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A Surviving Legacy: Nonviolent Resist ance in the Congresssi onal Black Caucus 2001-2007 by Rhone Sebastian Fraser A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Liberal Arts Department of Africana Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-Major Professor: Cheryl Rodriguez, Ph.D. Co-Major Professor: Deborah Plant, Ph.D. Navita Cummings James, Ph.D. Shirley Toland-Dix, Ph.D. Eric Duke, Ph.D. Date of Approval: July 10, 2007 Keywords: nonviolence, activism, jeremiad, organizing, mobilizing. Copyright 2007 by Rhone Fraser.
Dedication I dedicate this masters thesis to the new generations of young people who are interested in advancing the cau se of civil rights and liberti es, making the kinds of changes that the matriarchs such as Ella Baker, Fannie Lou Hamer, and many others made. I dedicate this thesis to young people who are devoted to preventing any future conservative revolutions of the U.S. House like the one led by Newt Gingrich in 1994 that was governed by an unspoken yet condoned racism. This thesis provides insight on recent and not so recent struggles against ideological racism. More specifically, I dedicate this thesis to the young generation in my family that can now make a difference: my nephew Myles Greene, my dear niece Jordyn Greene, my young cousins Andrei Stephenson, Fitzroy Graham, Jr., and all of my aunts and uncles children. I also dedicate this to the following people in the younger generation: Gavin Parboosingh, Sitherine Simmons, Rackeem Sheriffe, Marv in Watson, Brenton Brown, Corbin Brown, and the children of Colin Elphic and A. Dwa yne Wilmot. To the younger generation that I taught at Troup Middle School and at Bronx Science who made a point to keep in touch such as Somephone Sonenarong, Breanna Evans, and Matthew Taylor. I sincerely hope this younger generation will be inspired by the ways that the overall liberation struggle for justice continues in the Congressional Bl ack Caucus and will vow to continue this struggle. It is up to those who read this thes is to be the conscience of this country and do our best to arrest the imperialist, colonizing policies of this country.
Acknowledgments First and foremost I thank my personal savior, the Lord Jesus Christ, and my personal relationship with Him for being able to write and complete my masters thesis. Next I thank the incredibly outstanding support of my family while wri ting this thesis. I thank my grandmother Maudlin Young for allowing me the space in her home and providing invaluable financial, spiritual, and emotional support to help me to write my masters thesis. Making her home a comf ortable space, where I was able to work peacefully is one of the most important fact ors in discovering my calling and being able to write and finish this mast ers thesis. I next thank my mother Yvonne Fraser for her innumerable prayers on my behalf, for her str ong faith and dedication to maintaining and sustaining me in prayer. I thank my father Anserd Fraser for his wisdom when I needed it and his overall sterling example of an inte llectual, athletic, and well-rounded man that he provides me. I thank my two sisters, Marilyn Greene and Denia Fraser for their support as well as their words of encouragement that meant so much to me. Of course I am grateful for the support of the faculty in the Africana Studies Department at the University of South Florida that has charted and guided my academic journey with loving verbal and academic support: Dr. Cheryl Rodriguez, Dr. Deborah Plant, Dr. Joan Holmes, Dr. Trevor Purcell, Dr. H. Roy Ka plan, Dr. Eric Duke, Dr. Festus Ohaegbulam, Dr. Bryan Shuler, Dr. Navita Cummings Ja mes, Dr. Mozella Mitchell, Ms. Phyllis McEwen and Dr. Shirley Toland-Dix. And tha nks to Denise Dixon for renewing my joy.
i Table of Contents List of Tables................................................................................................................. ....iii Abstract....................................................................................................................... .......iv Chapter One: Introduction..................................................................................................1 Statement of Purpose...............................................................................................4 Frameworks For Study of Nonviolence...................................................................5 Historical Overview.................................................................................................7 Statement of Research Questions and Methodology...............................................9 Chapter Two: A Comparison of Similarities between Barbara Lees Vote Against the Iraq Invasion with That of Ro sa Parks Refusal to Relinquish Her Seat in 1955.........................................................................................13 A Brief Background of Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks............................................13 A Comparison of the Experiences During Nonviolence by Lee and Parks...........14 A Comparison of the Acts of Nonviolence by Lee and Parks...............................22 Lessons Learned From Both Acts of Nonviolence................................................32 Chapter Three: A Comparison of the N onviolent Activism of Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah who Both Worked to Improve Public Education for African American Students........................................................................35 A Brief Background of Chaka Fattah....................................................................35 A Background of Daisy Bates and Arkansas Public Education for Blacks Before 1957................................................................................................38 The Nonviolence of Daisy Bates...........................................................................41 Similarities of Nonviolen ce Between Bates and Fattah.........................................44 Lessons Learned From Both Acts of Nonviolence................................................60 Chapter Four: A Discussion of the Or ganizing Work of Ella Baker and the Organizing Work of Maxine Waters..........................................................62 Ella Baker and the Hist orical Significance of 1960...............................................62 The Organizing Background of Ella Baker...........................................................67 Lessons Learned From the Organizing of Ella Baker............................................90 A Background of Maxine Waters..........................................................................91 A Discussion of the Organizing of Baker and Waters...........................................94 Lessons Learned From the Or ganizing of Maxine Waters..................................105
ii Chapter Five: Appeals to the U.S. Cons titution: A Comparison of the Nonviolent Protest Strategies from 1961 to 1963 with Nonviolent Strategies by the Congressional Black Caucus from 2001 to 2005...............................107 The 1961 Freedom Rides and the Jail-In Strategy...............................................107 A Brief Background and Comparison of the Nonviolence of James Farmer & John Conyers........................................................................................114 A Discussion of Racist Ideol ogies That Opposed Nonviolence..........................119 A Comparison of U.S. Justice Departments Allowing Torture..........................124 A Comparison of Torture Against Nonviolent Protestors...................................127 The Freedom Riders Versus the State of Mississippi..........................................130 A Comparison of Nonviolent Strate gies by Conyers and the Freedom Riders.......................................................................................................133 The 1961 and 1962 Albany Movement and the Lessons of the Messiah Complex...................................................................................................134 A Brief Background of Charles Rangel and Sheila Jackson-Lee........................141 A Comparison of Jail-In Strategies by King, Rangel, Jackson-Lee and Dellums....................................................................................................143 The 1963 Project C Campaign in Birmingham and the Lessons of Concentrating Direct Action....................................................................148 Chapter Six: A Discussion of Examined Comparisons..................................................151 Background of Sharps Definition of Nonviolence.............................................151 Fulfilling the Persuasion Phase of Sharps Framework.......................................153 Fulfilling the Protest Phase of Sharps Framework.............................................163 Lessons From Each Case Study of Nonviolence.................................................171 Limitations of This Methodological Study..........................................................173 Conclusion: Implications of this Study...............................................................175 Endnotes...........................................................................................................................184
iii List of Tables Table 1 Summary of Nonviolent Work by Modern Civil Rights Leaders and Select Congressional Black Caucus Members by Rhone Fraser 182
iv A Surviving Legacy: Nonviolent Resist ance in the Congressi onal Black Caucus, 2001-2007 Rhone Fraser ABSTRACT Select members of the Congressional Bl ack Caucus through their votes, speeches, arrests and nonviolent forms of protest prac tice a renewed kind of nonviolent resistance against a neoconservativ e political agenda advanced by the executive branch of the U.S. government in the past six years. Their practices are nonviolent according to the definition of nonviolence discussed by Martin Luther King, Jr. in his 1962 New York Times Magazine article: we will take direct action against injustice without waiting for other agencies to actWe will try to persuade with our wordsbut if our words fail we will try to persuade with our acts. Nonvi olent resistance according to this quote means first trying to persuade with wo rds then trying to persuade with direct action. This study will compare nonviolent methods of direct action between 2001 and 2007 and those between 1955 and 1963. The nonviolent met hods between 2001 and 2007 resist the neoconservative policies that ar e based on the same assumptions as those in the civil rights movements between 1955 and 1963. The identification of five comparisons in particular proves a continuing tradition of nonviolent protest identified as a surviving legacy of resistance against neoc onservative policies. First, Rosa Parkss refusal to give
v up her seat on a city bus is comparable to U.S. Representative Barbara Lees refusal to support the military invasions of Iraq a nd Afghanistan. Second, Daisy Batess commitment to ensuring a quality public education for the Little Rock Nine is comparable to U.S. Representative Chaka Fa ttahs efforts to improve the Philadelphia public school system. Third, the organizing wo rk of Ella Baker in creating the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1960 is comparable to the organizing work of Maxine Waters in creating the Out of Iraq cau cus in 2005. Fourth, the appeals to the U.S. Constitution of James Farmer and the Freedom Riders serves as a foundation for John Conyers appeal to the U.S. Constitution in hi s lawsuit against George W. Bush. Fifth, the strategy of getting arrested to call attention to unjust fo reign policies within the past five years is comparable to the jail, no bail strategy during 1962 and 1963. The major point of this thesis is to argue the ex istence of a concerted strategy of nonviolent resistance practiced by specific Congressional Black Caucus members. The thesis will compare nonviolent resistance in the 21 st century to that of the early 1960s.
1 Chapter One: Introduction In this thesis, I argue that there are comparable inst ances of nonviolent activism from two groups of peoples in U.S. history: civil rights activ ists between 1955 and 1963 and specific Congressional Black Caucus members between 2001 and 2007. These two time periods of 1955 to 1963 and 2001 to 2007 include significant civil rights activism. 1955 to 1963 is a period that is part of what is popularly known as the modern civil rights movement. According to Julian Bond, it is a time period when an ever-widening group of Americans marched, picketed, and demons trated to bring about an end to legal segregation. 1 The most effective demonstratio ns during this movement occurred nonviolently according to many civil rights hist orians such as Howard Zinn. The time period from 2001 to 2007 could be conceptualized as a post 9/11 civil rights movement where a comparable kind of nonviolent activism ex ists, as this thesis aims to prove. This could be conceptualized as a post 9/11 civi l rights movement because it is a movement that includes the consideration of how U.S. society has changed since 9/11. This post 9/11 movement has in fact been infl uenced by the events on September 11 th because without such events, George W. Bush would not have had a legitimate reason to acquire Congressional approval to invade Iraq a nd Afghanistan in September of 2001. This thesis argues that Barbara Lee s single vote against this war is part of a post 9/11 civil rights movement that ultimately seeks societal changes that are sim ilar to those of the civil rights movement.
2 This post 9/11 civil rights movement ulti mately aims to bring about an end to emerging race and social class warfare which, over the past fifty years, has led to gross wealth and income disparities across social classes. This thesis will discuss how a specific group of Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) members ultimately aim to end the social class warfare and will compare the methods of nonviolent resistance from 2001 to 2007 with those occurring from 1955 to 1963. T hose who played major roles in the civil rights movement from 1955 to 1963 provided impor tant lessons on protest. In fact, what the stalwarts of the civil rights movement have provided us, along with the critical passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 a nd the Voting Rights Act of 1965 is what Clayborne Carson calls a surviving legacy of resistance against disenfranchisement when he describes the work of a very si gnificant civil rights organization in 1960, the Student Nonviolent Coordina ting Committee, or SNCC: SNCC [Student Nonviolent Coordina ting Committee] workers failed to resolve the enduring dilemmas that had perplexed earlier radicals and revolutionaries, but they pr ovided a surviving legacy. This legacy is most evident among black people in the deep South communities where SNCC became enmeshed in strong local struggles. Local black leaders who gained new conceptions of themselves as a result of SNCCs work carried on political movements after SNCC work ers departed and the excitement of protest subsided. 2 This surviving legacy that allowed bl acks in the South to carry on political movements is most needed to revive all Am ericans today from what Cornel West calls seductive lies, comforting illusions 3 which is arguably a more intense repetition of the environment in 1960s that King desc ribed as a deadening complacency. 4 By identifying acts of protest -such as Barb ara Lees 2001 vote against the war in Iraq and Charles Rangels 2004 arrest -as nonviol ent, this study hopes to remind Americans about the seriousness of this time in its simila rity to the civil right s movement and inspire
3 the challenge of what we see clearly today as a deadening complacency. The definition of nonviolent resistance assumed in the pe riod from 1955 to 1963 is specifically public protest in the form of marche s or organizing. The definition of nonviolent resistance as it pertains to the period from 2001 to 2007 is spec ifically publicized political resistance, through voting or through public protest or pub lication, against the po licies of the George W. Bush administration. In discussing Rosa Parks, this thesis will focus on public transportation and how Parks experiences were similar to Barbara L ee in her treatment after what was seen as a largely unpopular act. In the second chapter, this thesis will also focus on public education as a site of majo r struggle that both Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah fight in order to provide a quality education for African American students. In the third chapter, this thesis will focus on political organizi ng by Ella Baker from the 1930s up to 1960 and compare such organizing to that by Maxine Waters. Another site of struggle is the practice of book publishing which is discussed in the fifth chapter that presents John Conyers published work, George W. Bush Versus The U.S. Constitution. This work illustrates an example of how one can use book publishing to continue the civil rights struggle. Each chapter however might discuss one or more of the af orementioned sites of struggle. For example, Daisy Bates not only works within public education, she also works as a political organizer in order to ac complish her goal of in tegrating Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. From 2001 to 2007, nonviolence will be examined in the context of the U.S. Representative as a nonviolent protestor. This study will examine various manifestations of non-violent resistance by black legislator s in the U.S. House of Representatives
4 between 2001 and 2007. These are highly publ ic leaders whose actions are widely covered in local and national media. Thus systematic documentation of their public actions is available. Statement of Purpose This thesis will make comparisons of historically significant instances of nonviolent resistance in two time periods: from 1955 to 1963 and from 2001 to 2007. This thesis argues that there are five significant similarities between incidents of nonviolent resistance from 2001 to 2007 and from 1955 to 1963; these similarities are made in order to prove the existence of si gnificant nonviolent resi stance in the twenty first century. First, Rosa Parks refusal in 1955 to relinquish her se at on a city bus is identified as an act of nonviolent resistance similar to U.S. Representative Barbara Lees refusal to vote in 2001 for the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. Second, Daisy Bates organizing efforts in 1957 to integrate Centra l High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, is identified as an act of nonviolent resistance similar to U.S. Representative Chaka Fattahs work in drastically improving the graduation and college attendance rates in Philadelphias public schools in 2003. Thir d, the organizing work of Ella Baker in creating the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1960 is comparable to the organizing work of Maxine Waters in crea ting the Out of Iraq caucus in 2005. Fourth, the work of organizing the 1961 Freedom Ri des and using the U.S. Supreme Court rulings as a rationale to achieve integration is similar to the appeals to George W. Bush to heed the U.S. Constitution by U.S. Representative John Conyers with his 2006 publication of George W. Bush Versus The U.S. Constitution In this fourth similarity, African Americans use the courts or legal system to demand implementation of the law.
5 The Freedom Riders were trying to hold the South accountable to the Interstate Commerce Commission ban on segreg ated interstate bus facil ities while John Conyers is trying to hold George W. Bush accountable to the U.S. Constitution. Fifth Sheila Jackson-Lee and Charles Rangels arrests in 2006 and 2004 are similar to Ruby Doris Smith Robinson and Martin Luther Kings arrest in 1961 and 1962. Frameworks For Study of Nonviolence The instances of activism from 1955 to 1963 will be defined as nonviolent according to the framework established by a definition of nonviolence established by Martin Luther King and affirmed by James Lawson. During a telephone interview, Mr. Lawson, stated that nonviolence consists of two parts: persuasion and protest. King wrote in a 1962 New York Times magazine article that we w ill take direct action against injustice without waiting for other agencies to actWe will try to persuade with our wordsbut if our words fail we will try to persuade with our acts. 5 For example, Daisy Bates decision to help send nine African Am erican students to integrate Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas was an act of nonviolence because she took direct action against racial segregation wit hout waiting for other agencies to act. The instances of activism from 2001 to 2007 will be identified as nonviolent according to the framework outlined by Gene Sharp in The Politics of Nonviolent Action Here action is considered a more general term that is committed to nonvi olence; nonviolent resistance is a form of nonviolent action. Events or historical inci dents will be identified as nonviolent according to a framework for nonviolent action outline d by Gene Sharp in his book entitled The Politics of Nonviolent Action Sharps framework for nonviolence is established in nine basic
6 steps. These nine steps are: investigation of a lleged grievances, a formulation of desired changes, publicity of the gr ievances, efforts at negotiati on, a clarification of minimum demands, concentrating direct action on th e weakest points in the opponents case, publicity of developing issues by the nonviolen t group, the pursuance of different kinds of direct action, and finally issuing an ultimat um. These nine basic steps are outlined in the ninth chapter of The Politics of Nonviolent Action entitled Laying the Groundwork for Nonviolent Action. These nine steps exis t within the binary method that both James Lawson and Martin Luther King mention in thei r definitions of nonviolence. This binary method consists of nonviolence having two part s: persuasion and pr otest. Protest is basically direct action. The first five st eps of Sharps basic steps are within the persuasion element of Lawson and Kings bina ry nonviolent method. Th e last four steps of Sharps basic steps of nonviolence are within the protest element of Lawson and Kings binary nonviolent method. Altogether these nine basic steps also constitute the framework of nonviolent resistance that will be used to define the acts of protest by those protesting within the civil rights moveme nt and those Congressional Black Caucus members who protest between 2001 and 2007. Resistance in this context is specifically concerned with any political action within or outside a legislative body that resist s the policies of the neoconservative George W. Bush administration that has tried to reverse the gains achi eved by the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Since the passage of these laws, African Americans have made considerable progress in their participation in electoral politics. This progress includes running for office in local, state and national elections. Political scientists Hanes Walton and R obert C. Smith write that Ci vil Rights and Voting Rights
7 Acts affected social change in two ways:. they remedied or compensated African Americans to some degree for past discrimination, and they created diversity in education, employment, a nd government contracting. 6 The neoconservative policies are defined as such because they aim to reverse th ese gains. This thesis focuses on the ways in which resistance against these neoconser vative policies are de fined as nonviolent. Historical Overview The overall nonviolent resistance within a post 9/11 civil rights movement is markedly different from the modern civil rights movement from 1955 to 1963. This post 9/11 civil rights movement contai ns isolated incidents of protest that are not as related and chronologically close as the student sit in movements of the 1960s were. This post 9/11 civil rights movement is not only fi ghting against policies of a presidential administration in an executive branch; it is fighting against the polic ies of the other two branches of the U.S. government: legislativ e and judicial. Both these branches from 1965 to 2007 have considerably reversed the gains of civil rights movement. For the majority of this time period, African Americans have se rved in the U.S. Congress under a Republican president. Republican presidents such as Nixon and George H.W. Bush (or Bush 41, the first Pres ident Bush) during this time have tried to reverse the gains of civil rights movement by trying to eliminate Affirmative Action. Also, during the twelve years of Democra tic presidential power between 1970 and 2007, the legislative branch has had a Republican majority with goals similar to those of Republican presidential administrations. Perhaps the most significant and recent Republican control of the legislative branch has been from 1994 to 2006 where they wielded considerable control in passing laws that restri cted gun control, enforced
8 minimum mandatory sentencing that dispr oportionately incarcerated more African American men. This change in the U.S government has resulted in a large retreat from the gains of the civil rights movement because it perpetuated and continues to perpetuate race and social class disparities. Political scientists Hanes Walton and Robert C. Smith write that in 1994 when the Demo crats lost their majority in the U.S. House, they also lost their capacity as a unified minority w ithin the majority to develop legislative packages that balance liberal and conservative elements in a coalition that could get the support of the Democratic majority. 7 This conservative movement was potentially weakened with the Democrat s regaining a majority in the U.S. House after the 2006 congressional election. However a post 9/11 civil rights movement has proved itself increasingly relevant in the face of a significan t retreat to the right by the judicial branch of the U.S government as well. Between 1969 and 1991, Presidents Nixon, Ford, Reagan and Bush appointed seven justices to the U. S. Supreme Court, most of who are highly conservative judges whose decisi ons did not aim to continue the significant civil rights gains intended by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. By the late 1980s, as a result of these appointments, the U.S. Supreme Court has begun to retreat on civil rights in their deci sions concerning school desegregation, voting rights, affirmative action, employment, and government contracting. Both Walton and Smith write that the current U.S. Supreme C ourt is leading the attack against the civil rights gains. This thesis will present a post 9/11 ci vil rights movement from 2001 to 2007 through the work of select Congressiona l Black Caucus members whose nonviolent resistance acts aim to protect the civ il rights gains of 1964 and 1965. The use of
9 nonviolent action became popularized during it s use by Mohandas Gandhi in the early twentieth century. Gandhi describes nonviolent resistance in the form of satyagraha as a mental and physical commitment to civil di sobedience. In his autobiography, Gandhi distinguishes the nonviolent resi ster as one who actively obeys laws in society before they choose to deliberately disobey certain laws: a Satyagrahi obeys the laws of society intelligently and of his own free will, because he considers it to be his sacred duty to do so. It is only when a person has thus obeyed the laws of so ciety scrupulously that he is in a position to judge as to which particular rules are good and just and which [are] unjust and iniquitous. 8 Gandhis position foreshadows the commitment to the protest phase of nonviolence to which both Lawson and King allude. According to Aldon Morris, it was Glenn Smiley, a white Methodist minister, who taught King about resistance. Smiley once said the role that I pl ayedwith Martin was one in wh ich I literally lived with him hours and hours and hours at a time, and he pumped me about what nonviolence was. 9 Smiley also used a book by Richard Gregg entitled The Power of Nonviolence to teach nonviolent resistance to King. Ri chard Gregg worked directly with Gandhi and in this book writes that the West will be utterly unpr epared and helpless in the face of welldisciplined, thoroughly organized and wisely led nonviolent resist ance especially if it is accompanied by an equally thorough temporary non vindictive economic boycott. 10 Statement of Research Questions and Methodology These examined similarities essentially cons titute four case studies. In each of these case studies exists an analytical framew ork that examines the social construction of socioeconomic class and gender, and the role of the national and international media. Each case study will answer the following four re search questions. First, why exactly is
10 the work of a select CBC member defined as nonviolent? Second, how do the nonviolent strategies of the modern civil rights movement and the actions of the Congressional Black Caucus members compare and contrast? Third, in what ways if any do religious beliefs, social class, gender, and the me dia influence the use of nonviolence by these figures? Fourth, what lessons about how to practice nonviolen ce can we learn today from each of these case studies? The major methodol ogical strategy for this research included the use of case study comparisons. Each cas e study included at leas t one individual from the modern civil rights movement and at le ast one individual who was or is a current member of the Congressional Black Caucus between 2001 and 2007. Individuals from each era were selected for this analysis based upon the criteria of the amount of accessible material that was perceived to show nonviolence. Individuals from the modern civil rights movement were selected based on their perceived influence on the eventual passage of the Voting Rights Act. Rosa Parks was selected because of her role that is popularly seen to tr igger the modern civil rights movement. Daisy Bates was selected for her role in figh ting for federal enforcement of Brown v. Board. Ella Baker was selected for her role in organizing the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee whose combination of direct action and voter registration tr ansformed the South and had a significant influence on the eventual pa ssing of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. James Farmer was selected for his leadership of the Freedom Rides, which was a nonviolent protest strategy that relied on the U.S. Supr eme Court rulings to justify integrating segregated buses and bus counters. Individuals from the Congressional Black Caucus during the post 9/11 civil rights movement were selected based on their works perceived similarity to figures of the civil
11 modern civil rights movement. This similar ity is evidenced by newspaper articles and other journalistic materials. Barbara Lee was chosen to be compared to Rosa Parks because she was the only U.S. Representative to initially vote direc tly against the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. Chaka Fatt ah was chosen to be compared to Daisy Bates because Fattah worked diligently, like Daisy Bates, to ensure a quality public education not only for nine students but for an entire group of public school students in the Philadelphia public school district. Fattah was also chosen to be compared to Bates because he was the original co-sponsor of the GEAR UP program, a program designed specifically to prepare students from lowe r socioeconomic classes for postsecondary education. Maxine Waters was chosen to be compared to Ella Bake r because of Waters influence in organizing not onl y other members of Congress in her Out of Iraq caucus but also organizing many Americans to begin to organize on their behalf to protest the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. John Conye rs was chosen to be compared to James Farmer because of his reliance on the U.S. Constitution in opposing the policies of the Bush administration in their allowing torture. Charles Rangel and Sheila Jackson-Lee were both chosen to be compared to Martin Luther King, and Ruby Doris Smith Robinson respectively because of the former pai rs use of the jail in strategy in order to call attention to the genocide in the Sudan. All the reasons for discussing these select Congressional Black Caucus members is evidenced by journalistic material. The methodological procedure used for each comparison or case study contained journalistic material th at included primarily archival da ta which included books, journal articles, newspaper articles, news program transcripts, film transcripts, and personal interviews. The kinds of books used in this thesis were largely biographies that provided
12 specific information on how individuals such as Daisy Bates and Ella Baker protested in a nonviolent way. The information about how each modern civil rights leader practiced nonviolence came from their personal memoirs in the case of Daisy Bates, James Farmer, and Martin Luther King. More information about these leaders also came from personal biographies in the case of Daisy Bates, Ella Baker, and Rosa Parks. The information about how each select CBC member pract ices nonviolence came from personal interviews or specific newspape r articles of news program tr anscripts as well as recent encyclopedias in the case of John Conyers. The background of Chaka Fattah came from a personal interview with Representative Fattah himself where I asked him about how he thought elements of his upbringi ng influenced his desire to improve public education, if any. The background of other CBC members largely came from the works of Lavern Gills African American Women in Congress or Maurine Christophers Americas Black Congressmen. The wide range of archival research helped create a large resource of information which allowed for many astounding similarities to be identified between these two time periods.
13 Chapter Two: A Comparison of Similarities between Barbara Lees Vote Against the Iraq Invasion with That of Rosa Parks Refusal to Relinquish her Seat in 1955 A Brief Background of Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks Both Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks stood alone in support of issues that were extraordinarily meaningful to them personally. This chapter will compare both women in order to argue that Barbara Lee continues a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance from Rosa Parks refusal to give up her seat in 1955. What makes an examination of Barbara Lee, a female member of the Congr essional Black Caucus, significant is her experience as an African-American woman. This study of her nonviolent resistance considers her experience of being born bl ack in America and [being] a woman and experiencing injustice, segregation, and racism and sexism. 11 It is from this experience that her nonviolent behavior in voting against the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan deserves a respectful academic study, especia lly considering the brutal racism that Barbara Lee, her mother, and grandmother experienced. Barbara Lee said that she can remember the story over and over again of her mother who was pregnant with her and according to Lee: when she was in labor, they refused to let her in the hospital because she was black and really left her to die and finally my grandmother somehow got my mother admitted and she was to have a caesarean section but it was too late, and so they had to take me using forceps and I had a sc ar above my right eye for many yearsso I literally came into the world fighting to su rvivethats what I knew and this is all I know. 12 On February 3, 2003, Barbara Lee was interviewed by Fergal Keane about her
14 vote against the invasion of Iraq. This was the first significan t act of nonviolent resistance against the Iraq invasion partic ularly because Barbara Lee was the only member of the U.S. Congress, House and Senate, to vote against the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. In a similar way, Rosa Parks refusal to give up her seat on a Montgomery Bus on Thursday, December 1, 1955, was perhaps the single most important act of nonviolent resistance that triggered the Montgomery Bus Boycott, eventually leading to more local protest movements that were part of a greater civil rights movement. There are two key similarities between Rosa Parks refusal to give up her seat and Ba rbara Lees refusal to be complicit in a military invasion: their acting on their religious beliefs, and their representation of working cla ss interests. While Rosa Pa rks was trying to end race and social class warfare by fighting racial segregation on city buses, Barbara Lee was trying to end race and social class warfare by fighti ng the disproportionate numbers of black and Latino youth who makeup the U.S. military th at invades Iraq and Afghanistan. A discussion of these two similarities followed by a close reading of their experiences in these nonviolent acts clar ifies their significance. A Comparison of the Experiences During Nonviolence by Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks In their nonviolence, both Parks and L ee were representing the interests of a socioeconomic class that was lower than the so cioeconomic class that they belonged to at that time. At the time of her nonviolent act, Parks was a seamstress married to an active member of the NAACP, a group that attracted more middle class than working class blacks at the time. The NAACP had a huge in fluence in using a ci vil rights case that they believed would inspire the nation and end institutional segregation. In fact, a
15 working-class woman, Claudette Colvin, al ong with an unidentified elderly woman, refused to give up her seat before Parks. Just before her court date however, it was feared that Colvin was pregnant. Fearing the white press would portray her as just a bad girl trying to cause trouble, the NAACP decided it would be foolhardy to appeal Colvins case to a higher court. She was not the right person in whom the NAACP could invest money, time, and the great hope of ending segr egation. That person, in the eyes of the NAACP and the sexist social mores they appe aled to, would have to be above reproach. 13 Therefore, Parks in her refusal to relinquish her seat was representing the interests of the working class. Her protest was opening a door to the possibilit y of ending not only institutional segregation for all blacks including the work ing class; her protest was opening a door to the possibili ty of ending institutionalized discrimination, and brought active protest against injustic e to a new level by raising th e consciousness of oppressed peoples; inspiring them to take their fate, their condition, in their own hands instead of relying on the whim of a segregated, racially discriminating society. At the time of her nonviolent act, Le e was and currently still is, a U.S. Representative which afforded her a certain so cioeconomic status that is higher than most people in her congressional districts constituency. There were othe r factors besides her higher socioeconomic status that obligated her to vote against a war that would send a disproportionate number of African-American s and Latinos to the military invasion. Compared to other black U.S. Representatives whose congressional districts also include a high number of African-Americans and Latin os, she probably felt a stronger sense of urgency to do her part to prot est the invasion of Iraq. This sense of urgency was perhaps compelled by the longstanding history and leg acy of her Oakland-area constituents and
16 her congressional predecessor Ronald Dellu ms who vociferously protested preemptive military invasions in his time as a U.S. Representative. As a member of the U.S. House, Barbara Lees duty to protect her constituents and make the decision that she felt was best for them required a vote against the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. The destitution of African-American wo rking class people around both settings of nonviolence at this time is important to consider. The settings of these nonviolent acts are Montgomery in 1955 and Washington, D.C. in 2001. While there is more in the historical record about the wo rking class conditions of Af rican Americans in Birmingham than in Montgomery, the conditions in both cities are arguably sim ilar and provide the rationale for the Montgomery Bus Boyco tt. In Birmingham by 1955, 42.1 percent of African-American families earned less than $2,000 a year compared to 8.4 percent of white families. Public assistance remain ed woefully inadequate. The city of Birmingham could barely afford to maintain its welfare program, which mainly consisted of distributing surplus food. Altogether, some 35,000 residents took advantage of that program many of whom stood in lines th at stretched at least four blocks. 14 Therefore, sometimes the last straw that broke the camels back of the psyches and lives of many of Birminghams working class blacks included th e order to relinquish a seat to a white person on a city bus. Robin D.G. Kelley gives a closer glimpse of the considerations by working class blacks to protest their unfair, racist oppression: The bitter struggles waged by black working people on public transportation, though obviously exacerbated by wartime social, political, and economic transformations, should force us to rethink the meaning of public space as a terrain of class, race, and gende r conflict. Although the workplace and struggles to improve wo rking conditions are important, for Southern black workers the most embattled sites of conflict were frequently public spaces. Part of the reason has to do with the fact that policing proved far more difficult in pub lic spaces than in places of work.
