a proactive stance in responding to the immediate con cerns given the increase in the trafficking of people. On the whole, Canada (as we ll as the United States) continues to receive many trafficked women from Eastern Europe ( Malarek 2004, 23), and serves primarily as a destination country. Figure 4 clearly illustrates North America serving as a destination region. As evident by the literature, more victims are traffic ked into the United States and Canada from all around the world because of the general af fluent nature of the region.

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46 Figure 4. North American Region as Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims21 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 31. . Overall, poverty, unemployment, human deception, la ck of legislative enforcement, and a demand for cheap labor (especial ly in strenuous sectors such as agriculture or manufacturing) encourage the traffic king of people to North America. Some of these victims initially meant to smuggle th emselves for the possibility of finding a lucrative paying job, and then find themselves ex ploited upon arrival. On the other hand, others immediately find themselves on a journ ey to exploitation as trafficked victims. Europe In general, it is reported that the majority of vic tims exploited in the sex industry come from Asia, the republics of the former Soviet Union,22 and Eastern Europe, and end up in Europe and North America (Miko 2003, 1, 8 ). While Western Europe serves mainly as a destination region, it is Central and E astern Europe where the majority of victims are trafficked from (Figure 5). 21 In this United Nations figure, a total of 43 source in stitutions reported North America as a region of origin transit, or destination for trafficking victims. The perce ntages in the figure refer to the total amount of 42 source institutions. 22 The Former Soviet Union republics (FSU) are now known as the Newly Independent States (NIS) (Farr 2005, 8). However, for simplification and continuous cla rity, they will remain as FSU republics in this thesis.

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47 Figure 5. Western European Sub-Region as Origin, Tr ansit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims23 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 27. . Central and Eastern Europe remains a very vulnerabl e region, given its lessaffluent socioeconomic conditions, higher unemploym ent, and greater level of poverty. After the Former Soviet Union disbanded, many of th ose countries’ political economies declined and trafficking dramatically increased (Jo rdan 2002, 28; Masika 2002, 11; Miko 2003, 8; Gerdes 2006, 34). Unemployment rose, as d id the poverty level, and many women were forced to look to alternative options fo r income abroad (Malarek 2004, 9; Gerdes 2006, 35). Victims in this region are usual ly deceived through supposed boyfriends, relatives, friends, and other well-trus ted people, or through false employment advertisements or travel/marriage agencies (Malarek 2004, 11). Recent years have also witnessed the rise of mail-order bride agencies or “online brothels” (Malarek 2004, 1314)24. Rarely is a young girl or woman kidnapped (Gerde s 2006, 35). Although almost a quarter of these women are aware of the prospect of becoming involved in sexual services, few expect outright forced exploitation ( Gerdes 2006, 35). Overall, 23 In this United Nations figure, a total of 80 source in stitutions reported Western Europe as a region of origin, transit, or destination for trafficking victims. The percentages in the figure refer to the total amou nt of 80 source institutions. 24 This constitutes a newer form of slavery, which will not be discussed in this thesis. Extensive use of the Internet provides just another venue for traffickers to ta rget potential victims.

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48 the collapse of the Berlin Wall and simpler exit proce dures have increased freedom of movement in Eastern Europe, but f actors such as inadequate education, idealized notions of life in th e West, legislation favorable to the commercial sex industry in many countries, and particularly the feminization of poverty have created excellent conditions for trafficking (Gerdes 2006, 35). Figure 6 indicates that Central and South Eastern Europe predominately serve as an origin region, although it plays host as a tr ansit and destination region as well. A large number of women are trafficked between neighb oring countries, and the region overall tends to serve as a transit point for traff ickers. About 57% of institutions reported Central and South Eastern Europe as a destination r egion. Figure 6. Central and South Eastern European Sub-Re gion as Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims25 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 26. . In Central and Eastern Europe, high levels of unemp loyment, poverty, human deception (as made evident through trusted family, friends, and significant others), and political instability, encourage the growth of huma n trafficking. In particular, the fall of the former Soviet Union has only exacerbated these conditions, and has led to people migrating abroad in search of viable sources of inc ome. These factors in turn create 25 In this United Nations figure, a total of 60 source in stitutions reported Central and South Eastern Europe as a region of origin, transit, or destination for tra fficking victims. The percentages in the figure refer to the total amount of 60 source institutions.

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49 vulnerability which makes people more susceptible t o the deception of traffickers. Moldova remains the poorest country in Europe. On ce one of the most affluent countries prior to 1991, Moldova now fights one of the worst human trafficking records, as well as one of the highest unemployment rates in the region. It serves as an origin country for females trafficked into prostitution, t he most vulnerable coming from domestic abuse households and children leaving institutional care (Malarek 2004, 14; Amnesty International 2005, 28). Girls here and in Romania and Bulgaria are kidnapped walking home from school, especially in more rural areas (M alarek 2004, 14). The “situation is so serious that in some rural areas, parents have s topped sending daughters to school to protect them from being stolen” (Malarek 2004, 1 4). Albania also suffers from similar conditions, with “poverty, lack of education, family breakdown, and crime networks at home and ab road” contributing to women and children becoming trafficked for sexual exploitatio n and forced labor (Amnesty International 2005, 38). An estimated 14,000 Alban ian women serve as prostitutes in various European countries (Farr 2005, 5). Given i ts close proximity, Italy serves as one of the most popular destinations for Albanian women where the number of trafficked victims more than doubled between 1998 and 2000 (Fa rr 2005, 6). The case of Albania clearly demonstrates the ease in which people are t rafficked into other countries, due to high levels of unemployment, and the existence of i nternational criminal networks. Women from the FSU republics have been trafficked into prostitution in no less than 50 countries (Farr 2005, 9). This region is i ncreasingly vulnerable to the supply of traffickers and remains as one of the largest origi n regions of trafficked women and young girls (Figure 7). In certain areas of Russia “women represent 70% to 95% of the unemployed” (Gerdes 2006, 35). It is for this reas on that many Russians, Ukrainians, Moldovans, Romanians, and Bulgarians seek alternati ve employment abroad, and “risk

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50 almost everything” in search of employment (Gerdes 2006, 36). For example, Russian and Ukrainian women largely supply the sex market i n Israel. About 1,000 to 2,000 women are trafficked for prostitution into Israel e ach year (Farr 2005, 5). Police report the problem to be “out of control” and rampant, due to the enormous profits generated by the sex industry. In fact, Haifa has become a prim e point of entry into Israel for trafficked women. Israeli police estimate that “there are abo ut 25,000 paid sexual transactions in [Israel] daily” (Farr 2005, 24). Due to their exot ic appearances – many of them lighthaired, light-eyed, and lighter skinned – women fro m this region remain in heavy demand in Israel. As late as 2000, Israel was repo rted to have around 250 brothels and escort agencies just in Tel Aviv alone (Farr 2005, 6), illuminating the city as a major metropolis for the sex industry. Poverty is a sign ificant factor contributing to the trafficking of women from Moldova, Albania, and the former Soviet Union republics because of the lack of employment opportunities in their countries. Travel/migration abroad also acts as a means through which trafficke rs can more easily target their victims.

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51 Figure 7. Commonwealth of Independent States26 as Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims27 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 28. . The Balkans is yet another region strongly charact erized by high incident rates of rampant human trafficking and exploitation. Kosovo Macedonia, and Serbia and Montenegro serve as major destination countries wit hin this region; Bosnia ranks number one (Mendelson 2005, 9). During the Yugosla vian War, criminal organizations helped to establish the infamous Balkan route, weav ing through Serbia, Croatia, Albania, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Koso vo (Malarek 2004, 21). This route continues to see trafficked women, and statio ned United Nations Peacekeeping troops served as the “demand” for local brothels, w hich were set up with trafficked women (Malarek 2004, 21). In this particular regio n, political instability and internal conflict, as well as government corruption, creates a breeding ground for the sexual exploitation and trafficking of people since many b ecame refugees and were in constant movement. 26 The Commonwealth of Independent States, internation al organization that was established 21 December 1991, comprises of eleven former Soviet Republics: Armen ia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Ukraine, and Uzbe kistan. Turkmenistan broke off from the organization as a permanent member on 26 August 2005, and now serves as an associate member (Commonwealth of Independent States 2007). 27 In this United Nations figure, a total of 61 source in stitutions reported the Commonwealth of Independent States as a region of origin, transit, or destination f or trafficking victims. The percentages in the figure refer to the total amount of 61 source institutions.

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52 Overall, most of the trafficked women and young gi rls originate from the FSU republics, as well as Central and Eastern European countries such as the Czech Republic and Poland. Many are ultimately destined for exploitation in Western European countries (Masika 2002, 11). Experienced trafficke rs “vary routes to keep one step ahead of the law by moving women across borders wit h relative ease” (Malarek 2004, 20). Traffickers have well-established systems of “green borders” or unguarded boundaries, such as the “Eastern Route” that curls throughout Poland and into Germany (Malarek 2004, 20). Women from Russia, Ukraine, Ro mania, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia are commonly trafficked along this route, a nd found in increasing numbers in Italy, Greece, Germany, Belgium, Austria, and Franc e (Malarek 2004, 21). The trafficking network in this region remains tightly organized, cohesive, and well-run, making it one of the most difficult to permeate. In general, high levels of unemployment, poverty, pervasive corruption (especially alongside international criminal networ ks), widespread human deception, and political instability, encourage the growth of traf ficked people in Europe. The Middle East 28 and Asia. 29 Literature concerning trafficking in the Middle Eas tern region is limited. Women and children are usually trafficked into the Middle East (Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) from other regions, including Asia ( Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia) (Miko 2003, 8-9). South and Southeast A sia serve as major origin regions. “Economic problems in source [origin] countries hav e fueled expanding recruitment of women and girls for global sex trafficking in the 1 990s and early 2000s … [and the 28 Note that there was not a United Nations figure avail able for the Middle East. 29 These regions were grouped together given their regi onal proximity, and also due to the fact that overall, the Middle Eastern region lacked in existing literature in countries such as Iran and Iraq.

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53 presence of] fledgling, unstable market systems […] have increasingly become linked to the powerful global market dominated by Western pow ers” (Farr 2005, 138). Main destination countries for trafficked Middle Eastern individuals are the United States, Canada, Japan, and Western Europe, given their “adv anced market economies” (Miko 2003, 7; Farr 2005, 4). However, destination count ries thrive across regions as well, both poor and rich. For instance, about 200,000 Ba ngladeshi women have been trafficked into neighboring Pakistan over the last ten years, increasing the trafficking rate to 200 to 400 per month (Barry 1995, 167; Farr 2005 4). These victims are held in slavery, bonded labor, marriage, and prostitution, and “depending on market demand for age, beauty, and race, these women are sold for $10 00 to $2000 to brothels in Pakistan” (Barry 1995, 167). Economic instability is a significant factor for t he trafficking of Middle Eastern people into more stable economies perhaps because t hey are in search of better employment opportunities. In addition, the close p roximity of Pakistan and Bangladesh has contributed to the ease in which people are tra fficked between the two countries. Trafficking from Pakistan to Bangladesh is a very congested route, as it is popular. In Bangladesh’s capital city, Dhaka, an e stimated 18,000 to 20,000 women and children serve in prostitution (Barry 1995, 167). Some researchers even push these estimates to 25,000 to 30,000 (Barry 1995, 167). H owever, the large majority of prostitution in major cities is often concealed wit hin brothels or “‘floating’ with streetwalkers whose rickshaw drivers are the middle men between them and customers” (Barry 1995, 167). Usually, Bangladeshi women are deceived through false marriages or lucrative job offers in Pakistan (this also occu rs in India) (Barry 1995, 167). Similar to Latin America (with “artificial families”), human d eception plays a role in the trafficking of Bangladeshi women.

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54 In Nepal, the carpet industry serves as the larges t sector in the country, utilizing thousands of women and girls. They are not only ex ploited by long hours in this industry, but may also be sexually abused and raped by the managers and even coworkers. Some of the carpet making industries ru n “underground” brothels, which further increases the demand for women (Parrot and Cummings 2006, 140). Also, thousands of Nepalese girls are repeatedly lured an d then abducted into India for sexual exploitation annually (Miko 2003, 7). India-Nepal trafficking has existed for many years, and remains a pressing problem despite national leg islation in both countries. Regardless of some excellent legislation that Tha iland has passed, including the 1996 Act for Prostitution Prevention and Suppressio n Act30 (which replaced the 1960 Act), not much has been done to address the main ca uses that foster human trafficking. The government, despite acknowledging the seriousne ss of the situation, continues to tolerate the industry due in large part to the exte nsive profits generated (Obokata 2006, 52). In 1992, the Prime Minister, Chuan Leekpai ad mittedly reported that “the problem [of sex slavery] would be less if those who have th e weapons and enforce the law were not involved [and] if the problem cannot be solved, I won’t order the authorities to tackle it” (Bales 1999, 64). Nevertheless, police have in stead increased their involvement in the trade – directly or indirectly. Furthermore, t he extensive tourism the country receives only exacerbates trafficking and other related sexu ally exploitative industries. Estimates report that as many as 500,000 foreigners travel ea ch year to Thailand to partake in sexual activities (Obokata 2006, 52). Enforcement remains a key issue in curtailing the growth of human trafficking. Japan also has a bustling sex industry whose deman d cannot be met at the local level. Women are trafficked from neighboring count ries such as Thailand, South Korea, 30 This act “treats prostitutes more as victims and concentrates on punishing procurers, owners of brothels, and others involved in the trafficking business” (Obokata 2006, 49).

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55 and Burma, in order to supply this great demand. A nnual profits are estimated at a gross $33.6 to $84 billion (Parrot and Cummings 200 6, 136). This country serves as a major destination for women and girls in Southeast Asia, and debt bondage concurrent with trafficking is common in Japan. Figure 8 indicates that Asia equally serves as an origin and destination region. The large volume of people trafficked out of countr ies in the region, and into other neighboring countries confirms. Figure 8. Asian Region as Origin, Transit, or Dest ination for Trafficking Victims31 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 24. . Overall, economic instability in the Middle East, t he ease of travel/migration between neighboring countries, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, human deception, lack of legislative enforcement in Asia, and the ov erall demand for sex, are factors that encourage the trafficking of people in the Middle E ast/Asian region. 31 In this United Nations figure, a total of 80 source in stitutions reported Asia as a region of origin, transit, or destination for trafficking victims. The percentages in th e figure refer to the total amount of 80 source institutions.

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56 Africa With little data available about the ebb and flows of the human trafficking industry in Africa, it is difficult to measure the true exte nt of the situation. Trafficked people have reportedly increased in recent years, and are belie ved to be in the tens of thousands (Miko 2003, 9). Poverty and the low position grant ed to women are major factors giving rise to trafficking, as well as internal armed conf licts plaguing countries such as Sudan and Rwanda (Miko 2003, 9). The main origin countri es include Ghana, Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Mali (Masika 2002, 11; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 22). Prime destination countries include Nigeria, Cte d’Ivoir e, Western Europe, the United States, and the Middle Eastern nations of Lebanon, Libya, K uwait, and Saudi Arabia (Masika 2002, 11). The United Kingdom is also a prime dest ination country for trafficked victims from Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone (Obokata 20 06, 41). An estimated 10,000 African children are alleged to be living with nonfamily members in the United Kingdom, working in the sex industry, drug trafficking, cred it card fraud, or domestic service industry (Obokata 2006, 41). Human trafficking for sexual exploitation is acknowledged in the region, as is forced labor. In Central and Western Africa, women and children are trafficked for domestic servitude, including planta tion, domestic, and sexual work (Masika 2002, 11). Like most developing regions (with a few notable e xceptions within each region), Africa serves primarily as an origin region (Figure 9). However, it equally serves as a transit and destination region, given the ease in w hich neighboring countries traffic people.

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57 Figure 9. African Region as an Origin, Transit, or Destination for Trafficking Victims32 Source: This figure was created by the United Nations O ffice on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progra mme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 22. . A strong demand for labor, gender bias/discriminati on against women, political instability in countries like Sudan and Rwanda, and extreme poverty across the African continent, all help to encourage the trafficking of people. Conclusion Anna Diamantopoulou, the European commissioner for Employment and Social Affairs, stated that human trafficking is a booming industry, run with ruthless efficiency by p owerful multinational criminal networks…These are not casual crimi nals. They are run well-funded, well-organized, influential org anizations. They know their business inside out and respond to changes in the market with a speed unmatched by even the most competitive corpora tions. Their expertise and their ability to exploit the mar ket are surpassed only by their disregard for human life. Women are brough t, sold, and hired out like any other product. The bottom line is profi t (Malarek 2003, 46). 33 The human trafficking field remains full of challen ges, including the prosecution of traffickers, the protection of victims, and the red uction of the demand for sex (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 10). While the number of those criminals 32 In this United Nations figure, a total of 39 source in stitutions reported Africa as a region of origin, tran sit, or destination for trafficking victims. The percentages in th e figure refer to the total amount of 39 source institutions. 33 Anna Diamantopoulou delivered this quote in a speech a t an anti-trafficking conference in Brussels in September 2002.

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58 being prosecuted has increased over the last severa l years, very few are ever convicted (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2007, 4). In addition, the majority of trafficked victims are never identified or rehabili tated. Many are too afraid to speak out against their captors or avoid the industry altoget her once freed. Also, human trafficking for sexual exploitation i s ambiguous with respect to forced and voluntary prostitution. It is difficult for national governments to ascertain individual trafficking cases if precise definitions do not exist. Human trafficking intertwines itself so that differentiating between different types of slavery is difficult. A large proportion of women trafficked for prostituti on are also victims of debt bondage (Farr 2005, 25). This can create problems in a cou ntry especially if national legislation does not recognize each form of slavery and/or the crimes involved. Later this year [2007] in Vienna, Austria, the Uni ted Nations will kick off a new program to fight not only human trafficking, but al so contemporary slavery around the world, entitled, “Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking and Modern Slavery” (United Press International 2007). It is their hope that t hrough world governments, civil society, and international organizations, human trafficking can be brought to an end. Human trafficking for sexual exploitation “…is a well-esta blished, highly profitable industry that operates not only with considerable impunity, but w ith very little citizen awareness of its existence” (Farr 2005, 219). This chapter on human trafficking exemplifies how travel/migration, poverty, corruption, unemployment, human deception, and poli tical instability, play a role in exacerbating or contributing to the growth of ensla ved people around the world. Although these factors are present worldwide, there also exist factors endemic to each country or region which further aggravates human tr afficking. In Latin America/Caribbean, environmental destruction, abuse in the home (e.g., drug, physical,

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59 or sexual), and gender bias/discrimination, contrib ute to the trafficking of people. In North America, lack of legislative enforcement and a high demand for sex breeds the vulnerability to becoming trafficked. Abused/insti tutionalized children, pervasive and deep-rooted international criminal networks, and co rruption, contributes to the trafficking of people in Europe. In the Middle East/Asia, econ omic instability, lack of legislative enforcement, and a high demand for sex foster this industry. Finally, gender bias/discrimination and a high demand for labor enc ourage this slavery in Africa. Human trafficking, in particular, is not a discriminatory type of slavery, and the same conditions – whether poverty, corruption, unemployment, or human deception – occur worldwide in fostering slavery. The next chapter will focus on a primarily non-sex ually exploitative slavery, debt bondage. While it is commonly used with trafficked victims, this form of debt bondage emphasizes on forced labor.

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60 CHAPTER FOUR DEBT BONDAGE Debt bondage is the most common type of slavery in the world today (Bales 2004, 16); yet it has not received the strong atten tion human trafficking for sexual exploitation has. This form of slavery involves no t only individuals, but can also involve an entire family, including children. Instances of debt bondage exist virtually everywhere, but this form of slavery is more widesp read in South Asia and South America. Some forms of bonded labor are very lucra tive – such as those working in the charcoal camps in Brazil – while others produce a s cant return, such as those involved in the brick making process in Pakistan. In additi on, debt bondage does not contain itself only within the forced labor sector, but is also popular within the trafficking of people for sexual exploitation, such as in prostitu tion. Note that all forms of slavery are granted equal importance by the author; however, so me have greater literature available than others. This is the primary method for select ing the three types of slavery discussed in the thesis. Numerous socioeconomic, cultural, environmental, an d religious factors encourage the growth of debt bondage around the wor ld. Some of these include poverty, high levels of unemployment, environmental destruction and the demand for labor in rural areas, lack of education/literacy, r eligious discrimination, lack of legislative enforcement, and human deception. These factors he lp to create the necessary environment for the enslavement of people into debt bondage, especially in India,

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61 Pakistan, and Brazil. Other forms of slavery not d iscussed within these three consecutive chapters (Chapters 3, 4, and 5) are gro uped together within Chapter 6. Due to time constraints, an elaboration on every form o f slavery is not possible. This chapter examines debt bondage and its different forms in th ree countries: India, Pakistan, and Brazil. Debt Bondage Defined According to the United Nations Supplementary Convention on the Abol ition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Prac tices Similar to Slavery of 1956 debt bondage34 “involves a situation in which debtors pledge thei r personal services against a debt they owe, but the person to whom they owe it f ails to deduct the value of their services from the debt, or the length and nature of those services are not respectively limited and defined” (van den Anker 2004, 118; Farr 2005, 25). Essentially, an individual or family pledges themselves against a debt, or the y inherit a debt from their family (Bales 1999, 9; Bales 2004, 16). Enslavement sets in when complete control of the person occurs (van den Anker 2004, 118). The Debt Bondage Population In 2001, the United Nations estimated that there ar e 21 million people in bonded labor worldwide; most of them indigenous peoples. However, according to the International Labor Organization (ILO) report on fo rced labor, there are discrepancies because not all forms of debt lead to bondage (Mier s 2003, 425 Ch. 24). Indebtedness is the primary distinguishable feature of debt bond age in comparison to other forms of 34 In the southern region of the United States, Latin A merica, and the Philippines, debt bondage is known as peonage; in South Asia, it is known as bonded labor (Mi ers 2003, 112 Ch. 8; van den Anker 2004, 25). In this research, debt bondage will be used interchangeabl y with the term “bonded labor” when deemed necessary.

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62 forced labor (van den Anker 2004, 118). Kevin Bale s’ 1999 estimate of bonded laborers worldwide also parallels that of the United Nations at more than 20 million. As previously mentioned, debt bondage along with other forms of slavery, is not mutually exclusive (Bales 2004, 17). Apart from debt bondag e in the forced labor sector, it also occurs among those trafficked into prostitution or other sexually exploitative industries, and migrant workers (van den Anker 2004, 119). Where Debt Bondage Exists Debt bondage is widespread in South America and in South Asia, especially in India (Miers 2003, 415 Ch. 24; van den Anker 2004, 25; Bales 2005, 4). In South Asia, it is prevalent in agriculture, rural industry, servic e sectors, and in production of materials for industry or construction (e.g., such as for bri ck kilns) (van den Anker 2004, 119). Overall, there is no general consensus on the avera ge size of this labor market in the South Asian region (van den Anker 2004, 118). In S outh America, it prevails with those working within the environmental sector. What foll ows is a discussion of different forms of debt bondage in India, Pakistan, and Brazil. Th ese three countries are of particular interest due to the high volume of bonded labor tha t exists in both India and Pakistan, as well as the way debt bondage takes hold in an uncon ventional industry in Brazil that is not very widespread. These cases also demonstrate that poverty, high levels of unemployment, environmental destruction and the dem and for labor, lack of education, human deception, and religious discrimination all p lay a significant role in leading people to become enslaved despite cultural, political, and socioeconomic differences within each country.

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63 India outlawed debt bondage in 1976 (Miers 2003, 4 23 Ch. 24), yet this country has one of the highest volumes of bonded laborers. Debt bondage in agriculture was first reported in the Indian state of Bihar in 1858 In India, debt bondage is interchangeable with the terms kaimaiya, kamiyah, haruwahi, kandh (in the Bihar province), haliah (in the Orissa province), harwashee or kamiya (in the Madhya Pradesh province), and hali in uttar (in the Pradesh and Maharastra provinces) (van den Anker 2004, 120). It is no surprise the country has nume rous meanings for this form of slavery, given its pervasiveness, as well as the different l anguages spoken in the region. The “debtors” as they are usually called, are typi cally illiterate, landless, rural, and poor; within the caste system, they reflect the bottom of the hierarchy. Poverty and a lack of education greatly contribute to the ensla vement of people into debt bondage, as other occupations are not feasible. They work f or creditors, who are usually landlords (Miers 2003, 423 Ch. 24). If the debtor is not abl e to carry out his tasks, his wife and children might also be forced to work. Essentially they become bonded as well, as might the heirs of the family. Sometimes generatio ns remain bonded due to the inability to escape enslavement and the impoverished conditio ns in which they cannot seem to escape (van den Anker 2004, 25). For example, an I ndian man had once borrowed $30 for his wedding; forty years later he still had not repaid the amount despite the long arduous hours of labor he toiled on a daily basis i n his home country (Miers 2003, 423 Ch. 24). Similar situations occur in Pakistan, whe re parents bond their children in return for loans. Labor in the brick kilns presents just another example of how individuals and families are bonded (Miers 2003, 423 Ch. 24). Chil dren are particularly vulnerable to this because they are young, defenseless, and easil y targeted. Approximately fifteen years ago, Pakistan outlawed debt bondage; yet this type of slavery continues to exist in the country (Miers 2003, 423 Ch. 24). Similar to the

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64 process in neighboring India and elsewhere in the w orld, laborers become enslaved as a consequence of a pledged loan of some sort or thoug h inheritance. Bonded labor mainly exists in the agricultural sector, as well a s in the brick kilns, domestic service, and the carpet and weaving industries (van den Anker 20 04, 124). Even the mining and fishing industries report the presence of bonded la borers. According to the National Commission on Justice and Peace, “… of the establish ed 6 million bonded laborers in Pakistan, approximately half belong to religious mi norities – chiefly Christians and Hindus” (van den Anker 2004, 124). In effect then, religious factors seem to play a bigger role in Pakistan in the area of debt bondage Religious discrimination could possibly account for the large number of religious minorities enslaved. According to recent data, debt bondage has experienced a decline in the country, perhaps due to the decrease in the number of landless tenants and of s hare-cropping (between landlords and laborers) (van den Anker 2004, 124). The brick kiln industry in Pakistan involves a larg e number of bonded slaves. These individuals or families work against a debt, one that often lingers on to future generations. Moreover, when the father dies, the wi fe and children inherit the debt (Bales 1999, 152). This highlights the fact that p overty and/or a lack of alternative employment opportunities has kept such people ensla ved. There are approximately 7,000 kilns in Pakistan. Ironically, these ovens a re “made [out] of what they make – bricks” (Bales 1999, 152). Usually a family, inclu ding children, work together in the industry, establishing a total of about 750,000 sla ves (Bales 1999, 154). Children in particular play an integral role in this bonded lab or. They help the family mix mud for the bricks, haul the bricks from pits to kilns, or stac k them (Bales 1999, 150). Bricks are stacked in precise and neat rows, one on top of the other, in order to form an oven, where temperatures reach well over 15 00 degrees. Brick kilns pose

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65 extreme dangers to the workers, not only because of the high temperatures, but also for the susceptibility of falling inside one. When the “fires rage in the kiln below them sometimes the top level of bricks give way. When t his happens a person can fall through. If workers fall completely into the kiln there is no hope for them” (Bales 1999, 151). Within seconds, they become incinerated. Photo: Children are seen stacking and aligning bricks. S ource: Anti-Slavery International Development and Peace. 1999. “Debt Bondage: Slavery Around the Wor ld.” Photograph. June. Anti-Slavery International . Despite the extreme dangers these people are put in brick making is a form of slavery that it is not very lucrative. For about 1 00 rupees ($2), 1000 bricks can be bought, made by slaves who turn the mud into bricks Haulers, stackers, fire workers, unstackers, and transporters are paid an additional 200 rupees ($4). Essentially the bricks themselves cost little to nothing to make, a s the earth itself is used to create them. However, the fuel that burns in these kilns to make the bricks is the expensive part of the process (Bales 1999, 192). Since the kilns operate 24 hours a day, seven days a week,

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66 a large quantity of coal is used – several hundred tons – each month. In addition to the costs of fuel (additional 500 rupees or $10 per 100 0 bricks), the salary of the manager and brick making expenses such as water, rent, vehi cle maintenance, etc. (additional 900 rupees or $18), the total profit yields only 10 0 rupees or $2 (Bales 1999, 193). This small profit is what drives the highest volume of p eople to become enslaved in bonded labor. It is “sexual abuse in the workplace, subsi stence wages, increasing debt, the low profitability of kilns, religious and ethnic discri mination, police corruption, and unenforced laws [which] combine to create a trap of poverty an d, in the worst cases, debt bondage” (Bales 1999, 194). Unfortunately, since many of th ese factors are deteriorating, the outlook for these enslaved brick makers, as well as those in other forms of bonded labor is not optimistic. Poverty, high levels of unemplo yment, lack of education/literacy, vulnerability, religious discrimination, and human deception play a role in the enslavement of people into debt bondage in both Ind ia and Pakistan. Throughout the 1990s, attention to bonded labor was brought to light, particularly in South America. Environmental destruction has cr eated the necessary setting for slavery to flourish, especially within Brazil’s vas t Amazon rainforest (Bales 1999, 121). “People caught up and forced to carry out destructi on of forests live without electricity, running water, or communication with the outside wo rld” (Bales 1999, 122). Disruption to the natural environment creates certain such fac tors which help slavery grow. In this country, debt bondage is considered to be a tempora ry form of slavery because of the limited destruction and availability of certain env ironmental structures (Bales 1999, 122). In other words, because forests, jungles, and rainf orests can only be destroyed once, debt bondage cannot continue if these structures ar e not in place. In Brazil, bonded labor has established itself due to extreme poverty, high unemployment, human deception, environmental destru ction, and the demand for labor

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67 in rural areas (Miers 2003, 424 Ch. 24). Today, th e country suffers from the greatest economic disparity than any other place on Earth (B ales 1999, 124). Nearly 50,000 out of the 165 million people own almost everything esp ecially land; at the other end of the spectrum lie 4 million people whose lives revolve a round the favelas (slums) scattered throughout the major cities of the country. They s hare a mere three percent of the land, yet are the ones who become enslaved to work them ( Bales 1999, 124). More than 25 years ago in the state of Mato Grosso du Sol, “the cerrado was cleared to make way for eucalyptus” (Bales 1999, 12 2). The wood was piled into mounds and simply burned into charcoal. Today, the destruction of the forests has returned to the state and other Amazonian regions o f Brazil (including Minas Gerais and Bahia), this time yielding profits (Bales 1999, 122 ). Despite the official abolishment of the importation of slaves into the country in 1854 (as well as the international slave trade), internal slavery has never diminished (Bale s 1999, 123). In fact, Brazil became the last country in the Western Hemisphere to offic ially abolish slavery in 1888 (Bales 1999, 124). Due to the great demand for labor in the rural ar eas, contractors (known in Brazil as gatos ) drive into urban centers, such as Minas Gerais, a nd look for prospective workers, with promises of a lucrative career and ad vance pay (Bales 1999, 126). Once recruited, workers “[find] that they [are] charged for their transport, food, housing, and tools, and that the wages [are] too low to repay th eir debts” (Miers 2003, 424 Ch. 24). Human deception, lack of employment opportunities a nd the demand for labor has thus encouraged Brazilians to becoming enslaved. In add ition, their main sources of identity and freedom in the country [are] taken away: their state identity card and their labor card (Bales 1999, 128). Both are vital to Brazilia n life, as the former card proves citizenship and the latter serves as a key document for legal employment. Without either

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68 one, it is difficult for these people to reclaim th eir lives once they became slaves. “From this moment the worker is dead as a citizen and bor n as a slave” (Bales 1999, 128). Thus begins the cycle of enslavement known as debt bondage. Once the gatos recruit people, they are usually driven many miles into the mining regions, “to places they don’t know and [are] cut o ff from friends and family [so] they have no way to pay for the trip back to their own s tate” (Bales 1999, 128). Essentially, these charcoal camps (called batterias35) are in desolate areas where the slaves are at the mercy and will of the gatos Like those brutalized in the sexual exploitation industry, these workers become completely controlled, and vio lence is often employed. A prime difference in this particular type of slavery is th at the “ gatos and bosses don’t want to own these workers; [they] just want to squeeze as m uch work out of them as possible” (Bales 1999, 129). Those enslaved at the camps in Mato Gross du Sol are reported to have only been held in bonded labor from three mont hs to two years, but not much longer than that (Bales 1999, 129). There are several reasons for the short-term ensla vement of charcoal workers. First, the charcoal camps are only in existence for about two to three years in one location; thereafter, the forest and surrounding ar ea becomes depleted. Second, the workers themselves also become fatigued and even si ck from working in the hot temperatures of the charcoal ovens. It is easier f or the gatos to find “fresh” and healthy labor to replace the older ones. However, when the se slaves retire, “many [of them] never make it back to their homes in Minas Gerais” (Bales 1999, 129). Ironically, they linger around the surrounding areas of Mato Grosso, and are recruited back into the charcoal-making business in other camps. 35 These camps were called batterias (or batteria in singular form) due to the fact that the charcoal cam ps have “a batter of charcoal ovens ( fornos ).” Each batteria consisted of 20 to 100+ ovens, with 8 to 40 slaves (Bales 1999, 129).

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69 The camps themselves are extremely polluted and ve ry hazardous. Each charcoal oven is about seven feet high by ten feet wide, and sits four feet apart from the next one in a line of 20 to 30 ovens (Bales 1999, 1 30). Only a small opening of about four feet in the oven allows for the slave to enter to dispose of and burn the wood. The charcoal is created by burning the wood with little oxygen; the slave then has to completely and tightly pack in the wood into the ov en (Bale 1999, 130). Working fourteen-hour workdays, six days a week even at a temporary pace brings about enormous health risks (Miers 2003, 424 Ch. 24). “…Most will suffer from black lung disease…” apart from other respiratory di seases and fatigue (Bales 1999, 130). Moreover, given the extreme temperatures and heat involved, many become severely burned and some even die. What follows is a personal account of slavery expert, Kevin Bales, in a charcoal camp As soon as you enter the batteria the heat bears down. This part of Brazil is already hot and humid; take away any protecti on from the sun that the trees might offer and add the heat of thirt y ovens, and the result is a baking inferno. For the workers who have to climb i nside the stillburning ovens to empty charcoal the heat is unimaginab le. When I got inside an oven with a man shoveling charcoal, the pressu re of the heat had my head swimming in minutes, sweat drenched my clo thes and the floor of hot coals burned my feet through my heavy boo ts…All of the charcoal workers I met had hands, arms, and legs crisscrossed with ugly burn scars, some still swollen and festering (Bales 1999, 131). It should be mentioned that not all charcoal camps are run by deceitful gatos who are slaveholders. About 10 15 % of the charcoal camps are honest, and treat and pay their workers well (Bales 1999, 140). Yet, the gatos who work the charcoal camps are merely subcontractors that report to the multinatio nal companies that own the land (Bales 1999, 140). They only receive a portion of the profits of what the charcoal camp yields; therefore if production is slow, they will not receive full compensation. This can be both good and bad, because if the gatos do receive adequate compensation, they are happy; and if they do not receive adequate compensa tion they are more likely to withhold payment from the charcoal workers (slaves) to supplement the loss in wages.

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70 Unlike the brick making industry in Pakistan, char coal camps yield enormous profits. In a small batteria of 25 ovens and four workers, one month’s work can yield an initial profit of nearly 18, 750 reais (roughly $17 ,000). When the transportation costs of shipping the charcoal to smelters are included, 12, 000 reais are left. Once workers are paid (which is still little in comparison to the ov erall profit) – about 1200 reais total per month – and fed, the profits still remain high (Bal es 1999, 140). Constructing a batteria costs about 100 reais, with about 3,000 to 4,000 re ais going into production; but the costs themselves are earned back within a month of operating the camp. In about a year, this size camp can yield earnings of about 10 0,000 reais (or about $90,000) (Bales 1999, 140). In Brazil, people are not only enslaved in charcoa l camps, but also made to “cut down Amazon rain forests and harvest sugarcane. Th ey mine gold and precious stones or work as prostitutes. The rubber industry relies on slavery, as does cattle and timber. Indians are especially likely to be enslaved; but a ll poor Brazilians run the risk of bondage” (Bales 1999, 147-148). Poverty is crucial in sustaining or fostering slavery because of the lack of other viable options for inc ome. Brazil is a country which abounds with different forms of slavery. Human rig hts advocates, trade union leaders, lawyers, priests, and other involved members of soc iety have consistently fought against slavery and exploitation in the country, but are hi ghly susceptible to murder. In fact, eight such people fighting against slavery had thei r names put on a circulating “death list” in the town of Rio Maria (state of Par) seve ral years ago. Six of the eight are dead, and the town is now referred to as “the town of dea th foretold” (Bales 1999, 148). Extreme poverty, unemployment, human deception, en vironmental destruction, and the demand for labor in rural areas, have great ly contributed to this slavery.

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71 Debt Bondage and Sexual Exploitation As mentioned earlier, debt bondage can also includ e those in the sexual exploitation industry (Kempadoo 1998, 67). Sometim es, women who are tricked by traffickers for employment purposes, rack up an unk nown “debt” that later has to be repaid through the performance of sexual exploitati on. Traffickers charge these women for the costs of transportation, international and travel documents costs (e.g., passport and visa fees), “trafficking” costs (e.g., job find ing fee, broker or travel escort payment), and sometimes even room and board, medical insuranc e, and food. Little by little, the tab surmounts into a debt that will probably never be paid off, and that is beyond the actual costs incurred by traffickers (Farr 2005, 26 -27). In other words, traffickers exploit and take advantage of these women by keeping them i n a virtual cycle of bonded enslavement (and later, in one where sexual exploit ation occurs simultaneously). Widespread human deception contributes to women be coming bonded and sexually exploited as well because of the vulnerabi lity they face when looking for employment. Many Southeast Asian women trafficked to Japan, the United States, and Canada, are more apt to have “incurred” higher debt s. In a study of 171 Thai women, nearly 95% of them who had been trafficked to Japan had debts of over $24,000. In another study of Asian women trafficked to Japan as well, the average debt incurred was about $5,000; some even managed to amass debts clos e to $300,000 (Farr 2005, 27). It is for these reasons many of these women who are bonded into the sex industry never leave. Like the agricultural laborers in India and Pakistan, they are forever paying their debt with no end in sight. This type of debt bondage involving the sex industr y occurs similarly in other impoverished regions as well. Nigerian women traff icked to Western Europe incur debts as high as $50,000, as do other African women traff icked to Europe or within Africa (Farr

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72 2005, 28). This continues in a similar manner all around the world. Women trafficked into debt bondage often serve twenty or more client s a day. In the prostitution ring controlled by the Cadena family in Mexico, women se rved 25-30 men nightly; and Ukrainian women trafficked to Brussels, Belgium wer e also noted as having served up to 20 men per day. In the Tropicana (an active area o f prostitution) in Tel Aviv, Israel, women serve up to 15 men daily (Farr 2005, 36). Th is type of bondage seems not only to prolong slavery for these women, but forces them to repay fraudulent debts. Conclusion In general, bonded labor continues to be concentrat ed among the non-sexual sectors in the world today, but is progressively fo und tied to the trafficking of women and girls. India has the world’s highest number of bon ded laborers, while Pakistan’s slaves are on a reported decrease. Lack of education/lite racy as well as religious discrimination has played a major role in enslaving people into bo nded labor in both India and Pakistan. In Brazil’s rural areas, charcoal camps and bonded laborers remain hidden yet are becoming increasingly widespread. Brazil’s considerable volume of rainforests – many of which have yet to be explored – have create d a high demand for labor to work these regions and destroy the environment, and thus rendering vulnerability to enslavement. Today, children remain at high risk f or bonded labor worldwide because they are vulnerable (age), abundant and cheap sourc e of labor. Overall, these cases demonstrate that extreme poverty, high levels of un employment, and human deception are major that contribute to the enslavement of ind ividuals into debt bondage, and in some cases, the inclusion of sexual exploitation. The next chapter discusses the sex tourism industry, the final major form of slavery i n this research.