17 Not only were employees constantly under the watchful eye of foremen, managers, and employers, but workers could be dismissed, suspended, or have their pay docked on a whim. Thus, for black workers, public spaces both embodied the most repressive, violent aspects of race and gender oppression, and ironically afforded more opportunities than the workplace itself to engage in acts of resistance. 15 The experience of one Edgar Daniel (E.D.) Nixon as a Pullman car porter attests to the race oppression within the public spac e of the passenger train. E.D. Nixon became a significant community leader in Mo ntgomery who organized other community members to fight the repression that working class African Americans faced. After meeting A. Philip Randolph who founded th e Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, Nixon decided to found a local branch of the NAACP and the Montgomery Welfare League to assist those working class blacks who could not or did not work. He also helped establish the Montgomery Voters Lea gue in 1940. For ten years he had helped fellow Montgomery citizens use the vote to overcome race and class oppression. As Donnie Williams and Wayne Greenhaw write: On June 13, 1944, Nixon led seven hundred fifty black to the board of registrars and demanded that they all be allowed to register to vote. Many of them wore uniforms and had fought for their country overseas. Fewer than fifty were granted their re questIn 1950 when Nixon heard about the killing of the young soldier Thomas Edward Brooks aboard a city bus, he was president of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP. He was sickened and angered. When I appro ached the police about the brutality, I got blank stares. It was like the boy never really existed. But I was persistent. Throughout this time, I was known as a troublemaker. When they saw me coming, they knew I had something for em. I didnt turn away and bow my head and look all def eated and victimized. I wasnt like that. Never was. Then some of th e local police here started meeting me privately. When it was just me and them, theyd admit terrible things were happening. They knew that it hurt them just as much as it was hurting us. And most of em knew so mething was going to happen sooner or later. 16 This is why Rosa Parks standing in the gap for Claudette Colvin is so important. Because of the societal gender constructi ons around this time which claimed that
18 respectable young women should not get pr egnant, the NAACP dropped Claudette Colvin and instead utilized Rosa Parkss nonviolence as a test case to try to end segregation. Compared to Claudette Colvin, Rosa Parks better fit the image the NAACP had of a respectable lady they would wa nt to portray in a publicized court case challenging racial segregation. Parkss act of nonviolence served as a bridge between African-American working class and the middl e class in the 1950s. Barbara Lees vote against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan was the only vote in the 300 plus Representatives in the U.S. House against the military invasion and served also as a bridge between U.S. Representatives in their financially comfortable positions and those who have been adversely affected by the budget cuts in federal programs and grants such as the Community Development Block Grant, due to the military invasion of Iraq. Lees act is a symbol to the rest of the country a bout the potential for crit ical thinking about the overall best long-term interest s and well-being for the working class people the nation. Both working class conditions in Parks and Lees time are exacerbated by war, and both include the amplified economic oppres sion of African-Americans. This is why we should identify the similarities in methods to protesting such conditions. Similarities between Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee prove th at significant acts of nonviolent protests have included not only women of colo r, but also women of faith. There are other key elements in both environments as settings of nonviolent protest: for Barbara Lee it was the House floor and chambers; for Rosa Parks, it was a Montgomery public bus. Both settings of resistance included fellow African-Americans who were part of an in-crowd that both L ee and Parks chose not to join. For example, Barbara Lee said in a BBC interview that she was not the only member of the
19 Congressional Black Caucus to vote against the invasion of Iraq. Although many in the CBC felt they should not vote for the war, L ee was the only member who acted on that feeling and actually voted against it. She to ld Keane in the BBC interview: there were several members, many members voicing this bu t of course the anger and the frustration and the sadness of the moment took over a nd I believe thats what, you know, the moving with the flow, going with the flow, thats what happened. People were caught up, I think, like everyone in the coun try with the emotional response. There was also a factor that Barbara Lee did not mention, perhaps to avoi d as little criticism of her colleagues as possible: the factor of fear. Ten months after the inauguration of Ge orge W. Bush (or Bush 43, the second President Bush), the Bush administration had met with the CBC only one time. The event of 9/11 certainly postponed any plans for addressing the goals of the CBC and any votes against Bushs plans against invasion of Iraq was interpreted as unpatriotic. This is a label that both CBC members John Lewis a nd Maxine Waters have stated as reasons for their voting for the invasion of Ira q on September 13, 2001. Many CBC members voted for Iraq invasion because they feared be ing labeled or considered unpatriotic by the American media and their constituents. In fact, Lee talks about the difficulty within her office of deciding not to vote for invasion : I think the staff was very supportive in helping us ensure that the correct message and the truth about my vote and the rationale was put forth because you know how the press can get sometimes. This very real factor of fear is stated more directly by Rosa Parks in the setting of her act of nonviolent resistance. As she writes in her book about her experience, Quiet Strength, On Thursday evening, December 1, I wa s riding the bus home from work. A white man got on, and the driver looked our way and said, let me have
20 those seats. It did not seem proper, particularly for a woman to give her seat to a man. All the passengers paid ten cents, just as he did. When more whites boarded the bus, the driver, J.P. Blake, ordered the blacks in the fifth row, the first row of the colo red section (the row I was sitting in), to move to the rear. Bus driver s then had police powers, under both municipal and state laws, to enforce r acial segregation. However, we were sitting in the section designated for co lored. At first none of us moved. Yall better make it light on yourselv es and let me have those seats, Blake said. Then three of the blacks in my row got up, but I stayed in my seat and slid closer to the window. I do not remember being frightened. But I sure did not believe I would make it light on myself by standing up. 17 This makes an interesting comparison with Barbara Lees experience in the U.S. House where Lee says: Well right after that several member scame up to me and said, I think you made a mistake, you better go and change your vote. I said, no, thats not a mistake. And these memberswho were close friends and they said, Barbara, come on, you cant be the only no vote on this. I said to them: Why dont you join me and vote no also because you know that this is not the right resolution we should be passing today. And out of genuine concern several members came to me and suggested that I should change my vote, and I told them you know there was no way I was going to change it. The Congressat leas t should be above the fray in this instance and be the institution that w ould allow us some rational debate and discussion to take place about an appropriate response and to get caught up with the fervor and the ange r and the sadness of the moment, as elected officials we should not do th at, and thats what I said to my colleagues and most of them said, yeah, youre right. 18 Certain descriptions of Parkss experience are similar to those of Lees experience in both acts of nonviolent resist ance. What is common in bot h is the presence of scared blacks. These were blacks that sought to maintain order, maintain the status quo and minimize the perceived threat to their political or personal lives. Ce rtainly the blacks in Rosa Parkss case faced a much more grave threat to their life, but in Barbara Lees experience, these scared blacks operated to reverse or end Lee s act of nonviolent resistance. The legacy of Ji m Crow influenced the decision of these scared blacks not
21 to join Parks in her nonviolent act of resist ance, while the fear of being unpatriotic influenced the decision of more recent sca red blacks not to join Lee in her act of nonviolent resistance. The pr esence of scared blacks in Parks case in Jim Crow Montgomery should not belie the organizing of the local civil rights movement that included the work of middle class black women like Parks who protested segregation. In the former case, the threat to their livelihood and lives were greater, while in the latter case, the threat to their lives was arguably less. However Barbara Lee did receive death threats because of reactions to this vote. These women also faced significant retaliation from the white racist communities for their acts of nonviolence. Rosa Parks lo st her twenty-five dollar-a-week job when the now-defunct Montgomery Fair department st ore closed its tailor shop. I was given no indication from the store that my boycott ac tivities were the re ason I lost my job. 19 Fergal Keane notes that after Barbara L ees no vote, she had to be given a police bodyguard, and when he asks her if there were death threats, she replies: Ah, yea. But I dont talk about those kind of negative reactions. 20 Both women are remarkably modest in not focusing on the suffering they experien ced as a result of their nonviolent acts. Rosa Parks does not express a clear belief th at her nonviolence cost her the department store job while Barbara Lee implicitly expres ses the futility of providing the details of death threats against her. She simply leaves open the question of whether the freedom of expression that America claims to have is real. Both women avoid what King warns against, and what he describes as a martyr complex in his essay entitled Suffering and Faith: A person who constantly calls attention to [their] trials and sufferings is in danger of developing a martyr complex and of making others feel that he is consciously
22 seeking sympathy. 21 Both Lee and Parks were not calli ng to serious attention their trials in their acts of nonviolence. Parks was figh ting for integration of city buses while Lee was fighting to salvage costs that the American working class would pay for a military invasion. Lee is also trying to salvage the lives of the black and Latino military youth who join the military because of a lack of economic resources and job opportunities. A Comparison of the Nonviolence of Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks Not only have these women avoided a mart yr complex and advanced the cause of civil rights in significantly symbolic ways, they are also fulfilling Kings definition of nonviolence because they are appealing to the conscience of the great decent [conservative movement] who through blindne ss, fear, pride, or irrationality have allowed their consciences to sleep. 22 Both Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee have each taken direct action against injustice without waiti ng for other agencies to act[they] persuade with [their] words. Barbara Lee gave a H ouse speech, warning: let us not become the evil we deplore, while Rosa Parks told a bus driver in response to his demand that she give up her seat: No I am not. The driver could have tapped into his conscience and allowed Parks her seat, but instead he acquiesces to the social norms of the situation and isolates Parks, like the rest of the U.S. House isolated Lee, to be the sole resisters in a significant act of nonviolence. The rest of Ki ngs definition of nonviolen ce states that if our words fail we will try to persuade with our acts. 23 In both cases of these brave women, their words did fail, however they were followed by significant actsacts that were not preemptively aggressive in nature. These were both acts that gave the status quo an opportunity to utilize the ethical high road of their consciences with words. When these words failed however, both women made significant nonviolent acts. Many U.S.
23 House members are noticing the wisdom in Ba rbara Lees statements on the House floor before her vote against the war, where she also stated: In 1964, Congress gave President Ly ndon Johnson the power to take all necessary measures to re pel attacks and prevent fu rther aggression. In so doing, this House abandoned its own c onstitutional responsibilities and launched our country into years of und eclared war in Vietnam. At that time, Senator Wayne Morse, one of two lonely votes against the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, declared I believe that history will record that we have made a grave mistake in subverting and circumventing the Constitution of the United States. I believe that within the next century, future generations will look with dismay and great disappointment upon a Congress which is now about to make such a historic mistake. Senator Morse was correct, and I fear we make the same mistake today. And I fear the consequences. 24 Lees expressed fears have been realized by increasing poverty yet her bold act is similar to the Rosa Parks refusal to give up her seat particularly because both acts of nonviolence are directly responsible for free dom movements in the 1960s and the antiwar movement we see today. This claim is s upported by the influence that the Montgomery Bus Boycott wielded on later boycotts such as in Nashville in 1960 and Birmingham in 1963. Barbara Lees vote against the war has affo rded her special status in the antiwar and activist community and undoubt edly inspired public intellectuals such as Julianne Malveaux to publish Lees words in The Paradox of Loyalty. Arguably, Lees activism has also been responsible for inspiring ot her activists such as Cindy Sheehan in her antiwar movement. Her act served as a bridge to the working cl ass person who may not see the immediate need for militarily invadi ng a foreign country with pressing domestic issues such as employment and a staggering healthcare system.
24 A final comment on the significance of th ese two nonviolent acts of resistance is the important way both acts were published and disseminated among the AfricanAmerican community. After Rosa Parks arrest, Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, an English professor at the nearby HBCU Alabama St ate College copied and disseminated 35,000 handbills stating Parks arrest and calli ng on the Birmingham comm unity to boycott the bus. The handbill stated: This womans case will come up on Monday. We are, therefore, asking every Negro to stay off th e buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Dont ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday. 25 In the week following Parks arrest, thousands of the anonymous leaflets passed secretly through Montgomerys black neighborhoodsin stores, schools, bars, and churches. Certainly the boycott due to Parks arrest would not have taken place had Jo Ann Robinson not communicated the arrest and th e plea to boycott via these handbills. Similarly, after Barbara Lees No Vo te, economist and public commentator Julianne Malveaux wrote and co-edited The Paradox of Loyalty: An African-American Response to the War on Terrorism in 2001. In this book is the complete speech that Barbara Lee gave just before she voted against the war. This book was published by Third World Press in 2002 and in its update d edition published in 2004, included a recent essay by Barbara Lee entitled Squandered Abundance in which she decries the decline of the working class conditions for African-Americans: Over the last few years since 9/11, we have witnessed escalating defense budgets that are at historic levels, and as a result, we have not been able to sufficiently address the great needs that our country has in the area of crime prevention, education, job trai ning, and health care. We are pumping billions into public wo rks projects in Iraq, while the infrastructure in our own towns a nd cities is crumblingWhen social service programs are cut to bala nce the budget and pay for war, the African American community is disproportionately affected. 26
25 The conditions that Barbara Lee describe s are conditions that mirror the working class conditions of blacks in Montgome ry and Birmingham after Parks act of nonviolence. Between 1955 and 1960, the census tracts for Birmingham showed it had both the highest percentage of African-Ameri cans as well as the hi ghest percentage of families below the poverty line. This happened because the citys coal and steel industry discarded a large segment of its black labor force while racist zoni ng laws continued to thrive. An uneven and overcrowded housing market and public housing projects forced some ex-industrial workers and other poor pe ople in the industrial suburbs, leaving pockets of unemployed black workers in the industrial suburbs. Conditions between 1955 and 1960 barely changed because of the slow combination of racist hiring practices and Birminghams slow grow th industrial economy. 27 The effect of Barbara Lees novote galvanized support from the other Democr atic U.S. Representatives, albeit very transient, for her subsequent amendment, the Lee Amendment, calling for a nonviolent foreign policy in Iraq and Afghanistan. She said: members voted for the Lee Amendment, now thats phenomenal. The additional support for her nonviolent act hearkens the ways in which Jo Ann Gibs on Robinson discusses the impact the Parksinspired boycott had on the Birmingham economy in her memoir The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It. She mentions what Barbara Lee referred to as the quiet majority when she talks about the surprising cooperation of those who boycotted in Montgomery. This cooperation resulted in serious economic setbacks for Montgomery around Christmas time because of the boycott: . downtown merchants counted days receipts and came up shortespecially compared to the preceding Christmas shopping days. Negroes, who as a group had a repu tation for spending their earning without much thought for saving for tomo rrow, just were not in town to
26 spend money and in any case had no way to carry purchases home. But then, boycotters were in no mood to go shopping. Christmas was not on their mindsWith practically 100 per cent of black patrons boycotting now, it was impossible for the buses to continue normal operations[they were] losing possibly three-fourths of its normal intake each day; it could not possibly stay in business. 28 In discussing support that Barbara Lee garnered across the country for her vote against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, she refers to the presence of a silent majority like the one that undoubtedly surpri sed the city of Montgomery. Robinson discusses the verbal attacks by the city press, stating that Negro goon squads reportedly had been organized to intimidate othe r Negroes who rode buses on Monday. 29 The styling of the Montgomery citizens as Negro goon squads shows the clear ways in which the efforts to boycott were underestimated and insulted. In reality, there was no need for Negro goon squads because of the so lidarity within a silent majority. Barbara Lee mentions this when describing the increas ing numbers of Democrats that joined her to oppose the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan: . when you look at the final vote c ount with regard to those who were opposed to the Bush resolution, over% of the Democratic caucus voted against the Bush resolution [subsequent to the vote on September 13th]. So I believe that while it may appear that Im in the minority right now, I thinktheres a silent majority thats becoming very vocal I think with regard to seeking alternatives to war. 30 Both women mention their re ligious convictions in thei r acts of nonviolence. In Barbara Lees speech on the House floor on September 16, 2001, she said: This unspeakable attack on the United States has forced me to rely on my moral compass, my conscience, and my God for di rectionAs a member of the cl ergy so eloquently said, let us not become the evil we deplore. 31 Rosa Parks said: I di d not get on the bus to get arrested; I got on the bus to go home. Since I have always been a strong believer in God,
27 I knew he was with me, and only He could get me through the next step. 32 Theologian Obery Hendricks writes that nonviolent or passive resistance is a profound enactment of Jesus Christs strategy and has one purpose: to overcome injustice. 33 Because the sermon which Lee mentions was heard in a church and because Parks makes continued references to her belief in Christ, both L ee and Parks acts of nonviolence are influenced by the role of the Church. Lee and Park s prove their individual commitment to overcoming injustice as a result of their religious beliefs. Another important similarity in wome ns nonviolence in the Montgomery boycott and the Barbara Lees no vote is the role of the church. A few days after Rosa Parks arrest, the black citizens of Montgomery planned a meeting at the Holt Street Baptist Church to discuss the terms of their bus boycott. Barbara Lee talks about how attending a church service influenced her decision to vote against the i nvasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. The church is what Aldon Morri s calls the institutional center of the modern civil rights movement. 34 Barbara Lee recalls the role of the church in motivating her to vote against House Join t Resolution 64 when she said that as a member of the clergy said let us not become the evil that we deplore. In persuading her fellow House members to vote against the war, she was appealing to the role and the moral authority of the church. The venue in which the Montgomery boycott was agreed upon was also a church: the Holt Street Baptist Church. Accord ing to a December 7, 1955 article in the Montgomery Adviser, by Joe Azbell: the purpose of this meeting was to give further instructions on the boycott of city buses wh ich had been started as a protest of the Negroes against the arrest, tria l, and conviction of Rosa Park s, 42-year old seamstress, on
28 a charge of violating segregat ion laws by refusing to give up her seat to a white person and move to the rear of a city bus. 35 Azbell also wrote: The remark which drew the most applause was: the history book w ill write of us as a race of people who in Montgomery County, State of Alabama, Country of the United States, stood up for and fought for their rights as American citi zens, as citizens of [a] democracy. 36 This quote from this meeting might have been from King himself. Lee, in the most democratic body of Congress, the U.S. House, uses the Chur ch to appeal to her democratic body while these Montgomery ministers (whom Azbell wr ites were intentionally anonymous for safety reasons) at the meeting use democracy to appeal to their church body. The irony is unique yet demonstrates the ways that nonviolen ce inextricably depends on a belief in a fair democracy and on Christian values. It is written in Kings autobiography that his speech at Holt Street Baptist Church that night on December 5, 1955 was the most decisive speech of his life. Barbara Lees speech on September 13, 2001, was arguably the most decisive speech of her lifetime because it left an impression of the kind of legisl ator that she would be in the U.S. House: one that does not easily compromise her mo rals for the capitalist goals of military invasion. She also proves that she is a legi slator that does not compromise for fear of being labeled unpatriotic. This is the mora l standpoint from which King and many other civil rights activists objected to the Vietnam War. King began this very longstanding tradition of nonviolent protest on December 5, 1955, at Holt Street Baptist Church when he said that night, We are here in a general sense be cause first and foremost we are American citizens and we are determined to apply our citizenship to the fullness of its meaning. We are he re also because of our love for democracy, because of our deep-seated belief that democracy transformed
29 from thin paper to thick action is the greatest form of government on earthWe, the disinherited of the la nd, we who have been oppressed so long, are tired of going through the l ong night of captivity. And now we are reaching out for the daybreak of freedom and justice and equality. May I say to youthat we must keepG od in the forefront. Let us be Christian in all of our actions. 37 Barbara Lee in her speech proclaiming her vote against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan said she relies on her moral co mpass, her conscience, and her God for direction. Both King and Lee relied on keepi ng God in the forefront as they made their nonviolent acts of resistance. In her speech denouncing the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, Barbara Lee continues the tradit ion of what David Howard-Pitney calls the African-American jeremiad, which is a speech consisting of social criticism and prophecy that includes two part s: a citing of the promise of democracy that America holds and a criticism of presen t retrogression from that demo cratic promise. King cites the promise of democracy when he says that those who are gathered at Holt Street Baptist church are there because of the promise of democracy. He later criticizes retrogression from that democratic promise when he later sa ys that blacks in Montgomery are tired of going through the long night of captivity. He re King is referring to the captivity of the segregated, separate and infe rior treatment of blacks in Montgomery. David HowardPitney states that in this speech, King warns that if blacks failed to observe high ethical standards, their noble cause would degenerate into ignoble violence and our protest will end up as a meaningless drama on the stage of historyshrouded with...shame. Barbara Lee by voting against the war and calling for a socially responsible federal budget has indeed observed high ethical standards in her time as a U.S. Representative. She also does a similar thing when she exercises her ri ght to free speech in a democracy, saying: I am convinced that military action will not prevent further acts of terrorism against the
30 United States. 38 She also engages in criticizi ng Americas retrogression from that democratic promise of equal justice for all in her essay Squandered Abundance: We face a real fight to real fight to re-order our priorities in the wake of the Bush administrations devastating and divisive domestic policies towards African-Americans and other minority communities. The future of our nationof our very democrac yrests on our own willingness to embrace the difference among us, regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, age, religion, or sexual orientation, so that all people ha ve the chance to fulfill their own American dream. 39 She calls on individual American citi zens to develop their own sense of democracy not from the Bush administration but from their own actions, their own willingness to embrace the difference among us. King and other leaders, such as Barbara Lee in her House speeches, have employed rhetoric of social criticism known as the American jeremiad. 40 This is one very important similarity. In summary, the nonviolent acts Barbara Lee, Rosa Parks, and Jo Ann Gibson Robinson are significant because all of these women appeal to their religious beliefs, all women represent of the pressing needs of the black working class, and these women have their acts published and disse minated by exclusively Afri can-American organizations. Barbara Lees act of nonviolence fights a si milar kind of violence that the city of Montgomery threatened days after the boyco tt. On December 21, 1956, one day before bus service would resume norma l service, and after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling ordered the Montgomery bus company to integrate its buses following the year-long boycott, King held a newspaper at a mass meeting that read: Tomorrow if the Negroes ride the buses [integrated], there will be blood flowing, and fighting at every street corner. Glenn Smiley wrote that on the next day when normal bus service resumed, integrated, he rode about twenty eight buses that day and saw no serious acts of violence, with the
31 exception of one incident that illuminate s the effects of the nonviolent teaching on individuals: The bus had pulled up to a stop and we were unloading at the front and back doors. I got out the front, along with several others, including a tall young man I had not previously noticed. Several got out the back door, if I remember correctly, all of them black. As the bus pulled away, the young man walked quickly back to the ot hers and struck a large woman in the mouth, knocking her to the ground. The young man stood over her for a moment with his fists clenched, looking around at the rest of us as if for help or approbation. No one moved a muscle. He became very nervous and jumped into the car with the thre e women. Then all of us went back to comfort the woman, who by now had ro lled over and brought herself to a sitting position, some blood coming fr om her mouth. As I brushed her off, I said to her, You didnt say a thing to him. Were you praying? Quite the contrary, she said, for I wanted to cut him to ribbons. Why didnt you do it then? I asked. Well becau se last night I was able to tell myself and that little man (Dr. King) that tomorrow if I am hit when I ride the bus, I am not going to hit back. But I really did want to cut him up. 41 This is an example of the profound effect of Kings nonviolent teachings on some members of the local Montgomery community. According to the work of Gene Sharp, the first basic step that classi fies an act of protest as nonvi olent is the i nvestigation of alleged grievances. This is a step, Shar p writes, that could weaken a nonviolent movement if it is revealed that those w ho practice nonviolence did not really know the facts nor have accurate information on the situation they were addressing. 42 Both Barbara Lee and Rosa Parks conducted sufficient investigation of their alleged grievances before committing their significant acts of nonviolen ce. First, Rosa Parks experience at the Highlander Folk School under the guidance of Sep tima Clark allowed her to sufficiently investigate into the kind of wo rk required to challenge and eventually integrate a racially segregated society. Se ptima Clark founded citizenship classes within the Highlander Folk School, the goal of whic h was to provide full citizenship through education. This education included learning constitutional rights such as the right to
32 organize, to obtain the political power, and to get streetlights or better roads and schools. This also included learning their right to pea ceful assembly and to petition for redress of grievances. 43 The Highlander Folk School was where Rosa Parks conducted sufficient investigation into part of the crisis that she would eventually avert by her single act of nonviolent resistance. At this school, Pa rks was investigating the grievance of institutionalized segregation. She conducted this investigation be fore her decision to keep her seat and trigger the Montgomery Bu s Boycott. Barbara Lee also demonstrates investigation of alleged grie vances when she mentions an abdication of duty by Congress in allowing the Vietnam war in her speech before the U.S. House just prior to voting against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan: In 1964, C ongress gave President Lyndon Johnson the power to take all necessary meas ures to repel attacks and prevent further aggression. In so doing, this House abandoned its own constitutional responsibilities and launched our country into years of undeclared war in Vietnam. At that time, Senator Wayne Morse, one of two lonely votes against the Tonkin Gulf Resolution declared, I believe that history will reco rd that we have made a gr ave mistake in subverting the Constitution of the United States.Senator Morse was correct, and I fear we make the same mistake today. 44 Lessons Learned From Both Acts of Nonviolence Both Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee have fulfilled this first basic step of nonviolent protest by demonstrating commitments to in vestigation of their alleged grievances, however in different ways. Rosa Parks investigated the alleged grievance of institutional segregation by making a point to attend Highlander and l earning about her right to protest. Septima Clark says about Rosa Pa rks: she was working with a youth group in
33 Montgomery and she said I want to come and s ee if I can do something for my people. So she came. We sent money and gave her a scholarship. And when she went home, she had gained enough courage, enough strength to fe el that she could stand firm and decide not to move when that man asked for her seat. 45 Rosa Parks investigation of institutional segregation occurred during her attendance at Highlander and when she gained the courage and strength to partic ipate in nonviolent action by not giving up her seat. Barbara Lees investiga tion of alleged grievances ha ppened in a different way; through her investigation of how Congress has shirked from its responsibility as a body to be a checkpoint to declare war on another coun try and to insure national and international justice. In her defiance against a military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, Lee clearly took the time to investigate a nd understand the history of the U.S. Congresss relationship to executive power to declare war. Like her predecessor and the woman who she says inspired her to vote for the first time, Shirle y Chisholm, Lee firmly believes in providing the check on the executive power to conduct m ilitary invasions. Lees reference to the Gulf of Tonkin resolution is perhaps the most important premise in her entire speech in the U.S. House against military invasion. She uses the sudden Gulf of Tonkin resolution and its consequences to persuade other U.S. House members to vote against the military invasion. Her premise is especially significant in light of recent re ports proving that, like the falsified reasons given for the invasion of Ira q, that is Iraqs acqui sition of weapons of mass destruction, the reasons for escalating th e military presence in Vietnam were also falsified by the National Security Agency. Ba rbara Lee is continuing a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance against a military occupation particularly in her recent
34 amendment to the U.S. House floor that pr ovides funding for a comp lete withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Iraq by the end of 2007. 46 A recent 2007 House amendment which was supported by the majority of the Democratic Party but rejected by Barbara Lee and many other progressive Democrats also called for a pullout of the troops in Iraq by the end of the following year, 2008. This bill was rejected by Barbara Lee and othe rs on March 27, 2007 because it was known to have many loopholes so large that the comma nder-in-chief could keep as many troops as he or she wanted to, after that goal or deadline is passed. Lee and many other progressive Democrats were obviously challe nging the provisions of any more funding for Iraq war, despite withdrawal timetables with large loopholes. Thes e loopholes essentially allow George W. Bush to continue the occupation of Iraq. For example, the Senate version of the bill sets non-binding target dates for the withdrawal of combat troop s, extending their stay in Iraq indefinitely. 47 Barbara Lee continues her tradition of nonviolent protest and is joined by U.S. Representatives Ma xine Waters, Lynn Woolsey, former Freedom Rider and sit-in activist John Lewis, Mike Mich aud, Mike McNulty, and Diane Watson. Both Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee took thei r cues as to how to practice nonviolent activism from Septima Clark and Ronald Dellums, respectively. The most important lesson that their nonviolence has taught us in the new millennium is to ensure that before we engage in a nonviolent act, we study those who have practiced nonviolence successfully by investigating the perceived problem like Parks and Lee did. The minimum requirement to fulfill investigation of alleged grievances is the commitment to resist violence in the form of ideological and military warfare.