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73 CHAPTER FIVE THE SEX TOURISM INDUSTRY The sex tourism industry thrives in many countries, including the more popular and exotic destinations of the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Thailand, and Costa Rica. It even flourishes in the red-light districts of major cities, not only in Thailand and the Philippines, but also in Amsterdam, the Netherlands Women and children, and even boys in certain countries like Sri Lanka, serve as prostitutes in the sex tourism industry. Predators usually travel from wealthier countries, such as Western Europe, the United States, Canada, and Australia in order to engage in anonymous sexual relations, especially if they include children. Numerous political, socioeconomic, religious, and c ultural factors play a role in encouraging slavery. Poverty, high levels of unemp loyment, government corruption, a high demand for sex36, gender bias/discrimination (due to cultural and r eligious norms), and the increase of tourism, have all created the n ecessary environment for people to become enslaved within the sex tourism industry. W ith the sexual exploitation of children, poverty, corruption, a high demand of sex human deception, lack of legislative enforcement, gender bias/discrimination, vulnerabil ity, the threat of HIV/AIDS, sexual abuse, and family unemployment generally contribute to their enslavement around the world. 36 Note that the demand side of slavery is not discussed in this thesis. The demand for sex is solely illustrated as a factor that encourages the sex tourism in dustry, and will not be discussed in detail.

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74 This chapter examines the nature of the adult sex t ourism industry, and the countries it most commonly operates in. The child sex tourism industry – although constituting a separate form of child exploitation – is presented alongside that of the adult industry. Additionally, a section on the sex ual exploitation of children is also discussed due to the sexual nature. Sex tourism pr ovides yet another example of how children are easily targeted and sexually exploited around the world. Sex Tourism Defined Sex tourism can be defined as “trips organized from within the tourism sector, or from outside this sector but using its structures and ne tworks, with the primary purpose of effecting a commercial sexual relationship by the t ourist with residents at the destination” (World Tourism Organization 1995). Simply put, it involves traveling to a country to engage in sexual intercourse or some sort of sexual activity with prostitutes. Child sex tourism is defined as, “any person engaging in sexu al acts with children in any country other than his/her own” (Beddoe 1998, 43). Thousan ds of men (and rarely, women) travel yearly across oceans to engage in sex with b oth adults and children. A common misconception of the sex tourism industry is that i t involves only children. In fact, it involves female and male (to a lesser extent) adult s and children, although females comprise the majority of sex workers. Usually vict ims are prostituted within their own countries, but it is not uncommon for them to be tr afficked into other countries to serve that sex tourism industry (Farr 2005, 166). Due to the high demand nature of the industry, brothel owners generally do not have an e conomic interest in enslaving women by fraudulent means or through kidnapping. When so cioeconomic conditions are poor, women may sometimes seek to work in the industry du e to the high profits generated. Poverty and unemployment are significant factors fo r individuals becoming enslaved.

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75 The Sex Tourism Industry Population Despite the illegality of prostitution in many cou ntries around the world, thousands of women and children (as well as some bo ys) serve as sexual slaves (Bales 1999, 37). Children account for the 1.8 million vi ctims in the child sex tourism industry (Gerdes 2006, 50; Latin American and Caribbean Comm unity Center 2007). According to Kevin Bales, approximately 35,000 girls were ens laved in Thailand in 1999, making up a small proportion of the estimated 81, 384 prostit utes in Thailand (Bales 1999, 43). These conservative estimates pale in comparison to those made by the Center for the Protection of Children’s Rights, where it is estima ted that over two million children are currently working as prostitutes in Thailand alone (Bales 1999, 43). However, Bales himself deems the estimate too high due to the coun try’s population of only 60 million. Since the 1990s, thousands of women and children fr om around the world have been sold into the Thai sex industry (Miko 2003, 7). In Mexico, approximately 16,000 to 20,000 children are subjected to the industry, according to the international NGO, ECPAT (End Chil d Prostitution, Pornography, and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes) (Latin American and Caribbean Community Center 2007). In fact, Mexico now serves as a majo r sex tourism destination in Latin America. The growth of the sex tourism industry in many Sou theast Asian countries is a major contributing factor to the trafficking of peo ple because it supplies the industry locally and within other neighboring countries. In fact, “South Asia may be the second highest source [origin] region for trafficking vict ims …” (Troubnikoff 2003, 7). The surge of forced child prostitution lies in the increase o f tourism to the region. While it does not cause child prostitution, tourism acts as a means t hrough which access to children is made easier. According to EPCAT, “…twenty percent o f international travel is for sex

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76 purposes [and] three percent of travelers are pedop hiles” (Latin American and Caribbean Community Center 2007). The encouragemen t of such tourism only exacerbates already existing institutions that favo r sex tourism. Also, cultural factors, such as the low status of women or submissiveness, are reasons that foster the growth of the sex tourism industry, as well as the tie bet ween the trafficking of women and those serving as prostitutes in the sex tourism industry. This is a major problem in countries like Thailand, where women are inferior to men, and where religious factors intertwine themselves with deep-rooted cultural values. In to tal, the sex industry worldwide produces a reported $20 billion each year, of which $5 billion is attributed to child prostitution (Gerdes 2006, 50; Latin American and C aribbean Community Center 2007). In Thailand alone, the sex tourism industry is esti mated at nearly $4 billion annually (Flowers 1998, 166). Where Sex Tourism Exists Sex tourism, like other types of slavery, exists i n virtually every country in the world. Popular destinations for the industry inclu de developing countries such as Cuba, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Colombia, Brazi l, Honduras, Nicaragua, Thailand, and Sri Lanka (Farr 2005, 231). Among these, Thaila nd serves as an excellent example of a thriving sex tourism industry, especially amon g women. All sex tourism is not identified as slavery; rather, exploitation of the victims remains a key element to defining this form. Adult individuals may voluntarily prost itute themselves within the sex tourism industry. However, there is no general consensus a mong scholars and researchers that such individuals are considered to be enslaved vict ims. What follows is a discussion of the industry as exemplified in Thailand, and a brie f assessment of conditions in Cuba.

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77 Source: Barbara Kralis. 2006. “Child Sex Tourism.” July 21. Renew America . While most of Thailand has been fortunate to have a n abundant food supply and natural resources, its northern mountainous region has not been so lucky. Only one tenth of the land in this region can be used for ag ricultural purposes; however, what can be used is reportedly the most fertile in the count ry (Bales 1999, 37). Like many unequal societies in the world, those who have control of t he land are prosperous; the landless, in this case those in the mountainous region, are n ot. It is for this reason many of the people struggling to live on a daily basis, have be en forced to use their children as commodities (Bales 1999, 38). Inclement weather ca using a failed harvest, the death of a main source of income, or any debt acquired might lead to the sale of a child into slavery (Bales 1999, 38). This is especially preva lent in rural areas, where many young women and girls are recruited (Flowers 1998, 180). Impoverished conditions and lack of revenue/income create the susceptibility for female s to become enslaved.

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78 There are numerous reasons why female children are more likely to be sold than males, including religious factors. In Thai cultur e, females are viewed as subservient to men; an issue that also remains pressing in many re gions of the world, including Latin America, Africa, and Asia. In particular, within t he Buddhist practice in Thailand, it is said that females “cannot for example attain enligh tenment, which is the ultimate goal of the devout” (Bales 1999, 38). Within this religiou s doctrine, females are inferior to men in terms of existence, and carry with them the stig ma of sexual detachment. In other words, Thai Buddhists believe that sex is an attach ment only to the physical world (and thus, one of suffering and ignorance), and not into the next life. When sex does occur, it is to be done in an impersonal manner. This brings to light a reason why Thai females are often sold into the sex tourism industry by the ir parents and/or relatives. Second, Thai Buddhism “also carries a central mess age of acceptance and resignation in the face of life’s pain and sufferin g. The terrible things that happen to a person are, after all, of an individual’s own makin g, recompense for sins of this life or previous lives” (Bales 1999, 39). For some childre n and young women, this acceptance of life’s challenges includes forced prostitution i n the sex tourism industry. Thai children, especially girls, feel an obligation to their paren ts – not monetary, but of a universal and physical kind (Flowers 1998, 180). In other words, because of the sacrifice their parents have had to make in order to raise them, children o ften feel indebted to them. Culture plays a major role in countries like Thailand, wher e young women and children place heavy emphasis on loyalty, respect, and acceptance to their parents. In Thailand, sex is sold just about anywhere in it s available sex establishments, from barber shops, massage parlors, coffee shops, a nd bars, to restaurants, nightclubs, brothels, hotels, and even temples (Skrobanek et al 1997, 56-57; Bales 1999, 43). Most of these prostitutes begin voluntarily, although so me start out in debt bondage.

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79 Enslaved women generally serve the lowest of client ele, including laborers, students, and workers, who usually can afford 100 bahts or less. “For Thai men, buying a woman is much like buying a round of drinks. But the rea sons that such large numbers of Thai men use prostitutes are much more complicated and “ grow out of their culture, their history, and a rapidly changing economy” (Bales 199 9, 44). Cultural factors in Thailand (and Asia in general) are similar to other regions of the world, like Latin America, where women are embraced and viewed as sexual objects. During the 1960s, the government of Thailand activ ely encouraged the growth and development of the sex tourism industry in orde r to promote tourism and bring in revenue. Even though the encouragement of tourism based on sexual services was made illegal in 1960, the government passed a Servi ce Establishment law that made it legal for the “entertainment industry” to continue (Flowers 1998, 166; Bales 1999, 75). It was made explicit through this law that “women in e ntertainment were expected to provide ‘special services’ [or] in other words, sex ” (Bales 1999, 75). The surge of American soldiers to the region during the 1960s an d 1970s allowed the sex tourism industry to flourish and solidify (Bales 1999, 75). Government sponsorship and corruption of sex tourism has allowed for the solid ification of the industry, as well as its growth. Since then, the sex industry has grown in Thailand The country’s economic surge also included an increase in sex tourism, whi ch was supported by the government (Flowers 1998, 166). “A network of cozy relations between banks, airlines, tour operators, hotels, and bar and brothel owners and a gents, all of whom extract their profits from the bodies of pitifully underpaid vill age Thai female prostitutes” has created the necessary infrastructure for the industry to fl ourish (Flowers 1998, 166). Government corruption is rampant in the country, an d has only exacerbated sex tourism.

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80 Bribes, free sexual “services,” and remuneration fr om perpetrators to government officials have sustained this corrupt relationship. It is worth mentioning that in Sri Lanka, the major ity of those providing sexual services to tourists are young boys. They are refe rred to as “beach boys,” given that they “initiate [their] trade on those beaches frequ ented by tourists” (Beddoe 1998, 44). After Sri Lanka’s (formerly known as Ceylon) indepe ndence from Great Britain, tourism steadily increased. Eventually, the beach resort k nown as Hikkaduwa became synonymous with child sex tourism (Beddoe 1998, 45) The formal sector – once fishing – eventually became replaced by child prostitution. Thus, the sex tourism industry was born in Sri Lanka. Australia, along with Western Europe and North Ame rica, serve as primary sources of sex tourists to Asia, the Philippines, T hailand, South Korea, Sri Lanka, and Hong Kong (Miko 2003, 7). Most usually travel with organized sex tours from their home country, where “sex tour promoters feed the stereot ype that Asian women are submissive and have a strong desire to please men …” (Flowers 1998, 166). Nearly sixty percent of tourists traveling to Thailand vis it for sexual purposes (Parrot and Cummings 2006, 136). Many host countries of these sex tourists are beginning to enact legislation, making them accountable to crimes comm itted abroad. For instance, in Vancouver in 2005, Donald Bakker became the first C anadian ever convicted under Canada’s child sex tourism laws (CNW TELBEC 2007). Yet, prosecutors claimed this conviction to be erroneous. Still, this legislativ e enforcement serves as a positive step towards holding such people responsible. The demand for sex in many of these countries has “significantly contributed to trafficking of women and kids …” (Miko 2003, 9). Si nce Southeast Asia has toughened anti-sex tourism laws, particularly in Thailand, ma ny sex tourists are now traveling to

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81 Latin America, especially Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Mexico, and Trinidad and Tobago (Miko 200 3, 9; Survivor’s Rights International). In fact, Brazil has one of the wor st child prostitution problems in the world. These countries provide an oasis and tropic al retreat for tourists looking for cheap sex and anonymity (Beddoe 1998, 42-43; Flower s 1998, 166). A study conducted by UNICEF in 1997 found that som e retirees from the United States and Europe have settled in Central America, taking full advantage of the abundant child sex services that reside there (Lati n American and Caribbean Community Center 2007). Sex tourism has steadily been increa sing; and wherever it is growing, so is the demand for child prostitutes (Farr 2005, 231 ). Cuba is another example where prostitution was onc e “one of the mainstays of the Mafia-controlled gambling and tourist industry” (Flowers 1998, 170). Although Fidel Castro abolished organized prostitution and closed brothels in the capital city of Havana in exchange for employment opportunities to ex-pros titutes post-1959, the country has experienced a renewed wave of prostitution (Flowers 1998, 170). This upsurge derived mainly from the socioeconomic strains Cuba was faci ng. Today, everyday women – teachers, translators, and even those with universi ty educations – look to prostitution as a source of additional income. Many women work dur ing the weekends as jineteras37, and then return to the normalcy of their life durin g the week (Flowers 1998, 170). These women claim they are not prostitutes; rather they e arn extra income due to the shortage their regular salary provides them. For example, a doctor in Cuba makes about $3 a month; a prostitute earns as much as $50 in just on e night (Flowers 1998, 170). This alternative source of employment has proven lucrati ve and beneficial to such women that serve men from countries like Mexico, Germany, Spain, the United States, Italy, and 37 This is what a prostitute is called in Cuba.

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82 Canada (Flowers 1998, 170). A lack of employment o pportunities or viable sources of income has pushed women into exploiting themselves (voluntarily or not). Although certain definitions of slavery might not consider t hese women enslaved, other scholars and researchers view them as being sexually exploit ed because of the lack of alternative sources of employment. This divergent case is disc ussed to illuminate how sex tourism operates differently around the world. Overall, poverty, unemployment, government corrupt ion, a high demand for sex, cultural and religious discrimination and deep-root ed values, and the increase of tourism, have allowed people to become enslaved in the sex t ourism industry. While similar factors play a role in the growth of this slavery w orldwide, there exist particular factors that help to explain sex tourism in each country or region, as demonstrated through culture and Buddhist religion in Thailand. The Sexual Exploitation of Children Apart from women, children remain the most vulnerab le segment. Not only are they susceptible to socioeconomic conditions and va ried forces within society, but they remain at the mercy of their parents and/or caretak ers who could sell them at moment’s notice for extra income. In addition, depending on cultural, religious, and societal norms, children became easy targets within the industry. The commercial sexual exploitation of children includes, but is not limited to, pornograp hy, prostitution, sex rings, sex tourism industry, nude dancing or modeling, and sexual expl oitation of child domestic servants (Campagna and Poffenberger 1988, 5; Beddoe1998, 42) An estimated 1.2 million children are trafficked yearly from their homes to other countries for prostitution or other labor (Farr 2005, 231).

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83 In general, poverty, corruption, a high demand for sex, human deception, lack of legislative enforcement, gender bias/discrimination vulnerability the threat of HIV/AIDS, sexual abuse in the home, and family unemployment c ontribute to the sexual exploitation of children around the world. What fo llows is a brief discussion of the different forms the commercial sexual exploitation of children can take. Child prostitution “involves offering the sexual s ervices of a child or inducing a child to perform sexual acts for any form of compen sation, financial or otherwise” (Gerdes 2006, 49). It is not the same as child sex ual abuse, including incest or molestation, because it involves commercial exploit ation. Children are forced against their will and do not have a say in how they are to be treated. Worldwide, both boys and girls are prostituted, some as young as six years o ld. Social, cultural, economic, and religious factors contribute to child prostitutes, apart from existing gender bias, discrimination, ignorance, and poverty (Gerdes 2006 49). Today, estimates of child prostitutes are thought to be as high as a staggeri ng 10 million worldwide (Gerdes 2006, 49). Root causes of child exploitation, especially in L atin America, largely reflect the fact that the majority are used to provide income f or their families (Coffey 2004, 21; Miers 2003, 428 Ch. 24). In fact, “a significant n umber of kids sexually exploited for commercial gain remain living with family while the y are prostitutes” (Coffey 2004, 21). For instance, in El Salvador, 57% of child prostitu tes lived with their parents or other relatives while contributing to their family’s main source of revenue (Coffey 2004, 21). Furthermore, poverty serves as a driving force for child prostitution, especially in Nepal (Gerdes 2006, 50). “Poverty and the profitability of prostitution are main factors that sustain this industry” (Gerdes 2006, 50). Family u nemployment creates this vulnerability for children, as they are forced to work outside th e home in order to generate income.

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84 An additional factor that contributes to the comme rcial sexual exploitation of children is the fact that a significant number have experienced sexual abuse in their homes (Coffey 2004, 21). “Poor economic conditions drug and alcohol abuse, and the low status of women [females]” are certainly major factors related to child sexual exploitation, as are the false promises of employme nt (usually domestic work) and deception (Awake 2003, 4; Coffey 2004, 21). Childh ood sexual abuse has been found to be highly correlated to child prostitution in th e United States, as well as in Nigeria (Gerdes 2006, 50). Children might leave their home s in order to escape the abuse, thereby creating greater susceptibility to human de ception and illicit/exploitative employment schemes. Brazil’s former President Fernando Henrique Cardos o once stated that, “child prostitution is a barbarous crime” (Awake 2003, 4). Indeed, not many other forms of exploitation can surpass this despicable one. Due to rising sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS, many customers willingly pay higher prices to have sex with children and/or virgins, on the false premise that they will not contract the disease(s) (Awake 2003, 5; Gerdes 2006, 49). They believe tha t they will not become infected given their age or “purity.” This false security h as led to children being targeted. According to Luza Nagib Eluf of Brazil’s Ministry of Justice, “sexual exploitation of girls and teenagers is the most serious social p roblem among poor women in Brazil” (Awake 2003, 6). During the 1990s, girls between 1 0 and 14 years of age could earn enough money to sustain their families (Miers 2003, 428 Ch. 24). Children between this age group also make up approximately two million of the prostitutes plaguing Brazil (Farr 2005, 231). Outside of the metropolitan areas, chi ldren also become targets for traffickers. In the mining regions of Brazil, girl s as young as nine years are trafficked from the cities and displayed in “virginity auction s,” where they are sold to the highest

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85 bidders (Farr 2005, 232). A NGO dedicated to helpi ng homeless children and children at social risk, Casa Alianza, estimates that between 3 5,000 and 50,000 children are forced into prostitution in the Central American region al one (Latin American and Caribbean Community Center 2007). Sexual exploitation of children is pervasive in ot her regions and countries as well. In China, at least 250,000 children serve as prosti tutes; 100,000 children in India’s chief cities; and the majority of those in Bangladesh are well under 18 years of age (Farr 2005, 231). Despite child prostitution and traffic king of females remaining illegal in India, child prostitution is rampant, with a minimum of “4 00,000 underage prostitutes believed to be actively involved in [India’s] sex bazaar” (F lowers 1998, 179). Ninety percent of these child prostitutes also serve as indentured se x slaves (Flowers 1998, 179). India illuminates how police and government corruption, i n conjunction with organized crime, makes evading the law a real possibility (Flowers 1 998, 179). An overall lack of legislative enforcement seems to be the key to enco urage the growth of the exploitation of children worldwide. Asia, a region well-known for its sex industry, al so exploits children. According to EPCAT, during the late 1990s over one million child ren in this region provided sexual services to adults, including 60,000 to 100,000 in the Philippines, 60,000 in Taiwan, 40,000 each in Vietnam, Indonesia, and Pakistan, an d 30,000 in Sri Lanka (Farr 2005, 231). In these five countries alone (and taking th e lower estimate for the Philippines), almost 270,000 children have been exploited. In As ia, “an estimated one million children in the sex trade are held in conditions that are in distinguishable from slavery” (Gerdes 2006, 50). A major reason why boys 13 years and older turn to prostitution is for “the hope of being adopted by foreigners and being taken abro ad by them” (Beddoe 1998, 47).