35 Chapter Three: A Comparison of the Nonvi olent Activism of Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah Who Both Worked to Improve Public Education for African American Students A Brief Background of Chaka Fattah On Tuesday, June 13 th 2006, Republican majorities in Congress cut spending on No Child Left Behind for the second consecu tive year. The bill reduced spending by almost $500 million, on top of last years cut of over one billion dollars, the largest cut in public education spending in American histor y. This kind of budget cut that is nothing short of detrimental to the future of public education in the United States. This huge budget shortfall is especially detrimental because of the drastic re-segregation of American public schools within the past fift y years. U.S. Representative Chaka Fattah, from Pennsylvanias second Congressional dist rict, has not waited for help from the federal government to correct the issue of low quality public schools. He sponsored legislation to provide a quality education for public school students when he first entered the U.S. Congress during the Clinton Administration. He created the GEAR UP which stands for Gaining Early Awareness and Readin ess for Undergraduate Programs. GEAR UP is a program designed to increase the number of low-income students who are prepared to enter and succeed in college. The program provides five-year grants to states and partnerships to provide services at schools with at least 50% low-income students. GEAR UP has had significant success in Ph iladelphia public schools where in the 20022003 school year, 1,580 tenth graders took the Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test (PSAT) compared to 122 tenth graders th at took the PSAT duri ng the 2001-2002 school
36 year. Fattah is not waiting on the inadequa te funding from No Child Left Behind for his districts public schools; he is taking direct action against injustice by making sure his GEAR UP program is adequately funded and is able to directly benefit public school students. Nationwide, over 2 million student s are now enrolled in GEAR UP programs thanks to the concern and the work of Fa ttah. The task of maintaining GEAR UP constitutes civil protest because it aims to reverse the results of the skyrocketing dropout rate in public high schools across the country that exacerbates the race and social class disparities that the modern civil ri ghts movement aimed to close. On March 27, 2001, Fattah also introduced an important bill requiring all states to equalize funding for education throughout th e state, House Resolution 1234 (H.Res. 1234), the Equal Protection School Finance Act. This bill would have required states to equalize funding for education throughout th e state and would have made a drastic improvement in the commitment of a better pub lic education for all Americans. It is written in extremely clear a nd concise language by Fattah. Section two of his H.R.1234 states that: education is a fundamental ri ght under the equal protection clause of the United States Constitution and the provision of education to all ch ildren within a State on an equal basis, including e quality of financial resources, is fundamental to the equal protection of the laws. 48 This is exactly the argumen t that Thurgood Marshall as an NAACP attorney used to convince the U.S. Supreme court that the segregated society created conditions that violated the fourteenth amendment, the equal protection clause of the U.S. Constitution. His arguments ul timately produced the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision of Brown v. Board which declared segregated schools unconstitutional.
37 In this case, Fattah in co-sponsoring H.R. 1234 is continuing the surviving legacy of resistance by trying to make public education a const itutional right. Since 1971, when the U.S. Supreme Court in the ruling of San Antonio v. Rodriguez disparaged education as a constitutional righ t, courts have largely made public education a state and local issue rather than a national issue. Fattah by help ing to create the GEAR UP program is making public education a national priority. This le gacy resists the conser vative decisions of national, state and local court decisions which uphold San Antonio v. Rodriguez and does not depend on the courts to improve public education. While the legal system and the courts became a significant venue to reduce race and social class disparities nonviolently up to the 1950s, in the second half of the twentieth century, it has become the venue through which many gains have been revers ed. Nonviolent action to improve public education since 1954 is now executed by main taining federal programs that encourage public school competency in order to succeed in postsecondary education. The role of effective nonviolent action has changed since the mid 1950s. Interestingly, former U.S. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall hi mself disparaged the direct nonviolent action of the sit-in protests, believing that it would do more harm than good: Marshall once stated that he was a lawyer and not a missionary. However Fattah continues an important legacy of Thurgood Marshall that de mands that every single American, black, white, Asian, or Latino, is worthy of receiv ing the highest quality education possible regardless of their social class or skin color. This is a legacy that must be recognized and continued.
38 A Background of Daisy Bates and Arkansas Pu blic Education for Blacks Before 1957 In terms of direct nonviolent activity, U.S. Representative Chaka Fattah has more in common with another NAACP member who tr ied to acquire a quality public education for African-Americans in Little Rock, Arkansas : Daisy Bates. Bates was president of the Arkansas NAACP and organized nine black stud ents, famously known as the Little Rock Nine, to attend the citys Central High School and integrate the school for the very first time. She was, however, met with fierce resistance from the white community in Arkansas who resented the then three year old Brown v. Board decision and gathered in mobs to prevent the Little Rock Nine from attending Central High. In fact, many white Southerners including U.S. C ongressmen from Arkansas at that time signed a Southern Manifesto to appease their white cons tituents. This manifesto was drafted by segregationist Strom Thurmond and stirred Confederate pride by trying to challenge the legitimacy of the Brown v. Board decision. 49 Arkansas was basically a rural agricultu ral state when the nation entered World War II and the majority of its public schools, especially those for blacks, were in rural areas. Those schools were dependent on the state for most of their funding and were especially hard hit by World War II, the way most federal funds for public schools recently have been hard hit by the Iraq invasion. During World War II in Arkansas, enrollments declined and teachers left for jobs in the war industries. No financial support came from the state. Black schools were hit especially hard, especially in 1943 when a federal bill (S.B. 637, the Hill-T homas Bill) prohibiting racial discrimination of federal funds was loudly opposed by the al l white Arkansas congressmen. 50 This triggered a
39 protracted civil rights campaign by black Arkansans, explained in Educating the Masses, edited by C. Calvin Smith and Linda Walls Joshua: Black educators in Arkansas, reflec ting the views of a nation at war against Nazi Germanys ideas of raci al supremacy, aggressively launched themselves on a course of action desi gned to equalize teacher salaries and educational opportunities for blacksTh e inequities were greatIn 1941 salaries for white teachers averaged $625 per year compared to $370 for blacks, and black schools received on ly 11 percent of state expenditures for public education while counting fo r 24 percent of state enrollments based upon average attendance. Throughout the educational battles of the 1940s and early 1950s, black principals ac ross the state risked their careers seeking equality for their teachers an d students. The salary equalization battle was a costly one for Little Ro cks black teachers and principals. [Plaintiff] Susie Morris [who sued the Little Rock school board for higher salaries for black educators] and John H. Gipson [who testified on her behalf] were fired at the end of the 1942-1943 academic yeara 1949 Time Magazine articlepointed out that st ate and local authorities only spent $19.51 for the education of each black student in the public school system compared to $144.51 for each white student. The battle to equalize facilities, salaries and educationa l opportunities for Arkansass black administrators, teachers, and students legally came to an end in 1954 when the U.S. Supreme Court in its landmark Brown v. Board of Education ruled that segregated public schools were a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment and theref ore unconstitutional. 51 The course of action engaged in by these black educators of Arkansas was a nonviolent course of action while their white supremacist foes engaged in a more violent domestic and international battle. This nonviolent c ourse of action eventually won them an important Supreme Court case that legally defined segregated schools as unconstitutional. Susie Morriss lawsuit against the Little Rock school board was one of the many battles in the war to equalize black teacher salaries that certainly led to the monumental Brown v. Board decision. It is this surviv ing legacy of nonviolence from which activist Daisy Bates emerges. Chaka Fattah in his successes with the Philadelphia school system has continued this legacy. In many cases, the Re publican abhorrence at
40 Fattahs efforts to equalize public educati on funding are strikingly similar to the abhorrence at the 1943 federal bill call ing to equalize public school funding. Being a co-editor and co-founder with her husband of the State Press, a paper that fought for the economic and social improve ments for blacks throughout Arkansas, Daisy Bates was prepared to challenge the racial inju stice of her time that tried to stop the Little Rock Nine. In her memoir The Long Shadow of Little Rock, Daisy Bates discusses the function of her paper: From the beginning the State Press expanded its crusading role on an every widening front. It fought to free Negroes from muddy, filthy streets, slum housing, menial jobs, and injustice in the courtrooms. 52 However the 1957 battle for the right of the Little Rock Nine to inte grate Central High School was arguably Batess most formidable battle. Along with their Southern Manifesto, Arkansas governor Orval Faubus introduced four pro-segregation bills in the Arkansas legislature in 1956. One of these bills gave a state sovereignty comm ission authority to resist implementing Brown v. Board. Another bill, House Bill 324, required or ganizations such as the NAACP to register with the state and make regular reports of their inco me and expenses. Bills like these required the NAACP to turn over thei r membership rosters and consequently spelled doom for black organizations, whos e membership rolls were used by white organizations to harass employers of these black members into firing them if they remained members. There was a huge dema nd for these rolls in the middle of the red scare, when the House Un-American Activitie s Committee tried to challenge the activism of the NAACP by alleging it was infiltrated by communists. In response to these bills, Bates in her State Press printed a criticism of these bills by the Reverend Roland S. Smith of the First Baptist Church of Little Rock who said:
41 Negroes had been separate but equal for mo re than sixty years, during which time they had demonstrated love and loyalty for the United States. 53 In addition, Bates went with NAACP representatives from across the stat e to speak with Governor Faubus about defeating the bills. Instead, Faubus told Bates that the bills woul d not infringe on the rights of any individual or or ganization. She writes in her memoir that Faubus told her she would only have to submit to the prope r authorities a list of the organizations members and a periodical financial statement. 54 Bates refused to submit a membership list or financial statement and was arrested later that year in November. The arrest infuriated her. In her State Press, she writes: why give thes e segregationists who are supported by the city administration, a dire ct target at which to shoot? They are harassing the Negro as a whole to th e point where it is almost unbearable. 55 Her biographer Grif Stockley said that her commen t about this arrest was as close as Bates would ever come to admitting publ icly that the harassment was getting to her personally. The Nonviolence of Daisy Bates Bates incredibly strong ideological commit ment to helping the Little Rock Nine integrate Central High School allowed her to be remarkably successful in minimizing her expressed frustration over raci al injustice. On May 17, 1957, the three year anniversary of Brown v. Board, she attended and encouraged her read ers to attend a civil rights march in Washington, D.C. Reverend Roland Smith discouraged Arkansas blacks from attending this march: by staying away fr om Washington, the Negro could make more friends that could help him. Daisy Bate s and her husband L.C. reflect a significant advancement in terms of NAACP leadership because they were not afraid to publicly criticize in the State Press other blacks like Smith who they believed succumbed to the
42 racist pressure. In this sense, Daisy Bates wields significantly mo re power than both Rosa Parks and Jo Ann Gibson Robinson in fomenting nonviolent protest because of control of her own press which means contro l over her discourse. She was not under pressure to maintain a particular image before the mainstream press, because she was part of the mainstream press. In her role as a j ournalist and as the write r of her memoir, Daisy Bates demonstrates a significant amount of agency over how her predicament was communicated. She used this agency to challenge the hegemonic discourse. Both Daisy and her husband were aware of the ways that the white establishment would attempt to give money to black preach ers as a way of silencing their dissent against Jim Crow segregation. On the front page of their July 20, 1956, issue, L.C. wrote, No public explanation has been made of the alleged funds being paid to Negro preachers and a high church official. But it is a fact that the church men are carrying the flag for Faubuss re-election. A few mont hs after attending the march commemorating Brown v. Board on the evening of August 22, Stockley writes: a large rock came crashing through Dais y and L.C.s living-room picture window...she threw herself to the floo r and was immediately covered with glass. A note was wrapped around the rock. Stone this time. Dynamite next. Within days another cross was burned on the lawn, accompanied by a note that read Go Back to AfricaKKK. 56 Despite this racist intimidation, Daisy Ba tes continues to organize and act out her commitment to nonviolence. This, in spite of the fact that she was warned: stone this time, dynamite next. About six years prior to this threat, an NAACP leader from Mims, Florida, Harry T. Moore, was killed with hi s wife after his home was dynamited. He, like Bates, was calling on his state govern or to correct racial injustice. 57 Despite this threat of dynamite that took the life of a fellow NAAC P member only four m onths earlier, Daisy
43 Bates persisted in trying to get a quality education for the Little Rock Nine, fulfilling not only her goals as an editor of the black press, but she also fulfilled goals of nonviolent resistance. Like Chaka Fattah, Bates still believed in the U.S. Constitution and appealed to it the same way Fattah does in recalling the e qual protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. She understood the importance of Brown v. Board and articulated such an importance in her memoir: to the nations Negroes the Supreme Court decision meant that the time for delay, evasion, or procrast ination was past. It meant that whatever difficulties in according Negro children their constitutional rights, it was nevertheless clear that school boards must seek a solution to that question in acco rdance with the law of the land. 58 In accordance with Kings definition, she first tried to persuade with words when she went to Governor Faubus and pleaded for him to stop the state sovereignty commission s efforts to defy Brown v. Board. When words failed, she took nonviolent actionwhich meant, for her, trying to secure a place for each of the Little Rock Nine. In their appeals to the U.S. Constitution, both Fattah and Bates create jeremiads with a searing warning about the da ngers of denying the democratic promise to all Americans. Education scholar Hugh Scott writes th at black Americans hold in common the belief that they must take steps to ensure that those who created and supported racially segregated public education are prohibited fr om allowing the same educational neglect to occur in the postBrown era of public education. According to Scott, black Americans must seek to alter elements of the social struct ure to produce equality of opportunity for all members. 59 This is exactly what Daisy Bate ss nonviolence does: her helping the
44 Little Rock Nine enroll in Central Hi gh school produced, for a time, equality of opportunity for them, and was a small sign of hope for educationa l opportunity in the future. Fattah in creating his GEAR UP program, has advanced the cause of equality of opportunity for all members of society, partic ularly those who live in urban areas and cannot afford the cost of higher education. Similarities of Nonviole nce Between Bates and Fattah The nonviolence of Daisy Bates is very similar to the nonviolence of Chaka Fattah in four important respects. First, per Kings definition of nonviolence, both Bates and Fattah tried to persuade state governors to allow more citizens access to a quality public education. Second, both are able to garner community support behind their nonviolence and use such support to protec t these students from bodily harm or educational neglect. Both use nonviolence to enable students to acquire a quality education. Third, the nonviolence of Bate s and Fattah face violent mob activity that ultimately attacks African-Americans by first stereotyping them. And finally, both their nonviolence includes providing a place of re fuge for those profoundly affected by institutionalized racism. Like Bates, Chaka Fattah also app ealed to his states governor to improve the quality of education for all st udents. In a letter to former Pennsylvania Governor Mark Schweiker, Fattah asked that Edison Schools Inc., a private company in charge of the educational administration of Philadelphias public schools, report to the governor with an assessment of what Fattah calls the seven basics of education: qualified teachers, smaller class sizes, rigorous academic cu rricula, educational technology, up-to-date school libraries and textbooks, and school counselors. Compared to Daisy Batess appeal
45 to Governor Faubus, Fattah in his appeal to Governor Schweike r certainly shows a surviving legacy of demanding, in public ed ucation, nothing less than superior academic achievement. This is certainly an accomplishment and an advancement in the cause of education for Fattah, considering particular ly the gains made in Philadelphias public school system within the past several years. After Edison Schools showed unsatisfactory assessments, they are currently running a sma ller number of Philade lphia public schools, due in part to Fattahs appeals to Gover nor Schweiker. Fattah, according to Kings definition of nonviolence, attempted to persuade the governor by words to improve the conditions that Edison Schools are allowing in Ph iladelphia. Likewise, Daisy Bates in an earlier struggle attempted to persuade he r governor Orval Faubus by words to improve the educational opportun ities of the Little Rock Nine by convincing him to veto the segregationist bills that tried to defy Brown v. Board. Instead, Faubus ignores the claims in her pleas. So, Bates took direct nonviol ent action by making personally sure that the Little Rock nine attend Central. Bates s appeal to her governor is arguably less successful than Fattahs appeals to his governor mainly because the notion of segregation was more strongly supported in her time. Thus Daisy Ba tes struggle for a quality education was certainly more difficult, more life-threatening and more tiresome than Fattahs struggle. Governors Mark Schweiker and Orval Faubus have radically different ideologies and belong to very different hist orical time periods. Yet Fattah fights for his basics or principles with a similar expectation that motivated Daisy Bates. On the day before schools opened, Gove rnor Faubus announced on television that he intended to surround Central High Sc hool with National Guardsmen because of evidence of disorder and threats of disorder. 60 In her memoir, Bates describes these
46 events in a chapter called Gove rnor Faubus rouses the Mob. She later writes that in his announcement on television that Faubus received information that caravans of automobiles filled with white supremacists we re heading toward Little Rock from all over the state. He therefore declared Ce ntral High School off limits to Negroes. 61 By naming this chapter the way she does, Bates suggests that Faubus announcement of his concern about automobiles filled with white supremacists was, in fact, an implicit invitation for white citizens to organize in mob activity around th e high school to harass these students. Indeed, his announcement al one was probably inten tionally rousing the mob. Even after the broken window, the ro ck, and the burning cr oss on her lawn, and Faubus announcement, Bates originates the sa lient idea of asking lo cal white and black ministers to accompany the Little Rock Nine on their first day of school, on September 5, 1957, so that they would not only provide a human shield but also serve as powerful symbols against the bulwark of segregation. 62 She said there were two ministerstwo whiteMr. Ogden and Rev. Will Campbell of the National Council of Churches and two coloredthe Reverend Z.Z. Driver of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Reverend Harry Bass, of the Methodist Church. With them was Mr. Ogdens twenty one year old son, David. The function of the ministers in serving to physically and spiritually protect the Little Rock Nine is very simila r to the function of th e Montgomery ministers in their influence on the citizens of Mont gomery at the Holt Street Baptist Church meeting. The key roles of the ministers in these two instance s confirm what Aldon Morris writes about the church being the institutional center of the movement. The community essentially gathered around Bates in support of her plan to integrate Central High the same way that the surrounding community gathered around
47 Fattah in support of his principles for better schools. C ongressman Robert Borski and Robert Brady joined Congressman Fattah in embracing school reform and stated this support in another letter to Governor Schweiker. Certai nly Fattahs nonviolent act of demanding improvements for Edison was sufficien t to garner local s upport. Similarly, Batess nonviolent act of demanding improveme nts from the Little Rock school board was sufficient to garner local support, particul arly from the pastors who agreed to flank the children as they go to school. Bates writes in her memoir that the pare nts of the Little Ro ck Nine called and asked her to be present at a meeting with the superintendent of schools. After the meeting, she called each of the Little Rock Nine and told them to meet at her home the next morning. Unfortunately one of the st udents, Elizabeth Eckford, did not have a telephone to receive Batess call and thus walked to Central High by herself the next day. On realizing this after the othe r students arrived, L.C. and Dais y tried to find her in a very threatening white mob gathered around Centra l High. This mob called her names such as nigger bitch and shouted expletives, most of which were go home ! Eventually, she was able to get on a city bus. The National Guard was given in structions by Faubus however to not allow the othe r eight students to enter Cent ral High. Bates then brought them to the school superintendent. Bates writes in her memoir: When we arrived at the office, the Superintendent was out. When he failed to return within an hour, I sugg ested that we appeal to the United States Attorney, Osro Cobb, since Federal Judge Davies had ordered the Federal Bureau of Investigation, under the direction of the United States Attorney, to conduct a thorough investigation into who was responsible for the interference with the Court s integration orderduring the school year the FBI interviewed hundreds of persons. Many of those who had participated in the mob could eas ily have been identified from photographs taken in front of the sch ool. Yet no action was taken against
48 anyone by the office of the United States Attorney, Osro Cobb, or the Department of Justice. 63 Ever since the presence of National Gu ard preventing the Little Rock Nine on September 5, 1957 it is written that Daisy Bate s immediately went into action and she has not stopped since. 64 During the next few weeks, a legal skirmish ensued that utilized the aid of a ttorney Thurgood Marshall w ho realized that this battle to integrate Central was really a battle begun by Faubus that, in Marshalls estimation, should be ended by President Eisenhower. Trying to use the public opinion that was influenced by the images of Elizabeth Eckfords treatme nt by the white mob, Marshall had the NAACP issue a press release calling for the presiden t to federalize the National Guard and take command away from Faubus. Eisenhowers only reaction was to order the Justice Department to seek an injunction to force Faubus to pull the Nati onal Guard away from the school. 65 A few days later, L.C. ran pictures in the State Press of the students being turned away by the National Guard, including one of the famous shots of Elizabeth Eckford being taunted by the mob. In the m eantime, Daisy Bates made repeated efforts to get federal authorities to provide assi stance but was met with no cooperation from federal authorities. She got cooperation how ever from the citys mayor Woodrow Mann, as well as help from the editor of the Arkansas Gazette Harry Ashmore to devise a strategy to protect the black children. With these community members, she was able to secure physical protection for the Little Rock Ni ne and return them to a school in a city that was surrounded by a rousing mob. Daisy Ba tes probably made the fateful, ultimate decision to return the Little Rock Nine to school. Paula Giddings writes that Bates was constantly faced with the decision whether to continue believing that the Little Rock Nine could attend school safely or to desist fr om trying. Giddings sugge sts that Bates might
49 have thought that her own life was only one of those threatened, a nd many supporters had questioned her determination to go on in the face of such peril. 66 The New York Times in fact wrote that Daisy Bates was bearing the brunt of the integration dispute in Little Rock. 67 Daisy Bates planned that the Little Ro ck Nine return to Central High on the morning of September 23 rd to the surprise and chagrin of the white community, many of whom organized in violent mobs around the sc hool to try and stop their entrance. Per Batess plan, the Little Rock Nine along w ith members from the black press met at her home early that morning, so they could be travel to school in one police car. In his biography of Thurgood Marshall, Juan Williams refers to this event as a second civil war. Bates biographer Stockley writes th at on that morning when several reporters came to her home, Bates shrewdly managed th em like an indigent house mother. What made her management especially shrewd wa s how Bates had set up the Little Rock to enter Central High School in the safest way possible. Upon receiving a call that morning from the police that they were ready to meet the children and escort them into the school, Bates let many newsmen know that if they were at the Sixteenth and Park entrance of the school, they would be able to see the Nine enter the school. By giving these newsmen, mostly white, a wrong lead, Bates was successful in creating a diversion that allowed her to get the Nine into Central successfully. Af ter the first group of white newsmen left for the school, a second group of mainly black ne wsmen left her home for the school. It is possible that Bates indeed planned for the gr oup of black newsmen to be mistaken for the Little Rock Nine and attacked by the mob, th ereby diverting the mobs attention from the Little Rock Nine. Stockley writes:
50 As soon as the crowd saw them, the black reporters became targets for the mob waiting for the students. In pa rticular, Alex Wilson, editor of the Memphis Tri-State Defender, was savagely beaten. Others, including Earl Davy, the photographer for the State Press, were also physically assaulted, as were white newsmenwhile the mobs attention was diverted, the police, under the leadership of assi stant police chief Gene Smith, were able to whisk the Nine into the school through a side entrance. Predictably, the whites, which incl uded a healthy contingent of troublemakers from outside Little Roc k, were furious that the Nine had gained entry. 68 Henry Hamptons spellbinding film Eyes On The Prize shows vividly the grief and anger in the faces of the white mob, screaming at the Little Rock Nines entrance to Central High. Black reporters were also able to print th eir explicit experience of the racist attack. James Hicks, for the Amsterdam News, writes specifically of the abuse that he, Alex Wilson, and Moses Newsom of the Afro-American endured: I stepped up and said: We are not trying to go to school, we are reporters. The mob leader said: We dont care, youre niggers and we are not going to let you go any further. So meone then yelled kill em and the mob rushed upon us. A man threw a punch at Wilson, another kicked Newsom and a one-armed man slugged me beside my right ear. We turned to run and found ourselves tr apped by the crowds whom we had passed as we walked up the street to the schoolWilsons suit was covered with dirt and mud where he had been knocked down and kicked. Davys camera had been wrenched from his hands and his legs were bleeding and battered with gashes. 69 Much of the reasons behind the violence of the white mob was explained in a quote from a mob member who said, according to Bates s memoir: We wont stand for our schools being integrated. If we let em in, next thing theyll be marrying our daughters. 70 Segregationist whites opposed integration be cause race-mixing was inherently immoral to them and this kind of environment could onl y happen in an integrat ed setting, such as a public high school like Little Ro ck. Ernest Green, one of the Little Rock Nine, strongly denied interest in race-mixing in a televise d discussion with white students of Central
51 High. He challenged strongly th e idea that he attended school to marry a white girl. He said: Why do I want to go to school? To marry with someone? I mean, schools not a marriage bureauIm going there for an e ducation. Really, if Im going there to socialize, I dont need to be going to school. 71 Indeed, Ernest Greens experience at Central High suggests his response to be true because he was the only one of the entire nine to actually graduate from Central High. The violence of the white mob was based, according to Ernest Greens experience, on a gross mischaracterization of African-Americans as beings who are sexually helpless before white women. This ster eotype is that of the black male rapist. Eisenhower stoked fears of this stereotype when he mentioned the concern he had about overgrown Negroes being forced to sit ne xt to innocent white girls in schoolrooms. This was a common stereotype during the Jim Cr ow era that was used to justify lynching of black men. The violence of the mob was a reaction not to actual behavior of AfricanAmerican but stereotypes of African-American behavior. The violence of the mob is comparable to the violence with which th e Republican majority has very willfully prevented equal educational opportunities fo r Americans of different races and lower socioeconomic class. It is comparable mainly because Republican majorities make a sincere effort also to mischaracterize African-Americans as inherently being undeserving of receiving a quality educat ion. Both William Julius Wilson and Sheryll Cashin clarify this new stereotype of African-Americans in the minds of many Republicans who prevent them from passing le gislation that equaliz es school funding. Wilson has argued, a vicious circle inhibits e ffective solutions. Because of poor schools, the relative skills of minority students relegated to poor urban areas do not improve, thus
52 worsening the problems of unemployment and d ecay associated with the areas in which the live. Cashin writes: this heightens race and class conflict because it reinforces white voters stereotypes about racial minorities. Whites are more apt to blame black people for their lack of motivation. In their eyes such unmotivated folks are not worthy of taxpayers money. 72 Bates was considered a threat to the se gregationist white community in Little Rock because she actively fought against this stereotype. She fought stereotypes that grossly mischaracterized her because she f ought so fiercely to grant black students the same quality of education as white students. In fact, an older Little Rock resident said: Daisy Bates was our Osama Bin Ladin. 73 Therefore while Bates fights the stereotype of the black rapist and the terrorist, Fattah fought the stereotype of the lazy, unmotivated black. Unfortunately, these stereotypes have existed l ong enough to be unconsciously internalized and acted out in the behaviors of some African-Americans. However the important surviving legacy from Daisy Bates to Chaka Fattah is their unflinching commitment to fight this ster eotype and organize in ways that ultimately destroy this stereotype. Daisy Bates is r ecognized as a leader who ensured these students had what she and Thurgood Marshall saw as their constitutional right to a quality education. Ernest Green said that I wouldnt be graduating but for her. She is commended and praised for not only helping Ernest Green graduate high school, but she also helped blacks across the country understand how im portant acquiring a quality education is. Julia Ray, the mother of Gloria Ray of the Little Rock Nine said of Bates: we love her for her courage, patience, endurance, and her willingness to go all the way with us in spiteof insults and danger of bodily harm. 74 Historian Elizabeth Jacoway writes that
53 Bates helped the children deal with the st resses of attending Central High: she minced no words, pushing and prodding each day to shape them into warriors. As she recalled one episode, so I told them that one of us might die in this fight. And I said to them, if they kill me, you would have to go on. If I di e, dont you stop. If Jeff [Thomas] died He said: I aint going to die. 75 She is described by Lerone Bennett Jr. as having the public-relations know how of th e late Walter White, the ideological nimbleness of King, and the bitter tongue of the late Mary McLeod Bethune. Certainly Chaka Fattahs creation of GEAR UP can be attribut ed to the drastic increase in the high school gr aduation of thousands of student s in the Philadelphia public school system. It is therefore comparable to Daisy Bates efforts in assisting Ernest Green to become the first African-American student to graduate from Central High School. It was a symbolic graduation with a legacy that has been revived by the efforts of Chaka Fattah and his very important creation of GEAR UP that helps many more students graduate from high school. The fourth and most impo rtant similarity between th e nonviolence of Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah is the ways that both of them provided a refuge or safe haven for students who were otherwise vic tims to the outside world of institutionalized racism. The first haven Daisy Bates provided to the Little Rock students was her home. That was an important crucial meeting place, not only for the Little Rock Nine, but also for the attorneys Thurgood Marshall and Wiley Brant on who were able to convince President Eisenhower to send federal troops and enforce integration. They were able to do this under the protective shelter of Daisy Batess home. Most important, Daisy Batess home became a crucial refuge from th e racist attacks against the Li ttle Rock Nine. Bates tells
54 in her memoir: each day after school I sat with the embattled nine in the quiet basement of my home, away from the probing eyes of the reporters and the hysterical charges by the segregationists that the pupils were hirelings of the NAACP, imported from the North to integrate our schools. These meetings we re not unlike group therapy. In relating the days experiences, all the suppressed emoti ons within these children came tumbling out: It was on the afternoon of February 4, 1958, when Terrance said to me, Ive had it! Today, during the ei ghth period in study hall, two boys kicked me. One was the same boy who kicked Jeff last week. When I reported them to the office of the Vice Principal, I was asked if a teacher or adult saw them kick me. Weve reported one of these boys many times. Now the school authorities are telling us that unless we have an adult witness nothing will be done no matter what they do to us. I made no effort to influence Terrance to conti nue at Central. I told him, If you should decide not to go back, I wi ll understand. The next morning Terrance was one of the first of the ni ne to arrive at Central. That afternoon I asked him what made him change his mind. I thought about it last night and decided I wasnt going to let that little pip-squeak chase me out of Central. Overnight Te rrance had regained his courage. 76 Terrance Roberts was able to regain his c ourage because he was able to have an outlet through which to express his feelings and frustrations around within living in a racist society. This demonstr ates that Bates was trying to establish, in her home, a safe haven or refuge for the Little Rock Nine to de al with the racism in the greater society. Chaka Fattah has also tried to create refuge in the school for children affected by the racist policies that result in abject poverty and anemic employment by forcing Philadelphia public schools to improve its school counseling facilities. One of the Fattah principles he originated is acc ess to guidance counselors in a ra tio that is comparable with that of other students in subur ban districts. The Little Rock Nine probabl y did not have any access to school counselors who were sympathetic to their experience, to which they could express their frustrating experiences with racial hatred. Ther efore, both Bates and
55 Fattah are responsible for trying to establ ish safe spaces for students who are under a serious racial suppression: th e Little Rock Nine was unde r a more blatant, abusive suppression while the students who attended public schools without access to a dependable, regular school c ounselor are also under a more sophisticated suppression. However like Bates, Fattah aims to provide somewhere for the oppressed student, a place of refuge to deal with a larger racist society. Daisy Bates grew up in Huttig, Arkansas re alized the importance of a refuge. Her mother was savagely murdered; her father fled town, and a husband and wife with the last name of Gatson, took her in to raise her. She provided the very refuge to the Little Rock Nine that she received from the Gatsons. Fattah grew up around parents who also made a point to provide a refuge for oppressed students or children: my family ran a program focused on African-American young men: an urban boys home for some forty years in Philadelphia. I grew up in a home with some three thousand other young men I was part in parcel of a commitment by my family to try and do something about the plight of young black men. Obviously, education was and continues to be an important weapon in that fight. 77 Fattah is also trying to make the public school a refuge like the ones his parents created for boys in Philadelphia. He confirms this effort when he introduced the Student Bill of Rights in the U.S. House on September 5, 2002, which aimed to hold states accountable for providing resources, which are all from his seven principles. One of these principles is having highly qualified guidance counselors. However the bill has never left the House committee because it was voted down repeatedly by the Republican
56 majorities in the House and the Senate who are ultimately threatened by efforts to hold states accountable for educational priorities. The failure of this Student Bill of Rights to be voted on by the U.S. Congress is very similar to the failure of the state legisl ators in Arkansas to support the Little Rock Nine students in attending Central High school Instead of complying with the court order to ultimately allow the students to remain at Central High School, no more than six months passed before the Little Rock school board asked the federal court to delay in integrating its schools. By this time, Minniejean Brown, one of the nine, had been expelled for what she said was retaliating after a white student hit her first. After this, white students passed around an intimidating that read: one down, eight to go. Bates fought to keep Central High school from clos ing. She met with Herbert Thomas, who devised a plan to solve the crisis at Central High by closing the school. Bates clearly objected to this and sought to keep the school open. In an April 11 th meeting with Bates, Thomas said about Bates that I found the Ar kansas President of the NAACP to be able and unemotional. Her answers were concise and clearly stated. My opinion is that she is uncompromising. 78 By September of 1958, Governor Faubus overtly defied Brown v. Board by arranging to have an election set for September 27 to decide whether to close the schools in Little Rock or keep them open. The vote was overwhelming to close the Little Rock schools: 19,470 to 7,561. Eventually Terrence Roberts and his family moved to California because of this crisis. Of the six that remained after bot h Brown and Roberts left and Green graduated, five took correspondence courses at the Univers ity of Arkansas where they received the equivalent of a high school diploma. All of th e Little Rock Nine we re able to attend a
57 college of some sort, however not after gr aduating Central High School except Ernest Green. Governor Faubus closed Central Hi gh school and other Little Rock Schools for the entire year. The Little Rock School Bo ard signed a lease with the private school corporation, upholding a tenet of White Nationali sm as it concerns education. This tenet is to avoid federal mandates on funding education. Chaka Fattah explains the rationale behind the Republicans trying to avoid adequate funding of pub lic education: This is exactly what the Republican majo rity has [done] and will always try to do. There's a lot of forces against that in this country because th ey see education as a zero sum game. They see it as if your child and my child has the same opportunity as theirs, then they're going to compete with th em. Bush has tried to eliminate GEAR UP, a program intended to fund educational priori ties for underprivileged students for three years running now. The House Republicans would initially try to put zero in the budget for GEAR UP. 79 Walters writes that the White Nationalist movement seeks to use the argument for school choice to dissipate th e power of government control over public education. School choice not only localizes decisions about public education, it also redirects resources in the se rvices of this policy, which is away from the equitable distribution to schools in co mmunities of color. Priva tizing public education and removing it from federal control have negate d the ability of nonwhites to receive a quality education. This is exactly what ma ny state and city leaders mistakenly do: they contract and subcontract educational services to private corporations that ultimately do not allow urban students to receive a quality education. The fight that Daisy Bates against closing and priv atizing Little Rock schools is very similar to the fight that Chaka
58 Fattah had in demanding Edison schools to be accountable. Both have been uncompromising in demanding a quality educa tion for their students. In conducting a report on Edison Schools efficiency in runni ng Philadelphias public schools, Fattahs office found that in 2001, nearly 90 per cent of Edisons schools of 69 schoolsfor which results are available, students performe d substantially below standard levels set by the state compared to other students in the states. 80 Within the past four years, Fattahs nonviolent activism against the inefficiency of Edison Schools has managed to significantly re duce the number of schools of which they are in charge. Despite Daisy Bates inability to stay the privatization of Little Rocks public schools, the Little Rock Nine were sti ll able to attend colleges. Their resilience despite all the negative news and informati on around them attest to the ways that many African-Americans prioritize education. Now, GEAR UP enjoys a lot of support in the House and the Senate, but not in the White House, and not under President George W. Bush. However GEAR UP has still been able to maintain itself and has expanded into five hundred programs nationwide. Chaka Fattahs improvement of the Phila delphia public school system is a significant act of nonviolence because it defies the existing norms of American society that aims to maintain a separate and unequa l public educational system. Daisy Batess organization around the Little Rock Nine is also a significant act of nonviolence because it also defied the norms of an institutionally segregated society that fought much harder to maintain a separate and disparate educational system as well. Both acts of nonviolence teach us, most recently through Chaka Fattah, how to maintain the surviving legacy of keeping education as a number one priorit y, despite a hostile, racist environment.
59 There is also no doubt that Daisy Bates was aware of the importance of the principles of nonviolence that she practiced in getting the Little Rock Nine to resist the mobs and the actions of Governor Faubus to attend at least one year in Central High School. In one of the last issues of their State Press, L.C. and Daisy Bates printed a story on their experience of attending a workshop by the Moral Re-Armament, a world peace group founded by the grandson of Mohandas Gandhi, Rajmohan Gandhi. L.C. Bates mentioned in this story that attending this c onference was the antidote to the bitterness he felt after losing the State Press due to the sour turns in thei r personal lives after trying to get the Little Rock Nine to attend Central High School and graduate. Daisy Bates writes in her memoir that after Faubus had successfully been able to avoid integration and close Central High school, she and her and husband had to close their press: In a matter of a few weeks we watche d sixteen years of our lives being quickly chopped away, as we receiv ed curt, politeand some not polite notes from business firms and adve rtising agencies canceling their advertising contracts. Some contracts were not renewed as they expired. The advertisements of some of our largest and most substantial clients disappeared from the pages of the State Press. Among them were Southwestern Bell Telephone Co mpany, Arkansas-Louisiana Gas Company, Arkansas Power and Ligh t Company, real estate housing developments, and many of the off-Main Street merchantsThe segregationists scored another suc cessful intimidation and the grocer stopped advertising in the State Pres s.what shook me to the depths was the stark realization that in this al legedly free and enlightened society only a small minority concerned itself about the cruelties and injustices that were being perpetrated against Negro children. 81 Daisy Bates crusade to shield the Little Ro ck Nine from the injustices perpetrated against them was the beginning of a surviving legacy of resistance against an oppressive status quo that Chaka Fattah has continued. Daisy Bates had in fact invited Rajmohan Gandhi to speak at her home at an NAACP. 82 She was therefore aware of the ways in
60 which nonviolence could be used to effect social change. Chaka Fattah has also continued this tradition and has upheld a surviving legacy of resistance that demands nothing less than an adequate public school education. Lessons Learned From Both Acts of Nonviolence Both Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah have important lessons to teach about how to be nonviolent resisters that work in the area of educational activ ism. Bates in her role in bringing the federal marshals to Central High School and Fattah in his role in creating the GEAR UP program provide important lessons in how to engage in educational activism. Bates specifically teaches the importance of developing a relationship with the school board in ensuring that ones child has a quality education. The shortcomings of any public school system for parents can be prot ested in a significan t nonviolent way and the experience of Daisy Bates proves this. Like Parks and Lee, she first tried to persuade with words when she tried to convince th e school board to allow the successful integration of the students, and then when me t with resistance by the white mob that she writes was roused by Governor Orval Faubus, she turned to more nonviolent means of integrating Central High School in th e form of her publications in the State Press, and through her correspondences with the national NAACP and the executive branch of the U.S. government. Fattah teaches us to be scrupulously cau tious against private control over public education. In an age where more and more entities such as public education are becoming privatized, Fattahs most important lesson in nonviolence is the importance of being vigilant against the inefficiencies of private corporations wh ich, as journalist Thom
61 Hartmann writes, have limited government overs ight and can therefor e fall very short of providing a quality public educat ion. Fattahs work demonstrat es the important role that the individual citizen has in providing overs ight over public education when the federal government proves to be negligent in doing so. Fattahs work is an example of the kind of work in the twenty first century that is required to maintain a qua lity public education for all students. Although Cent ral High school locked its doors after the Little Rock Nine was allowed entrance in 1957, Daisy Bates, like Chaka Fattah still pr ovides a significant example of how one person can, through nonviolence, work in the press, with the school board, and resist neoconservative policies.
62 Chapter Four: Ella Baker and the Legacy of Participatory Democracy: A Discussion of the Organizing Work of Ella Baker with the Organizing Work of Maxine Waters Reporter: Do you think that the boycott has had any great impact on these national chains in a city like New York up to this time? Adam Clayton Powell: Well Ive already seen statements from some of the executive offices ofWoolworths indicating their concern that the decline [in sales] has already been noted and is just beginning. Reporter: I take it then that you are advocating Negroes in New York to stay out of these national chain stores? Adam Clayton Powell: Oh, noIm advocati ng that American citi zens interested in democracy stay out of national chain stores. 83 Ella Baker and the Historical Significance of 1960 This chapter compares 1960 grassroo ts organizer Ella Baker and U.S. Representative Maxine Waters in order to argue that Maxine Waters continues a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance by her organizing that began with the organizing of Ella Baker. Maxine Waters helped organize the Out of Iraq caucus which is the foundation for new and unique ways to resist race and class oppression. Ella Baker mentored a group of young people and help ed organize the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), an organizati on that resisted race and class oppression by creating direct action and vot er registration campaigns led to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Their founding in 1960 brought an entirely new dimension to dealing with
63 institutionalized segregation in the civil rights movement. Learning from the lessons of Rosa Parks and Daisy Bates, American citi zens interested in de mocracy took bold new stands to assert their rights to live in an integrated society where they can receive the constitutional privileges of all other citizens. On Monday, February 1, 1960, four stude nts at North Carolina A&T College integrated a Greensboro, Nort h Carolina, Woolworths lunc h counter by sitting down and refusing to leave until they were served, in a significant act of nonviolence known as a sit-in. They asked to be served but were re fused. They therefore remained on the stools for almost an hour until the store closed. The next day, they returned to the same Woolworths with a group of about thirty st udents who also sat in, and refused to leave the lunch counter until they were served. National news reported that they ended their sit-in with a prayer. By Thursday, February 4 th hundreds of college students were recruited and staging sit-in s in order to demand integration. On February 8 th exactly one week after the Greensboro sit-insthe demonstrations spread to Durham and Winston-Salem. Aldon Morris writes that the sit-ins spread rapidly in such a short two month time period primarily because they grew out of a context of organized movement centers that were already established across the South. 84 Morris describes how these sitins spread across the South in clusters, which were two or more cities within 75 miles of each other where sit-in activity t ook place within a span of 14 days. 85 Morris writes that most of these February sit-ins took place in cities of border states and not the black belt states like Georgia, Alabama, or Mississipp i, because repression against blacks was not as severe as in these states. This made it possible for these states with sit-ins to build dense networks of movement centers. Claybor ne Carson writes that the use of nonviolent
64 tactics had in fact allowed black students to picture themselves as patient agents of progress pitted against obstinate, unreasoning whites. Carson writes about one student, Cleveland Sellers, a black high school student in South Carolina at the time of the sit-ins: [Sellers] felt a strong sense of iden tification with blacks such as Daisy Bates, Rosa Parks, and Martin Luther King who had challenged segregation in Little Rock and in Montgomery. When they spoke, Sellers recalled, they said what I wa s thinking. When they suffered, I suffered with them. And on those rare occasions when they managed to eke out a meager victory, I rejoiced too. 86 By 1960, the student sit-in movement was articulating the concerns and ultimately the demands of black citizens to not be rele gated to separate and inferior schools and other public facilities. These were citizens most interested in democracy. There are very important similarities to the st ruggles of these students who conducted the sit-ins and the voting records of select Congressional Black Caucus members who both are trying to be agents of progress pitted against obstinate, unreasoning whites. There are also many important similarities between acts of nonvi olence during this year and acts of nonviolence within the twenty first century. An important similarity is an aspect that mainstream media coverage of the civil ri ghts movement has largely neglected: the significance of female leadershi p, particularly the leadership of one Ella Baker. The creation of an organization based on staging this kind of nonviolent resistance as the sitin was conceived by Ella Baker. This or ganizations purpose in Bakers mind would be to coordinate the sit-in activity, keep the le aders in touch with each other, raise funds, increase publicity and perhaps arrange to st art sit-ins in places where they had not appeared spontaneously. 87 In addition, Baker advised th e students who conducted sit-ins to stay independent of the older civil rights organizati on, SCLC (Southern Christian
65 Leadership Conference) and dictate the course of their own activism by forming their own civil rights organization. With her guidance, these students founded the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), known as and pronounced snick. Paula Giddings and Charles Payne write that in the civil rights moveme nt, men led, but women organized. The organizational foundation of the civil rights movement, which was provided by the student sit-in movement, was initiated largel y by the organizing of Ella Baker. Charles Payne provides a strong distinction between the tasks of organizing and mobilizing: organizing involves creating ongoing groups th at are mass-based in the sense that the people a group purports to represent have re al impact on the group s direction [while] mobilizing is more sporadic, involving large numbers of people for relatively short periods of time and probably for relatively dramatic, [single] activitiesone or the other is [not] more important hist oricallyboth are clearly nece ssarythey are two different activities. 88 In the creation of self-sustaining organizations such as SNCC, greater priority was placed on organizing rather than mobilizing. Other authors including Payne write that the contemporary American memory of the civil rights movement tends to miss the importance of organizing, which was la rgely the domain of women, by focusing on only the mobilizing efforts such as the 1963 March on Washington and not on the organizing. Owen Dwyer writes th at despite Bakers presence as a moving force in the development of SNCC, in the contemporary memory and in museums about the civil rights movement, Baker is generally ignored or neglected: the relative absence of women at civil rights memorials stands in c ontrast to recent schol arship demonstrating the predominance of women in organizing and staffing the movement. 89 Scholarship
66 that significantly recognizes Baker must find its way into our contemporary discourse about the civil rights movement. Carol Muellers article in the book Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965, provides important scholarship about Baker when she wrote that it was Ella Bakers unlab eled yet fully articula te proposals on a kind of participatory democracy that most appealed to the students at SNCC. This kind of democracy has three major themes: an appeal to the grassroots sect or of the population, a minimization of hierarchy, and a direct action component. Th is third theme of a direct action component is the characteristic that c ontinues the nonviolent tradition the most. It is also this characteristic that is the ultim ate action phase of participatory democracy. The two former themes essentially prepare one for the third and final direct action theme. While Ella Baker guided a younger generation of college students into SNCC, direct action for her meant the grunt work of organizing. Within days after the sit-ins spread across the South, Ella Baker began to plan for a gathering of representatives from across the South. She was able to convince the organization she once worked for, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to put up eight hundred dollars to cover the expenses of the meeting. She put out a follow up letter to protesting students encouraging them to attend this gathering th at she set for Easter weekend, April 15 to 17,1960, in Raleigh, North Carolina. This ga thering would be named the Southside Student Leadership Conference on Nonviolent Resistance to Segregation. Baker reached an agreement with Shaw University on meeting rooms, meals and accommodations for the April 15 to 17 gathering. She urged dem onstrators from across the South to send a representative from their group to this gathering. About one month before this gathering,
67 Baker met and talked with hundreds of st udents and community leaders about the importance of sit-ins and potential for future actions. Here she was establishing the first theme of her participatory democracy: a grassroo ts appeal, or an appeal to the grassroots population of a socioeconomic class. Ella Baker biographer Joanne Grant writes that Bakers emphasis was on the need to find and develop indigenous leaders, especial ly in the states of the deep South. This appeal was grassroots because it was not rest ricted to members who were only those in the clergy as SCLC did. This appeal was made available to any person who demonstrated against segregated public facilities. The April 15 th conference eventually attracted some 200 participants, more than double the number Baker had anticipated. Martin Oppenheimer writes that these two hundred plus partic ipants represented fifty-two colleges and high schools from thirty-seven communities in thirteen states and the District of Columbia. 90 In an interview with Clayborne Carson, Ella Baker expressed her conception of this conference: her basic hope from the beginning was that it would be an independent organization of young people. 91 This is indicative of Bakers emphasis on organizing rather than mobilizing. Bake r was planning to create a long lasting organization after this event and not the more dramatic kind of events the SCLC had planned. This kind of organizing made Ella Baker the originator of a participatory democracy that became the driving force of the civil rights movement. The Organizing Background of Ella Baker Throughout Ella Bakers life, as revealed in two seminal biographies written by Barbara Ransby and Joanne Grant, we see a unique life experience that essentially prepared her to begin the practice of part icipatory democracy. Ella Baker was taught
68 from an early age to minimize different kinds of hierarchiesthose based on class, race and gender. She practiced this minimizing of hierarchy throughout her life. She was raised by her mother Anna Ross Baker who, Ba rbara Ransby writes, showed essentially no deference to whites. According to Rans by, both Baker and her mother were imbued with the conviction that their relative priv ilege [as landowners within a free black community in North Carolina] carried with it a fundamental obligation to work for the improvement of their race and, especially, to better the condition of the many women and children who were denied such advantages. 92 Joanne Grant writes that Anna Baker took in boarders, but also kept up with her major calling, ministering to the poor. 93 The conviction of Bakers mother came from their strong Baptist influence, as Anna Ba ker belonged to a Baptist womens missionary and thus did not hesitate to feed, clothe, a nd discipline other peopl es children when the need arose, according to Ransby. 94 This practice not only fo llowed a Baptist missionary ethos, it followed an overall African Am erican community ethos as well. This community ethos ultimately worked for what Ransby writes is the betterment of the race. Ella Bakers extended family was part of a larger network of black farmers in Warren County, North Carolina, who emphasized self-help and mutual aid as strategies for survival and the betterment of the race. The cooperative ethos that permeated Bakers childhood was an integral part of the noti ons of family and community; it connoted groups of individuals banding together around shared interest s and promoting a sense of reciprocal obligation, not of individu alism and competition. Baker expounds: Where we lived there was no sense of hierarchy, in terms of those who have, having a right to look down upon or evaluate as a lesser breed, those who didnt have. Part of that coul d have resulted, I think from two factors. One was the proximity of my maternal grandparents to slavery.
69 They had known what it was not to ha ve. Plus, my grandfather had gone into the Baptist ministry, and that wa s part of theChristian concept of sharing with others. I went to a school that went in for Christian training. Then, there were people who stood fo r something as I call it. Your relationship to human beings was more important than your relationship to the amount of money that you made. 95 Throughout her life, Baker was taught and ev entually learned to transgress social constructions of gender and class in order to fulfill her religious and community ethos that her upbringing taught her. Anna Bake r had a profound influence on Ella Bakers commitment to galvanizing a nonviolent traditi on. Ransby writes that years later in the secular context of the political and civil rights organizations with which she worked, Baker emulated her mothers example of zeal ous and selfless servic e on behalf of those victimized by injustice and so cial inequity, albeit in a different language and with expanded political objectives. 96 Baker grew up in a community where she was encouraged to look out for her neighbor. She said: When I came out of the Depression, I came out of it with a different point of view as to what constituted successI began to feel that my greatest sense of success would be to succeed in doing with people some of the things that I thought woul d raise the level of masses of people, rather than the individual being accepte d by the establishment. 97 Baker managed to transmit this kind of concern for the working and poorer classes to the students she worked with. Wh ile she transformed the kind of concern for working and poorer classes, Baker deliberately transgressed social c onstructions of class and gender. She undoubtedly observed her moth er Anna repeatedly transgressing these boundaries when she boarded those who were in need. Ella Baker was certainly one person not raised to keep all interactions with in a certain social class; she often crossed
70 class lines to help others and continue the values with which her mother and extended family raised her. Ransby writes that Baker eventually adopted the notion that the more privileged, educated, and articulated member s of the African American community were not only duty-bound to come to the aid of their le ss fortunate brothers an d sisters, but also had to humble themselves in order to crea te the social space necessary for the more oppressed people in the community to speak and act on their own behalf. 98 This is what she allowed the young students of the student si t-in movement to do: to speak on their own behalf without having their message and their organization cont rolled by the SCLC. In fact, Baker went to great pains to ensure that the SCLC would allow the young students to organize separate and apart from the SCLC. Joanne Grant writes that in one meeting with her administrative bosses within the SCLC where they were considering how to essentially determine the future of SNCC, Ella Baker walked out in fury. This departure signaled the beginning of a new phase for the civil rights movement. It was no longer to be controlled by a stodgy ministerial or bureaucratic presence. It was to be led by a new force. 99 This force was strengthened by Ella Bakers dedication to people having the ability to speak and act on their own behalf. This theme of working with young people and allowing them their ability to speak on their own behalf is seen especially in Barbara Ransbys third chapter of her biography on Baker: Baker became an employee of the Harl em branch library in January 1934, when she was hired to coordinate an educational and consciousnessraising program for Harlem youth and young adults, aged 16 to 26. She organized the Young Peoples Forum (YPF) in 1936Baker served as a catalyst linking together different sectors of the black community, breaking down generational barriers and facilitating exchanges of skills and resources. In the YPF, she in troduced Harlem teenagers to an impressive roster of prominent speak ers, emphasizing the need for active
71 participation by the youth themselves. As Baker exposed many young people to the world of books and ideas, she sought to instill in them a sense of their own power to think criti cally, analyze events, and articulate their opinions and beliefs. The YPF included discussions about social, economic, and cultural topics, as well as her work with the YPF and in many other contextsElla Baker was a teacher without a traditional classroom. The belief that education and the exchange and dissemination of ideas could make a difference in pe oples lives was to remain central to her lifes work. 100 In helping to organize the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Ella Baker is continuing the kind of work sh e began with the Young Peoples Forum of instilling in young people a sense of their own power to think critically, analyze events, and articulate their opinions and beliefs . This mission of empowering young people with the ability to think critically and analytically was ultimately the aim of the conference and is a theme of her leadership not only in the 1960s, but in the 1930s, the 1940s, and the 1950s. Joanne Grant writes that when NAACP leader Walter White appointed Ella Baker as the director of branches in 1943, Baker set forth three goals: increasing membership participation, extending the membership base, and maximizing the NAACPs leadership ro le in local communities. 101 During the next three years until 1946, Ella Baker concentrated on building a strong membership base as she had done since she joined the organization in 1938, we ll before she was appointed director of branches. Ransby writes that over the course of Bakers years with the associations national office, from 1940 to 1946 [the y ear she resigned from the NAACP], its membership mushroomed from 50,000 in 1940 to almost 450,000 by 1945. 102 Bakers specialty in attracting such high numbers to the NAACP was her leadership workshops where she empowered people with the basic techniques of local leadership. Ransby writes that these leadership conferences were an enormous success and that when she left the association in 1946, Roy Wilkins remembered them as one of her main contributions
72 of the national organization. The purpose of these conferences was very similar to the purpose of her Young Peoples Forum in the 1930s, and what would be the purpose of SNCC in the 1960s, to emphasize the basic t echniques and procedures for developing and carrying out programs of action in the branches. 103 Joanne Grants description of a typical month of organizing that Baker enga ged in as a member of the NAACP included attending school assembles, ministers conf erences, mutual aid societies, youth council meetings that probably distinguished her as one of the busiest members of the group at this time. 104 Barbara Ransby also writes that on several occasions, Baker ignored her own health and came into the office against doctors orders to perform some of the seemingly never-ending tasks asso ciated with her job. 105 It was this type of organizing that arguably led to the vast organizationa l network that enabled the su ccess of the strategy of the NAACP Legal Defense team led by Wiley Branton and Thurgood Marshall. Because Baker was able to carry out an extensive schedule like this within a three to four year span, she was able to fulfill the goal of increasing the membership of the NAACP. However in the contemporary memory of the civil rights movement, those whose organizing skills built NAACP membership and cr eated the vast grassroots appeal that it had are ignored. Bakers time as the NAACP director of branches foreshadows her principles and leadership stra tegies that essentially advan ced the black struggle, or the struggle against racism. Grant writes that from Bakers ear liest days in the NAACP, she tried to make the organization more democra tic: time after time she proposed that the local branches have a say in the prog ram and the policies of the organization. 106 This demand shows her dedication to two of the th emes of participatory democracy outlined
73 by Carol Mueller, which are the themes of an appeal to grassroots and a minimization of hierarchy. From her earliest days, Baker did her best to minimize the already present hierarchy within the NAACP. This was a hierarchy dictated by then NAACP leader Walter White who, in Bakers opinion, spent too much time catering to the wealthy and influential. Eventually, Baker withdr ew from the NAACP in 1946 for reasons, as confirmed in the biographies of Grant and Ransby, related to the leadership style of Walter White. About leadership, Baker says: I have always felt it was a handicap for oppressed peoples to depend so largely upon a leader, because unfortunate ly in our culture, the charismatic leader usuallyhas found a spot in the public limelightsuch people get so involved with playing the game of being important that they exhaust their time and dont do the work of actually organizing people. 107 The hierarchical structure of the NAAC P allowed one person too much power according to Baker. In the case of the NAACP in 1946, it allowed Walter White the power to make decisions without consulting other executive members. Ella Bakers climactic decision to leave the NAACP came when Walter White accused her of being out of the office on more personal matters than any other executive to the detriment of [her] work and office morale. Barbara Ransby writes that the more Baker pushed White for accountability about his administrative decisions, the more he counteracted by criticizing her for alleged in fractions of office procedure. However Walter White took the time to calculate her time off with a precise motive in mind. Ransby writes that Whites accusation was callous and insensitive since she had just suffered a bereavement of her cousin Martha Grinage, who took Baker in when she moved to New York. 108 Whites motive in calculating her exact ti me out of the office seems destined to deflect from Bakers criticism of his top-down le adership style, typica l within the kind of leadership hierarchy that Ella Baker actively tr ied to minimize. It is certainly indicative
74 of the sexism that plagued black men in trad itional organizations and in the greater civil rights struggle. This sexism was a signifi cant obstacle to achiev ing the participatory democracy that Ella Baker sought. While it seems that the most celebrated people of the civil rights movement are Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr., theolo gian James Cone writes that the sexism of these men greatly hindered their achieveme nt of social and economic freedom; the freedom for which they and other women lik e Ella Baker fought. While their sexist views diminished substantially throughout their lives, their ch anges were still minor when compared with those of two earlier, promin ent black advocates of womens rights like Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. Du Bois in particular who, like Baker, left the NAACP also because of disagreements with Walter White. 109 However Ransby writes that Baker described both White and Du Bois as having a great sense of ego and selfimportance. 110 Egoism from leading male figures was a root cause for Baker eventually leaving the NAACP. Baker says of her own withdrawal from the NAACP: My reasons for resigning are basically threeI feel that the Association is falling short of its present possibilities ; that the full capacities of the staff have not been used; that there is little chance of mine being utilized in the immediate future. Neither one nor all of these reasons would induce me to resign if I felt that object ive and honest discussion were possible and that remedial measures would follow. Unfortunately, I find no basis for expecting this. My reactions are not sudden but accumulative, and are based upon my own experience during the past five years and the experience of other staff, both present and former. 111 Her reason states that her decision to depart came from the lack of an objective and honest discussion. She says that she has no basis for expec ting such a discussion and leaves because of a lack of a discussi on, which would, on some level, have reduced the rigid hierarchy that bolstered Walter White. Her departure indicates not only a minimization but a clear rejec tion of the hierarchy of power that existed within the
75 NAACP. Joanne Grant writes th at during the year after her departure, Baker befriended organizer Bayard Rustin as well as a Quaker-oriented peace group known as FOR (the Fellowship of Reconciliation). FOR orga nized the Journey of Reconciliation, an interracial bus trip to test segregation laws in the South that served as a critical precursor to the 1961 Freedom Rides. However Baker was denied in joining the bus trip because FOR voted to prevent women from joining this first freedom ride, as many felt this trip would be too dangerous for women. Grant writes that from 1946 to 1958, Ella Bakers focus was on school desegregation. 112 In this sense she engages a nonviolent tradition similar to that of Daisy Bates. About six years after leaving the NAACP, E lla Baker was elected president of the New York City NAACP branch, becoming its first woman president. Barbara Ransby writes that she led the New York City bran ch the way she thought all NAACP branches, and all community organizations for that ma tter, should function: by involving as many community members as possible in building dir ect action campaigns to address issues of concern to those in the community. 113 She taught the community members how to determine their own strategies to solve co mmunity issues. The three main community issues on which she worked at the New York City branch were: public school desegregation, larger scale school reform, a nd police brutality. Baker taught community members how to organize to address these i ssues by teaching them specifically to send public letters of protest, lead noisy street demonstrations, and confront public officials such as New York City mayor. Joanne Grant writes that Baker institut ed a survey called Check Your School, that demanded from parents information on th e conditions of their childs public schools
76 with questions such as classroom conditions and student-teacher ratios among others. This survey ultimately resulted in the im provement of the New York City Schools because it exposed the problems of racially segregated education. 114 Like Daisy Bates, she demanded a quality public education fo r all students. She also demanded fair treatment for people of color from the police; a demand made also by U.S. Representative Maxine Waters. Along with teaching comm unity members how to organize around their own issues in the direct action manner of the public demonstration, Baker also built coalitions across races. Ransby writes that Baker led the New York City NAACP into action alongside progressive whit es and Puerto Ricans, the citys second-largest group of people of color. 115 By 1956, after Baker left the NAACP, she along with Kenneth and Mamie Clark, helped launch a grassroots co alition composed primarily of African American and Puerto Rican parents that demanded integrated schools and greater parental participation in e ducational policymaking. This coalition was called Parents in Action Against Educational Discrimination and was formed in response to the monumental Brown v. Board decision. Ella Baker said about the city, New York City didnt act right after the deci sion. It didnt have any re ason to act, so you had to help it to realize it. I was asked to serve on the Mayors Commission. They finally discovered the city wasnt integrated! 116 Kenneth and Mamie Clark provided the sociological evidence in their doll st udies that helped produce the Brown decision. Kenneth chaired the Intergroup Committee, a group that, with Baker, lobbied and confronted public officials about poor public education. In addition, along with the Parents in Action Against Discrimination, Ba ker led significant dir ect action campaigns that set the stage for future public education ba ttles that resembled the Little Rock Crisis.