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86 This situation is not uncommon for other young pros titutes in parts of Brazil (and all around the world) that enter the industry in hopes of meeting a wealthy European to whisk them away to a better life. Unlike neighbori ng Thailand or the Philippines, Sri Lanka does not have a “red light” district (Beddoe 1998, 48). Government figures as of 1992, estimated 30,000 prostitutes under the age of eighteen; boys account for seventyfive percent of this figure (Beddoe 1998, 48). Des pite increased media attention to this serious and disturbing problem, Sri Lanka has done little to reform its legislative process. The exploitation of children is a heinous crime th at remains in high demand worldwide. With misconceptions about disease and v irginity, many men flock thousands of miles to procure sex with children. “The intern ational trafficking in children for CSE [commercial sexual exploitation] involves torture, the purchase and sale of children, unlawful incarceration of children so that others m ay profit, the premeditated rape and mutilation of minors, and, not infrequently, the de ath of the underage victims” (Campagna and Poffenberger 1988, 144). Even with t he ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) by all countries,38 child exploitation continues. The rise and continuous threat of disea se, violence, poverty, drug and alcohol abuse, and ailing economies continue to pre sent favorable factors for child exploitation (Flowers 1998, 182-184). In short, ch ild prostitution constitutes a form of slavery that exposes the most vulnerable population – children – who are exploited without the necessary protection from their country ’s government. A lack of legislative and law enforcement – both at the national and inte rnational levels – offsets this vulnerability. The open susceptibility provides th e impetus for other significant factors, such as poverty, corruption, human deception, high levels of unemployment, and gender bias/discrimination, to flourish and contribute to the growth enslaved people. 38 With the exception of the United States and Somalia (Gerdes 2006, 51).

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87 Conclusion Thailand sheds light on how vast, lucrative, and e xpansive the sex tourism industry is among adults and children. The governm ents of Brazil, the Philippines, and countless other countries rely on this sector in or der to maintain or improve their economies. In fact, the sex tourism industry is su ch an integral part of many countries’ infrastructures that without it, the poor people wo uld probably falter (Flowers 1998, 171). The growth of tourism and ease of travel have only given perpetrators easier access to countries where sex industries thrive, where servic es are cheap, and where there exists an abundance of women and children. Poverty, high levels of unemployment, corruption, cultural factors (e.g., gender bias and discrimination and/or low status of women), and in some countries like Thailand, religi on, contribute to the growth of the sex tourism industry. Women looking for supplemental i ncome to add to their normal salaries also engage in the industry, such as in Cu ba. Since the 1960s, government encouragement of tourism to Thailand (and later to the Philippines) for purpose of sexual services has only solidified the sex tourism indust ry. On the other hand, government corruption, the high demand for sex, and the lack o f legislative enforcement, has exacerbated efforts to diminish sex tourism around the world. The sexual exploitation of children also renders itself to various forms of sl avery, particularly the sex tourism industry and child prostitution. These cases demon strate how these factors have continuously played a role across countries in ensl aving people. The next chapter discusses other types of slavery, including organ t rafficking, the exploitation of children for forced labor, cult slavery, and illegal adoptio n.

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88 CHAPTER SIX OTHER TYPES OF SLAVERY There exist numerous other types of slavery apart from human trafficking, debt bondage, and the sex tourism industry. These inclu de organ trafficking, the exploitation of children for forced labor, including the use of child soldiers, cult slavery, and illegal adoption. Poverty, high levels of unemployment, go vernment corruption (including unequal development), and lack of legislative enfor cement have contributed to the trafficking of organs. With the exploitation of ch ildren for forced labor, poverty, lack of legislative enforcement and unemployment opportunit ies also play a role in enslaving children. In addition, gender bias/discrimination, human deception, the high demand for labor, and vulnerability, have contributed to the g rowth of the exploitation of children for forced labor. Cult slavery comprises a unique form in that religious and cultural factors play a major role in enslaving young women and girl s. Finally, the high profits generated, the vulnerability and demand of young ch ildren (especially infants), and the rather quick process (as compared to a legal adopti on process) further encourages this form of slavery. What follows is a brief discussio n of these four types of slavery, none of which are listed in any particular order of importa nce. It should also be restated that they are no less important than the three forms discusse d earlier. Other types are presented to illuminate the fact that slavery exists in diffe rent facets across the world.

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89 Organ Trafficking Organ trafficking involves the removal, transfer, and trafficking of a bodily organ. It occurs worldwide, but is a large problem in coun tries where extreme poverty, unemployment, unequal development, and government c orruption exist. Moldova embodies the perfect breeding ground for the traffi cking of organs to occur, where the registered daily income of 80% of the population li es below one dollar a day, and where total unemployment reaches nearly one hundred perce nt ( The Tiraspol Times 2007). In fact “every 6 minutes, a human organ is being remov ed from a Moldovan and sold” (Ryan 2007). The Tiraspol Times reports that in South Moldova, there are villages where “… almost all the inhabitants sold organs in o rder to escape the extreme poverty they live in…” (Ryan 2007). The commercial traffick ing of these organs has continued thanks in large part to the compliance and involvem ent of government officials as well as the ease in which organ can be transported across b orders. Oftentimes, a blind eye is turned to this exploding problem plaguing the count ry. Due to the high rate of unemployment and existing socioeconomic conditions, “more people are leaving Moldova than anywhere else and faster than anywhere else” in the world (on a per capita basis) (Ryan 2007). Photo: Hernani Gomes da Silva, a 32-year old man in Recife, Brazil, was unemployed with no money, no skills, and a criminal record. Apart from this, he was st ill living in his mother’s two-room house, has three kids, a wife who detests him, and a mistress 20-years older than him. He sold his kidney for $5,500 because of the destitute conditions he was living in. Sou rce: Abraham McLaughlin, Ilene R. Prusher, and Andrew Downie. 2004. “What is a Kidney Worth?” Jun e 9. Boston, MA: Christian Science Monitor. .

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90 Sadly, the Philippines also parallel Moldova in th is respect. In fact, organ trafficking is one of the fastest growing illicit i ndustries in the country (Cullen 2007). For Filipinos, poverty creates the most vulnerability w here people are “forced by hunger to sell their body organs” (Cullen 2007). The poores t go to extreme measures after they have pawned everything valuable they own by selling their organs. In a study conducted by the University of the Philippines, an estimated 3000 people in one slum area of central Manila sold their kidneys for $1,440 to $2, 460 (Cullen 2007). Even when they do sell them and receive compensation, many individual s become so weak and emaciated that they die within months of removing their organ s. Continued medical care is usually too expensive and out of reach for many of Filipino s, and without proper medical treatment, they are at greater risk for infection. Even with the Philippines’ AntiTrafficking of Persons Act (R.A. 9208) which makes it a criminal offense “to arrange the sale or removal of a person’s organ by abduction, d eceit, fraud, or force of any kind,” little has been done to enforce this measure. The lack of legislative enforcement remains a major problem in effectively curtailing t he growth of slavery. “The availability and willingness of the poor to sell their organs is indicative of the depth of poverty [in the Philippines]” (Cullen 2007). Moldova and the Phili ppines serve to demonstrate just two examples (and two countries out of more than two hu ndred in the world) of the ongoing and increasing trade of organ trafficking. Exploitation of Children for Forced Labor Forced labor among children presents yet another f orm of serious exploitation. This worldwide occurrence is especially pervasive i n agricultural regions. Forced labor occurs in a variety of sectors, including but not l imited to labor, domestic servitude, agriculture, camel jockeying, carpet-making, and co al mining. To note, family labor is

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91 usually expected and/or acceptable so long as the c hildren are not deprived of their education or childhood. Labor only becomes exploit ative when they are deprived of these things (Miers 2003, 425 Ch. 24). The demand for child labor is significant, as children are cheap, vulnerable, and abundant. Gend er bias/discrimination is not uncommon in Africa, Latin America, and Asia; human deception, poverty, and unemployment remain widespread in these regions. Kevin Bales estimates that of all the countries in the world, India houses the most slaves at 20 million39 (Bales 2005, 184). Child advocates estimate that as many as 60 million children under the age of 14 are employe d, and working under harsh and brutal conditions ( St. Petersburg Times 2007, “New Law, but Problems Remain for India’s Kids”). The Indian government reports a co nservative 12 million children. There continues to exist no ban on child labor. In Octob er of 2006, the country made some strides in preventing child labor for those under t he age of 14 in hotels and restaurants, and as domestic servants ( St. Petersburg Times 2007, “New Law, but Problems Remain for India’s Kids”). Five months later, little has been done to enforce this law or to protect the children. Despite the existence of legislation against slavery, lack of enforcement has greatly undermined efforts to curtail it. In India, a strong demand exists for children for labor, particularly girls. Like the poor families who sell their children to sex traffi ckers, many Indian villagers in similar circumstances sell their children to “middlemen” wh o falsely promise them a better life. Human deception is widespread, and alongside povert y, creates a breeding ground for this desperation. Unfortunately, officials with In dia’s Ministry of Labor and Employment complacently state that “it would take time before effects of the law are evident …” ( St. Petersburg Times 2007, “New Law, but Problems Remain for India’s Ki ds”). 39 This figure was averaged from the low-estimate of slaves, 18 million, with the high-estimate of slaves, 22 million.

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92 As late as 2000, children in Tanzania worked in th e mines distributing tools to workers 300 meters below the ground. Some labor en dlessly for up to 18 hours a day, and “… suffer from intense heat, graphite dust, and poor nutrition for at most $1.20 a day” (Miers 2003, 426 Ch. 24). These children face extremely hazardous conditions and oftentimes, medical ones as well. Child laborers i n West Africa abound, with children being transported from Benin, Mali, Guinea, Senegal and Togo. Many of them are lured by prospective employment into the domestic or plan tation service area (Miers 2003, 427 Ch. 24). In Benin and Togo, the trafficking of children for labor remains significant, as well as in Botswana, Zaire [the Congo], Somalia, Ethiopia, Zambia, Nigeria, and Algeria (Troubnikoff 2003, 9). The high demand of labor and the use of children for labor, as well as human deception, serve as catalys ts for the enslavement of children. A central factor for the trafficking of children f or labor is poverty (Masika 2002, 38). Africa is without a doubt a breeding ground f or such slavery given the vast level of poverty that exists throughout the continent. Chil dren face daily reminders of the poor socioeconomic conditions in which they live in, mak ing them especially susceptible to becoming enslaved or to accepting employment in whi ch forced labor may be involved. “Realities of what migrant or trafficked children h ave to face along routes and once they reach their destination are not widely known [in Af rica] …” (Masika 2002, 38). However, what is known is that the majority of children traf ficked are girls (Masika 2002, 38). In West Africa, children, many younger than 12 yea rs, are in constant transport between countries at a very disturbing rate due to the ease and fluidity in which they can travel. While some are trafficked for sexual purpo ses, most of these children from this region are forced into labor. Girls usually serve as paid or unpaid domestic servants or street vendors. In some lucky instances, trafficke rs remit at least a portion or all of the child’s money back to the parents (Masika 2002, 39) Also in this region, cross-border

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93 trafficking included placing children with other re latives to live and work, which eventually became exploitative (Masika 2002, 39). Even human deception occurs within families, as they are generally the most trustworthy people a nd can easily lure children. During the 1990s, child labor was in high demand i n the affluent areas of Africa, including Gabon, southwest Nigeria, and southern C te d’Ivoire (Masika 2002, 39). In the metropolitan regions, girls are in greater dema nd than boys, particularly because they are sought after for domestic help by women. In addition, strong gender biases and discrimination has helped increase the demand for f emale children in the region because of the nature of the work (Masika 2002, 41). Child soldiers represent another category of slave ry since they are involved in armed conflict. But due to time restraints, this f orm of slavery will be discussed briefly within forced labor. Child soldiers are recruited worldwide during times of armed conflict and political instability, especially in Africa and in several Latin American nations, including Colombia (Kapstein 2006, 106). Children under the age of 18 years are conscripted into the militia, and made to carry wea pons and use violence. In the Congo (formerly, Zaire), children are recruited and spend months if not years fighting on the front lines. Oftentimes, this form of exploitation includes sexual slavery, rape, and abuse at the hands of the warlords. One victim, Madelein e, was recruited into the militia in the Congo, where she spent two years fighting, along wi th experiencing sexual abuse ( St. Petersburg Times 2007, “Girls Outline Violence, Injustice before U. N. Audience”). Political instability poses a threat to a country b ecause it not only threatens the security and safety of the people, but also destabilizes law and order. Life becomes chaotic, and in this case, children are taken hostage as child s oldiers to fight internal armed conflicts. While Africa faces the greatest danger in terms of the number of child soldiers, relatively little is known about trafficking of children for s uch purposes (Kapstein 2006, 105-106).

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94 Photo: Child soldiers in Colombia. Up to 20,000 chil dren in Colombia (above) -and 300,000 children worldwide -have been coerced into serving in militia s, providing an endless supply of cheap and disposable soldiers, which prevents peace-making in many countries, sa ys Cornell sociologist Charles Geisler and graduate student Niousha Roshani. Source: Susan S. La ng. 2006. “Child soldiers coerced into military conflicts are barrier to peace process, two Cornell resea rchers assert.” June 9. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Chronicle Online. . Photo: Child soldiers in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone plunged into a decade of civil war starting in the ear ly 1990s -and many of the soldiers were children. Many were forced to take up arms when their villages were overrun; making children kill their own families w as a favorite militia tactic. Source: BBC. “Child Soldiers.” In pictures: Sierra Leone’s civil war. Unite d Kingdom: BBC. .

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95 Cult Slavery Cult (or ritual) slavery is defined as “a person, usually a young girl, [who is] dedicated to a god or goddess…” (Miers 2003, 436 Ch. 24). Although it appears to be an ancient practice, it still exists in cultures ex hibiting an ardent belief in religious icons, such as India (Masika 2002, 11; Bales 2004, 18). I n addition, cult slavery occurs in countries like Ghana, where cultural factors play a role in enslaving young women and girls. Within the Devadasi system in certain areas of India, young girls are sacrificed by their families to a deity or temple. Essentially, they become bound to work in the temple, sacrificing themselves and their dignity in the nam e of a god. In addition, future children born to these young girls also become a part of the Devadasi system, thus rendering hereditary bondage (Miers 2003, 436 Ch. 24). The t emple serves as a brothel, where girls serve men; in other instances, girls are sold directly to pimps. The international NGO, Anti-Slavery Society, estimated in 1995 that “ some ten thousand kids are dedicated annually” to these gods in India (Miers 2 003, 436 Ch. 24). However, evidence is very difficult to obtain. The government of Ind ia has made this practice illegal since the late 1970s, enacted legislation, and even claim s to have rehabilitated victims (Miers 2003, 436 Ch. 24). In India, religion is the prima ry factor for the enslavement of girls in this type of slavery. Eastward in Southeast Ghana among the Ewe people, virgin girls are also dedicated to temples, not for sacrificial purposes like in India, but for crimes committed by relatives. Girls some as young as nine years old are sent to these temples for instance, when their grandmother steals a pair of e arrings. This cultural practice, known as Trokosi enslaves girls into agricultural and domestic lab or. Some are eventually allowed to marry, while others remain enslaved for the rest of their lives. Furthermore,

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96 many of these young girls are also forced to serve the priest (sexually), and if they become pregnant, their children are born into this system of bondage. Fortunately, Ghana outlawed this practice in 1998; two years lat er, there have been no accusations against any priests (Miers 2003, 436 Ch. 24; Gerdes 2006, 50). Illegal Adoption Another crime involving children, many of them ver y young, includes illegal adoption. Vulnerability, the high profits generate d, and the relatively short adoption process (as compared to legal adoption processes) m ake children very susceptible to this enslavement. In particular, their young and t ender age, as well as their defenseless nature creates this vulnerability. It is not just the illegal process that makes it slavery, but the fact that many children are abducted and ki dnapped, and then trafficked from their home countries to others. Usually, childless couples unwilling to go through the regular (legal) and lengthy adoption process choose to shop the black market. The United States is a major destination country for ch ildren trafficked for purposes of illegal adoption. Not surprisingly, Mexico reigns in as th e largest origin country, making the border – albeit tightening – easier for traffickers to transport Mexican children into the United States for sale (Troubnikoff 2003, 10). Als o, some parents and even relatives sell their children not just for profit, but for the na ve hopes of offering them a better and more prosperous future; many never see their childr en again. Human deception arises when perpetrators promise parents a good life for t heir children. Although largely underground, the illegal adoption of children is be coming increasingly widespread given the large profits generated form selling children, especially infants (Altink 1995, 7).

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97 Conclusion These additional forms of slavery provide a genera l idea as to the kind of exploitation people face worldwide. They offer a m ere glimpse into the underground world of global slavery, and do not even include ot her more perverse forms of exploitation. Poverty, high levels of unemployment government corruption, lack of legislative enforcement, and extreme vulnerability are central factors contributing to people selling their organs, trafficking and sellin g children illegally, and for children becoming exploited, whether in Sri Lanka, Nepal, Mo ldova, the Philippines, or Africa. Individuals with little to no income particularly in Moldova and the Philippines face a greater risk to having their organs trafficked due to the high level of unequal development and corruption that may exist in a coun try. Children are especially vulnerable to sexual and labor exploitation due to cultural and religious factors, gender bias and discrimination, human deception, a high de mand for labor, and the ease by which they are targeted. Cult slavery is unique to certain countries of the world, such as India and Ghana, in that religious or cultural play a significant role in women and girls becoming enslaved. These examples demonstrate how similar factors contribute to the growth of slavery in different countries and region s of the world, and the propensity poverty and unemployment have in pushing people tow ards alternative means of survival. Cult slavery remains unique because it i s not pervasive across countries. The determination to live in a brutal world has thus op ened opportunities for people to become enslaved. The next chapter discusses the data and methodolog y of the thesis, including the dependent and independent variables, and how each v ariable was coded.