77 On September 26, 1957, just three days afte r President Eisenhow er sent federal troops to Little Rock, Parents in Action calle d a rally designed to draw greater attention to the campaign to improve public education. Ransby writes that Baker led a spirited picket line of over five hundred black and Puer to Rican parents in front of City Hall in Manhattan. This is yet anothe r example of the legacy of participatory democracy that Ella Baker furthered. In the case of leading picket lines and demonstrations, Ella Baker advanced the important theme of direct action identified by Carol Mueller. Parents in Action Against Discrimination is a fulfillment of the primary theme of participatory democracy which is the appeal to grassroots. This kind of appeal is almost an assumed characteristic of Ella Bakers leadership however it is a historically significant appeal to the grassroots secti on of the population because it goes beyond the simple demand for racial integration made by Dais y Bates. This appeal to grassroots also employs direct action to encourage parents to take a more vested interest in their childrens education and is thus perhaps the most radical ty pe of organizing at this time. The influence she had on Black and Latino communities to organize for their own childrens quality education is a surviving legacy of nonviolent re sistance that is critical. Baker called not only for racial integration; in her work with Parents in Action Against Discrimination, Baker called for greater pare nt and community invol vement in running the schools. Ella Bakers work with Pare nts In Action Against Discrimination set the foundation for a longer-term struggle for comm unity control of the schools, which was a volatile issue that reemerged during the late 1960s and early 1970s in New Yorks Ocean Hill-Brownsville Riots of 1969. Bakers direct action demonstrations essentially created the foundation for Black and Puerto Rican pare nts to engage in direct action methods
78 such as the public demonstration or protest. These parents protested in order to elect an interracial governing board to control thei r childrens education that was opposed by the largely white teachers union. In 1956, during the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Ella Baker along with Stanley Levison and Bayard Rustin founded In Friends hip, an organization meant to raise funds in support of those groups such as the Mont gomery Bus Boycotters who suffered for their civil rights activism. Groups such as the White Citizens Council in Mississippi would punish businesses that employed blacks w ho voted, creating a cu lture of fear around black citizens who even thought about voting. However in some cases In Friendship provided funds to groups of black tenant farm ers who were evicted from their plantations in South Carolina and Mississippi because they enrolled their black children in all white schools. In Friendship ultimately, according to Barbara Ransby, gave: assistance to the grassroots leaders whom Ella Baker saw as the very backbone of the Black Freedom Movement; they were likely, in her view, to be pivotal actors in whatever stru ggles were to emerge in the years ahead. Bakers concept of progressi ve leadershiphelped people help themselves and allowed ordinary people to feel that they could determine their own future. When she lent her energies to In Friendship, her mission was grassroots empowermentthat mission was an extension of the objectives she had worked towards in the NAACP during the 1940s. 117 Ella Bakers work helped local leaders such as Mississippis Amzie Moore become leaders in their own right. 118 Ultimately, her work with In Friendship fulfills two themes of participatory democracy. It first fulfills the theme of an appeal to grassroots because it provides financial support for those who, like the majority of black Americans at this time, literally could not afford to e ngage in civil rights activism because of the threat of job loss from other groups such as the White Citizens Council but also from other Southern businesses who discouraged a ll citizens from civil rights activity that
79 threatened their business. A significant amount of funds raised by In Friendship was given to the organization that sustained the Montgomery Bus Boycott, known as the Montgomery Improvement Association. Bakers work with In Friendship also fulfills the theme of direct action because it supports the kind of direct acti on that was part of the prac tice of nonviolent resistance. The effort or the action of trying to enroll ones black child into an all white school fulfills the definition of King and Gandhi as a nonviolent act because it is an example of one taking actions into ones ow n hands without waiting for othe r agencies to act. This direct action is exactly what Ella Baker ta ught her students in th e Young Peoples Forum, in the NAACP as its director of branch es, and in Parents in Action Against Discrimination. She continues this focu s on direct action es pecially after the Montgomery Bus Boycott, which she saw as an event that created serious potential for making nationwide social change. While her co-founders of In Friendship Stanley Levison and Bayard Rustin developed a clos e relationship with Martin Luther King, Jr., at the end of Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1956, Ella Baker did not develop a relationship with King, even though she was around Levis on and Rustin. While James Cone has provided evidence of Kings sexist attitudes, Ba rbara Ransby also adds the fact that it was probably Kings sexist att itudes towards women, at least in part, that prevented him from having the same kind of collegial relati onship with Baker that he had with Levison and Rustin. This also hindered the ability to advance the causes for which both King and Baker strove. Nonetheless, Baker worked with Bayard Ru stin to draft statements and plan the agenda for the founding meeting of what would become the Southern Christian
80 Leadership Conference (SCLC) on January 10, 1957. Barbara Ransby writes that by the meetings conclusion, SCLC would empha size nonviolence as a means of bringing about social progress and racial justice for southern blacks. 119 Aldon Morris writes that the method of nonviolent direct action was stressed in the founding of SCLC. This indicates Ella Bakers role in fulfilling Ca rol Muellers third theme of participatory democracy. In The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, Morris quotes from the working papers drafted by Rustin and Baker about the commitment of SCLC to focus on nonviolent direct action: We mu st recognize in this new peri od that direct action is our most potent political weapon. We must understand that our refu sal to accept Jim Crow in specific areas challenges the entire social, po litical and economic order that has kept us second class citizens since 1876. 120 Ransby also writes that once it was decided that SCLC was a political arm of the black churc h, the sexist attitudes that came along with that also permeated the SCLC what Ransby calls a patriarchal ethos. Because SCLC was a church related protest organization, the overwhelming majority of SCLCs original leadership were ministers, all of whom were men: neither Joanne Gibson Robinson nor any of the women who had sacrificed so much to ensure the Montgomery boycotts success were invited to play a leadership role in SCLC. 121 In SCLC women were relegated to more secretarial roles while all the leaders were men, which were roles dictated by the patriarchal ethos of the black ch urch at that time. Nonetheless Ella Baker focused on organizing and not mobilizing for SCLC. The first large scale event that led to crucial organizing advances was her planning of the Prayer Pilgrimage for Free dom held on the third anniversary of the Brown decision at the Lincoln Memo rial on May 17, 1957. This event was certainly a necessary
81 precursor to the historic 1963 March on Washington. Along with Bayard Rustin, Ella Baker coordinated communications and the day-to -day logistical work necessary to plan the gathering on the Lincoln Memorial. Over twenty thousand people attended this Prayer Pilgrimage and as a result of it, Pr esident Eisenhower signed the 1957 Civil Rights Act later that year in August, creating th e U.S. Civil Rights Commission. What the NAACP also lobbied for in this 1957 bill is the stipulation that the Justice Department enforce the school desegregation order made by the Brown decision; this stipulation is known as Part III. However after President Eisenhower publicly disp araged Part III of the 1957 Civil Right Act, the then U.S. Senator John F. Kennedy on July 23, 1957 delivered on the Senate floor what historian Nick Bryant calls a carefully nuanced speech, where he essentially placates S outherners by reassuring them that this 1957 Civil Rights Bill even without Part III w ould not lead to dismantling segregation. 122 Despite this weakened bill, Ella Bakers ac tivism after the signing of the bill into law indicates that these legislative victories were opportunities for continued organizing and a new focus rather than being oppor tunities for celebration and respite from grassroots organizing. Bayard Rustin and Stanley Levison agreed that Baker would be the ideal person to organize SCLCs new campaign that woul d try and to capitalize on this organizing opportunity and double the number black voter s in the South. This new campaign, known as the Crusade For Citizenship, was in fact organized by Ella Baker who had the social skills to work with all types of pe ople, from proper middle-class church members to working-class sharecroppers. Rustin and Levison had to actively persuade King, the leader of SCLC, to hire Baker as a full-time staff member of SCLC in order to have her
82 organize this important Crusade For Citizen ship. After successfully becoming a full-time staff member, Baker wrote flyers and press releases to promote the events, and made many phone calls in support of the campaign. On the day of the Crusade, February 12, 1958, there were church rallies, press conferences, and prayer vigils in nearly two dozen cities. Barbara Ransbys description of E lla Bakers reaction to the weak 1957 Civil Rights Act and the consequent organizing demonstrates her commitment to direct action, indirectly or directly: For Baker, mobilizing for voter registration campaigns, documenting the establishments corruption that undermined such campaigns, and forcing the hand of the otherwise impoten t Civil Rights Commission would inevitably lead to direct actionBaker al so recognized that direct ac tion might not always remain nonviolent. 123 The Crusade For Citizenship was not exactly unadulterated proof that voter registration was the key to achieving direct action that would lead to significant societal changes. In fact, after the Cr usade For Citizenship both Joanne Grant and Barbara Ransby write about Bakers increasi ng frustration as she thought the leaders in SCLC were becoming more and more focu sed on giving inspiring speeches than on mobilizing and organizing a mass movement. Joanne Grant quotes Ella Baker in this regard: on one occasion, an anniversary [the first anniversary], they had this meeting in Montgomery, and there was nothing, nothingin the call to the meeting that dealt with people or involving peoplethe basis of the call was the honoring of our great lead er and even the achievements, if there were any, of the association, we re not highlighted. Everything was a reflection of the greatness of the indi vidualI spoke to [King] about that, which was not very bright. And I spoke to people who were sponsoring it. When I spoke to him, he said, Well I cant help what people do. 124 After planning the Prayer Pilgrimage in 1957 and the Crusade For Citizenship in 1958, Baker strongly felt disappoint ed that so little had been achieved in terms of region
83 wide organizing work. She found that the SC LC was not truly dedicated to the goal of organizing, but really to the goal of bolste ring King. Barbara Ransby writes that she had to beg for a working mimeograph machine, an air conditioner, in the summer, and secretarial helpto add insult to injury, she was saddled with the responsibility of all promotions of and sales for Kings 1958 book [ Stride Towards Freedom ]. What was most insulting to Baker was SCLCs lack of enforcement of her 1958 report to the Administrative Committee which expressed he r personally endorsed goals that she fought hard to implement. The first goal in this report was the formation of youth and action teams to help ignite her work. This was a goal that she herself had carried out when she worked with the Young Peoples Forum, and the NAACP Youth Councils, as well as with the Parents In Action Against Discrimi nation. Another goal she expressed in this administrative report was to develop program s of mass action to specifically target women for activist campaigns. This had been an ongoing issue in the SCLC for Baker ever since it was known as the political arm of the black ch urch. Ransby writes that the reaction to this report to the administrati ve committee was modest at most, and that everyone nodded and continued on as they had before. 125 Joanne Grant writes that having made a decision to remain with SCLC despite their cult of personality rather than their focus on organi zing, Baker was soon revered for her reputation after her Crusade For Citi zenship and was in demand by local groups precisely because of her professional orga nizing skills. In late 1958 she visited Shreveport, Louisiana, to help in a vote r registration campaign with an organization known as the United Christian Movement of Shreveport led by C.O. Simkins. Ransby writes that in Shreveport: as director of the Shreveport voter campaign Baker ran the
84 office, organized mass voter registration effort s, coordinated the work of committees, and wrote leaflets. 126 In early 1959 she went to an other local group in Birmingham, Alabama: Fred Shuttlesworths Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR). Aldon Morris writes that the AC MHR organization atta cked the tripartite system of domination on several fronts. As a local group, they fought around these issues: the right to have black police patrol black communities, discrimination in hiring, bus and train segregation, disenfranchisement at the polls, segregation at the polls, public schools, swimming pools, libraries, and retail stores. 127 In 1959 in Birmingham, Ella Baker gave what was perhaps one of her most memorable speeches that condoned yet also challenged the role of nonviolence in the larger civil rights struggle for blacks in the South. In this speech she mentioned the f unction of nonviolence yet also pointing to the role of then NAACP member Robert W illiams, suggesting the possibility that nonviolence is not always the remedy to fighti ng for freedom. Emory Jackson writes that in this speech, she reminded her listeners that the constitution give s to every citizen the right to defend himself. 128 In essence, Baker was calling on people to defend themselves when appropriate. In this respect, Baker is clearl y expressing her belief that nonviolence is not always her chosen method of direct ac tion. Barbara Ransby writes that for Baker, nonviolence and self-defense were tactical choices, not matters of principle. 129 Baker was not calling on civil righ ts organizations to unequivocally use nonviolence or self-defense strategies pe r se, she was calling on organization to maximize their tact in knowi ng which strategy to use after a critical look at the given circumstances. In this sense, Bakers philosophy presents an ex ception to a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance particularly because she did not unequivocally endorse
85 nonviolent resistance per se. She endorsed it as a tactical choice a nd not as a matter of principle. Bakers own philosophy endorses mo re a legacy of resistance by tactical means than a legacy of nonviolent resistance. In her time at the center of the twentieth century, Baker was involved in a legacy of re sistance by tactical means that happened to resist nonviolently more than violently. Ultimately, she functioned as primarily a nonviolent activist, yet she clea rly respectfully recognized the tact of Robert Williams in resisting race and class oppre ssion. Compared to both Rosa Parks and Daisy Bates, Ella Baker more strongly endorsed other strategi es besides nonviolence to fight race and class oppression. The NAACP and its then leader Roy Wilkins strongly criticized Robert Williams for what they believed to be his teaching violence in his training members of the Monroe, North Carolina, NAACP chapter ho w to use rifles in the case of racist violence by whites who had terrorized the bl ack population. Both Parks and Bates were more under the philosophical influence of the NAACP while Baker was not after her departure from the group by 1950. Where the NAACP encouraged its members to either publicly criticize or distance itself from Robert Williams, Baker publicly pointed to Robert Williams to remind other blacks that the U.S. Constitution gives every citizen, including blacks, the right to defend oneself. Baker is co ntinuing a legacy of several black women in her recognition of self-defense as a tactical choice for blacks. She continued the legacy of journalist Ida B. Wells who was known to keep a rifle under her dress after white mobs burned down her press in Memphis; Irene Morgan who physically attacked white men who tried to physically remove her from her seat on a racially segregated bus (this fight led to the monumental Morgan v. Virginia Supreme Court decision); and Fannie Lou Hamer who insisted th at she keep a rifle in her home to protect
86 her from violence by white mobs. In Bakers eyes, Robert Williams was using his constitutional right as a t actical choice to fight race a nd class oppression rather than blindly adopting nonviolence in all cases and face ts of ones life. More than Rosa Parks and Daisy Bates, Ella Baker ta ught that other tactics to fight such oppression are just as useful as pure nonviolence. Ransby writes that in Bakers view, Shre veport and Birmingham were models of how local communities can organize themselves effectively. Both Simkins in Shreveport and Shuttlesworth in Birmingham shared Bake rs view of nonviolence as a more limited tactic than a way of life. In the local campaigns in which she worked, Ella Baker practiced the first and third themes of participatory demo cracy more than second theme. In these local communities, she did not have to deal with such a stratified hierarchy that she confronted while working in the NAACP Avoiding this hier archy for about ten years at this point is perhaps what led her to respect Robert Williams work as acceptable in fighting race oppression, unlike Daisy Ba tes who was encouraged by the NAACP to publicly criticize Robert Williams, which she did. Baker helped maintain a grassroots appeal in both the local Shreveport and Mont gomery associations, as well as calling them to direct action in steps such as registeri ng to vote. Adam Fairclough writes that the Crusade For Citizenship in 1958 marks an impor tant turning point in the direct action strategy of SCLC which began to focus more on voter registration. By the time Baker was in Birmingham in 1959, voter registration became a significant form of direct action protest and Baker supported this kind of protest in every way, fulfilling this third theme of participatory democracy. Also in Birmingham, Baker crossed paths with a white coupl e that proved to be vitally im portant to the sixties civil
87 rights struggle: The Bradens. Carl and A nne Braden were very active members of the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCE F), an organization founded in 1946, which like the In Friendship organization raised funds for black activists, lobbied for implementation of civil rights bills, and worked to educat e southern whites about the evils of racism. Fred Shuttlesworth joined the board of SCEF about one year prior to Bakers arrival. By the time of Bakers arrival she and the Bradens crossed paths routinely at meetings and workshops and developed a close political and personal relationship. By 1960, Baker worked with Carl Braden to organize a set of hearings called The Voteless Speak in Wash ington, D.C., on January 31, 1960, intended to revive the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, which had been weakened by the inability of the U.S. Congress to include Part III of the 1957 Civil Rights Act, which required that the Justice Department enforce the school desegregation order made by the Brown decision. These set of hearings would establis h a volunteer commission that w ould collect its own data of voting discrimination and use that informa tion in an attempt to strengthen the enforcement powers of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. 130 Baker spent an arduous ten days prior to these hearings with Carl Braden mobilizing the Washington, D.C., area, attracting the attention of veteran activist Nannie Helen Burroughs, whom Baker held in very high esteem. Burroughs helped secure a location for the hearings when the church they had booked cancelled at the last minute. The Vote less Speak hearings on January 31, 1960, were followed exactly one day by the climactic February 1 st sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina, and arguably represent a significant precursor to taking democracy in ones own hands. The sit-in activists from February 1960 certainly
88 attempted to take democracy into their own hands in a similar way that Ella Baker attempted to take democracy in her own ha nds when she planned The Voteless Speak hearings with Carl Braden. However her co mmitment to build local community struggles from New York, to Atlanta, to Shreveport, to Birmingham, to Washington, D.C., is arguably responsible for inspiring the very climactic sit-in movement of 1960. Ransby writes that: her main contribution to the movement was not the building of a solid regional coalitionbut the stre ngthening of several semi-i ndependent local struggles, which were more connected to one another and to itinerant organizers like Baker than they were to the official SC LC leadership in Atlanta. 131 Several semi-independent local struggles are exactly how the sit-in movement of 1960 is characterized. Aldon Morris in particular characterizes part of the movement as sit-in clusters where there were groups of sit-ins all across the country that was inspired by a previous sit-in cluster, the origin of which was the climactic sit-in on February 1 st These semi-independent local struggles were what Ella Bakers organizing had helped to create. The local struggles that Baker helped to create are clear evidence of her fulfillment of the three themes of participatory democracy. These struggles had a broad appeal to grassroots because they included bl acks from every class strata. These local struggles minimized the hierarchical structur e because they encouraged public forums such as The Voteless Speak hearings wher e no one persons voice was privileged over the other. Hierarchy was also minimized in the voting registration campaigns because every person was encouraged to register to vote, and presumably no one persons vote was privileged more than another. These lo cal struggles ultimately included some direct action. Every local struggle th at Ella Baker participated in had some form of direct
89 action. When she worked with the Young Peoples Forum in the 1930s, she urged them to hold library-sponsored debates on the current events issues of the day. When she worked with the NAACP in the 1940s, she enco uraged direct action by encouraging rural blacks to join the NAACP. When she worked with Parents In Action Against Discrimination, she taught others how to protes t in front of city ha ll and confront public officials about quality education. When she worked in the late 1950s with the SCLC and with SCEF, she used voter registration campaigns as direct action stra tegies to give local community members the sense of control over their own societal circumstances. Ella Bakers work throughout the 1930s 1940s and 1950s inspired the chain of local sit-ins in the 1960s that Aldon Morris writes were supported by a prearranged organizational structure. Exactly one day after Baker and Bradens The Voteless Speak hearings on January 30, 1960 major sit-in demonstrati ons and related activity had been conducted in at least sixty-nine Southern cities between February 1 st and March 30 th of 1960. 132 Her organizing inspired a nationwid e debate on the methods by which any persons interested in democracy can, in King s words, not wait for other agencies to act but to take proactive steps on their own through direct action to achieve institutional change. After these sit-ins, Baker continue d at a feverish pace to separate this burgeoning student movement from what she saw then as the anemic, speech-driven SCLC. She took pains to form an organization that was entirely independent and entirely free of the hierarchy that exists in SC LC. This organization became the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Conference (SNCC). Her experience as an organizer presents two important lessons for the nature of organi zing in a nonviolent way: the first lesson is the need for a cross-racial coaliti on building in the U.S. Congress.
90 Lessons Learned From the Organizing of Ella Baker The U.S. House is currently divided and polarized politically by race in a very significant way and a cross-racial coalition is sorely needed if any proof of a highly touted bipartisanship is cele brated. In the U.S. House cu rrently, all African American U.S. Representatives are members of the De mocratic Party while almost all Republican U.S. Representatives are whites. U.S. Re presentative J.C. Watts was one of the few African American U.S. Representatives who was part of the Republican Party, and he left this post in 2002. Watts departure in 2002 left the rest of the Republican Party composed of almost all whites with a few exceptions including Indian American U.S. Representative Bobby Jindal from Louisiana. The second lesson that Ella Bakers leader ship provides is the importance of a decentralized leadership structure. Be linda Robnett writes that because of the decentralized, nonhierarchical structure of SNCC that Baker helped guide, women in SNCC enjoyed leadership mobility more than in any other civil rights organization. The decentralized nature of SNCC provided more free spaces, allowing greater individual autonomy and therefore, increased leadership mobility for women. 133 This mobility for women allowed SNCC to be as effective as it was in advancing the black struggle through the exercise of the franchise. This kind of organizing is exactly what a select number black women in the U.S. Congress practice within the tradition of both participat ory democracy and nonviolent resistance. U.S. Representa tive Stephanie Tubbs Jones noted the propensity that women have for allowing participatory democracy: Women tend to be more participatory managers. And by that I mean, you know wh at you want. You know what youre going
91 to do. But you give people an opportunity to participate in the process of getting you there, to be included in the disc ussion. And women tend to do that. 134 Ella Baker in her role as a grassroots leader, he lped create SNCC in order to give people an opportunity to participate in the process of obt aining their civil ri ghts and achieving the right to vote. A Background of Maxine Waters Forty years since the organizing of Ella Baker, U.S. Representative Maxine Waters has been organizing people against ins titutionalized barriers that encourages the kind of societal changes in society that are profoundly similar to those within the segregated South. In decades up to 1 960s, Baker was teaching people in local communities how to organize to end the institutional barrier of poor school quality and voter discrimination. From the 1930s to 1960, her organizing focused more on breaking down the barrier of voter registration. Baker had an initial focus on improving the quality of public schools. In Waters time since 2001, she was not organizing exactly like Baker but she was organizing in order to end the institutional barrie r not of voter discrimination but of war spending, which she contends indi rectly leads to poor school quality. Waters writes: the Administration has passed massive tax cuts in each of their first three years in office, which have produced ma ssive budget deficits In order to make up for the loss of revenue caused by these tax cuts, the Administration has cut th e budget for dozens of federal programs, many of which are important to African Am ericansthe penalty that poor and working-class families pay for the Administrations dangerous policies reach far beyond our neighborhoods. Th e Administration has sent our children to fight in a sensel ess and needless war in Iraq. 135 Reverend and author Lavern McCain G ill writes: on the West African island Gore, where human cargo was shipped across the Atlantic to America, Africans who
92 refused to go quietly or without a struggle were placed in cubicles la beled recalcitrants. They refused to participate in their own en slavement. When it comes to yielding to extreme conservative positions and legislation that goes against her South Central Los Angeles constituency, Maxine Waters is a recalcitrant. She [like Chaka Fattah] refuses to allow America to slip back into its pre-ci vil rights mode of dise nfranchising African Americans. At no time was that label more a propos than in 1994, when the Republican rebellion began its self-imposed mi ssion to destroy social programs. 136 Like Ella Baker, Waters is a strong recal citrant that works at the national level against the policies that have been nothing s hort of dangerous to the African American community while Baker has been a strong recalcitrant at the local level against such policies. Also like Ella Baker who had grown up in an interdependent black community on whom one could depend for financial support, Maxine Waters also had the support of an interdependent African American community in her early years. Lavern Gill writes that while Waters was a single mother str uggling to support her two children and trying to hold down several jobs, she was able to benefit from a bond she established with black women who fed her children while she worked, fed her when she returned home, and provided a nurturing, warm, and caring environment for her during trying times. 137 It is this experience that shapes the kinds of beliefs that makes Maxine Waters try to provide the kind of environment for working mothers that these helpful black women of her Los Angeles community provided for her. Maxine Waters like Ella Baker cares deeply about domestic policies that ultimately destroy the economic fabric of the African American community which has depended largely on social programs and have more or less eroded the ability of the
93 community members to care for each other. Barbara Ransby writes that within Ella Bakers upbringing also existe d a cooperative economics: the cooperative economics was rooted in the long standing tradition of black self-help, mutual aid and uplift; they could also be viewed as a way of navigating the racist stumbling bl ocks within American capitalism; alternatively, they could be seen as a direct challenge to its legitimacy. For blacks in particular, the repertoi re of survival strategies included the pooling of resources and a willingness to at least temporarily substitute cooperation for competition. 138 Maxine Waters was fortunate enough to benefit from the repertoire of survival strategies from these black women who cared for her and her children until she graduated from UCLA in 1970 with her B.A. in Soci ology and became able to earn her own living when she began working as an assistant in a California Head Start program during the 1970s. Waters carries this remembrance and appreciation for the sort of mutual aid society that she benefited from by demandi ng less oppressive policies towards the black community. Like Baker she understands that she is not only duty bound to come to the aid of less fortunate community members, but sh e also has to humble herself in order to create the social space necessa ry for the more oppressed people in the community to speak and act on their own behalf. 139 Waters has held numer ous public forums within her congressional district which have addr essed issues from the Iraq war to police brutality. These forums allow community members an opportunity to voice their ideas and concerns and fulfills the two key themes of participatory democracy of appealing to grassroots and minimizing hierarchy.
94 A Discussion of the Organizing of Baker and Waters In organizing people against institutiona lized segregation, Maxine Waters is continuing Ella Bakers trad ition of practicing particip atory democracy. Though the social conditions both Ella Baker and Maxine Waters faced differed, comparison can yet be made in relation to their organizing stra tegies. Because of the effective organizing strategies of Ella Baker, many societal ch anges such as the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act took place. Her work was central to the creation of th e Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and theref ore influenced the range of organizing strategies that Maxine Waters could practice in her role as a U.S. Representative. Therefore, instead of pursuing a comparison of the organizing of Baker and Waters, this chapter pursues a discussion of how Maxine Wa ters organizes like Baker. Like Bakers organizing, Waters organization of an Out of Iraq caucus with fellow U.S. Representative Lynn Woolsey, appeals to a grassroots section of the American public, minimizing hierarchy within that organizing, and she is encouraging American citizens and other U.S. Representatives to engage in direct action by calli ng on them to join a public protest against the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. Waters most recent feat in practicing participatory democracy is he r co-founding of the Out of Iraq Caucus, which began on June 16, 2005. Waters has successful ly drawn support from members of the Republican Party that have previously and most unilaterally supported George W. Bush in his military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. However, unlike Barbara Lee, Maxine Waters did not vote against the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan on September 13, 2001. In an interview with Tavis Smiley th at aired on National Public Radio, Maxine
95 Waters stated that there was a lot of pressu re on U.S. Representatives like herself after September 11 th to vote for the military invasion and that not to do so would make politicians look unpatriotic and unpopular. 140 She implies that she suppressed her initial instincts which was against this military invasion to indirectly support it on September 13, 2001. However her later founding of the Out of the Iraq caucus appeals to her initial instincts that demand the end of a military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. She has followed one lesson of Ella Bakers nonviolent organizing : the ability to organize for social change acro ss racial lines; the building of a cross-racial coalition. A cross-party coalition that Waters built to de mand withdrawal from Iraq is significant for the simple reason that the Republican Party has few nonwhite members in both the U.S House and the U.S. Senate. Therefore, the Out of Iraq caucus co-founded by Maxine Waters in order to organize in support of withdrawing troops from Iraq is appealing across races to form a group united by the sa me cause: the end of the Iraq occupation that has led to the neglect of the basic needs of American citizens. Certainly Maxine Waters work with her Out of Iraq caucus co-chair Lynn Woolsey is a particular example of a successful cross-racial coalition that has been able to attract members of the Republican Party. The success of the Out of Iraq caucus is evident in the increasing number of the Republicans in the U.S. House who are voi cing their growing disapproval of the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. On Friday, February 16, 2007, seventeen House Republicans, all of whom traditionally vot ed and supported the military invasion and occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan broke their expected voti ng patterns and voted for a nonbinding resolution that disapproved of sending more troops to Iraq. 141 The defection
96 of these U.S. House Republicans can be attribut ed to the work of the Out of Iraq caucus. Maxine Waterss work with the Out of Iraq caucus has raised the level of consciousness about the Iraq war in the minds of many U.S. Re presentatives. This is comparable with the ways that Ella Bakers work in SNCC raised the level of consciousness of a lot of whites from the North who were able to have more leadership roles. Paula Giddings writes: with the group centered egalitaria n values of SNCC, any activist who worked hard inevitably had some say in policy deci sions. Thus many of the White women gained a respect for their own abilities that would not have been possible in other organizations. Additionally, they benefited from seeing Bl ack women as a new kind of role model. 142 Both Barbara Lee in the public recogniti on of her lone vote against the Iraq war and Maxine Waters in the founding of her Out of Iraq caucus have become in their own right new kinds of role models to other U. S. congressmen and women who are white and of color. They have been a role model in demanding a higher level of consciousness about the military invasions and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. Waters also fulfills the second lesson provided by Ella Baker in her focus on a group-centered leadership. Like Baker, Waters collaborates with other groups with similar goals rather than tryi ng to control other groups within a hierarchy. About exactly one year after its founding, the Out of Ira q caucus joined another group called Troops Home Fast, a group launched on July 4, 2006, that includes over 3700 people who have pledged to fast in order to bring the tr oops home. In a press conference expressing support for Troops Home Fast, Waters compared the fasters to Gandhi and called on George W. Bush to provide relief to the hero ic fasters and troops in Iraq by bringing the troops home now. 143 The act of uniting groups with similar causes is comparable to the
97 organizing Baker underwent in bringing togeth er college students from all across the South to create one movement, the student si t-in movement with a united goal. Baker organized the student sit-in because she observe d how the different sit-in clusters across the American South basically had the same long-term purpose: to end institutionalized barriers of segregation. Waters helped create the Out of Ira q caucus because she also observed how different manifestations of opposition to the Iraq war had a similar purpose: to end the occupation of Iraq and correct, as she saw it, th e priorities of the fe deral budget. Both women are organizing geographically separate groups and are for a united cause. For Baker it was ending institutionalized segrega tion. For Waters, it was ending occupation of the Iraq war. Maxine Waters is particularly concerned about how the Iraq War has siphoned off funds from domestic priori ties such as public education. Jonathan Kozol writes about the drastical ly poor quality of one school in Waters Congressional district: At the 75 th Street Elementary School in South Central Los Angeles, which I visitedthe presence of ra ts was only one of a number of health hazards that children had to face. Exposed as bestos and the presence of flaking chips of lead-based paint were serious problems too. 144 Schools in Waters district not only provide substandard education, but also become environmental hazards for students as well. Both Baker and Waters are fighting the institutional barriers of poor quality schools. They are also using the methods of participatory democracy to combat them. In founding the Out of Iraq caucus, Waters is appealing to grassroots because she holds public events in which the general opini on can join in marches in support of an immediate withdrawal from Iraq. Waters is also minimizing hierarchy because she is
98 privileging no voice demanding withdrawal more or less than anybody elses. And third, Waters is engaging in direct action by calling on all congresspersons to join her in staging public protests against the Iraq invasion. This is what Ella Baker was able to do in the NAACP New York City Branch in the fight for a quality public education. Maxine Waters continues a tradition of nonviolent resistan ce created by Ella Baker in organizing certain kinds of commun ities. Baker organizes communities in rural and urban areas while Waters organizes political bodies that have larger, institutionalized political bodies that have become ideologica lly polarized over a military invasion. Baker had more of a specialized focus that concen trated on one city at a time, while Waters calls on all Americans and has a strong focu s on national policy change, which is also what Baker called for. Baker generally orga nized within cities while Maxine Waters name recognition and media coverage in se veral independent media allows her to essentially organize across the nation. Waters name recognition as a stalwart fighter for human rights is a key factor in organizing people to demand immediate withdrawal from Iraq. Two extraordinary similarities in the experiences of Maxine Waters and Ella Baker have prepared them to practice a surviv ing legacy of participatory democracy. The first is their commitment to the younger ge nerations own practice of democracy. The second is their disagreements with male leaders that have been popularly revered by the African American community: for Baker, it was her disagreements with King while for Waters it was her disagreements with Bill C linton. Lavern Gill writes that Maxine Waters is one of the few members of Congress who consistently stands up against capital punishment and for the rehabilitation of black youth: some might conclude that Waters
99 is the only contemporary black leader that the generation of hard core youth could count on in the halls of Congress. 145 Like Baker, Waters is clearly an advocate for young peoples independent awareness and expression. Waters staunc hly defended the younger generation when she argued that the social conditions in whic h younger artists lived should be challenged more than the music that they produce. Th is put her at odds with other black women activists such as C. Dolores Tucker who tr ied to organize othe r black women against demeaning images of women in the work of music artists. Waters t ook this dispute as an opportunity to most strongly criticize the so cial conditions that produce those kinds of images, rather than an opportuni ty to criticize the artists them selves who are able to make a living from their music. Lavern Gill writes that in 1993, Maxine Waters attached an amendment into a flood relief b ill that created stipends for 17 to 30 year olds that would provide one hundred dollar stipends for t hose who would re-enroll in school for vocational education, for GED, or for job trai ning. Waters had also successfully passed through Congress the Gang Prevention and Y outh Recreation Act and the Job and Life Skills Improvement Act, which provided $50 million to be appropriated for stipend-based job training programs nationwide. 146 Maxine Waters work in trying to improve the social conditions that younger ge nerations are susceptible to is comparable to the work of Ella Baker and her Young Peoples Forum in New York City, where Baker encouraged young people to form an opinion around politic al issues and become more informed about the community in which they live. Th is is a characteristic also seen in the nonviolent resistance of Daisy Ba tes, in making a significant effort to provide a younger generation with a quality education. The nonvi olent resistance against policies that try to
100 destroy infrastructure that will provide a qua lity education for young people is seen in the actions of not only Daisy Bates and Chaka Fatta h, but also in the actions of Ella Baker and Maxine Waters. The second significant similarity between E lla Baker and Maxine Waters is their disagreements with male leaders that ha ve been popularly re vered by the African American community. Ella Bakers disagr eements with Martin Luther King, Jr., came primarily from her emphasis on protest orga nizing that clashed with his emphasis on inspirational speech-making. Joanne Grant wr ites that once Baker asked Martin Luther King, Jr., about his inspirationa l speechmaking, whether its just a matter of being a sophomoric oratorical contest, she lost respect from SCLC leaders. About her criticism of Kings lack of organizi ng skills and his emphasis on inspirational speechmaking, Baker says: none of [it] endeared me to anybodyI know that people do listen and can respond to information with the same de gree that they just respond to sound. 147 Bakers obvious discomfort with the lack of em phasis on the organizing in Kings SCLC organization became obvious to King and ma de her work in SCLC more difficult by 1960. Barbara Ransby writes that Baker sa w Kings weaknesses as reflective of prevalent tendencies in American society. 148 One of those tendencies is the idea that a social movement must be led by a single pe rson, especially a person who can motivate and inspire in their speech. This kind of tendency to depend on single leaders is a product of a dominant culture that promoted individualism and egocentrism. In Bakers view, the celebrity status that the movement afforded King obscured the essential work of community organizing that she emphasized.
101 Joanne Grant writes that this is why E lla Baker went to great lengths in 1960 to separate the student sit-in movement and its founders of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) from Kings SCLC. Baker wanted to continue the legacy of participatory democracy particularly by minimizing the hierarchy that would have existed in the group had SNCC been part of SCLC, as those in SCLC wished. SNCC director James Forman writes that Baker felt the organization was depending too much on the press and on the promotion of King, and was not devel oping enough indigenous leadership across the South. 149 Edward Morgan writes that the press has economic reasons to promote King and other single lead ers such as, more recently, Barack Obama as a celebrity and ignore other far reaching i ssues. Morgan writes that there are three defining characteristics of the mass media: First, the mass media embraced a market-driven emphasis on personality as a key signifier of political meaning. Second, the media followed market driven codes and biases with respect to protest activity, violence, drama, and dichotomous conflict. Finally, the mass media turned to an ideologically bound discourse for interpreting or explaining the meaning of events, one that Stuart Hall and ot hers have referred to as the medias common discoursethe market driven push to maximize profit margins has a great deal to do with the elev ation of public figures [like Martin Luther King, Jr. and Barack Obama] to celebrity status. The violent death of significant figures such as King only compounded this media tendency. The elevation of leaders into larger-than-life celebrities has left the rest of us, in effect, waiting for a new King. 150 Therefore Ella Baker greatly resented ther efore the promotion of King within SCLC because it neglected fulfilling the goals of an ever-increasing student movement; her work reminds her protgs of the truth origin ated by Gil Scott Heron that, the revolution will not be televised. Kings clash with Baker is comparable to the clash between Maxine Waters and another leader whose admi nistration has been seen as most friendly to the African American community: Bill Clinton.
102 In her opposition to the policies of the Clin ton administration, Maxine Waters has also fulfilled three themes of participatory democracy. She appeals to grassroots, minimizes organizational hierarchy, and engage s in direct action. Lavern Gill certainly writes about the recalcitrant positions of Maxine Waters that not only resists extreme conservative political positions, but also resists positions endorsed by politically moderate Democrats of the late 1990s. Rona ld Walters writes that Clintons support of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was a second major move away from Clintons Democratic base that came at the expense of organized labor that was eventually abandoned by American companie s that pursued cheaper labor markets. 151 Lavern Gill writes that Waters refused to back Clinton and support NAFTA because it showed no promise of economic opportunity for people of color. Waters firmly believed that the provisions of NAFTA deferred econom ic promise for people of color both within and outside the United States. 152 Most recently, Maxine Waters, Barb ara Lee and U.S. Representative Lynn Woolsey have encouraged citizens and fellow la wmakers to join with them in practicing nonviolent resistance against the occupation of Iraq and Afghan istan at a protest war at the National Mall on January 27, 2007. In this sense, Lee, Waters, and Woolsey are fulfilling the third theme of participatory democr acy: the call for direct action or protest. Waters has sent a letter to every other member of the U.S. House urging them to participate in the public demonstration. At the public demonstrati on, she implores other American citizens to confront their elected officials and demand the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq. She tells the crowd: I want you to come to Capitol Hill and lobby on Monday and put some starch in the backs of the members of Congress and give them the courage
103 that they need to do the right thing. It is all right to have some resolutions that are not binding, but th e proof of the pudding is in the eating, and that will come when its time to decide whether or not were going to fund this immoral war. I will not vote one di me for this war! And when you come up here to lobby, you ask these memb ers, Are you going to support appropriation to continue this war, to expand this war? 153 Less than one month after this speech, severa l people were arrested for sitting in the congressional office of U.S. Senator J ohn McCain, to protest his support of the occupation of Iraq. Waters speech had perhap s inspired such a direct campaign to sitin the senators office. This is undoubtedly comparable to the concerted effort Ella Baker undertook to inspire college students across the South stage sit-ins. This kind of verbally exhorted direct action is exactly wh at Ella Baker in her work with Parents In Action Against Discrimination urged her followe rs to do: confront public officials and demand improvements in public education. In addition, on January 29, 2007, Waters hosted along with Lynn Woolsey an Iraq book fair where she invited over fifteen au thors who have published books specifically about the occupation of Iraq within the past four years. 154 At this book fair, Waters says: these authors have played a vital role in helping members of Congr ess and the American people understand the many issues that surr ound the war. However this Iraq book fair received next to little or no attention from the mainstream television news media. This kind of coverage towards black women electe d officials continues a pattern of racist coverage since the last half of the 1990s described in detail by Bridgitte Nacos and Natasha Hritzuk: The vast majority of the news visuals reflected two of the most common stereotypes of Blacksthe physically superior athlete and the talented entertainerour data reveal that in the late 1990s the leading news media were far more inclined to publish visuals of black activists, whether moderate or radical, th an of African American s who held elective or appointed public offices. Our findings suggest that the news media as a
104 whole, not simply sports news, perp etuate the uneven portrayal and the stereotyping of black Americans by reporting daily and extensively on African American success stories in athletics without paying similar attention to successful Blacks in busin ess, politics, and other walks of life. 155 This helps explain why the Iraq book panel was not covered by major media sources: being a black woman in politics, Wa ters aim and certainly her message is not paid attention to as closely as other African Americans who are in the sports or music industries. Nonetheless, the lack of media coverage does not lessen or diminish the role that Maxine Waters plays as one who pract ices nonviolent resist ance and one who does so within a context of partic ipatory democracy previously practiced by Ella Baker. Maxine Waters relationship with Lynn W oolsey as co-chairs and co-founders of the Out of Iraq caucus share some interesting similarities with Ella Bakers work with nonviolent organizer Anne Braden of the S outhern Conference Educational Fund. Both groups of women represent the si gnificant potential of cross raci al coalitions in advancing the cause of civil rights. Th is cross racial coalition betw een Maxine Waters and Lynn Woolsey, a Caucasian American, is very simila r to the coalition be tween Ella Baker and another Caucasian American, Anne Braden, because these groups have striven for the goals of participatory democracy. Biographer Catherine Fosl writes that Anne Bradens leadership has been of a more decentralized variety becauselike that of her friend Ella Baker (an African American organizer so me years her senior whom many 1960s aficionados hail as a mother to the student civil rights movement)Annes style of leadership has been participatory, inten tionally staying in the background while nudging others to take the lead. 156
105 In summary, Maxine Waters continues the legacy of participatory democracy and thus continues the tradition of nonviolent resistance. The th ird theme of participatory democracy is the theme of direct action, and Waters calls on others to practice direct action in the form of the protes t rally in order to resist oppre ssive infrastructures such as the U.S. military. Maxine Waters fulfills Ba kers models of participatory democracy in her commitment to building a cross-class, cros s-racial alliance that certainly speaks to Waters devotion to an appeal to a grassroots section. Waters also fulfills Bakers models of participatory democracy in her willi ngness to challenge male authority. Paula Giddings writes that it was black women who represented both moral and social authority when controversial decisions had to be made. 157 Both Ella Baker and Maxine Waters represent the highest moral and soci al authority in their uncompromising and unwavering commitment to continuing nonviolent resistance in the form of participatory democracy. Their examples are the stronge st in demonstrating the importance and necessity of the role of the recalcitrant. Lessons Learned From the Organizing of Maxine Waters One important lesson from the organizing of Maxine Waters is the necessity of preparing oneself for the possibi lity of engaging in persuasi ve dialogue, as persuasion is the first step of nonviolent acti on. Waters beseeched all intere sted listeners to engage in persuasive dialogue with those who support the military invasion of Iraq, to try to persuade them to discontinue their support. She does this more forcefully and persistently than Barbara Lee. A second important lesson of Waters organizing proves is the effectiveness of a cross-ra cial coalition. She may not have had the opportunity to gain as much support from Republican U.S. Repr esentatives had she no t joined with U.S.
106 Representative Lynn Woolsey. In addition, she was able to foment considerable consternation among Republicans about the feas ibility of continuing the military invasion and occupation of Iraq. Finally, the last important lesson that Waters organizing provides is to consistently ch allenge executive leadership on a consistent moral basis. Waters challenged Clinton on NAFTA despite his popularity and favor within the black community and despite the approval of NAFTA by other elected U.S. officials. Baker challenged King on the direction of SCLC away from organizing despite Kings popularity and despite the approva l of Kings leadership by other SCLC members. Both Waters and Baker operate from a consistent mo ral basis that puts the interests of the poor and working class communities at the highest priority.
107 Chapter Five: Appeals to the U.S. Constitution: A Comparison of the Nonviolent Protest Strategies from 1961 to 1963 with Nonviolen t Strategies by the Congressional Black Caucus from 2001 to 2005 The 1961 Freedom Rides and the Jail-In Strategy We might phrase the following questi on: how do we use the law as a vehicle of progressive change, while simultaneously emphasizing the importance of acknowledging the limits of the lawthe limits of national law as well as international law? 158 This chapter focuses on the use of the arrest as a nonviolen t protest strategy comparing incidents from 1961 to 1963 with incidents of the past six years by Congressional Black Caucus members. It first focuses on the 1962 arrest of college students in Rock Hill, South Carolina, and its similarities to the arrests of select Congressional Black Caucus members who protest U.S. foreign policy regarding genocide in the Sudan. It will then focus on a comparison of the appeals to the U.S. Constitution by protestors known as Freedom Riders with the appeals to the U.S. Constitution by U.S. Representative John Conye rs in a published report prepared by his congressional office entitled George W. Bush Versus The U.S. Constitution. This chapter will then provide a comparison of the most si gnificant civil rights mass mobilizations in 1962 and 1963 with the incidents of activism of the past five years initiated by select CBC members. In particular this chapter will compare the ideology behind those who tortured the Freedom Riders in a Mississippi prison with the ideology of the Bush administration in their use of military invasi on and torture. A discussion of the Bush administrations use of torture is done in the 2006 Conyers report and illuminates the
108 similarities in ideology between the Bush admi nistration and that of segregationists of the deep South during the early 1960s. This chapter will compare not only the differing nonviolent protest strategi es in 1961, 1962 and 1963 with those between 2001 and 2007, it will also compare the ideologies that oppos ed such nonviolent protest strategies. In doing so, it aims to argue that racism has played a critic al role in the ideological production of the communist, the criminal, and the terrorist. 159 It also hopes to argue the importance of a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance against such ideology that has evolved into new and more subtle forms. This resistance is also clearly against the exportation of Jim Crow from the American South in the 1950s and 1960s to the Middle East and especially to Abu Ghraib and Guan tanamo in the twenty-first century. The goals of SNCC supported by Ella Ba ker according to their initial April conference were clarified at a later conference held in Atlanta from October 14 th to the 16 th in 1960. At this conference, it was decide d that the vehicle of progressive change would be a more intense form of nonviolent di rect action. Also at this conference, SNCC drafted a statement reading: we are furthe r convinced thatonly mass action is strong enough to force all of America to assume re sponsibility and that nonviolent direct action alone is strong enough to enable all of America to understand the responsibility she must assume. 160 Clayborne Carson writes that as they practiced more nonviolent direct action, they adopted Ella Bake rs notion of group centered lead ership in their decision to not have a president or any ot her leadership typical of a hi erarchy. This is why they made a choice to initiate ac tion only when two thirds of the members present supported such a course. This group centered leadersh ip was different from th e kind of leadership
109 in the Southern Christian Lead ership Conference that was more hierarchical with Martin Luther King serving as its president. Reverend James Lawson wielded incredibly significant influence at this October conference when he awakened within SNCC me mbers the utility of the jail, no bail strategy. This is a strategy where nonviolent protestors who are arrested refuse to pay bail and remain in jail in orde r to protest what were seen as unjust laws. About these unjust laws, Lawson said at the October confer ence: instead of letti ng the adults scurry around bail, we should have insist ed that they scurry about to end the system which had put us in jail. If history offers such an opportunity again, let us be prepared to seize it. 161 Clayborne Carson writes that this j ail, no bail strategy was the start of a nonviolent revolution to destroy segrega tion, slavery, serfdom, paternalism, and industrialization; a revolution which preserves cheap labor and racial discrimination. Adam Fairclough writes that James Lawson possessed a much deeper grasp of the philosophical and historical basis of nonviolence than did King. His conception of nonviolence was apparently more far reaching. 162 By the end of 1960, Lawson openly endorsed the use of the jail, no bail strategy wh ile King seemed slightly more reticent to use the concept yet King nonetheless acqui esced to its growin g popularity among the SNCC members: these young students have taken the d eep groans and the passionate yearnings of the Negro people and filt ered them in their own souls and fashioned them in a creative protest which is an epic known all over our nation. For the last few months they have moved in a uniquely meaningful orbit importing light and h eat to distant satellites. Through their nonviolent direct action they ha ve been able to open hundreds of formerly segregated lunch counters in almost eighty cities. It is no overstatement to characterize these even ts as historic. Never before in the United States has so large a body of students spread a struggle over so great an area in pursuit of a goal of human dignity and freedom. I am
110 convinced that future hist orians will have to record this student movement as one of the greatest epics of our heritage. 163 As astounded as King seems, he was not as in fluential a mentor as James Lawson in his commitment to a jail, no bail strategy. La wson was inspiring student s to protest against unjust laws that condone racial segregati on using the jail, no bail strategy. This kind of nonviolent direct action is what select members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) engage in when they protest what they see as unfair or unjust foreign policy that ignores genocidal killings such as those in the Sudan. Several CBC members in their protest of foreign policy go to jail in order to try and raise public awareness. This will be discussed in detail further in this chapter. CBC members do not go so far as to refuse bail like SNCC members di d in their first significant protest in Rock Hill, South Carolina in early 1961. SNCC memb ers clearly demonstrated more time to preparing for nonviolent direct action than CBC members have in the last five years. However, there are other significant similari ties between incidents of nonviolent protest exhibited by select SNCC members and select members of the CBC that will be elaborated on in this chapter. Exactly one year after th e Greensboro sit-in on February 1, 1961, nine students from Friendship College in South Carolin a were convicted of trespassing after demonstrating in downtown variety and drug stores. The nine, later known as the Rock Hill Nine, had refused to post bail and had publicly expressed a determination to serve out their full sentence. SNCC members in their newsletter Student Voice wrote about the Rock Hill Nine: their sitting-in shows their belief in the immorality of racial segregation and their choice to serve the sentence shows th eir unwillingness to part icipate in any part
111 of a system that perpetuates injustice. Si nce we too share their beliefs and since many times during the past year we too have satin at lunch counters, we feel that in good conscience we have no alternativ e other than to join them. 164 At the next SNCC conference a few days after the arrest of the Rock Hill Nine, University of South Florida Historian Raymond Arsenault writes that a phone call from Tom Gaither focused SNCCs attention on the Rock Hill Nine. Tom Gaither was then a member of the Congress of Racial Equality or CORE, founded in 1943 with a stated goal to abolish the color line through direct non-violent action. 165 After Gaithers phone call, Diane Nash of Fisk University, Charles Jones of Johnson C. Smith University, Ruby Doris Smith Robinson of Spelman College, and Charles She rrod of Virginia Union Seminary were the four SNCC members who vowed to join the Rock Hill Nine. Smiths biographer Cynthia Griggs Fleming writes: for Ruby Doris, her decision to go to Rock Hill was an important departure from her past movement experience in at least two respects. First, she had never before shown any inclination to take the initiative or provide leadership. Sec ond, the targets of Rubys activism up to this point had all been establishments whose policie s directly affected her, since they were in her hometown. But her i nvolvement in Rock Hill pushed Ruby out of her own community into the national arena. 166 This is exactly what the arrest of U.S. Representative Sheila Jackson-Lee in front of the Sudanese embassy on April 28, 2006, accomplished: it pushed her out into the international arena. Like R obinsons arrest, Jackson-Lees ar rest is against policies that did not affect her directly. Her arrest has the capability of pushing her out of her own community, out of national concerns and into the national arena. Ge rard Prunier writes about the U.S. government and the American medias attitudes towards the killings in Darfur that inspire the kind of nonviolent pr otest from Sheila Jackson-Lee and Charles Rangel. Prunier writes about th e U.S. governments inaction:
112 On 1 June 2004 the members of Congress who sympathized with the SPLA [Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement ] sent President Bush a list of twenty-three names of Janjaweed supporters, controllers, and commanders who were either members of [the Sudanese government] or closely linked to it...pressures led the White House to compromise on all frontsnot putting too much practical pressure on Khartoum but nevertheless passing legislation which could be used as a sword of Damocles in case of noncompliance; be vocal on Darfur; put a fair [amount of] money on its humanitarian aspect; and do nothing at th e military level. This author was assured that Secretary of State Coli n Powell had practically been ordered to use the term genocide duri ng this high profile 9 September 2004 testimony to the Senate Committee on Fo reign Relations but that he also [had] been advised to add in the same breath that this did not oblige the United States to undertake any sort of drastic action, such as a military intervention. 167 The lack of military intervention is what Sheila Jackson-Lee was protesting in 2006 whereas in 1961 the lack of racially integrated public facilities were being protested by Ruby Doris Smith Robinson, who became one of the first group of Freedom Riders. Raymond Arsenault has written about Robinsons political actions. A later 1961 arrest of Ruby Doris Smith Robinson in Jackson, Mississippi also shares significant similarities with Sheila Jackson-Lees arre st in response to the inaction of the Bush administration. Because of his recent activism in Rock Hill, CORE chose Tom Gaither to scout a geographical bus route from Washington, D.C. to New Orleans that will be traveled by nonviolent activists who will try to integrate raci ally segregated buses and bus terminals. The planned route traveled in a general southwest direction between Washington and New Orleans through the following cities: Fredericksburg, Richmond, Farmville, Lynchburg, and Danville, Virginia; Greensbor o, High Point, Salisbury, and Charlotte, North Carolina; Rock Hill, Winnsboro, Columbia, and Sumter, South Carolina; Augusta, Athens, and Atlanta, Geor gia; Anniston, Montgomery, and Birmingham, Alabama; Jackson, Mississippi; and New Orleans, Louisi ana. Arsenault writes that this Freedom Ride, named after a phrase Ride for Freedom originated by Billie Ames was patterned
113 after Gandhis famous march to the sea: t aking advantage of the Southern movements gathering momentum [during 1960], it would also extend the effort to test compliance with the Constitution into the heart of the deep South. 168 The Freedom Riders traveled in groups. The exact protest strategy of th e Freedom Riders, according to Arsenault entailed the following: each group made sure that one black Fr eedom Rider sat in a seat normally reserved for whites, that at least one interracial pair of Riders sat in adjoining seats, and that the remain ing Riders scatte red throughout the bus. One Rider on each bus served as a designated observer and as such remained aloof from the other Ride rs; by obeying the conventions of segregated travel, he or she ensured that at least one Rider would avoid arrest and be in a position to contac t CORE officials [and] arrange bail money for those arrested. Most of the Riders, however, were free to mingle with the other passengers and to discuss the purpose of the Freedom Ride with anyone who would listen. Exercising the constitutional right to si t anywhere on the bus had educational as well as legal implications, and the Riders were encouraged to think of themselves as teachers and role models. 169 James Farmer as a leader of CORE made it his responsibility that these Freedom Riders were fully aware of constitutional law. They were given a course by Carl Rachlin, a then forty two year old New York labor a nd civil rights lawyer who served as COREs general counsel. The Freedom Riders were given a course focusing on federal and state laws pertaining to discrimination in interstate transportation; this course told them what to do if they were arrested. The two main pillars of constitutional law that the Freedom Riders used to justify their nonviolence were two important U.S. Supreme Court decisions of Morgan v. Virginia and Boynton v. Virginia The Boynton decision stated that a Virginia law requiring the segregation of interstate bus passengers was unconstitutional. This decision however did no t explicitly address the issue of racially segregated bus terminals. Arsenault writes that up to 1961, there was a growing