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98 CHAPTER SEVEN DATA AND METHODOLOGY As discussed in the previous chapters, there are a number of economic, social, and political factors that contribute to the existe nce of slavery within a country or region. Specifically, lack of human development, lack of em ployment opportunities, poverty, government corruption, lack of compliance with the anti-trafficking act, and political instability contribute to an environment that leave s certain elements of the population more vulnerable to slavery. These factors are esse ntial to all types of slavery analyzed here. Due to a general lack of data on the subject, only limited empirical analyses have been conducted. One notable exception is the exten sive research and data compiled by Kevin Bales on slavery estimates for each country – including a low and high range of slavery – which he provides for 105 countries. Des pite this advance within the field of slavery, Bales’ regression results are not identifi ed by all scholars as being significant factors to the growth of slavery. This research bu ilds on that of Kevin Bales by providing a more rigorous analysis of the conditions that fos ter global slavery. OLS regression analysis is utilized in a cross-nat ional model in order to discover which factors created the most hospitable environme nt to the enslavement of people all

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99 around the world.40 The analysis examines the relationship between th e average number of estimated slaves in a given country and s ix independent variables: a human development index, unemployment, poverty, corruptio n, compliance with the antitrafficking act, and political instability. It sho uld also be made clear that although different types of slavery are discussed in the the sis to illuminate how similar factors play a role in encouraging the growth of slavery, these various types are not differentiated within the statistical analysis. Rather, slavery i s discussed as a general category within the analysis, and all types of slavery are grouped together. Some factors may be more or less important for explaining certain types of s lavery – something that is discussed within the chapters on the various types of slavery (Chapters 3 to 6). A lack of accurate and comprehensive data prevents the author from looking at each type of slavery individually; but it is possib le to use estimates of the average number of slaves in each country. Still, these fig ures are not exact, but are the best representative data available to researchers. Data in this investigation is derived from numerou s sources, including the CIA World Factbook, the United States Department of Sta te’s Trafficking in Persons Report 2002 Transparency International (Corruptions Perceptio ns Index), the Human Development Report 2000 (United Nations Development Programme), and Kevin Bales’ Understanding Global Slavery (2005). What follows is a detailed explanation of how the dependent and independent variables were created and coded. 40 This research is based on a data set of 181 countries. It was not possible to include some countries in the analysis because of a lack of data.

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100 Dependent Variable The average number of slaves in each country inclu ded in the dataset serves as the dependent variable for this research on global slavery. To clarify, slavery is measured by the number of indigenous people enslave d within a country. For example, the slavery figure of Nepal reflects the number of Nepalese people enslaved in that country. Also, population figures for each country are not controlled, although calibrating the slavery figures to population might prove to be useful, insightful, and beneficial for future research. Average Number of Slaves (“ALLSLAVES”) The average number of slaves results from averaging the low estimate number of slaves and the high estimate number of slaves, to p roduce the estimated average number of slaves in each country for the year 2002. It is derived from Appendix 2 “Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slaver y and Trafficking (Including Ranges of Estimated Number of Slaves),” on pages 183 to 18 6, in Kevin Bales’ book Understanding Global Slavery (2005). The estimates produced for slavery in eac h country were generated from numerous sources includ ing research, travel, and the work of Kevin Bales. In addition, these slavery figures were originally printed in a journal article in 2002, and represent the best possible es timates of the slave trade today. The number of slaves per country range from 50 to 20 mi llion in this model. Independent Variables The following five independent variables are used to analyze the causes of slavery across countries in the analysis: a human development index, unemployment, poverty, corruption, compliance with the anti-traff icking act, and political instability.

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101 Human Development (“HDI2000”) The human development index (HDI) is based on three indicators: longevity, as measured by life expectancy at birth; educational a ttainment, as measured by a combination of adult literacy (two-thirds weight) a nd the combined gross primary, secondary and tertiary enrolment ratio (one-third w eight); and standard of living, as measured by real GDP per capita (PPP$) (http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2000/en/pdf/hdr _2000_back3.pdf ). It is derived from the table “Human development index trends: human d evelopment index,” of the United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development R eport 2000. It ranges on a scale from zero to one, where zero represents a low HDI and one represents a high HDI. The higher a country’s HDI, the higher their overal l well-being as per the three indicators mentioned. Human development figures for 2000 were not made available for 33 countries, and the most recent data was used. Note that 2004 figures for 28 of these countries were used due to the unavailability of ea rlier data. A list of this information is provided in the Appendix A: Codebook. Unemployment (“UNEMP”) The level of unemployment is defined as the percent of the labor force that is without a job. It is derived from the table “Unemp loyment” found in the CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002. It ranges on a s cale from 0 to 100 percent, where 0 indicates no unemployment, and 100 indicates comple te unemployment within a given country. Unemployment percentages for 2001 were no t made available for 56 countries, and the most recent data (not occurring after 2002) was used. A list of this information is provided in the Appendix A: Codebook.

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102 Poverty (“POVERTY”) The level of poverty is defined as the percent of t he population below the poverty line, and is derived from the table “Field Listing – Population below poverty line,” from the CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002. It ranges from 0 to 100 percent, where 0 indicates no poverty, and 100 indicates com plete poverty within a given country. Poverty percentages for 2001 were not made availabl e for 58 countries, and the most recent data (not occurring after 2002) was used. A list of this information is provided in the Appendix A: Codebook. Corruption (“CORRUPT”) Corruption is defined as the degree of corruption a s evaluated by business people, academics, and risk analysts, and is derive d from Transparency International’s Corruptions Perceptions Index (CPI) 2001. It range s on a scale from zero to ten, where zero represents a highly clean government, and ten represents a highly corrupt government. Therefore, the higher the value, the m ore corrupt a government is. Please see the note on the Bangladesh score in Appendix A: Codebook. Compliance with the Anti-Trafficking Act (“TIPACT02”) This variable measures the compliance of countries with the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 .41 It is derived from the introduction of the U.S. D epartment of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report 2002, released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, 5 June 2002. This v ariable consists of a three-level tier system in which countries are categorized based on their compliance with the minimum 41 This Act was later amended to the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA ) of 2005 For the purpose of clarity and simplicity, it will re main as the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 in this thesis, and will be referred to as such or its acronym TVPA of 2000

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103 standards of this Act It ranges on a scale from one to three, where on e represents “Tier 1” countries (full compliance), two represents “Tie r 2” countries (partial compliance), and three represents “Tier 3” countries (no compliance) Missing or non-reported countries were coded as missing. The list of countries under each tier comes from the U.S. Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report 2002, released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, 5 June 2 002. Specifically, each tier is defined as: Tier 1: Countries that fully comply with the [TVPA of 2000] Act’s minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. Such governments criminalize and have successfully prosecuted trafficking, and h ave provided a wide range of protective services to victims. Vi ctims are not jailed or otherwise punished solely as a result of bein g trafficked, and they are not summarily returned to a country where th ey may face hardship as a result of being trafficked. In addition, these governments sponsor or coordinate prevention campaigns aimed at stem ming the flow of trafficking. Tier 2: Countries that do not yet fully comply with the [TVPA of 2000] Act’s minimum standards but are making significant efforts to bring themselves into compliance with those standards. Some ar e strong in the prosecution of traffickers, but provide little or no assistance to victims. Others work to assist victims and punish traffickers, bu t have not yet taken any significant steps to prevent trafficking Some governments are only beginning to address trafficking, bu t nonetheless have already taken significant steps towards the eradica tion of trafficking. Tier 3: Countries that do not fully comply with the minimum standards [of the TVPA of 2000] and are not making significant e fforts to bring themselves into compliance. Some of these governments re fuse to acknowledge the trafficking problem within their territ ory. On a more positive note, several other governments in this category are beginning to take concrete steps to combat trafficking. While these steps do not yet reach the appropriate level of significance, many of these governments are on the path to placement on Tier 2. Although the compliance with the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 incorporates a legal framework adopted at the international leve l, this variable specifically aims to highlight the importance of legislative enforcement has in deterring the growth of slavery. Political Instability (“POLSTAB”) The political stability/lack of violence variable is measured by the quality of a country’s governance, and is derived from the World Bank Institute and Anti-Corruption

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104 unit. It “combines several indicators which measu re perceptions of the likelihood that a government in power will be destabilized or overthr own by possibly unconstitutional and/or violent means, including domestic violence a nd terrorism” (http://info.worldbank.org/governance/kkz2005/q&a.h tm#2 ). It ranges on a scale from 2.5 [“poor” governance] to 2.5 [“good” governance]. Therefore, the higher the value, the better governance a country has. Conclusion Overall, the model examines the relationship betwee n the average number of estimated slaves in a given country and six indepen dent variables through OLS regression analysis. These independent variables i nclude human development, unemployment, poverty, corruption, compliance with the anti-trafficking act, and political instability. Chapter 8 presents the results of the statistical analysis, along with a section devoted to a discussion of the diagnostics of the m odel, and limitations within the statistical research. Each variable in the model i s evaluated and discussed in detail.

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105 CHAPTER EIGHT RESEARCH FINDINGS This chapter discusses the diagnostics that seek to identify specific problems and their causes in the model. Specifically, these pro blems include: lack of a linear relationship between the dependent and independent variables and multicollinearity. Next, the findings of the statistical analysis are presented and illustrated through several tables and figures for the variables: human develo pment index, unemployment, poverty, corruption, compliance with the anti-trafficking ac t, and political instability.42 Bivariate analyses are used to highlight important features a nd trends within the corruption, compliance with the anti-trafficking act, and polit ical instability variables. A thorough examination of each variable will follow after the findings have been discussed. Lastly, limitations within the statistical research will be discussed, including the large number of missing cases and the non-normal distribution of th e model. Diagnostics Two important diagnostics that help determine wheth er or not an OLS regression model is capable of producing any statistically sig nificant variables are: linearity of relationship and multicollinearity. OLS regression assumes linear relationships between the dependent and independent variables; if no line ar relationships exist, it becomes 42 Although this independent variable is not included in the statistical analysis due to problems which will be discussed in the diagnostics, theoretically it serves as an im portant factor in the growth of slavery. Therefore the political instability variable is discussed within a bivariate analysis.

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106 difficult to assess statistically significant relat ionships. For this reason, scatter plots play an important role in assessing linearity. Assumption of Linearity The possibility of a linear relationship between th e dependent variable and each of the five independent variables (not including th e political instability variable because it is ultimately excluded from the statistical analysi s) was present, except for the compliance with the anti-trafficking act. This var iable is an ordinal variable, which is a violation of OLS regression and therefore cannot pr oduce linearity with the dependent variable. In order for there to be a linear relati onship between two variables, the independent variable must not be ordinal, but an in terval or ratio variable (Johnson and Reynolds 2005, 372). For this reason, scatter plot s are often used to evaluate whether this assumption is true or not. However, this task is complicated by the fact that there are two extreme outliers (India and Pakistan), and six other significant outliers that have over 100,000 slaves in the model. Assessing whethe r or not linearity exists becomes difficult. The majority of the cases fall well bel ow 100,000 slaves; once below this figure, there is greater variability present in the model ( Figure 10).

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107 Figure 10. Average Number of Slaves Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Figure 10. Aver age Number of Slaves.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slave ry Master thesis. University of South Florida. Data derived from Kevin Bales. 2005. “Appendix 2: Rankin gs of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and Trafficking.” In Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-1 86. The scatter plots that provide more linear relation ships than others include the human development index, unemployment, and corrupti on. The poverty scatter plot is completely nonlinear, displaying no difference in t he average number of slaves and the percent of the population below the poverty line. If India and Pakistan (the two extreme outliers) are kept in the scatter plots, there is n o form of linearity present. Once they are dropped from all the scatter plots, greater variabi lity emerges (Appendix B). 100,000+ 10,000 99,000 5,500-9,900 3,0005,400 1,5002,900 01,400 Missing Number of Slaves, 2002 80 60 40 20 0 Count 12 78 8 14 21 23 27

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108 The main reason why linearity is difficult to asses s in this model is because of the wide scale between the low and high number of slave s, which range from 50 to 20 million. As previously mentioned, the vast majorit y of cases fall well below 100,000 slaves. On the scatter plots (with the exception o f the compliance with the TVPA of 2000 ), most of these cases below 100,000 slaves are clu mped together (Appendix B). Multicollinearity There are six independent variables that are used i n the model to explain why some countries have more people becoming enslaved t han others. To prevent using highly correlated variables, a bivariate correlatio n matrix is examined to determine if multicollinearity exists (Table 2). If the variabl e is approaching 0.843, it is safe to assume that it is collinear. Three variables result in mu lticollinearity: corruption, the human development index, and political instability (Table 2). Political instability is collinear with corruption and is consequently dropped from the mod el due to the proven, greater statistical importance of the latter variable. Sin ce the political instability variable is theoretically important, it is kept in the model an d used within a bivariate analysis. Although corruption and the human development index have an approaching collinear relationship, both variables are theoretically impo rtant and therefore kept in the model. 43 Although the level of correlation that comprises multico llinearity is not universal, it generally is safe to say that if it is approaching .80, then that variable is clo se to being or is collinear (or highly correlated). Th ey explain the same or similar measures.

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109 Table 2. Bivariate Correlation Matrix (Multicollinearity) 1 -.570** -.609** .752** -.293** .665** -.570** 1 .435** -.413** .076 -.511** -.609** .435** 1 -.543** .192 -.441** .752** -.413** -.543** 1 -.581** .786** -.293** .076 .192 -.581** 1 -.426** .665** -.511** -.441** .786** -.426** 1 HDI Unemployment Poverty Corruption Tier System Political Instability HDI Employment Poverty Corruption Tier System Political Instability Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tai led). A Pearson Correlation was used for the matrix. Note that HDI is the human development ind ex. **. Statistical Analysis This section looks at the results of the statistica l model, and discusses each variable in depth. Tables and figures are incorpor ated in order to evaluate the findings the variables. Note that the model has been correc ted for multicollinearity. Table 3 presents the results of the OLS regression analysis for the five independent variables: the human development index unemployment, poverty, corruption, and the compliance with the anti-traffi cking act. In addition, political instability (which was dropped from the model due to collineari ty) is also discussed, and is examined through a bivariate analysis. Table 4 pre sents these variables in detail, including how each is coded. The overall model exh ibits a low adjusted R; the independent variables explain only about 12% of the variation in the dependent variable, the average number of slaves in each country (Table 3). In total, there are two statistically significant variables the human dev elopment index and unemployment – in which the latter is not in the expected direction. What follows is a thorough evaluation of each independent variable in the model, including t he political instability variable (as highlighted in a bivariate analysis).

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110 Table 3. Regression Analysis Model Summary -22457.716 8769.935 -2.561 .017 -178.667 76.173 -2.346 .028 -32.822 46.213 -.710 .485 426.243 693.354 .615 .545 -1039.433 1781.178 -.584 .565 R = .279 Adjusted R = .122 HDI Unemployment Poverty Corruption Tier System B score Standard Error Unstandardized Coefficients t score Significance Note: a. Dependent variable: Average Number of Slaves, 2002. b. HDI represents the human development index. c. An (*) signifies a statistically significant variable at the .05 level. d. N = 29 Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Table 4. Regressi on Analysis Model Summary.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slavery Master thesis. University of South Florida. Data derived from numerous sources. See Appendix A: Codebook for more information on each variable. Table 4. The Independent Variables Human Development Unemployment Poverty “HDI2000” (Human Development Index, 2000) Source: United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2000 The human development indicator (HDI) is based on three indicators: 1. Longevity 2. Educational attainment 3. Standard of living Ratio variable Range 0 (low HDI) to 1 (high HDI) Min. value = .268 Max. value = .956 No Report = 99 “UNEMP” (Percentage of total unemployment of total labor force, 2001) Source: The CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002 The level of unemployment is defined as the percent of the labor force that is without jobs. Ratio variable Range 0 to 100 Min. value = 0 Max. value = 90 No Report = 99 “POVERTY” (Percent of population below poverty line, 2001) Source: The CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002 Definitions of poverty vary considerably among nations. For example, rich nations generally employ more generous standards of poverty than poor nations. Ratio variable Range 0 to 100 Min. value = 4 Max. value = 86 No Report = 99

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111 Table 4. The Independent Variables (continued) Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Appendix A: Co debook.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slavery Master thesis. University of South Florida, 136. Corruption Compliance with the Anti-Trafficking Act Political Instability “CORRUPT” (Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, 2001) Source: Transparency International Corruptions Perception Index, 2001 2001 CPI Score relates to perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people, academics, and risk analysts Ratio variable Range 0 (highly corrupt) to 10 (highly clean) Min. value = 0.4 Max. value = 9.9 No Report = 99 “TIPACT02” (Compliance of countries with the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, 2002) Source: Trafficking in Persons Report 2002, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in persons, U.S. Department of State, 5 June 2002 Three-level tier system in which nations are categorized based on their compliance with min. standards of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, for the year 2002: Tier 1: Full compliance Tier 2: Compliance Tier 3: No Compliance Ordinal variable Scale: 1 = Tier 1 countries 2 = Tier 2 countries 3 = Tier 3 countries 99 = No report or missing nations “POLSTAB” (Political Stability/Absence of Violence, 1999) Source: The World Bank Institute Governance and Anti-Corruption, data 1997-1998 Political stability and lack of violence combine several indicators which measure perceptions of the likelihood that the government in power will be destabilized or overthrown by possibly unconstitutional and/or violent means, including domestic violence and terrorism (as a measure of quality of governance) Ratio variable Range -2.5 (low governance) to 2.5 (high governance) Min. value = -2.421 Max. value = 1.690 No Report = 99

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112 Human Development A population’s overall well-being is an important i ndicator of whether or not they face the vulnerability of becoming enslaved. The h uman development index takes into account a population’s life expectancy, educational attainment, and standard of living. Generally, “the poorest poor in every country are w omen;” slavery, particularly human trafficking, tends to affect this segment of the po pulation more often, and those in countries where poverty is pervasive (Barry 1995, 1 78). In other words, countries with the lowest human development index have a higher te ndency for people becoming enslaved. According to the results of the regression model, t he human development index variable is statistically significant at the .05 le vel, and is in the expected direction (Table 3). As the human development index increases, ther e is an expected decrease in slavery. To clarify, a zero represents a low human development index, and a one represents a high human development index. The clo ser a country’s index is to one, the better the overall well-being of a person in that c ountry. The human development index variable had very few missing cases, contributing t o the overall greater strength. In other words, nearly 93% of the countries report a h uman development figure, providing for a well-representative analysis. The average hu man development index is .699 (the median is .739, which closely reflects the former m easure of central tendency), making human development for the most part, moderately hig h around the world. This variable proved to be a very strong indicator of the likelih ood a country’s population would become enslaved. The hypothesis that as the human development index increases, slavery is expected to decrease is therefore confir med.

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113 Unemployment Unemployment creates an environment where people m ust look for alternative sources of income – most often away from home citie s and countries which in turn increases the risk of enslavement (Altink 1995, 5; Malarek 2004, 9; Bales 2005, 148; Gerdes 2006, 35; U.S. Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report ). According to the results of the analysis, the unemployment varia ble is statistically significant at the .05 level, but is not in the expected direction (Table 3). Originally, it was predicted that an increase in unemployment would cause an increase in slavery. The results of the model suggest that as unemployment rises, slavery actuall y declines. Several reasons can account for the unexpected resu lt. First, of the 181 countries analyzed, 45 – or nearly 25% are missin g unemployment figures, and therefore not accounted for. Fifty-six of the 146 countries that provided these figures are reported in years other than 2001; only five are pr ior to 1995. This missing data possibly accounts for the negative relationship between leve l of unemployment and slavery. Second, underemployment44 is not reported in nearly all of the countries, wh ich is a significant factor contributing to the overall un employment rate level. This is an important factor contributing to the overall unempl oyment level because it includes those individuals working less than full-time (set at a s tandard 40 hours per week), or in jobs that are not within the formal sectors. According to the CIA World Factbook, Belarus, Bolivia, China, Ecuador, Haiti, Mexico, Moldova, Ni caragua, Peru, Russia, Samoa, and Ukraine are countries where considerable underemplo yment exist. There are no reported underemployment figures for these countrie s. Six of these twelve countries – or 50% are just in the Latin American and Caribbe an region alone, which highlights that 44 According to Merriam-Webster’s Online Dictionary, und eremployment is defined as “the condition in which people in a labor force are employed at less than full -time or regular jobs or at jobs inadequate with respect to their training or economic needs” (2005).

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114 underemployment may be just as pervasive in other c ountries in the region. In addition, China the largest country in Asia in terms of pop ulation – does not have a reported figure for underemployment. Instead, only 10% of t he population is recorded as being unemployed. One third of these the 12 countries id entified as having considerable underemployment are a part of the Former Soviet Uni on, where underemployment (and overall unemployment) increased post-1990 (Malarek 2004, 9; Gerdes 2006, 35). However, five countries East Timor, Kiribati, Nam ibia, Turkey, and Uzbekistan – do take into account underemployment figures, which pr ovides for a more holistic measure of the unemployed labor force. Third, while urban levels of unemployment are speci fically documented, no country in the analysis reports rural unemployment levels with the exception of Mali. Some countries have impoverished populations that a re more inclined to live in the rural regions given the accommodating space and cost of l iving. In Thailand for example, many of the country’s poorer people live in the nor thern mountain region where agricultural work abounds. On the other hand, in R io de Janeiro, Brazil, the poorer people do not always reside outside the urban cente r; rather they congregate into favelas on the hills alongside more affluent neighborhoods (like Ipanema and Copacabana). Individuals in rural regions have a h igher susceptibility to the deceptions of global slavery not only because of their limited education, but also because of their desperation to survive. When rural unemployment is taken into account, it provides for a better measure of the total unemployed labor force.

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115 Poverty It has been suggested that poverty contributes to p eople becoming enslaved (van den Anker 2004, 19; Bales 2005, 10). When peo ple can no longer survive because of impoverished conditions, they seek alternative w ays to survive which can increase their vulnerability to enslavement. According to T able 3, this variable is not statistically significant, nor is it in the expected direction. A s poverty increases, slavery is normally expected to increase, not decrease. The results of the model confirm a negative relationship between the level of poverty and the a verage number of slaves. The lack of statistical significance is probably a consequence of several weaknesses within the variable itself. First, of t he 181 countries, 80 were missing poverty rates. Second, although most countries’ po verty rates were estimated in 2001, twenty of them have estimates prior to 1995. Final ly, many of the estimates (with the exception of Mail) do not take into account the pop ulation living below the poverty level in rural areas, which can be higher than in urban a reas. Without the inclusion of the rural regions living below the poverty level, the a ccurate level of poverty in some countries can be significantly suppressed. The poverty variable does shed some light on the fa ct that many governments do not report figures for the level of poverty, perhap s due to a lack of resources. Corruption Government corruption is without a doubt a major pr edictor of slavery, especially when law and order is broken (Agbu 2003; Bales 2004 7-8; Bales 2005, 16). As defined by Transparency International, corruption is the “m isuse of mistrusted power for private gain” (2007). Governmental and police officials ac t as intermediaries, by receiving bribes and even “servicing” women at brothels to ke ep the slavery industry alive.

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116 Corruption has been cited extensively, and is consi dered by Kevin Bales to be the number one predictor of slavery. However, accordin g to the statistical analysis, the corruption variable is not statistically significan t nor is it in the expected direction (Table 3). The regression results suggest that as corrupt ion declines, slavery actually increases. For clarification the closer the corruption score i s to zero, the more corrupt a government is; likewise, the closer it is to ten, t he less corrupt they are. Therefore a zero represents a “highly corrupt” government and a ten represents a “highly clean” government. The lack of statistical significance b etween corruption and the average number of slaves is due in part to the significant number of missing cases (94), which contributes to the overall weakness of the model, a s well as diminishing the strength of the corruption variable. Since corruption has proven to be a major predicto r of slavery, but is found to be statistically insignificant (nor is it in the expec ted direction) in this research, a bivariate analysis is used to further illuminate its relation ship with slavery. According to Table 5, the relationship between corruption and slavery pre sents a significantly clearer pattern than is captured in the statistical analysis. For each of the four identified slavery categories the number of politically corrupt countries outnumbers the number of non-corrupt (“cl ean”) countries. At the low end of the spectrum (0 to 2,900 slaves per country), the d istinction between “corrupt” and “clean” governments is not as stark as when one com pares the effect of corruption in cases that involve a much higher degree of slavery. For example, 71% of the countries with 3,000 to 9,900 slaves are identified as corrup t, 60% of those countries with 10,000 to 99,000 slaves are corrupt, and 80% of those coun tries with more than 100,000 slaves are designated as corrupt. It is possible to ident ify a relationship between government

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117 corruption and slavery, especially in cases involvi ng more than 3,000 slaves. According to the results presented in Table 5, corruption cle arly makes slavery more likely. Table 5. Corruption and Global Slavery45 Pearson Chi-square value: 2.369, df = 3 N = 62 Number of cases included in parentheses. Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Table 5. Corrup tion and Global Slavery.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global S lavery Master thesis. University of South Florida. Average number of slaves derived from Kevin Bales. 2005. “Appendix 2: Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and Trafficking.” In Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-186. Corruption data derived from Transparency International. 2001. “The 2001 Corruption Perceptions Index.” Transparency Internati onal Perceptions Index (CPI).” Table. Transparency . 45 The corruption variable was collapsed to create an ordi nal variable for the creation of a bivariate analysis. Countries were categorized according to two levels of cor ruption: 1 = 0 – 5.0 [“Corrupt”] 2 = 5.1 = 10 [“Clean”] The dependent variable, average number of slaves, was als o collapsed to create an ordinal variable for the creation of a bivariate analysis. The number of sla ves was categorized into four groups: 1 = 0 2900 2 = 3000 9900 3 = 10000 99000 4 = 100000 500000 52.6% 47.4% 100.0% (10) (9) (19) 71.4% 28.6% 100.0% (20) (8) (28) 60.0% 40.0% 100.0% (6) (4) (10) 80.0% 20.0 % 100.0% (4) (1) (5) 64.5% 35.5% 100.0% (40) (22) (62) % within avg. number of slaves % within avg. number of slaves % within avg. number of slaves % within avg. number of slaves % within avg. number of slaves % of Total 0 -2,900 3,000 9,900 10,000 99,000 100,000 + Average Number of Slaves Total Corrupt Clean Corruption Perceptions Index, 2001 Total

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118 Compliance with the Anti-Trafficking Act According to the statistical analysis, the complian ce with the TVPA of 2000 variable is not statistically significant, nor is i t in the expected direction. As countries becomes less compliant with the TVPA of 2000 slavery decreases, which should not be the case. To reiterate, a “Tier 1” level represent s countries that are compliant; “Tier 2” level countries that are making effort with complia nce; and last, “Tier 3” level countries are not compliant. As the tiers’ numerical values increase, countries become less compliant. Of the 181 countries, only 86 were reported within one of the three tier levels (Figure 11). The significant number of missing cas es for the variable largely reflects that the tier classification used in the model represent s only the second such analysis published by the Trafficking in Persons Report compiled by the U.S. Department of State. The 2004 Report includes many more countries and it also introduce s a new tier (the “Tier 2 Watch”). To recap, since the dependen t variable the average number of slaves – is constructed from estimates in 2002, usi ng Reports thereafter violates any notion of causality. Ultimately, this variable doe s not serve as a good predictor of slavery; but it does emphasize the need for legisla tive enforcement. Slavery continues to infiltrate, even in countries with excellent leg islation, such as the United States and Thailand. Table 6 highlights the relationship between countri es that comply with the TVPA of 2000 and slavery. The results indicate that 50% of cou ntries with less than 3,000 slaves are in compliance with the TVPA of 2000 For countries with 3,000 to 9,900 slaves, nearly 57% are in compliance with the Act The six countries with 100,000 to 500,000 slaves are significant outliers, and compli ant with the Act Overall, it appears that there is no relationship between compliance wi th the Act and a reduction in slavery.

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119 This variable does make clear that despite internat ional legislation prohibiting many forms of slavery – from human trafficking, deb t bondage, and sex tourism – enforcement remains a key issue. As previously dis cussed, Thailand enacted the 1996 Act for Prostitution Prevention and Suppression Act to deter human trafficking; but little has been done to enforce its provisions (Obokata 20 06, 52). Enforcement of prohibitions regarding slavery is the key to the re lationship between adherence to a legal system that treats slavery as a crime and a reducti on in instances of slavery within a country. Compliance with the TVPA of 2000 is a rough measure of a country’s enforcement efforts as it reflects a U.S. Departmen t of State assessment of a country’s efforts to curtail the trafficking of people, and d oes not include other forms of slavery. A better measure of enforcement would be to investiga te the number of prosecutions and/or convictions of slavery perpetrators within e ach country.

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120 Figure 11. Countries that Comply with the TVPA of 2000 Tier 3: No Compliance Tier 2: Partial Compliance Tier 1: Full Compliance Missing Countries that Comply with the TVPA of 2000 100 80 60 40 20 0 Count 18 17 95 51 Median = 5500 slaves Median = 6500 slaves Median = 3500 slaves Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Figure 11: Cou ntries that Comply with the TVPA of 2000.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slavery Master thesis. University of South Florida. Average number of slaves derived fro m Kevin Bales. 2005. “Appendix 2: Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and Trafficking.” In Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-186. Compliance wi th the TVPA of 2000 data derived from U.S. Department of State. 2002. “II. Trafficking in Per sons List.” List. June 5. Trafficking in Persons Report 2002 Released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Traff icking in Persons, 5 June 2002. .

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121 Table 6. Compliance with the TVPA of 2000 and Globa l Slavery46 Pearson Chi-square value: 6.361, df = 6 N = 75 Number of cases included in parentheses. Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Table 6: Compl iance with the TVPA of 2000 and Global Slavery.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slavery Master thesis. University of South Florida. Average number of slaves d erived from Kevin Bales. 2005. “Appendix 2: Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and T rafficking.” In Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-186. Compliance with the TVPA of 2000 data derived from U.S. Department of State. 2002. “II. Traffi cking in Persons List.” List. June 5. Trafficking in Persons Report 2002 Released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Traf ficking in Persons, 5 June 2002. . Political Instability Political instability has the capacity to foster th e growth of slavery and is prevalent in war-torn countries and regions which p roduce a good proportion of refugees (Survivor’s Rights International). Women and child ren usually account for these refugees and they are especially vulnerable to targ eting by traffickers and militias using child soldiers. The political stability/lack of vi olence variable is originally included in the statistical model, but is dropped when it is found to be collinear with the corruption variable. Since corruption is already proven to be a strong predictor of slavery, that variable is chosen over the political stability var iable for inclusion in the statistical analysis. Nevertheless, it has been argued as well that political stability (or lack thereof) 46 Please see footnote 34 for information on how the de pendent variable was collapsed into an ordinal variable. 16.7% 50.0% 33.3% 100.0% (3) (9) (6) (18) 21.6% 56.8% 21.6% 100.0%% (8) (21) (8) (37) 28.6% 50.0% 21.4% 100.0% (4) (7) (3) (14) .0% 100.0% .0% 100.0% (0) (6) (0) (6) 20.0% 57.3% 22.7% 100.0% (15) (43) (17) (75) 0-2,900 3,000-9,900 10,000-99,000 100,000+ Average Number of Slaves Total Tier 1 Full Compliance Tier 2 Compliance Tier 3 No Compliance Countries that Comply with the TVPA of 2000 Total

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122 is often a contributing factor to the development o f slavery. To reiterate, political stability/or the lack of vi olence includes a number of factors which measure the perceived likelihood a government will be overthrown or destabilized. The variable is measured in terms of the quality of governance a country has. The poorer the governance of a country, the more likely political instability will follow; likewise, the better the governance, the more polit ical stability. Table 7 highlights several important features conce rning the relationship between political instability and slavery. For countries w ith less than 3,000 slaves, “good” governing structures outnumber those with “poor” go verning structures, 46% to 14%. Less slavery is present in countries with “good” go vernance. As the slave population increases to 99,000, in general, the percentage of countries identified as having good systems of governance declines. In addition, among those countries with 3,000 to 99,000, there are more countries characterized by “ poor” governing systems than by “good” government institutions. No pattern concern ing the quality of governance is evident within the category of countries with an ex tremely high number of slaves (100,000+). It does appear that good governing sys tems are associated with less slavery. The impact of political instability (as measured i n terms of a country’s governance) is not as clear at the upper end of the spectrum, where only six countries have a large number of slaves in excess of 100,000. These include: Brazil, China, Haiti, India, Pakistan, and the United States. Two of the se – India and Pakistan – have 3 million and 20 million slaves each, respectively. India has a “fair” governing structure, while Pakistan has a “poor” governing structure. I n contrast, China and the United States both have “good” governing structures, despi te the significant number of slaves present (275,000 and 125,000 each respectively). O n the whole, “good” governance

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123 does appear to be a factor in those countries with relatively few numbers of slaves (less than 3,000). Countries with very large slave populations appear to defy the predicted relationship. Clearly they share very few, if any similarities. However, a more in-depth study of these six countries would allow researcher s to uncover why they exhibit such large slave populations. This bivariate analysis i llustrates the need for further study of these countries, since it is evident that a one-siz e-fits-all approach is not evident.

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124 Table 7. Political Instability and Global Slavery47 47 The political stability/lack of violence variable was col lapsed to create an ordinal variable for the creation of a bivariate analysis. Please see Appendix A: Codeb ook for information on how this ratio variable was coded, etc. Countries were categorized according to thr ee levels of the quality of governance as measured in terms off political stability/lack of violence: 1 = -2.45 to -.376 [“Poor Governance”] 2 = -.375 to .385 [“Fair Governance”] 3 = .386 to 2.000 [“Good Governance”] Please see footnote 34 for information on how the de pendent variable was collapsed into an ordinal variable. 14.3% 40.0% 45.7% 100.0% 14.7% 51.9 % 44.4% 36.1% (5) (14) (16) (35) 50.0% 16.7% 33.3% 100.0% 61.8% 25.9% 38.9% 43.3% (21) (7) (14) (42) 42.9% 28.6% 28.6% 100.0% 17.6% 14.8% 11.1% 14.4% (6) (4) (4) (14) 33.0% 33.0% 33.0% 100.0% 5.9% 7.4% 5.6% 6.2% (2) (2) (2) (6) 35.1% 27.8% 37.1% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% (34) (27) (36) (97) % within avg. number of slaves % within pol. stab/lack of violence % within avg. number of slaves % within pol. stab/lack of violence % within avg. number of slaves % within pol. stab/lack of violence % within avg. number of slaves % within pol. stab/lack of violence % within avg. number of slaves % within pol. stab/lack of v iolence 0 -2,900 3,000 9,900 10,000 99,000 100,000+ Average Number of Slaves Total Poor Governance Fair Governance Good Governance Political Stability/Lack of Violence, 1999 Total

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125 Table 7. Political Instability and Global Slavery (Continued) Pearson Chi-square value: 12.200, df = 6 N = 97 Number of cases included in parentheses. Source: Christine Balarezo. 2007. “Table 7: Polit ical Instability and Global Slavery.” June 19. In The Dark Side of Humanity: An Empirical Investigation into Global Slavery Master thesis. University of South Florida. Average number of slaves derived from Ke vin Bales. 2005. “Appendix 2: Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and Trafficking.” In Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-186. Political stab ility/lack of violence data derived from the World Bank Institute Governance and Anti-Corruption unit. 19 99. “Data: Political Stability/Absence of Violence.” Based on data from 1997-1998 . Statistical Research Limitations The large number of missing cases and the non-norm al distribution can be used to further explain why some variables lack statisti cal significance in the model. These complications further emphasize the difficulty of a nalyzing slavery. Missing cases The dependent variable, the average number of slave s, has a significant number of missing cases. According to Figure 10, nearly 4 3% of the cases (78) are missing out of the total 181. The majority of the missing case s are from countries in Africa and the Middle East (28), small-sized countries (e.g., Liec henstein and Andorra) or islands (19), and Latin America (16). Although three countries a re from the Scandinavian region, most of the remaining ones are scattered throughout different geographic areas. The 78 cases are not reported perhaps due to unavailable o r unreported data in the country, or lack of slavery present. A considerable number of countries are missing for the dependent variable, which decreases the overall sam pling size. This can substantially diminish the statistical power of the analysis and produce weak results. It is for this reason that correlations between the dependent vari able and each of the independent variables are based on different sample sizes. The dependent variable could not be

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126 dropped and substituted for another variable becaus e of limited data; instead missing cases are coded as “99.” Apart from the dependent variable, of the six inde pendent variables (including the political instability variable which was not in the statistical analysis), three have considerable missing cases. The poverty variable i s missing 80 cases; corruption 87, and the compliance with the anti-trafficking act mo re than half at 95. The substantial loss of these variables’ sample size can ultimately produce weak results for the overall model. In the regression analysis, there are a substantia l number of missing cases. Out of a total of 181 countries, only 29 (16%) are pres ented in the regression. This clearly indicates the lack of missing data within the depen dent and independent variables. Non-Normal distribution The dependent variable, the average number of slave s, is also not normally distributed because of several extreme outliers (Fi gure 10). The vast majority of cases in the model fall below 100,000 slaves except for e ight countries. Two of these – India (20 million) and Pakistan (3 million) – are extreme outliers given the number of slaves in each country. The six other significant outliers – Brazil, China, Haiti, Mauritania, Nepal, and the United States – exceed 100,000 slaves (but are less than 230,000). Due to these outliers, the overall distribution of the mod el is not normal, which is a violation of OLS regression.

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127 Conclusion Overall, this statistical analysis produces two st atistically significant variables at the .05 level, one of which is in the expected dire ction. The human development index variable proves to be the strongest indicator of th e likelihood a country’s population becomes enslaved. Naturally, the greater overall d evelopment or well-being a country’s population experiences, the less likely slavery wil l evolve. While the unemployment variable is statistically significant, it is not in the expected direction. Although poverty, corruption, and political instabi lity are not statistically significant predictors of slavery, they remain theoretically im portant factors that may facilitate and/or sustain the growth of slavery around the world. Th e bivariate analyses of corruption and political instability provide a more clear pattern and greater support for a link between these factors and the growth of slavery within a co untry. They also provide some insight into what drives slavery, which is not made evident in the statistical analysis. They help to illuminate the relationship between these factor s and slavery. The compliance of countries with the anti-trafficking act [ TVPA of 2000] on the other hand, does not necessarily discourage slavery from developing. In fact, there is no evidence that countries who complied with this Act had more or less slavery. However, this variable does emphasize the need for legislative enforcement Despite international legislation against slavery, countries still continue to abound in slavery. When India and Pakistan were removed from the model (and later, all cases with more than 100,000 slaves), there is no statistical significance. These two extreme outliers essentially manipulate the strength of the statistical model, as well as the results. The model as whole is not as robust as the research er would have liked, but the variables are theoretically important in discussing why some countries have more slavery than others.

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128 The next chapter will explore the scholarly limita tions the thesis faces in terms of research within the slavery field. In particular, lack of comprehensive data, lack of universal consensus on defining slavery, and uniden tified populations remain problematic issues for scholars, researchers, and s tudents in conducting qualitative or empirical investigations.

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129 CHAPTER NINE LIMITATIONS ON SCHOLARLY RESEARCH Due to the illicit and dangerous nature of the glob al slavery industry, accurate and current data on the number of people enslaved ( or specifically those trafficked, prostituted, exploited, etc.) is very difficult to come by. A noted exception is the work conducted by Kevin Bales. Bales has assiduously co llected slavery data from numerous sources and he has refined his data with the assist ance of experts in the field (from law enforcement officials to NGOs and government bodies ) to estimate a low and high range of slavery for each country (from which I averaged the two to create an estimated average of the number of slaves per country) (Bales 2005, 183-186). Bales’ data represents what can be considered the best compiled estimates of global slavery for almost every country in the world. It is for this reason that this empirical analysis has focused on global slavery as a whole, and not on pa rticular types of slavery, such as debt bondage or human trafficking for sexual exploi tation. Data concerning specific types of slavery is difficult to access and is gene rally available for only a limited number of countries. What follows is a discussion of thre e types of limitations scholars face when researching the slavery industry: lack of com prehensive data, lack of universal consensus on defining slavery, and unidentified pop ulations.