114 realization among civil rights advocates that th e decision was a paper tiger because strict segregation remained the norm on the va st majority of interstate buses. 170 Another significant and recent nonviolent movement was al so limited in its ability to end racially segregated bus terminals: the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Neither the Morgan decision, the Boynton decision, nor the Montgomery Bus B oycott categorically challenged mandated segregation in bus or train terminals. A Brief Background and Comparison of the Nonviolence of James Farmer & John Conyers In his role as U.S. Representative, John Conyers is currently playing the role of Carl Rachlin who taught the Freedom Riders about constitutional la w. Like Rachlin, Conyers earned his law degree and practiced law. Unlike all the aforementioned Congressional Black Caucus members, Conye rs is the only one with direct military experience. He attained the rank of second lieutenant while serving a year in Korea during the Korean War. After being discharg ed, he served in the National Guard while he earned his law degree from Wayne State in 1957. He followed in the footsteps of his father when he served as general counse l for the Detroit Trade Union Leadership Council. His expertise in constitutional la w as it concerned labor and civil rights was recognized when John F. Kennedy appointed him to the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights in 1963. 171 In the twenty first century, Cony ers is continuing a surviving legacy of nonviolence that emphasizes the importance of having an understanding of the U.S. Constitution and enforcing its application to al l citizens, regardless of skin color. Executive director of CORE, James Farmer explains his goals in teaching the constitutionality of their nonviolent protest of Freedom Riders: I conducted an
115 orientation session to explain th e rationale for this adventur e and provided an overview of what we were going to do, how we were going to do it, and the most optimistic and pessimistic outcomes possible. 172 This orientation session prepared the future Freedom Riders to defend their cause verbally, using the U.S. Constitution. Like Conyers, Farmer followed the footsteps of his father before him, using the U.S. Constitution to practice nonviolence. Farmer in 1938 enrolled in Ho ward University School of Theology where his father had then accepted a position as a professor of Greek and New Testament studies. Raymond Arsenault writes that in theology school, Farmer was inspired by former Florida native and Theology Profe ssor Howard Thurman, who exposed him to Gandhi and other radical versions of the so cial gospel endorsed by the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a Methodist pacifist organization. Thurman helped secure for Farmer a part-time secretary position in FO Rs Washington office. Rather than follow the traditional path of becoming ordained as a Methodist minister after graduating from Howards theology school, Farmer pursued full-time work with FOR. Farmer resisted the custom of having black Methodist minist ers serve only all-black congregations and arrived in FORs Chicago regional office ready, as he put it, to lead an assault of the demons of violence and bigotry. 173 This is why in 1941 a nd 1942 Farmer spearheaded a series of campaigns spreading the FOR gospe l of pacifism and nonviolent resistance to social injustice; he also organized study groups of Gandhianism and encouraged students to engage in sit-ins and picketing ca mpaigns. The organization conducting these campaigns eventually became the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and, with Farmers insistence, was ultimately independent of FOR. 174
116 Arsenault writes that the decision of Farmer and CORE to embark on these Freedom Rides in early May signaled that t he time had come to challenge the hypocrisy and complacency of a nation that refused to enforce its own laws andfailed to acknowledge the utter indecency of racial discrimination. 175 The orientation sessions that Farmer conducted taught Freedom Riders how to challenge parts of a nation that refused to enforce Boynton v. Virginia according to the U.S. Supreme Courts interpretation of the U.S. Constitution. In a similar way, John Conyers report entitled George W. Bush Versus The Constitution, published by Academy Chicago Press in 2006 has provided readers evidence about the shortcomings of the Bush administration in following the U.S. Constitution. In the foreword to this report, he writes: I believe our Constitution remains in crisis. 176 Although this crisis is clearly a dramatically different crisis than the one faced by Freedom Riders in 1961, Conyers expressed a concern about the U.S. Co nstitution that is simila r to those of James Farmer and CORE attorney Carl Rachlin. Conyers writes more specifically that he made the request to publish this repor t in the wake of Bushs failure to respond to a letter submitted by 122 members of Congress, and more than 500,000 Americans in July of 2005, asking him whether the asse rtions set forth in the so-called Downing Street Memo are accurate. 177 The Downing Street Memorandum was a collection of classified documents written by senior British official s during the spring and summer of 2002 that discussed the plan to invade Iraq with Am erican counterparts. This memorandum is significant because it appears to document a manipulation of intelligence by the Bush administration in order to justify military invasion of Iraq. This memorandum would prove that the administration abrogated its Constitutional responsibility of guaranteeing
117 citizens their first amendment rights. This thesis however will focus only on Conyers appeal to the U.S Constitution arguing against the use of military detention centers, because of their clear similarities with the site of the racially segregated bus terminals. Both Farmer and Conyers call to attention the lack of enfor cement of rights believed to be provided by the U.S. Constitution: for Farmer it was the right to sit anywhere in a bus terminal while for Conyers it was the right to prevent torture of fore igners designated as enemy combatants. Angela Davis said that the military de tention center as a site of torture and repression does notdisplace the domestic supermaximum security prison (which incidentally, is being globally marketed), but rather they both constitute extreme sites where democracy has lost its claims. 178 Conyers is aiming to prove in his report that the use of military detention sites constitutes a violation of the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution which prohibits the use of cr uel, inhumane, and degrading treatment. Conyers is also proving the misuse of executive power within the military detention sites. Farmer is aiming to prove through his Freedom Rides that the Four teenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution which guarantees to all citizens equal protection under the law is not being enforced. In both cases, both Conye rs and Farmer are protesting extreme sites where democracy has lost its claims. For C onyers, it is the military detention centers in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, and for Farmer it is the closer space of the racially segregated bus terminal. The first group of Freedom Riders left Washington, D.C., headed for New Orleans, Louisiana, on May 4, 1961. Despite opposition from the Kennedy administration, Freedom Rides continued dur ing the summer, with at least 1,000 people
118 participating throughout the South and more than 300 people arrested in Jackson alone. 179 The linchpin of the Freedom Riders ideological arguments in support of their nonviolent protest was the U.S. Constitution and the recent Morgan decision. Two Freedom Riders provide personal testimonies about how they verbally defended their constitutional right to sit anywhere in a bus terminal with no re gard to separation by races: John Lewis and Jim Peck. In fact, both these men verbally invoked the constitution in their protest. Their narratives exemplify the strategic evocation of the U.S. Constitution in asserting what is believed to be ones cons titutional right. In his memoir Walking With The Wind, Lewis provides a gripping account of being att acked by white segrega tionists in a Rock Hill, South Carolina, bus terminal: as Al Bigelow and I approached the WHITE waiting room in the Rock Hill Greyhound terminal, I noticed a large number of young white guys hanging around the pinball machines in the lobbyOther side, nigger, one of the two said, stepping in my way as I began to walk through the door. He pointed to a door down the way with a sign that said COLORED. I did not feel nervous at al l. I really did not feel afraid. I have a right to go in here, I said, speaking carefully and clearly, on the grounds of the Supreme Court decision in the Boynton case. I dont think these guys had ever heard of the Boynton case. Not that it would have mattered. Shit on that, one of them said. The next thing I knew, a fist smashed the right side of my head. Then another hit me square in the face. As I fell to the floor I could feel feet kicking me hard in the sides. I could taste blood in my mouth. 180 Lewiss description of his experience in Rock Hill, South Carolina, the same city where the jail-in strategy was exercised, is astoundi ngly similar to the argument created by the Conyers report. According to the Conyers report, investigations conducted on the conduct of the military by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), have identified numerous incidents of cruel, i nhuman, and degrading trea tment in Iraq; these incidents include punching, slap ping, and kicking detainees, which is essentially what happened to John Lewis according to his own testimony. 181
119 A Discussion of Racist Ideologies Opposed to Nonviolence Over the past forty-five years since th e Freedom Riders, the Bush administration is unwittingly exporting the violent torturous nature of mob violen ce onto those in Iraq that was visited upon the Freedom Riders in 1961. The sites of violence where the Freedom Riders in Anniston and later in Birmingham were abused functioned as a military detention center. During the Freedom Rides, perhaps the most significant site of violence that functioned most like a military detention center was Parchman prison in Mississippi where some arrested Freedom Riders were sent. Arsenault writes about their approach to Parchman: as the convoy lurched northward, howeve r, at least some of the Riders began to suspect that they were on Highway 49, the road to the Delta and the dreaded Parchman farm. It was a road that thousands of unfortunate Mississippians had taken since the pr isons construction in 1904, and very few had survived the experience wit hout suffering lasting physical and emotional scars. Many, of course, di d not survive at all. Throughout the American South, Parchman Farm is synonymous with punishment and brutality historian David Oshinsky observed in 1996, and the farms gruesome reputation for unfettered vi olence was, if anything, even more widespread and deserved in 1961 when the Freedom Riders were therethe prospect of scores, and even tually hundreds, of Freedom Riders spending the rest of June and July at Parchman was appealing to [Mississippi Governor Ross] Barnett and many other white Mississippians. 182 The Conyers report is shedding light on how detention centers or prisons using cruel and inhumane treatment, are bei ng established or s upported by the Bush administration. John Conyers explains his efforts in writing the report: what we are trying to do is get some realignment in the political setup to bri ng a little more honesty and realism into politics, to make some of the promises begin to have some meaning, and to have the government play themajor role in leading America out of a racist past. 183 Clearly Conyers is trying to have the U.S. government, currently represented by the
120 Bush administration play a role in leading America out of a ra cist, violent, and unjust past that allowed the Parchman prison to serve as a huge threat mean t to stop the Freedom Riders from trying to desegreg ate Southern bus terminals. Angela Davis has styled the practice of this kind of torture as a manifestation of a new ki nd of racism that Conyers is trying, with this report, to lead America out of. The ideology behind torturing those in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo is based on a kind of racism that is strikingly similar to the ideology of those who enforced and allowed punishments of the Freedom Riders in the Parchman prison. The military detention center is purported ly intended to attack the imagined construction of the terrorist, defined not as an individual that protects their own sovereign interests in their self-defen se, but an individual who cl early threatens the long term interests of a foreign country, particularly th e United States. This mode of thinking is similar to a stereotype that white segregationi sts adhered to in orde r to justify their own violent defense of segregation. Segregated bus terminals are pur portedly intended to attack the imagined and ster eotyped figment of the communi st who, like the terrorist, is believed to be an individual that is not worthy of constitutional protection, an individual who, according to 1968 presidential candidate George Wallace, would contribute to the false doctrine of Communistic amalgamation [or race mixing]. 184 Further, it was believed that allowing the negro to sit with whites would co ncede to Communist beliefs of and contribute to the moral declin e of the Southern way of life in the United States. Despite the eventual integration of bus terminals by the end of 1961, the ideological production of the co mmunist has changed from that to the terrorist and John
121 Conyers nonviolent resistance in publishing th is piece is not only ag ainst the practice of torture, but also against American racism and the ideological production of the terrorist. Lewis writes that after stating his constitutio nally legal right to stand in the white section because of the Boynton decision, he was not only punched but kicked. John Conyers has worked toward publishing information about foreign detainees being punched and kicked for being labeled an enemy combatant and being accused of having some affiliation to al-Qaeda, a group popul arly identified in U.S. media to be a terrorist organization. Lewis is not only directly fighting wh ite segregationists, he is fighting the ideological construction of the communist in the minds of many segregationists. Conyers, compared to Lewi s, is indirectly fi ghting the ideological construction of the terrorist in the minds of Bush administration officials. Lewis suffered physical and psychological pain for his fight while Conyers does not. Without Lewiss fight, Conyers might not have been able to ta ke office as a U.S. Representative in 1965. Conversely, without Conyers published report in 2006, an observation comparing torture during the Bush administration and within Parchman prison recogni zing Lewiss plight might not be possible. Therefore, the comparison of Lewis and Conyers highlights the need to recognize torture and how it is c ondoned by U.S. presidential administrations (Kennedy and Bush) during and af ter the twentieth century. Conyers fight is nonetheless worthy of being considered a form of nonviolent resistance against policies of a very violen t presidential administration. The ideological construction of the terrorist is not only respons ible for the practice of torture, but for the continued military occupation in Iraq and consequent in surgency, according to Anthony Arnove: the insurgency created by the occupa tion is being used to explain why the
122 United States must continue the occupation, and assessments of Iraqi capabilities reflect the racist, colonial assumptions about the in ability of the Iraqis to manage their own affairs that are widespread in the military establishment. 185 Conyers is using this report as an effort to draw America out of the racist past, to end the racist oppression of not only African Am ericans in the South, but also the racist oppression of Arabs and Persians in the Middle East. Lewis s personally harrowing experiences were one of many crucial experien ces that paved the way for integrated bus terminals and ultimately integrated societ y. His ideological support was the U.S. Constitution, and the will to, as Arsenault writes, challenge the hypocrisy and complacency of a nation that refused to enfor ce its own laws. Arsenault also writes how fellow white Freedom Rider Jim Peck used the U.S. Constitution to verbally defend the right of Hank Thomas, another black Freedo m Rider, to sit in the white section of a racially segregated lunch c ounter in a bus terminal in Winnsboro, South Carolina. Jim Peck recalls the event in his memoir of the Freedom Ride: Henry Thomas, a lanky Negro student, and I entered the white lunchroom and sat at the counter. The restau rant owner dashed away from the counter to phone the police. Within two minutes a police officer who was a stereotype for such a role in Hollywood, stepped over and drawled to Thomas, Come with me, boy! 186 Arsenault writes that at this point, Peck trie d to explain that Thomas had a constitutional right to eat lunch wherever he pleased, how ever both Thomas and Peck were arrested. 187 Peck later writes that local officials appa rently concluded that our cases would not hold in view of the Supreme Courts Boynton deci sion, so they were ultimately released. 188 Peck however was immediately rearrested for violating an obscure South Carolina statute that prohibited the importation of untaxed liquor into the state. 189 In the consciences of both John Lewis and James Peck the constitution ality of racially segregated bus terminals
123 as ordained by the highest c ourts ruling was the legal and fundamental justification for their protest. However they were confronted with a white segregationist community and ideology that expressed little if no compliance with the recent 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme court decision that declared segregated public schools unconstitutional, and by the following year de clared that public schools be desegregated with all deliberate speed. This was code d language to Southern segregationists for them to integrate at their own pace, if at a ll. Ronald Walters describes in detail the Southern Manifesto, which defined segregationi sts ideology in refusing to comply with the Brown and Boynton Supreme Court decisions: The Southern Manifesto signed by 90 southern members of Congress in 1956 in opposition to the implementation of the Supreme Courts decision in Brown v. Board of Education, established a consen sus theory of the Constitution that reappeared in similar resolutions drafted and passed by southern legislatures. The manifesto argued that because the education function is not expressly included in the Constitution, it falls under reserved powers which are to be exer cised by the states. It contained a principle that is almost unive rsally accepted among Whites across America todayfounded on the elementa l humanity and common sense, for parents should not be deprived by G overnment of the right to direct the lives and education of their own children. 190 This resistance to Brown in the South is also what allows resistance to Boynton. This resistance was supported not only by white vigilantes su ch as the Ku Klux Klan, it was supported by southern legislators, po lice officers, and it was also undoubtedly supported by national intelligence agencies su ch as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). 191 The practice of torturing foreigners by the U.S. military is also supported by the FBI, who played an indi rect yet significant role in what was probably the most memorable stop of the 1961 Freedom Ride s: the stop in Anniston, Alabama.
124 A Comparison of U.S. Justice Departments Allowing Torture At this stop, the Greyhound bus carrying the Freedom Riders was ransacked and firebombed by Alabama Klansmen. Arsenau lt writes that the Klansmen had known about the Freedom Ride since mid-April, thanks to a series of FBI memos forwarded to the Birmingham police departmentAs the FBI monitored the situation during the last days before their arrival in [Anniston], there were numer ous opportunities to warn the riders of the impending violence but FBI ag ents simply watched and waited as a final series of Klan conclaves seal ed the Freedom Riders fate. 192 Even the executive branch under the Kennedy administration chose to fo cus attention on John Kennedys Cold War posturing with the Soviet Union rather than addressing the safety concerns of the Freedom Riders. Then attorney general Robert Kennedys Justice Department was apparently privy to less information than FB I chief J. Edgar Hoover, who did not relay the planning of violence to anyone in the Justice Department. However Jet reporter Simeon Booker who accompanied and reported on the Freedom Riders called and warned the Justice Department officials that violen ce might happen and, to his dismay he was ignored. The Justice Department clearly tried to defuse the situation rather than protect the Freedom Riders civil rights. Arsenault wr ites that they also made it a priority to keep the most sensational aspect of the story out of the press. 193 This was the priority of Alberto Gonzales, U.S. Attorney General a nd head of the Justice Department under the second Bush administration: keeping the disc ussion of torture out of the press despite than the leaked photos of the Abu Ghraib pr ison in Iraq. This thesis later argues that
125 Attorney General Gonzales regards the ri ghts of foreign citizens with a disdain comparable to that of Attorney General Robert Kennedy. The Conyers report describes the failure of the current Justice Department, like the failure of the Justice Department during the Freedom Rides, to adequately prosecute those who commit acts of tortur e and other legal violations by contractors and others within its jurisdiction. Accord ing to Conyers report, despite evidence of CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] involvement in the deaths of at least four prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Justice Department has char ged only one person linked to the CIA with wrongdoing in any of the cases; and that person, David Passaro, was a contractor, not an official CIA officer. This lackluster e ffort by the current Justice Department to prosecute those who attack or kill detainees is similar to th e lackluster effort by Robert Kennedys Justice Department to prosecute t hose who attacked Freedom Riders. After the Anniston firebombing, one local Alabama po lice officer reportedly told the attackers, Dont worry about no lawsuits I aint seen a thing. 194 The Kennedy Justice Department at this time made absolutely no pr osecutions. Nick Bryant writes that Robert Kennedy refused to publicly condemn the violence or issue any press statements on the crisis. He had apparently cut a private deal with segregationists on Capitol Hill to prevent the rhetoric from reaching a boiling point. As Business Week reported later, he had cont acted southern lawmakers and urged them to maintain a moderate tone; in exchange, Kennedy promised he would not lend any sign of support for the freedom riders apart from offering them the protection of law. 195 The kind of protection they received however were local police officials who sanctioned and sometimes supported the violen t attacks of white segregationist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan.
126 The Gonzales Justice Department is sim ilar to the Kennedy Justice Department in their willingness to turn a blind eye to infractions on demo cracy that involve proactive prosecutorial methods that try to uphold a rule of law. The Gonzales Justice Department, like the Kennedy Justice Department, places the safety of abused citizens in the hands of private entities: in Iraq currently it is in the hands of private military contractors that number over one hundred thousand while in Alabama in 1961 it was in the hands of local police and vigilante groups. 196 This similarity underscor es the importance of nonviolent resistance in both cases because the nonviol ent resistance in both cases is battling a private entity. These private entities in 1961 and 2004 are nonethel ess subject to the control of a larger federal government. However the Gonzales Justice Department in cooperation with the Bush admi nistration allow private corpor ations to execute torture because the same laws and treaties do not govern corporations as they would an arm of the government, as journalist Thom Hartmann writes: a private corporation is not answerable to We the People. To the contrary, laws and Supreme Court precedents say that private corporations can hide things behind the secrecy of c orporate personhood, claiming Fourth, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendment human rights in ways that governments never could. When you combine that lack of oversight with the profit motive, you get situations like the horrendous torture at Abu Ghraib, a process that, according to people who were there, was heavily influenced by the presence of and the orders from private contractors. At least a thirty-strong te am of interrogators at the prison for example were employed by CACI International, which is based in Virginiaprivate contract ors told them to come in and do many of the things for which they went to jail: pr ivate contractors were in charge of many of the interrogations. 197 This practice of torture and relegating it to the domain of private industry, with no significant oversight, is simply an outgrowth of the practice of torture inflicted on Freedom Riders and other nonviolent resist ers during the civil rights movement.
127 A Comparison of Torture Against Nonviolent Protestors The international rule of law that dictates the actions of the U.S. military is not the U.S. Constitution but the Geneva Convention which technically prohi bits deportation and forcible removal of foreigners, which accord ing to human rights groups is an already active practice of the U.S m ilitary in their occupation of Iraq. However a March 19, 2004, U.S. Justice Department memo undermin ed the Geneva Conventions prohibition against deportation and forcible removal. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales testified in this memo that there is no evidence that the [Geneva Conventions prohibition] is extended to illegal aliens from occupied te rritory [from Iraq]and there is no evidence that international law has ever disapproved of such removals. 198 Here Gonzales is condoning the forcible removal and detention of foreign citizens by asserting that Abu Ghraib detainees are illegal aliens, a term also popularly used to describe undocumented workers in the United States. Ho wever his reference to the mainly Arab detainees in Abu Ghraib as i llegal aliens is inaccurate becau se they are not illegal but in fact native to Iraq, as Anthony Arnove confirms: the Bush administration has returned to its mantra that Iraq is the central front in its battle against al-Qaeda and that the resistance in Iraq is largely foreign in origin. But this is fictio nIn a detailed study for the Center for Strategic and International Studies, military analyst Anthony Cordesman found that the insurgency seems to remain largely Iraqi and Sunni dominated, while an overwhelming majo rity of those captured or killed have been Iraqi Sunnis, as well as something like 90-95 percent of those detained. 199 This negates the fiction of identifying the detained citizens as illegal aliens. Not only are U.S. military forces invading and occupying Iraq, they ar e also torturing its citizens in a manner comparable to the to rture experienced by many Freedom Riders, most notably in their experience at Parchman Prison. This was the destination for many
128 Freedom Riders who were arrested in Jacks on, Mississippi, who were just one stop away from the final destination of New Orleans. Arsenault writes that at Parchman, Freedom Riders were ordered to remove all of their clothes [and be] shocked with an electric prod. Those who did not remove their clothes, had them forcibly ripped off, after which they were thrown into a hol ding cell where a crowd of curious white guards gawked at them through barred basement windows. Farmer recalled: we were consumed by embarrassment, we stood for agesuncomfo rtable and dehumanized. Our audience cackled with laughter and obscene comments. They had a fixation about genitals, a preoccupation with size. To John Lewis at Parchman, the shower room evoked images of Nazi Germany and concentration camps. This was like 1961 in America, he later reflected, here we were, treated like animals. 200 Later in Parchman, Deputy Tyson would order his guards to spray the cell block with a high-pres sure fire hose. Arsenault writes: as the drenched Riders sat in their cells wondering what other indignities Tyson was planning, the cell block windows were opened and exhaust fans were turned on to confirm the message of intimidation. During the long, cold night that followed, there wa s more shivering and sniffling than singing in the cell blockfemale Riders had to deal with male guards who could not resist watching them undr ess and shower with a prison doctor who conducted invasive and unnecessary vaginal examinations. The strong suspicion that the doctor used the same cloth glove for all women he examined added to the feeling of victimization and served as a symbol of prison staffs contempt for the female RidersThis was Parchman at its worst. 201 Cynthia Griggs Fleming writes about Ruby Doris Smith Robinsons experience as one that changed her: Ruby Doris found the view outside the infirmary window distressing: there were fift y, sixty Negro men in striped uniforms, guarded by a white man on a white horse. It reminded you of slavery. While Ruby was in Parchman, she
129 spent a good deal of her time reflecting on he r experiences in the black freedom struggle and on the dimensions of that struggle. 202 Rubys comparison of the treatment of Freedom Riders to images of slavery confirms Du Bois observation that in order to fully abolish the oppressive situati ons that slavery created, entire ly new democratic institutions would have to be created. However because the end of the first Reconstruction in 1877 disallowed any new democratic institutions and instead prolonged the same kind of oppressive situations such as debt peonage and the convict lease system, there exists the same master-slave dynamic that is most prevalent in the contemporary prison today which Freedom Riders experienced at Parchman, and outgrowths of that dynamic are the military detention centers in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo. Angela Davis states that the prison system continues to carry out this terrible legacy of oppression that slavery created. Ruby Doris Smith Robinsons recollecti on at Parchman suggests that the treatment of the Freedom Riders in Parchman Prison is a haunting remnant of the oppressive experience of slavery. This treatment is similar to treatment of detainees in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo according to th e February 2004 report of the ICRC. Like the Freedom Riders, they were also forced to remove their clothing. The detainees at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo had their nudity made available for public display like the Freedom Riders. In Abu Ghraib they were videotaped and photographed. Here we see the pathological practice of torture used not only on Freedom Riders by domestic prison practices, but also on Ira qi citizens in foreign prison prac tices. This confirms Angela Davis observation that the prison-indus trial complex is a global phenomenonas horrendous as recent revelations about the tr eatment of prisoners is not qualitatively
130 different from what happens in U.S. prisons. 203 Nor is this treatment of prisoners in Iraq qualitatively different from what has happe ned to the Freedom Riders in Parchman prisoners, particularly the aspect of the white male gaze on the nude black body. In Abu Ghraib, the nude body is no longer black but Arab but is still captive by the same industry. Arsenault quotes Bill Mahoney, a Nonviolent Group activist from Washington who spent forty days in cell 13 at Parchm an, about those who tortured the Freedom Riders in Parchman: the men who defend segr egationserve the same interests as those who develop war industries[,]recklessly speculate in other countries, and in generalmeticulously exploit masses of people. 204 Mahoney essentially prophesied the function of the Bush administration in relega ting the duties of torture to the private corporations or industries that meticulously exploit masses of pe ople by specifically invading, occupying, and torturing the ma sses of Iraqis. The men who defend segregation are also trained to believe that those detained, be it in Parchman or in Abu Ghraib, are somehow foreigne rs or people who are not native to the land in which exploitation takes place. Gonzales styled the victims who, according to him, are not protected by the Geneva Conven tion, as illegal aliens. Freedom Riders Versus the State of Mississippi White segregationists claimed that Fr eedom Riders were mainly outside agitators, who wanted to disturb otherwis e content Negroes in the American South. However, by July of 1961, Arsenault writes ab out the Jackson (Missi ssippi) Non-Violent Movement which was a shocking development for many white Mississippians because it completely shattered their assumptions about Freedom Riders mainly coming from the North. On July 7 th eleven young members of the Jackson Non-Violent Movement
131 attempted to desegregate the white waiting room. 205 This was one day after Martin Luther King gave an inspirational speech that ca lled for students to fill the jails, the same message that Lawson gave less than a year prio r to this date. In his speech, King praised the local heroes arrested during the past tw o days and proclaimed: let the Negroes fill the jail houses of Mississippi. We are not agit ators and rabble-rousers, but in a true sense the saviors of democracy. We must learn to liv e together as brothers or die together as fools. 206 SNCC worker James Forman recalls how the Freedom Riders inspired the young high school students near Jack son to nonviolently protest the expulsion of their fellow students Brenda Travis and Ike Lewis who st aged a sit-in in a local lunch counter: that afternoon [of October 31, 1961] more than a hundred students walked out again. This is the statement they issued: we, the Negro youth of Pike county feel that Brenda Travis a nd Ike Lewis should not be barred for acquiring an education for protesting an injustice. We feel that as members of Burglund High School they ha ve fought this battle for us. To prove that we appreciate their havi ng done this, we will suffer with them any punishment they have to take. In the schools we are taught democracy, but the rights offered by democracy have been deniedby our oppressors; we have not had a balanced school system; we have not had an opportunity to participate in any of th e branches of our local, state, and federal government; however, we are children of God, who makes the sun shine on the just and unjust. So, we petition all our fellowmen to love rather than hate, to build rather than tear down, to bind our nation with love and justice with regard to race, color, or creed. 207 Now that local blacks became brave enough to join the Freedom Rider movement, Mississippis insistence on arre sting any Freedom Riders crea ted a war of attrition, where the state of Mississippi s ability to accommodate wave af ter wave of Freedom Riders was at war against the Freedom Riders movements capacity to sustain them financially; by the end of July, CORE had already spen t $138,500 on the Freedom Rides and there was no end in sight to counter the spiraling costs of COREs fighting for freedom in the deep
132 South. Four days after proof that the Fr eedom Rider movement in Jackson was not strictly from the North, but in fact a growing grassroots effort, the Kennedy Justice Department joined an existing NAACP suit seeking a permanent injunction barring the city of Jackson and its police from arresting Freedom Riders. Arsenault writes that this move was the first time that the Justice Depa rtment was sanctioning an all out assault on segregated transit laws. In addition, th ey petitioned the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to issue a ban on segregated travel and segr egated bus terminals. The ICC announced that it would begin hearings on the Freedom Rider issue on August 15 th However the state of Mississippi continued their war of attrition against the Freedom Riders and CORE by requiring a five hundr ed dollar bond for each defendant and by dragging the court cases of Freed om Riders out as long as possi ble in an effort to deplete their funds. By mid September 1961, Thurgood Marsha ll helped CORE with a $300,000 grant to CORE from the NAACP to help finance the Freedom Rider movement, and on September 21, 1961, the ICC issued a unanimous ruling prohibiting all racial segregation in interstate bus transit. The ICC ruling required that all inters tate buses would be required to display a certificate th at read: seating aboard this vehicle is without regard to race, color, creed, or national origin, by orde r of the Interstate Commerce Commission. However Arsenault writes that compliance with the ICC order was haphazard at best and in many Mississippi communities anyone as serting the constitutional right to equal access to transit facilities risked arrest for breach of peace. 208 Still, all of the efforts of the Freedom Riders were cumulative in their ability to pe rsuade the Kennedy administration to ultimately petition the In terstate Commerce Comm ission and gradually