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130 Lack of Comprehensive Data Empirical research within this field is challenging The lack of accurate and raw data prevents researchers and officials from assess ing the real scope of the industry (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 44) For this particular study, raw data was sought for the number of people enslaved for ea ch country through the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, as well as INTER POL (International Criminal Police Organization). However, such data could only be re leased to law enforcement officials due to security measures. This deters researchers and students from conducting crossnational, empirical analyses to better understand t he real extent and nature of slavery. Only a handful of organizations readily make avail able reports and descriptions regarding the different types of slavery around the world. For example, several of the United State’s government agencies, including the D epartment of State, issue “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices,” as well as an a nnually updated Trafficking in Persons Report (since 2001) issued by the department’s Office to Monitor and Combat Human Trafficking. However, with both measures, “t he United States is playing politics with slavery…” (Skrobanek et al. 1997, 97). Heavy c riticism has been directed at the Trafficking in Persons Report because of how countries are allocated among the va rious tiers. In other words, with respect to this report countries are placed in certain tier levels (as previously discussed in the section on independ ent variables) according to how compliant they are with the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 However, the Report does not make explicit the methodology used, or ho w certain countries were able to maintain their “Tier 1” stat us, while others sunk to “Tier 3” status. In fact, it has been criticized “for its lack of ev idence, unsystematic data collection and a lack of analysis” (Kempadoo 2005, xxi). This U.S. Department of State report does not make its raw data available to researchers (Skroban ek et al. 1997, 97).

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131 Other organizations that report on slavery include the International Labor Organization (ILO); reports by experts from interna tional organizations, including the United Nations and the World Bank; reports by natio nal governments; research by academic experts; and press reports (Skrobanek et a l. 1997, 98). There is little consensus as to the methodological approach organiz ations or individuals use, creating possible discrepancies and confusion over slavery e stimates. Although they focus largely on human trafficking i nstead of slavery in general, other countries in Europe have made extensive and q uite successful efforts to systematically collect and organize data on a natio nal scale. The German Federal Office of Criminal Investigation ( Bundeskriminalamt ), and the Netherlands’ Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings serve as excellent examples. The latter institution “has been able to map out relevant data collected by different agencies in the country which has served as a basis for the Dutch N ational Rapporteur’s reports” (Laczko 2005, 12). Yet even such achievements have their limits, since they primarily focus only the trafficking of women for the purpose of prostitution, and do not include other types of trafficking (such as for forced labo r) or male populations (Laczko 2005, 12; Andrees and van der Linden 2005, 55-56). UNESCO Bangkok’s “Trafficking Statistics Project” a lso serves as an excellent example of a well-organized collection of human tra fficking data. Although it is limited to the Asian region, it does discuss the method that w as used to attain the data (Laczko 2005, 12-13). The International Organization of Mi gration has collected data on human trafficking since 1999 through its counter-traffick ing programs. “The Counter-Trafficking Module Database (CTM) was created to facilitate the management of assistance and voluntary return/reintegration of activities for th e victims …” (Laczko 2005, 13). In addition, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Cr ime also established a similar

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132 mechanism on human trafficking trends worldwide, wh ich “aims to systematically collect and collate open-source information that can be com pared between different countries and regions” (Laczko 2005, 13). Major internationa l institutions have worked little-bylittle to create databases that can be shared with other organizations. Overall, “accurate figures about trafficking do no t exist and only extreme cases make for interesting journalistic reportage” (Campa gna and Poffenberger 1988, 8; Kempadoo 2005, xx). This is certainly true for par ticular types of slavery and remains a problematic feature of this field of study. Recent ly, organizations have greatly refined estimates, especially within human trafficking, so that they better reflect the actual nature of the industry as believed by researchers and scho lars in the field. There is an apparent trend that human trafficking has garnered greater data research and refinement than other types of slavery; perhaps thi s is due to the greater media attention it has been given in recent years. Lack of Universal Consensus on Defining Slavery A lack of a unified definition as to what constitut es slavery especially at the national level presents a challenge to researcher s, students, government officials, and human rights advocates (Skrobanek et al. 1997, 88; IHRLI 2002, 1; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 44). Without univ ersal consensus as to what global slavery is, countries cannot effectively enact legi slation to deter slavery and prosecute those who are responsible for the industry. In add ition, if a universal definition is not provided for all the different types of slavery, th en officials within and across countries cannot collect pertinent information in an organize d and methodical manner. This makes communicating with other scholars, researcher s, and officials within the field of slavery research difficult, as well as limiting wha t officials and researchers can do to

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133 progress in the field. For example, “in many count ries the definition of human trafficking applies only to the exploitation of women and child ren overlooking that of adult males…” (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006, 44) Some national legislation considers human trafficking to be only a sexually e xploitative industry thereby excluding those that are trafficked solely for forced labor p urposes. In addition to the clarification of such definitio ns, slavery is not viewed as a crime in certain countries. At the national and regional level, this makes keeping track of slavery offenses difficult, and much more so at the international level. If each country’s criminal bureaucracy does not keep track of its own collection of slavery data, then the precise nature of the industry will not be accounte d for. Trafficking victims who are arrested, for example, are sometimes charged with i llegal entry and are deported back to their home countries without any assistance. Countries also have varying definitions for what c onstitutes smuggling, migration, trafficking, and prostitution. Sometimes they are used interchangeably depending on the country or region you are in; it might even be diff icult for officials to differentiate between a smuggled and a trafficked person. Oftentimes, su ch ambiguities create problems when classifying slavery and trafficking might beco me a smuggling statistic and vice versa (United Nation Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 44). Slavery, such as human trafficking, occurs both at the domestic [internal] and international [external] level. What appear to be two similar trends have in fact been d ubbed by some scholars in the field as completely unrelated. Some even believe that in ternal human trafficking is a precursor to international human trafficking (Laczk o 2005, 9), and that both are mutually exclusive of one another. In some countries different types of slavery are no t necessarily translated into other languages word by word, creating confusion am ong officials and other

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134 organizations when consulting with one another. Sp anish-speaking countries serve as prime examples. The English word “trafficking” in Spanish would be “ trfico ,” generally used to highlight the drug and arms trade. However with reference to human beings, major organizations such as the United Nations use “ trata ” instead of “ trfico .” Trafficking in persons would therefore translate to “ trata de personas ;” not “ trfico de personas ” (Langberg 2005, 130). This presents major proble ms because this translation is not embraced in every Spanish-speaking country. Some countries use the two words interchangeably; others solely stick to one or the other; and some even have two completely different meanings for the words. Cultu ral, religious, language, and socioeconomic factors exist which present challenge s in unifying the research. Certain types of slavery, such as human trafficking for instance, are “an underreported crime for which the majority of cases remain undiscovered” (Laczko and Gramegna 2003, 183). Experts believe that the lack of data on the scope of such forms of slavery can be attributed to the low priority ma ny governmental officials, law enforcement authorities, and intelligence give on t he issue (Masika 2002, 10; Laczko 2005, 12). When dealing with major issues, such as corruption, unemployment, and/or burglary for example, countries might not take the time to include slavery on their agendas, thereby reducing its importance. Governme nt budgets might also not allow for proper attention to different types of slavery, esp ecially in poorer countries where they are limited. In connection to a universal definition, judicial p roceedings sometimes lack consensus when it comes to determining whether a pa rticular type of slavery constitutes a crime. This could lead to few if any prosecution s, as well as a handful or so of convictions (IHRLI 2002, 1). Moreover, in many cou ntries, the judges’ dockets are often delayed placing cases on hold for months. Slavery incidences – whether they involve

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135 human trafficking or child exploitation – might not receive the attention they deserve given the long waiting list of other more potential ly urgent cases. With regards to human trafficking, sometimes “due to great workloads and often total ignorance and indifference, the courts dismisses the pimps and th e traffickers with light punishments” (Malarek 2004, 125). This is prevalent in many poo rer countries which look to domestic and immediate concerns as more urgent. Unidentified Populations Probably the most significant factor that has contr ibuted to the difficulty of researching within the slavery industry is the fact that much of the activities remain hidden and concealed (Laczko 2005, 12; Parrot and C ummings 2006, 115)48. It is virtually impossible to ascertain the real scale of the slavery industry, much less account for how many victims and perpetrators are involved (Laczko 2005, 8). Perpetrators, victims/survivors, illegal immigrants, traffickers, prostitutes, etc., account for hidden populations that are a challenge to measure. A hidden population is defined as “a group of individuals for whom the size and boundaries are unknown, and for whom no sampling frame exists” (Tyldum and Brunovskis 2005, 18). Usually this segment of society refrains from overt cooperation with offici als due to the “stigmatized or illegal behavior” involved, as well as the protection of pr ivacy and security of their own safety (Tyldum and Brunovskis 2005, 18). Also, many types of slavery, particularly human tra fficking, remain unnoticed and victims who are rescued are often reluctant to disc uss their experience and pinpoint any particular perpetrator(s). For this reason it has been a challenge to collect first-hand accounts of knowledge of those enslaved (Laczko 200 5, 8, 12). Human trafficking 48 Although this applies to almost all types of slavery, th is is particularly applicable to human trafficking, certain forms of debt bondage, and child exploitation.

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136 victims – if correctly identified – amount to relat ively few numbers that are really representative of the industry as a whole. Estimat es have in large part taken over these small sampling sizes to fill in the gaps and unknow n details. Conclusion The level of research concerning slavery has grown tremendously over the last two decades, particularly with respect to human tra fficking. Most of this research has identified the main issues central to the industry, as well as the major existing locations for certain types of slavery to flourish. In addit ion, recent years have allowed the identification of origin, destination, and transit countries, as well as major routes traffickers follow within human trafficking. Great er attention is needed on the demand side of the industry (not only human trafficking, b ut slavery as a whole), especially concerning those individuals or groups that contrib ute to the growth of slavery (Laczko 2005, 14). Moreover, research and data is needed w ithin the other slavery industries, including debt bondage, the sex tourism industry, a nd child exploitation to name a few. Researchers and scholars in the field continuously Worry that the study of contemporary slavery is more of a protoscience than a science. Its data are uncorroborated, its methodo logy unsystematic. Few researchers work in the area, so the field lacks the give and take that would filter out subjectivity. [Kevin ] Bales himself acknowledges all this. As [researchers] debated his def initions of slavery, [he] told us, ‘There is a part of me that loo ks forward to being attacked by other researchers for my interpretations, be cause then a viable field of inquiry will have developed’ (Skrobane k et al. 1997, 87). Overall, slavery does not have a one-size-fits-all explanation for what encourages the enslavement of people around the wor ld. While similar factors – including poverty, high levels of unemployment, cor ruption, human deception, and political instability increase the likelihood of a person becoming enslaved around the world for the most part, countries generally do not share a set of standard

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137 characteristics. Specifically, countries with larg e numbers of slaves, including Brazil, China, Haiti, India, Mauritania, Nepal, Pakistan, a nd the United States, do not share many commonalities if it is even possible to state. The socioeconomic, political, cultural, and religious factors of each respective country ar e different and applying these set of characteristics would not uncover why large numbers of slaves exist. Following is the concluding chapter of the researc h, with the author’s contribution to the field and possible avenues for future resear ch in the slavery field.

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138 CHAPTER TEN CONCLUSION This study adds to our understanding of contemporar y global slavery in that human development is a significant factor contribut ing to the growth of slavery in a number of countries in the statistical model. The addition of human development as a factor that has not been analyzed before proves inv aluable because it introduces a new variable that helps explain the growth of slavery. Although Kevin Bales previous empirical research captures some of the human devel opment index’s elements, such as GDP per capita, the variable includes life expectan cy and educational attainment. Theoretically, the literature confirms the importan ce of unemployment, poverty, corruption, and political instability in the growth of slavery. Through bivariate analyses, the corruption and political instability variables display an interesting pattern. Both provide clear support for the link between these fa ctors and the growth of slavery. In particular, the bivariate analysis strongly suggest s that corruption makes slavery more likely. Countries with good governing systems appe ar to be associated with less slavery. Through the use of bivariate analyses, it is possible to identify a relationship between corruption and political instability, with that of slavery. Moreover, how compliant a country is to the TVPA of 2000 is not deemed to be an influential factor – statistically or theoretically – to the development of slavery. Yet, this variable highlights the major importance enforcement plays in a country ’s adherence to a legal framework prohibiting different types of slavery. Overall, t he model produces a new variable

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139 encouraging the growth of slavery in a number of co untries. Also, corruption and political instability make slavery more likely, and a clear relationship exists between these factors and slavery. These limited but positive results only further ill uminate that a one-size fits-all approach to deterring the growth of slavery is not feasible or realistic. The model clearly presents evidence of this with the unexpected resul ts (insignificant variables), as well as the research limitations present. There is not sin gle solution for reducing slavery around the world as made evident with the eight outliers i n the model with over 100,000 slaves (e.g., Brazil, China, Haiti, India, Mauritania, Nep al, Pakistan, and the United States). These cases do not share a common language, geograp hical size, political or economic system, history, or population. A more sophisticat ed empirical technique and/or in-depth case analyses might prove useful for future researc h to uncover why these countries exhibited such large slave populations. Slavery continues to exist and evolve over time. C urrently, nearly 27 million people remain enslaved all around the world, many o f whom are trafficked, bonded, or exploited in some way. In other words, “today’s sl ave population is greater than the population of Canada and six times greater than the population of Israel” (Bales 1999, 9). While women and children constitute a large po rtion of slaves, especially in sexrelated industries, men are increasingly becoming s usceptible to forced labor and debt bondage. A key point to remember is that no one is immune from slavery, as it has demonstrated its excellent ability to exploit peopl e living in every region of the world, poor and rich alike. Although the sexual exploitat ion industries of slavery generate greater attention worldwide in terms of research an d literature, the non-sexual sectors of debt bondage and forced labor comprise the greatest number of slaves in the world. Slavery brings in an estimated $13 billion in reven ue per year (Bales 1999, 23).

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140 Other forms of slavery – organ trafficking, child e xploitation for forced labor, cult slavery, and illegal adoption – are also evolving, and include forms of exploitation that are not previously recognized. First humans were t rafficked (apart from drugs and arms); now the world is witnessing the trafficking of human organs for profit. As globalization permeates into the structures of o ther countries, so will slavery, adapting itself through the use of different tools and means in order to flourish. During the 1960s and 1970s, war, the presence of soldiers, and government tolerance and support in the Southeast Asian region contributed t o the growth of the sex tourism industry. Today the region has one of the largest industries in the world. This demonstrates how in as little as forty years, this form of slavery has grown into a completely organized industry. Also, human traffic king has evolved with the help of advances in technology, and the vast telecommunicat ions network globalization has brought. Today, a prime and efficient tool used to facilitate human trafficking is the Internet (Parrot and Cummings 2006, 141). Mail-ord er brides are an example of a recent type of slavery to emerge. Although not dis cussed in the research, these examples illustrate how rapidly the world has chang ed, and how slavery is changing to keep up with this revolution of modernity. As huma ns accustom themselves to modern advances and technology, so will slavery. The root causes of slavery still remain in need of being properly addressed and dealt with in each country. They are the prime fac tors that have not only exacerbated slavery, but that have led to the environment for i t to thrive. It is only when the root causes are clearly identified that policymakers can begin to create effective and longlasting solutions against slavery. The world as it is now, and as it is foreseen to develop is not optimistic, especially as populations burgeo n out of control, natural resources become limited and even scarce, energy sources depl eted, violence and conflict erupt,

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141 and even as the Earth beings to experience unusual and unpredictable environmental and climatic changes (which have clearly been evide nt the past several years). Apart from internal factors which severely impact the dev elopment of slavery, these external factors will only add to the burdens people continu ously face all around the world. Where there is adversity and hardship, there is sla very, waiting and willing to flourish. Slavery is a booming business and the number of slaves is i ncreasing. People get rich by using slaves. And when they’ve finishe d with their slaves they just throw these people away. That is the n ew slavery, which focuses on big profits and cheap lives. It is no t about owning people in the traditional sense of the old slavery, bu t about controlling them completely. People become completely disposable t ools for making money (Bales 1999, 4). Future Research Advanced statistical research Since the statistical model used in this research r esulted in weak results, it would be useful to adopt a more advanced statistical tech nique. More sophisticated methods might allow for greater robust results. Also, an i n-depth look into the eight significant outliers in the model through case studies– Brazil, China, Haiti, India, Pakistan, Mauritania, Nepal, and the United States – could hi ghlight other important factors uncovered in the analysis. Also, since Kevin Bales ’ slavery estimates were created in 2002, it would be advantageous to researchers and s cholars if this data were to be updated and refined to reflect more recent conditio ns. In this respect, using variables with current data would reduce the likelihood of a significant number of missing cases. The statistical model in this research has only foc used on one point in time [2002], which in an industry that has spanned decades – highlig hts only a sliver of how slavery has evolved over time. Clearly, a longitudinal analysi s would better reflect the trend slavery has taken, and how certain factors have contributed to its development over time.

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142 Countries with significant number of slaves It would be beneficial to further investigate the e ight outlier cases – Brazil, China, Haiti, India, Mauritania, Nepal, Pakistan, and the United States – in this model through case studies. These special set of cases did not c onform to the expectations of the statistical analysis, and require an in-depth exami nation for possible factors shared by the eight countries with such large enslaved popula tions. Case studies of each country would help illuminate why these countries, in parti cular, have more than 100,000 slaves. Latin America and the Caribbean and Africa An extensive literature review was done covering ma ny regions of the world, with specific country examples to illuminate how slavery has taken hold. Initially, this thesis was intended to study only human trafficking for se xual exploitation in the Latin American and Caribbean region (a region of great in terest to the author); however, figures – raw or estimates – did not exist for this form of slavery in each country. In addition, there is an abundance of literature on th e human trafficking industry in Europe and Asia, but Africa and Latin America and the Cari bbean fall short. In fact, “the Latin American and Caribbean regions are two of the most under-researched and underfunded regions in the world on trafficking in perso ns” (Coffey 2004 17; Langberg 2005, 136). Although the region focuses more on sexual e xploitation, labor exploitation is becoming increasingly apparent in countries such as Brazil. Future research in this region, as well as Africa, would prove invaluable t o the study of slavery, given that a reported wave of trafficking has drifted to the reg ion. In particular, the author would like to engage in future research that would uncover rou gh estimates for each country, how slavery in general is enacted through legislation, and how the decentralized nature of several Latin American countries (e.g., Brazil for example) contributes to slavery.

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143 External Factors While internal factors are heavily discussed in ter ms of slavery, external factors are also important. Several external factors which can significantly affect slavery include natural disasters, travel, illegal or legal migrati on, war, etc. They not only present additional risks to countries, but also increase pr essure on existing internal conditions. The author would especially like to engage in futur e research regarding the impact natural disasters have on slavery. For example, in 2004 Indonesia experienced a horrific tsunami, followed by an earthquake and oth er storms. This impacted the internal economy of the country, but also rippled into the r egion as well, affecting neighboring countries such as Thailand, Bangladesh, and even So malia (although not to the extent that it affected Indonesia). Scholars and research ers have stated that the sex tourism industry has shifted from Asia and increased to Lat in America precisely due to these events. It would be very interesting to look at av ailable statistics and/or estimates prior to these events in 2004, to the present [2007], in order to see how the industry has changed.

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146 Gerdes, Louise, ed. 2006. Prostitution and Sex Trafficking New York: Thomas Gale. Goodey, Jo. 2005. “Chapter 12: Sex Trafficking i n the EU [European Union].” In Transnational & Comparative Criminology By James Sheptycki, and Ali Wardak, eds. London; Sydney; Portland, Oregon: Glasshouse Press. Human Rights Watch. 2000. Owed Justice: Thai Women Trafficked into Debt Bond age in Japan. New York; Washington, DC; London; Brussels: Huma n Rights Watch/Asia. Inter-American Commission of Women, and Women, Heal th and Development Program. 2001. Trafficking of Women and Children for Sexual Exploi tation in the Americas. Washington, D.C.: Organization of American State s and the Pan American Health Organization. . Inter-American Commission of Women. 2005. Annual Report on Fighting the Crime of Trafficking in Persons, Especially Adolescents, and Children in the Americas. Washington, D.C.: Organization of American States. . International Human Rights Law Institute (IHRLI). 2002. In Modern Bondage: Sex Trafficking in the Americas: Central America and t he Caribbean. Chicago: DePaul University College of Law. International Organization for Migration (IOM). 19 96. “Trafficking in Women from the Dominican Republic for Sexual Exploitation.” Migration Information Programme. Johnson, Janet Buttolph, and H.T. Reynolds. 2005. “Chapter 12: Measuring Relationships and Testing Hypotheses: Bivariate Da ta Analysis.” In Political Science Research Methods 5th ed. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 372. Jordan, Ann D. 2002. “Human rights or wrongs? Th e Struggle for a rights-based response to trafficking in human beings.” In Gender, Trafficking, and Slavery. By Rachel Masika, ed. Oxford: Oxfam Publishing, 2 8-37. Kapstein, Ethan B. 2006. “The New Global Slave Tr ade.” Foreign Affairs 85(6): 103115. Kempadoo, Kamala, and Jo Doezema, eds. 1998. Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition. London: Taylor and Francis, Inc. Kempadoo, Kamala, Bandana Pattanaik, and Jyoti Sang hera. 2005. Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New Perspectives on Mig ration, Sex Work, and Human Rights Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers.

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147 Koslowski, Key, and David Kyle, eds. 2001. Global Human Smuggling Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Laczko, Frank, and Marco A. Gramegna. 2003. “Deve loping Better Indicators of Human Trafficking.” The Brown Journal of World Affairs X(1): 179-194. Laczko, Frank. 2005. “Introduction.” In Data and Research on Human Trafficking: A Global Survey By Frank Laczko and Elzbieta M. Gozdziak, eds. New York: United Nations, 5-16. Langberg, Laura. 2005. “A Review of Recent OAS Re search on Human Trafficking in the Latin American and Caribbean Region.” In Data and Research on Human Trafficking: A Global Survey. By Frank Laczko and Elzbieta M. Gozdziak, eds. New York: United Nations, 129-140. Latin American and Caribbean Community Center. 200 7. “Child Sex Abuse – Everybody Knows Nobody Says Diego Cevallos.” 12 Ma rch. Atlanta, GA: Latin American and Caribbean Community Center. . Malarek, Victor. 2003. The Natashas: Inside the New Global Sex Trade New York: Arcade Publishing, Inc. Masika, Rachel, ed. 2002. Gender, Trafficking, and Slavery Oxford: Oxfam Publishing. Mendelson, Sarah. 2005. Barracks and Brothels: Peacekeeping and Human Trafficking in the Balkans. Washington D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies. Miers, Suzanne. 2003. “Chapter 8: The Temporary Slavery Commission and the Expanding Definition of Slavery.” In Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 112. Miers, Suzanne. 2003. “Chapter 24: Contemporary Forms of Slavery.” In Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global P roblem. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 415-436. Miko, Francis T. 2003. “Chapter 1: Trafficking i n Women and Children: The U.S. and International Response.” In Trafficking in Women and Children: Current Issues and Developments. By Anna M. Troubnikoff, ed. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Sc ience Publisher. Merriam-Webster’s Online Dictionary. 2005. “Undere mployment.” Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster Inc. .

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148 Obokata, Tom. 2006. Trafficking of Human Beings from a Human Rights Per spective: Towards a Holistic Approach. Leiden, the Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (U NHCHR). 1991. “Fact Sheet No. 14: Contemporary Forms of Slavery.” June. Geneva Switzerland: United Nations. . Parrot, Andrea, and Nina Cummings. 2006. Forsaken Females: The Global Brutalization of Women. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Possley, Maura. 2007. “Human Trafficking is ‘Aliv e and Well’ in U.S.” Bradenton Herald, 14 January. Ribando, Clare. 2005. Trafficking in Persons in Latin America and the Car ibbean CRS Report for Congress. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Depar tment of State. Rosenthal, Elisabeth. 2007. “UN fund to combat hu man trafficking.” International Herald Tribune [Europe] March 26. Salt, John, and Jeremy Stein. 1997. “Migration as a Business: The Case of Trafficking.” International Migration 35(4): 467-494. Salt, John. 2000. “Trafficking and Human Smugglin g: A European Perspective.” International Migration 38(3): 31-56. Skrobanek, Siriporn, et. al. 1997. The Traffic in Women: Human Realities of the International Sex Trade. New York: Zed Books. Sleightholme, Carolyn, and Indrani Sinha. 1996. Guilty Without Trial: Women in the Sex Trade in Calcutta New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. St. Petersburg Times 2007. “Girls Outline Violence, Injustice before U.N. Audience.” 4 March, 19A. St. Petersburg Times 2007. “New Law, but Problems Remain for India’s Kids, Advocated Want an End to the Illegal Labor.” 4 Mar ch, 19A. Stoecker, Sally, and Louise Shelley, eds. 2005. Human Trafficking and Transnational Crime: Eurasian and American Perspectives Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield. Survivor’s Rights International. 2006. “Trafficki ng in Persons: Latin America and the Caribbean.” Annapolis, MD: Survivor’s Rights Inte rnational. . The Tiraspol Times 2007. “Government Officials behind Record Rise in Moldova Organ Trade.” 23 February.

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149 The Tiraspol Times. 2007. “NGOs Urge Moldova and Pridnestrovie to Wo rk Together in Fight against Sex Slave Trade.” 11 March. Transparency International. 2007. "How do you def ine corruption?" Frequently asked questions about corruption. Berlin, Germany: Tran sparency International. . Troubnikoff, Anna M, ed. 2003. Trafficking in Women and Children: Current Issues and Developments. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publisher. Tyldum, Guri, and Anette Brunovskis. 2005. “Descr ibing the Unobserved Methodological Challenge in Empirical Studies on Hu man Trafficking.” In Data and Research on Human Trafficking: A Global Survey By Frank Laczko and Elzbieta M. Gozdziak, eds. New York: United Natio ns, 17-34. UNESCO Trafficking Project. 2003. “Data Compariso n Sheet #1: Worldwide Trafficking Estimates by Organizations.” New York: United Nat ions Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. United Nations Children’s Fund. 2005. Trafficking in Human Beings, Especially Women and Children in Africa. New York: United Nations. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2006. Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU), Global Progr amme against Trafficking in Human Beings (GPAT). New Yo rk: United Nations . United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 2007. “Feature on Human Trafficking.” UNODC Annual Report 2007 New York: United Nations, 16-22. . United Press International (UPI). 2007. “U.N. Cal ls for End of Human Trafficking.” 5 March. . U.S. Department of State. 2003. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State. U.S Department of State. 2005. “Distinctions betw een Human Smuggling and Human Trafficking.” Factsheet. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State. . U.S. Department of State. 2006. Trafficking in Persons Report 2006 June 2006. 4 Nov. 2006. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Stat e. . U.S. Immigration Customs Enforcement. 2004. “Fact s about Human Trafficking.” Bureau of Public Affairs. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State.

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150 Van den Anker, Christien, ed. 2004. The Political Economy of New Slavery New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Van Impe, Kristof. 2000. “People for Sale: The N eed for a Multidisciplinary Approach towards Human Trafficking.” International Migration Special Issue 2000/1. World Tourism Organization (WTO). 1995. “WTO Stat ement on the Prevention of Organized Sex Tourism.” 17-22 October. Adopted by the General Assembly of the WTO at its eleventh session. Resolution A/RES/ 338 (XI). Cairo, Egypt: WTO .

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151 APPENDICES

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152 APPENDIX A: CODEBOOK 1. “COUNTRY” Country name. Source: List of 181 select nations derived from T he CIA World Factbook, updated 10 January 2006 . Note: Only 181 out of the 212 countries were sele cted based on available data. The remaining 31 countries were omitted due to sparse o r unavailable data. Nominal variable. 2. “ALLSLAVES” (Average number of slaves, 2002) Average number of slaves, estimated in 2002 Source: Kevin Bales. 2005. Understanding Global Slavery Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 183-186. Appendix 2 “Rankings of Countries on Ordinal Scales for Slavery and Trafficking (Including Ranges of Estimated Number of Slaves),” Pp. 183-186. Note 1: These estimates were originally printed in a 2002 article by Kevin Bales, and come from a multitude of sources from years of rese arch, travel, and work. Please refer to the above source for further details on how thes e slavery estimates were constructed. Note 2: The estimates for this empirical investiga tion were averaged from the low and high estimates of slavery to create a single [avera ged] estimate. Nominal Variable; Range 0 to 20 million; Minimum va lue = 50, Maximum value = 20 million, No Report = 99 3. “HDI2000” (Human Development Index, 2000) Human Development Index, 2000 Source: United Nations Development Programme, Huma n Development Report 2000, “Human development index trends: human development index,” . Note 1: According to page 269, , “the HDI [human development index] is based on three indicators: l ongevity, as measured by life expectancy at birth; educational attainment, as mea sured by a combination of adult literacy (two-thirds weight) and the combined gross primary, secondary and tertiary enrolment ratio (one-third weight); and standard of living, as measured by real GDP per capita (PPP$)” (269). Essentially, the HDI focuses on the average achievements in the basic human capabilities – leading a long life, bei ng knowledgeable and enjoying a decent standard of living (127). Note 2: According to , the HDI is calculated on the basis of data on life expectan cy from UN (United Nations). 2005a. Correspondence on life expectancy at birth. Departm ent of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. March. New York; data on adult literacy rates from UNESCO.

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153 APPENDIX A (CONTINUED) 2005. Correspondence on adult and youth literacy ra tes. March. Montreal, and UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultura l Organization) Institute for Statistics. 2006a. Correspondence on adult and youth literacy r ates. April. Montreal; data on combined gross enrolment ratios from UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Institute for Statistics 1999. Statistical Yearbook. Montreal, and (56) and data on GDP per capita (2000 PPP US$) and GDP per capita (PPP US$) from World Bank. 2006. World Development Indicators 2006. CD-ROM. Washington, D.C. Note 3: Please refer to page 269, , for greater details on how the human development index was constructed. Note 4: The following countries’ HDI was not prese nt for the year 2000; therefore the 1995 statistic was used as an alternative: Canada, Central African Republic, Ecuador, Germany, Haiti, and Singapore. Likewise, the follo wing countries’ HDI was not present for any other year except for 2004: Angola, Antigu a & Barbuda, Azerbaijan, Barbados, Bhutan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brunei Darussalam, Cuba, Dominica, Gabon, Georgia, Grenada, Guinea, Kyrgyzstan, Libya, Macedo nia, Maldives, Myanmar, Qatar, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Slovakia, Solomon Islands Suriname, So Tom and Principe, Turkmenistan, and Vanuatu. Ratio variable; Range 0 (low HDI) to 1 (high HDI); Minimum value = .268, Maximum value =.956, No Report = 99 4. “UNEMP” (Percentage of total unemployment of to tal labor force, 2001 and various years) Unemployment Rate (%) Source: The CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002 . Table: Unemployment Note 1: According to , the level of employment is defined as the percent of the labor f orce that is without jobs. Note 2: All unemployment percentages were reported in 2001 for each country, except for those countries listed below: 1992 = Kiribati, Nigeria 1995 = Vietnam, Yemen 1996 = Comoros, Kuwait, New Caledonia 1997 = Gabon, Ghana, Laos, Lebanon, Mozambique, Nam ibia, Suriname 1998 = Bahrain, Cte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, M onaco 1999 = Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Fiji, Grenada, Guatem ala, India, Iran, Kyrgyzstan, Liechtenstein, Marshall Islands, Mauritania, Federa ted States of Micronesia, Morocco, Uzbekistan, Virgin Islands

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154 APPENDIX A (CONTINUED) 2000 = Antigua and Barbuda, Belarus, Belize, Bolivi a, Cape Verde, Costa Rica, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Guyana, Jamaica, Lesot ho, Libya, Malta, Moldova, Mongolia, Palau, Panama, Swaziland, Syria, Tunisia, Zambia 2002 = Sudan Ratio variable; Range 0 to 100; Minimum value = 0, Maximum value = 90, No Report = 99 5. “POVERTY” (Percent of population below poverty l ine, 2001 and various years) Percent of population below poverty line, various y ears Source: The CIA World Factbook, updated 1 January 2002 . Table: Field Listing – Population below poverty li ne Note 1: According to , the national estimates of the percentage of the population lying below the poverty line are based on surveys of sub-groups, with the results weighted by the number of people in each group. Definitions of poverty vary considerably among nati ons. For example, rich nations generally employ more generous standards of poverty than poor nations. Note 2: All population below poverty line percenta ges were reported in 2001 for each country, except for the following countries: 1989 = Sierra Leone, Togo 1990/1991 = Fiji, Malawi 1991 = Tanzania 1992 = Ghana, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago 1993 = Honduras, Hungary, Niger, Zambia 1994 = Guinea, Madagascar 1995 = Belarus 1995/1996 = Bangladesh, Egypt, Nepal 1996 = Ethiopia, Iran 1997 = Cambodia, Ireland, Sri Lanka, Uruguay, Venez uela 1998 = Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Malaysia, Thailand, Vi etnam 1999 = Algeria, Belize, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Domini can Republic, El Salvador, Indonesia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Morocco, Panama, Russia, Zimbabwe 2000 = Botswana, Bulgaria, Myanmar [Burma], Cameroo n, Estonia, Guatemala, Kenya, Nigeria, Peru, Poland, Romania, Rwanda, South Afric a, Tunisia Ratio variable; Range 0 to 100; Minimum value = 4, Maximum value = 86, No Report = 99

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155 APPENDIX A (CONTINUED) 6. “CORRUPT” (Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, 2001) Transparency International Corruption Perceptions I ndex, 2001 Source: Transparency International, “Corruptions P erceptions Index (CPI),” . Table: The 2001 Corruption Perceptions Index Note 1: According to , “2001 CPI Score relates to perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people, academics and risk analysts, and ranges between 0 ( highly corrupt) and 10 (highly clean).” Note on the Bangladesh score: Data for this countr y in 2001 was available from only three independent survey sources, and each of these yielded very different results. While the composite score is 0.4, the range of indi vidual survey results is from -1.7 to +3.8. This is a greater range than for any other c ountry. TI [Transparency International] stresses, therefore, that this result needs to be v iewed with caution. Ratio variable; Range 0 to 10; Minimum value = 0.4, Maximum value = 9.9, No Report = 99 7. “TIPACT02” (Compliance of countries with the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 2002) Three-level tier system in which nations are categ orized based on their compliance with minimum standards of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 for the year 2002. Source: The tier system derived from the introduct ion of the U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report [2002]. Released by the Office to Monitor and Com bat Trafficking in Persons, 5 June 2002 . Note 1: The list of countries under each tier came from the list, “II. Trafficking in Persons Lists,” U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report [2002]. Released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 5 June 2002. . Note 2: According to the U.S. Department of State , each of the tiers is defined as: Tier 1: Countries that fully comply with the [TVPA of 2000] Act’s minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. Such governments criminalize and have successfully prosecuted trafficking, and have provided a wide range of protective services to victims. Victims are not jai led or otherwise punished solely as a result of being trafficked, and they are not s ummarily returned to a country where they may face hardship as a result of being t rafficked. In addition, these governments sponsor or coordinate prevention campai gns aimed at stemming the flow of trafficking.

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156 APPENDIX A (CONTINUED) Tier 2: Countries that do not yet fully comply wit h the [TVPA of 2000] Act’s minimum standards but are making significant effort s to bring themselves into compliance with those standards. Some are strong i n the prosecution of traffickers, but provide little or no assistance to victims. Others work to assist victims and punish traffickers, but have not yet ta ken any significant steps to prevent trafficking. Some governments are only begi nning to address trafficking, but nonetheless have already taken significant step s towards the eradication of trafficking. Tier 3: Countries that do not fully comply with th e minimum standards [of the TVPA of 2000] and are not making significant effort s to bring themselves into compliance. Some of these governments refuse to ac knowledge the trafficking problem within their territory. On a more positive note, several other governments in this category are beginning to take concrete steps to combat trafficking. While these steps do not yet reach th e appropriate level of significance, many of these governments are on the path to placement on Tier 2. Ordinal variable; Scale: 1 = Tier 1 countries 2 = Tier 2 countries 3 = Tier 3 countries 99 = No report or missing nations 8. “POLSTAB” (Political Stability/Absence of Viole nce, 1999) Political stability and lack of violence as a measu re of quality of governance, based on data from 1997-1998. Source: The World Bank Institute Governance & Anti -Corruption, “Data,” . Note 1: According to , political stability and absence of violence “combin es several indicators which measure perceptions of the likelihood that the government i n power will be destabilized or overthrown by possibly unconstitutional and/or viol ent means, including domestic violence and terrorism.” Note 2: According to Excel file available from , “The six governance indicators in this worksheet are measured in units ranging from about -2.5 to 2.5, with higher values corresponding to better governance ou tcomes.” Ratio variable; Range -2.5 to 2.5; Minimum value = -2.421, Maximum value = 1.690, No Report = 99

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157 APPENDIX B: SCATTER PLOTS 49 1.000 0.800 0.600 0.400 0.200 Human Development Index, 2000 300000 250000200000 150000100000 50000 0 Average Number of Slaves, 2002 NOTE: India and Pakistan each had HDI of .577 and .511 respectively.Human Development Index 49 India and Pakistan have both been excluded from ALL f ive scatter plots in Appedix B due to their high values of slaves, 20 million and 3 million each respective ly. They suppress the statistical model in terms of displaying any possible linear relationship.

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158 APPENDIX B (CONTINUED) 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0 Total Unemployment as Percentage of Total Labor For ce, 2001 300000 250000200000 150000100000 50000 0 Average Number of Slaves, 2002 NOTE: India and Pakistan each had an unemployment rate of 4.4% and 6.3% respectively.Unemployment

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159 APPENDIX B (CONTINUED) 80.0 60.0 40.0 20.0 0.0 Percent of Population below Poverty Line, 2002 20000000 1500000010000000 5000000 0 Average Number of Slaves, 2002 India and Pakistan each had a poverty rate of 35% a nd 34% respectively.Poverty

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160 APPENDIX B (CONTINUED) 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Countries that Comply with the Trafficking in Perso ns Act, 2002 300000 250000200000 150000100000 50000 0 Average Number of Slaves, 2002 Note: India and Pakistan were both placed in the "T ier 2" level.Compliance with the TVPA of 2000


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ABSTRACT: Global slavery includes human trafficking, debt bondage, forced labor, commercial sexual exploitation of children, and organ trafficking. Despite its official abolishment within the international community, global slavery continues to thrive in many parts of the world. The various types of slavery do not restrain themselves in a mutual exclusive manner; rather, they transcend and merge to create inter-connectedness within the illegal world of slavery. For instance, a person that is trafficked for the purpose of labor -- domestic or forced -- can also become sexually exploited and prostituted. This thesis discusses the nature and scope of the different faces of contemporary slavery, including human trafficking, debt bondage, and the sex tourism industry. While pervasive worldwide, human trafficking remains a major problem, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, the former republics of the Soviet Union, and Asia. Higher levels of unemployment, the demand for "exotic" women and the existence of well-organized trafficking routes and international criminal organizations has led to the development of this slavery. In short, human trafficking is said to exist in virtually every country of the world. The abundance of beautiful beaches and resorts, as well as the supply of cheap women and children in Southeast Asia and Latin America has led to a thriving sex tourism industry. In Central Asia and Africa, a high demand for manual labor, as well as certain religious and cultural factors, has given rise to the largest type of slavery in the world: debt bondage. An empirical aggregate-level analysis using OLS regression is performed to examine why certain countries have more indigenous people (native to that country) who become enslaved than others. Overall, a lack of human development proves to be a major factor in determining the number of enslaved peoples across countries.
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