133 by the end of 1961 acquire the ban against all segregated interstate travel. The Freedom Riders confirmed the power of public prot est, signaling the emergence of a new democratic ethos. 209 A Comparison of Nonviolent Strategies by Conyers and the Freedom Riders John Conyers in his role as U.S. Repr esentative and his in itiative to publish George W. Bush Versus the U.S. Constitution, has fulfilled several basic steps of Gene Sharps framework for nonviolent action: publicity of the gr ievances and making efforts at negotiation. His book deta iling the constitutional infractions of the Bush administration and the Justice Department serves as publicity of the grievances or, as the Conyers report describes it, the infractions of the U.S. Constitution. Conyers himself has also made significant effort in negotiating, by requesting information about the Downing Street Minutes before issuing his report. Conyers is continuing a legacy of nonviolent resistance that is markedly different and much less dire ct than the kind of nonviolent resistance that the Freedom Riders engaged; however it is noneth eless significant in resisting the policies of a depa rtment and administration that seeks to continue oppressive remnants of slavery. What made the Freedom Riders successful in eventually acquiring the ICC order is: a combination of a grassroo ts willingness to protest, financial support for that protest, and a presidential admini stration willing to petition and lobby the very conservative members of the ICC. What ma kes John Conyers thus far unsuccessful is a substantial lack of two of thes e factors. Today, to protest the practice of torture at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, there is not enough of a grassroots willingness to protest this injustice, perhaps because it is taking place in a different country, but also because the lack of cooperation with a presidential ad ministration to ultimately make a concerted
134 commitment to end the practice of torture th at is only fueling a stronger ideological resistance against this racism. The 1961 and 1962 Albany Movement and Lessons From the Messiah Complex As the Freedom Rider movement of 1961 accomplished its goal of the Interstate Commerce Commissions ban on segregated bus terminals, a new grassroots movement was getting underway in sout hwest Georgia: the Albany (G eorgia) Movement. However compared to Atlanta and Jackson, the inst itutionalized segrega tion in Albany would prove to be very difficult to overcome. James Forman describes its history: the area around Albany had at one ti me been plantation country, with Albany its slave trading center. Du Bois describes in The Souls of Black Folk how it was then: for a radius of hundred miles about Albany stretched a great fertile land, luxuria nt with forests of pine, oak, ash, hickory, and poplar, hot with the sun and damp with the rich black swampland; and here the corner stone of Cotton Kingdom was laid. 210 Even after the Freedom Riders and th e upcoming ICC order banning segregation in interstate travel, Albany was s till and would continue to be a rigidly segregated city. Charles Sherrod and Cordell Reagon were disp atched as SNCC field secretaries to try and build a local movement in Albany, then a city of about 60,000 people with blacks making up about forty percent of the populat ion. Their ultimate aim was to build a campaign to promote voter registration. However, after following the pulse of the people in Albany, Sherrod and Reagon found themselv es guiding a direct action protest, and found that there was little difference between the two, as Ella Baker had previously advised the group. 211 The beginnings of this movement st arted with a sit-in in a racially segregated Albany bus terminal on November 1, 1961. The results of this sit-in were unusual in that the protestors planned to leave, however, from that moment on,
135 segregation was dead, Sherrod conveyed to Carson. 212 After this planned withdrawal, a coalition of SNCC, the NAACP, the ministerial alliances, and the Negro Voters League, formed the Albany Movement. Accordi ng to Aldon Morris, the Albany Movement worked toward the lofty goal of ending a ll forms of racial domination in Albany. 213 Demonstrations were planned against bus term inals, libraries, bowling alleys, restaurants, swimming pools, as well as other public facilities. Following the plan of demonstrations, members of the NAACP Youth Council were arrested by Albany Police Chief Laurie Pr itchett as they attempted to use the whites only dining room at the Trailways bus st ation. These arrests only galvanized the community, which was becoming unified by the power of singing, due to the work of Bernice Johnson. Two days later on November 27 th a mass rally took place at the trial of the NAACP Youth Council students, which resu lted in two students, Bertha Gober and Blanton Hall, being expelled from Albany St ate College. After SNCC member Charles Jones led demonstrators on a march, he got four hundred people to sign a petition demanding the reinstatement of the students. On Sunday, December 10 th ten activists arrived in Albany via another later Freedom Ride, one of the riders was James Forman who writes: arriving in Albany, where about three hundr ed blacks were at the station to meet us, we went into the white wa iting room and the police closed the doors behind us. Chief Laurie Pritche tt then moved in and arrested eight of our group, although by that time some of us were no longer in the waiting room but just standing outside the stationPritchett appeared to be following the same policy used by the Jackson, Mississippi, police toward the Freedom Riders of 1961: Arrest quic kly, quietly, and imprison. 214 Michael Nojeim writes that Albany Police Chief Pritchett knew that if he responded to the nonviolent protestors usi ng violence and police brutality, he would
136 instigate a national crisis that would br ing national media and national government attention to Albany, which is th e last thing the whites in Albany wanted. So Pritchett and his police force behaved respectfully without violently attacking them. 215 Despite this tactical move by Pritchett, the principles of group-centered leadersh ip taught by Sherrod, Reagon and Charles Jones had already spread among the people in Albany, to the extent that hundreds of black Albany residents joined protest marches and were willing to face arrest and jail time. Barbara Ransby writes that Ella Bakers c oncept of progressive leadership helped people help themselves and allowed grassroots people to determine their own future. This is apparently the kind of progressive lead ership that Charles Sherrod, Cordell Reagon, Bernice Johns on, and Charles Jones brought to Albany, Georgia; a kind of leadership based on the themes of participatory democracy taught by Ella Baker. It was this kind of leadership that was undoubtedly res ponsible for the large numbers of Albany residents that were willing to be arrested: the ability to appeal to the grassroots level of the comm unity, the minimizing of a hierarchy, and the call for direct action. Sherrod describes the journey to get Albany to the point where it had hundreds of black citizens willing to be jailed: The population of Albany was, in the first days of our stay here very apprehensive. The first obstacle to remove was the mental block in the minds of those who wanted to move but were unable for fear that we were not who we said we were. But when people began to hear us in churches, social meetings, on the streets, in the pool halls, lunchrooms, nightclubs, and other places where people gather, they began to open up a bit. We would tell them of how it feels to be in prison, what it means to be behind bars, in jail for the cause. We explained to them that we had stopped school because we felt compelled to do so since so many of us were in chains. We explained further that th ere were worse chains than jail and prison. We referred to the system th at imprisons mens minds and robs them of creativityThe people knew such evils existed but when we pointed them out time and time again and emphasized the need for concerted action against them, the people began to think. At this point, we
137 started to illustrate what had happe ned in Montgomery, Macon, Nashville, Charlotte, Atlanta, Savannah, Richmond, Petersburg, and many other cities where people came together and protested against an evil system. 216 This kind of organizing by Charles She rrod and Cordell Reagon explains why on December 14th in Albany over five hundred blacks total were arrested. The Albany Movement was at this point in full force. The willingness of so many Albany residents to get arrested, after their initial resistance is a testament not only to the organizing strategies of Sherrod and Reagon; it is also a testament to the guidance of Ella Baker and James Lawson. In November of 1961, the Albany Move ment appointed osteopathic doctor William Anderson as president, immediatel y distinguishing itself from SNCC in its insistence on a traditional hierarchy that negates the ideals taught by Ella Baker of minimizing hierarchy with a single leader who delegates most of the responsibility. His role as president would later prove to cont ribute to the overall failure of the Albany Movement. On the same day that so many blacks were arrested, Anderson appealed to Dr. King and the SCLC for help and asked him to come to Albany. King came to Albany, led a prayer march to City Hall and was arrested along with more than two hundred fifty demonstrators. Kings arrival in Albany wa s strongly resented by James Forman who said: I opposed the move, pointing out that it was important to keep the Albany Movement a peoples movementto keep the focus on the ordinary people involved in it, especially the unusual number of adultsand that presence of Dr. King would detract from, rather than intensify this focus. A strong peoples movement was in progr ess, the people were feeling their own strength grow. I knew how much harm could be done by interjecting the Messiah complexpeople would feel that only a par ticular individual could save them and would not move on their own to fight racism and exploitation [italic emphasis added]. 217
138 Ransby writes that Ella Baker saw King s highly publicized visit to Albany as undermining local peoples confidence and autonomy and lessening the visibility of the Albany Movements own spokespersons. 218 The mass jail-in of hundreds of black Albany residents is exactly the kind of personal sacrifice that James Lawson called on SNCC to make at the beginning of 1961. Howeve r the success of this jail-in was based on a precarious balance of negotiations betw een the Albany Movement plus King and the City Commission who actively resisted the Albany Movements goals of racial integration. One significant factor led to what was the ultimate failure of the Albany Movement to achieve its goals: the pres ence of King. It upset the balance of negotiations and made the City Commission, in Adam Faircloughs words, more intransigent than pliable to the Movement s requests. After King arrived, Anderson apparently gained more confidence and ha stily issued an ultimatum to the City Commission. This upset the City Commission, a nd as a result of it, Albany mayor Asa Kelley fired off a curt rejoinder in which he accused Anderson of bad faith and broke off negotiations. 219 Later, both King, and Ralph Aber nathy endorsed a stale and fickle settlement where the City Commission allegedly promised to comply with the Interstate Commerce Commission. Adam Fairclough writes that both King and Abernathy posted bond and left jail after this settlement because they had to get Anderson out of the Albany jail since he was on the verge of a mental breakdown. 220 However, as Clayborne Carson writes, city officials stalled on implementing the concessi ons they had granted and refused to seek desegregation of the city bus service, which became the target of a black boycott early in
139 1962. SNCC workers continued to use direct action tactics in attempts to revive the movement [later in 1962 as well], but these protests received little attention [mainly because] the momentum that had devel oped during December [of 1961] dissipated rapidly. 221 This confirms James Formans in itial concern about the effect of the messiah complex and its effects on Dr. Anderson, who seemed to depend more on King than on the effects of the mass jail-in to fulfill their goals in the best way. In this case, the messiah was easily picked off and became a disruption to accomplishing Albanys goal. Ultimately, this was King s ultimate function in Albany. When King was jailed in Albany, editor of the staunchly segregationist paper Albany Herald, James H. Gray, who had a longtime friendship with the Kennedy family, addressed southwest Georgia on his television channel. He accused King of being motivated by the acquisition of a buck, and, as Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff wrote, he later called both Asa Kelley and Police Chief Laurie Pritchett to insist that they negotiate Kings release. Kings presence became not only a publicity magnet for the cause, but also an opportunity for the Albany City Commission, including Gray, to fully exercise the power of their white racism. This concern is confirmed again when King and Abernathy returned to Albany for their se ntencing. They were jailed a second time in Albany in 1962, and were ultimately bailed out with payment from a mysterious donor. Historian Nick Bryant solves this mystery, writing: B.C. Gardner, a senior partner in [Asa] Kelleys law firm, set off on a flight to Washington where he met with Robert Kennedy. Both agreed that Kings continued incarceration did not serve the administrations interest or those of Albany politicians. But how to secure his release? As Gardner flew back to Georgia, a plan took shape in his mind. Secretly, the Albany City Commission c ould pay King and Abernathys fines and then spread a cover story about how a my sterious donor had proffered the fundson Thursday morning Gardner handed over $356 in fines to a
140 sergeant on the duty desk at the Alba ny jailhouse, and a short while later King and Abernathy were told to leave. When Police Chief Pritchett refused to reveal the donors iden tity, King protestedputting himself in the peculiar position of arguing for his right to remain in jail. 222 Although this position might popularly be seen as peculiar, staying in jail was the endorsed position of SNCC and the position whic h could have potentially got the Albany Movement closer to fulfilling its goals. However because King left the jail house for reasons not exactly related to himself pers onally, the ultimate direction and goal of the Albany Movement saw a fickle settlement and came short of its goal. Certainly if Anderson had not depended on the role of the messiah within a sort of hierarchy that relegated power to those who gave the mo st inspirational speechmaking, the Albany Movement might have ended quite differentl y. Kings bail out in both cases disobeyed Lawsons exhortation at the October 1960 confer ence to remain in jail and protest the racist society instead of accepting bail. King s bail out also weakened his own claim that nonviolent resisters have transformed jails and prisons from dungeons of shame to havens of freedom and justice because the racial segregation in Albany both before and after Kings arrests remained unchanged. Kings presence did not fulfill the goals of the Albany Movement which were to end racial segregation. However Michael Nojeim presents the ethical dilemma King faced, King was the only person who could raise money for the movement [through his speaking engagements]. But the longer King remained in jail, the less money he could raise; afte r some difficult soul searching, King posted bond and left jail to go on a speak ing tour. This opened him up to attacks of hypocrisy. He later admitted that it was a tactical error for him to accept bail and leave jail during the Montgomery Bus Boycott because if he had stayed in prison, it would have dramatized and deepened out movement. 223 The Albany Movement teaches an important lesson about how the dangers of the messiah complex can undermine, via leader -centered publicity, a grassroots movement.
141 The most important lesson the Albany Movement teaches us today is not to depend on any individual leader for soci al change, but to rely on cha nges in the way that Charles Sherrod and Cordell Reagon were organizing changes: throug h the grassroots community. A Brief Background of Charles Rangel and Sheila Jackson-Lee Use of the jail-in is a strategy that few CBC members have used in order to create social change in a similar way that Charle s Sherrod and Cordell Reagon were trying to create social change and inspire the grassroots sector of the black community. Within the twenty-first century, U.S. Representative Char les Rangel has used it to call attention to the lack of punitive actions against the S udanese government for their allowance of atrocities in the genocidal ki llings taking place in the Darfur region of the Sudan. The personal and political backgrounds of Charles Rangel indicate a clear devotion to attack social injustice in a nonviolent way. Like Conyers, Rangel served in the Korean War. However Rangel was wounded while on active duty and later earned the prestigious Purple Heart. After his military service, in 1960 Rangel earned his law degree like Conyers. Within the sixties, Rangel became legal counsel to the Speaker of the New York State Assembly and began to learn the ar t of negotiating Democr atic and Republican politics. In his memoir, he writes that during those heady early sixties when I first became a lawyer, racism had positioned an amazing cadre of brilliant black legal and political minds for takeoff on the Harlem and national scene, and I had put myself into position to benefit from it. 224 Rangel writes in his memoir that New York State Asssemblyman Percy Sutton had an invaluable influence on his political philosophy. Rangel later earned a seat in the New York State Assembly in 1967 and was elected to
142 the U.S House in 1972. Rangel continues to fight the racism he refers to in his memoir by engaging in nonviolent action, particularly by deliberately going to jail in order to call attention to the lack of action against the Sudanese government. Rangels jail in is one form of nonviolent action that is trying to fight the kind of racism that continues from the 1960s. Over twenty years since Rangels election to the U.S. House in 1972, U.S. Representative Sheila Jackson-Lee was electe d to the U.S. House in 1995 and continues a pattern of jailing-in to bring attention to inte rnational crises. Like Rangel indicated in his memoir, Jackson-Lee also recognized the exis tence of white racism before becoming a U.S. Representative and resisted it in a nonviolent way. She recalls growing up in Queens, New York: I had a consistent roof over my head, my mother worked everyday and my father was in there battling, but he wa s just a product of what happened to black men in the forties and fifties. Job opportunities were not available. He was a talented artist and you dont r eally find your niche in that unless you are able to get on with some Madi son Avenue company...I got to Yale on scholarship, I sure didnt get th ere by my parents paying for itI had no recollection of any college inte rviewer interviewing me because no counselor referred them to me. And in the twelfth grade, I actually had no college to go to. I had not been ad vised or counseled, I was left to the wind, and I had been in honors classes. That was clearly racism in New York, in the North[As a U.S. Repr esentative], I decided early on that representation was representation. My constituents wanted me here to represent them on their issues because they could not be here. 225 In getting arrested in front of the Suda nese embassy, Jackson-Lee might not have only been representing her congressional constituents in Houston, she might have also been representing the thousands of Sudanese w hose lives were threatened if not destroyed by the ongoing genocide in the Sudan. In saying they could not be he re, they clearly means not only Jackson-Lees constituents in Houston but also those in the Sudan.
143 Jackson-Lee is using the jail-i n strategy not only to call nationa l attention to international crisis, she is expanding her const ituency across national borders. A Comparison of Jail-In Strategies by King, Rangel, Jackson-Lee, and Dellums Often times these social movements such as the Albany Movement or the Montgomery Bus Boycott can begin with a simple arrest. On Monday, July 12, 2004, Charles Rangel was arrested outside of th e Sudanese Embassy in Washington, DC, to protest the Sudanese government s role in the genocide in the Sudan, most notably those in the Darfur region. Although this received scant media attention, this is yet another significant act of nonviolence because in accordance with Kings definition, Rangel attempts to appeal to the c onscience of the Sudanese governme nt of course, and also to the greater American public who hears about his arrest. Also in accordance with Kings definition of nonviolence Rangel takes direct action without waiting for other agencies to act. He said: I wanted to help bri ng attention to an outrageous situationand I am thoroughly convinced if the voices of good Amer icans are around our great country [care, then they] would send a signal to those terroris ts in Sudan to stop this terrible plundering of people. 226 His nonviolence is similar to another act of nonviolence by King himself on July 10, 1962, because both acts of nonviolen ce show similar surface approaches to the jail, no bail principle encouraged by SNCC. However, in both cases, the protestors do not remain in jail to call attention to the unjust societal conditions. Rangels act of nonviolence is significantly diffe rent from that of King in that King was invited to Albany to protest racial segr egation whereas Rangel took his own personal initiative to
144 protest the genocide in the Sudan, stating that he wanted to help bring attention to an outrageous attention. King wr ites that in Albany: discrimination of all kinds had b een simultaneously brought under our sights: school segregation, denial of voting rights, segregation in parks, libraries, restaurants, and busesThe Negroes of Albany suffered in quiet silence. The throbbing pain of segreg ation could be felt but not seen. It scarred Negroes in every experience of their lives. They lived in segregation; they ate in segregation; they learned in segregation; they prayed, and rode and worked and died in segregation. And in silence. A corroding loss of self-respect rusted th eir moral fiber. Their discontent was turned inward on themselves. Bu t an end came with the beginning of protest. 227 This more extreme form of discrimination exists in the Sudan where groups of people are killed in order to displace them from the Darfur region. While one form of discrimination is meant to instill a feeling of in feriority in its victims, the other form of discrimination is meant to exterminate thei r lives. On July 10, 1962, King was arrested and jailed for refusing to pay a fine on charges of disturbing the peace for a December 1961 demonstration. Kings 1962 arrest in Albany and Rangels 2004 arrest in Washington are similar in two important ways : each is part of a concerted nonviolent strategy and each is done to specif ically attract attention to th e plight of a disenfranchised or dispossessed people. However in both cases, both activists ba il themselves out and leave jail to the detriment of the greater cau se they fought for. Rangel did not have the support of over five hundred people imprisoned with him in the jail, however King did. King did not have the financial status of a U. S. Representative while Rangel did. This comparison of Rangel and Kings arrests shows the similar ways that nonviolent resistance is carried out thr ough the jail-in strategy and suppor ts the argument that select Congressional Black Caucus members such as Rangel continue th e work of nonviolent resistance in their own way.
145 Certainly King tried to prolong his stay to bring national atten tion to the societal crisis at hand. After being arrested for leading a protest in Albany, King says in his autobiography: We gradually concluded that we had no alternative but to serve the time if we were sentencedRalph [Abernathy] and I immediately notified the court that we could not in all good conscien ce pay the fine, and thereby chose to serve the time. 228 However his expressed reason for leaving the Albany jail and not staying was Dr. Andersons near nervous breakdown. The impl ementation of this strategy of jail, no bail is certainly analogous to Rangels st rategy of protesting a countrys genocide by blocking the door of their embassy in the United States. This nonvi olent protes t of the door block strategy at a nations embassy in Washington, D.C., is the continuation of a long line of nonviolent protest in the Congressional Black Caucus spearheaded by the work of former U.S. Represen tative Charles Diggs who enc ouraged other members to not only call on sanctions on the South African gove rnment, but to bolster their legislative efforts with extra-institutional be havior, as Alvin Tillery writes. 229 Charles Rangel writes that Diggs became my first mentor in Congresshe headed the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, and spoke early and often against South Af rican apartheid like no other member. 230 Another Congressman who e ngaged in significant extrainstitutional behavior is Ronald Dellums w ho sponsored significant legislation that was the foundation of ending apartheid. Dellums writes in his memoir, Lying Down With The Lions: It was clear that Nixon was not goi ng to act, however, so we [John Conyers and Ronald Dellums] would ha ve to proceed legislatively. The research and legislation-drafting tasks fell to him [Conyers]. By February of 1972 we had introduced a disinvestme nt resolution for consideration by the House. Committed from the first m eeting, Conyers was an original cosponsor. (It would be more than a decade before the Congress was
146 prepared to come to grips with endi ng U.S. complicity in the perpetuation of the [South African] apartheid regi me)He [former U.S. Congressman Walter Fauntroy] told me to meet him on Capitol Hill, so I put on my suit and headed across town to my office. He explained what the plan was, although I was pretty familiar with th e technique they were employing. We got in the car and headed across the mall and up Massachusetts Avenue to the South African embassy. Three of us were going to be acting together: Mark Stepp from the United Automobile Workers Union, D.C. council member Hilda Mason, a nd me. When we arrived at the embassy, students, labor union members, clergy and other activists were picketing. A police line had been set up that established the perimeter for the protest. At a certain point, Robi nson and Fauntroy told the three of us that it was time to act. Linking arms, we walked past the police barriers and toward the embassy entrance. We rang the bell and sought admission. As we expected, the embassy personne l denied our request and asked that we leave the property. We refused, stood our ground, and started to sing the spiritual that had become the ci vil rights movements international anthem: We Shall Overcome. Since we had now violated the law by refusing to leave embassy property, th e officer in charge of the police detail issued us a warning that we should disperse. Of course we continued to sing. The officer dutiful ly gave us a second warning, which included the admonition that we would be arrested if we refused to leave after a third notice. We remained on the embassy grounds, arms linked, singing our anthem. Upon our third re fusal to move, we were escorted away from the door, patted down, handcuffed, placed in police cruisers, and driven to jail. 231 Dellums protest, along with the 1987 Ra ngel Amendment, was responsible for the eventual toppling of apartheid in South Africa. The amendment articulated several economic sanctions: [it] disallowed a tax break for U.S. firms doing business with apartheid in South Africa: the measure increas ed the tax rate on pr ofits made in South Africa from 58 percent to 72 percent, a 24 percent hike that truly made a differenceMobil Corporation, the largest U. S. investor in South Africa, had long resisted pressure that caused some 170 American multinational firms to divest their South African holdings between 1985 and 1989. But in April 1989, citing the new bottom line impact of my amendment, Mobil finally withdrew. 232
147 Kings arrest, Dellums arrest, and Rangels arrest each deliberately drew attention to the plight of a disenfranchised or dispossessed people, respectively: for King it was then in Albany, for Dellums it was in South Africa and for Rangel it was in the Sudan. In his autobiography about th is 1962 Albany arrest, King writes: we chose to serve our time because we feel so deeply about the plight of more than seven hundred others who have yet to be tried. The fine and appeal for this number of people woul d make the cost astronomical. We have experienced the racist tact ics of attempting to bankrupt the movement in the South through excessive bail and extended court fights. The time has now come when we must practice civil disobedience in a true sense or delay our freedom thrust for long years. 233 The decision to remain in jail rather th an pay the fine clearl y indicates that King was going along with a strategy of trying to fill the jails and attract press coverage in order to attract as much public attention a nd appeal to the conscience of those who condoned segregation in Albany. Charle s Rangel continues Kings nonviolence by calling his door-block an act of civil disobedience. Range l writes: my act of civil disobedience in blocking the doors of the em bassy was to make the point that sanctions and travel restrictions will not alleviate the crisis; we need to get an international peacekeeping force on the ground to save lives immediately. 234 Sheila Jackson-Lee recently also continued this surviving legacy when she nonviolently acted in the doorblock strategy and said that in a civil disobedience manner, it was important to make an international statement about this inhumanity. 235 From King to Charles Rangel to Sheila Jackson-Lee, all these nonviolent actors have tried to appeal to the conscience of the great decent [conservative movement] who through blindness, fear, pride, or irrationality, have allowed their consciences to sleep. This is the surviving legacy. The
148 most important lesson that the Albany Move ment teaches about the fight to end the genocide in Darfur is that a grea ter number of people willing to go to jail must be present. The 1963 Project C Campaign in Birmingham and the Lessons From Concentrating Direct Action The Project C campaign has important le ssons to teach about the nature of nonviolent resistance that exists within the past five years an d how it can continue and be utilized even more efficiently. After the Albany Movement, the Project C campaign in Birmingham proved successful because they focused on goals that demanded an end to the employment discrimination that plagued Birmingham, even after the diligent boycott in 1956. King writes: the fact remained that in Birmingham, early in 1963, no places of public accommodation were integrated except th e bus station, the train station, and the airportIn Birmingham, you would be livi ng in a community where the white mans long lived tyranny had cowed your people, le d them to abandon hope, and developed in them a false sense of inferiority. 236 Along with Fred Shuttlesworths Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR), the Project C (C stood for confrontation) campaign chose to focus on th e merchants of Birmingham. They planned to sit-in those establishments that actively discriminated against blacks. Some two hundred and fifty people had volunt eered to participate in the initial demonstrations and pledged to remain in jail at least five days. King writes: by the end of the first three days of lunch counter sit-ins, there had been thirty-five arrests. On Saturday, 6 April we began the next stage of our march with a march on city hall. When they reached a point, three blocks from their goal, where Bull Connors officers loomed in their path, they stood silently by as their leaders politely but firmly refused to obey Connors orders to disperse. They were escorted with amazing politeness into the paddy wagons, and they allowed themselves to be led without resisting, singing freedom songs on the way to jail. From then on, the
149 daily demonstrations grew stronger. Our boycott of the downtown merchants was proving amazingly ef fectiveTen days after the demonstrations began, between four and five hundred people had gone to jail; some had been released on bail, but about three hundred remainedby the fifties and by the hundreds, these youngsters attended mass meetings and training sessionsl ooking back, it is clear that the introduction of Birminghams children into the campaign was one of the wisest moves we madeby the end of Ap ril, the attitude of the national press had changed considerablyand when the Birmingham youngsters joined the march in numbers, an hist oric thing happened. For the first time in the civil rights movement, we were able to put into effect the Gandhian principle: Fill up the jails At the height of the campaign, by conservative estimates, there were 2500 demonstrators in jail at one time, a large proportion of them young peopl e.Burke Marshall informed us that representatives from the business and industrial community wanted to meet with the movement leaders immediately to work out a settlement. After talking with these men for a bout three hours, we became convinced that they were negotiating in good fait h. On the basis of this we called a twenty-four hour truce on Wednesday morning. 237 What the Birmingham Project C had which th e Albany Movement lacked was a higher number of committed young people. Both th ese movements successfully employed the jail in strategy, still used by Congressiona l Black Caucus member Charles Rangel and Sheila Jackson-Lee within th e past five years. One significant difference between the ability to mobilize now and then is the willpower to protest among the young people. The most important lesson the success of th e Project C campaign teaches is making goals of any nonviolent protest very specific a nd not too broad based. King writes in Why We Cant Wait that one of the principal mistakes of the Albany Movement was their scattering their efforts too widely: We concluded that in hardcore comm unities a more effective battle could be waged if it was concentrated against one aspect of the evil and intricate system of segregation. We decided therefore, to center the Birmingham struggle on the business communit y, for we knew that the Negro population had sufficient buying power 238 This decision to focus on the business community proved to be successful and probably resulted in the success of the Proj ect C campaign unlike the Albany Movement.
150 The Project C was not weakened by many of its leaders yielding to the messiah complex the way the Albany Movement was. The Project C campaign was successful because it had a specific goal to concentrate on one aspect of se gregation whereas the Albany Movements goals were too broad and numerous to be accomplished.
151 Chapter Six: A Discussion of Examined Comparisons Background of Sharps Definition of Nonviolence This chapter is devoted to discussing the combined findings from the previous four chapters and it ultimately aims to argue that the similarities made between those who worked in the modern civil rights movement and those within the CBC illustrates that specific CBC members have engaged in re sistance to the polic ies of the Bush administration and that their acts of resist ance are significant acts of nonviolent protest. This chapter will discuss each step of Gene Sharps nine-step framework of nonviolence, and discuss how each of the pointed similari ties conforms to this framework. The discussion of Sharps framework is divided into two main parts, persuasion and protest. This two-part structure is binary and was id entified during a discus sion with a significant mentor to many students during the 1960 student sit-in movement: James Lawson. In a personal interview with James Lawson, when I asked him whether the activism of Congressional Black Caucus members such as Barbara Lee in voting against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan was comparable to the activist strategies of the 1960s, he replied affirmatively and mentioned other notable ex amples of nonviolent resistance by African Americans that have been overlooked: The first category of nonviolent t echniques that Eugene Sharp has classified is called persuasion and protest and there are some fifty odd techniques that are classified. Gandhi would have added the word agitation. That is supposed to be what politics tries to do on a daily basis. Persuade, enlighten, investigate, and demonstrate. But even in the sixties, Thurgood Marshall did not see legal action as a form of nonviolent action. I did and taught that. Legal action, the agitation action,
152 persuasion, the letters, the phone calls, bu tton hole-ing people to try to talk to them about what the issues [are], a ll of that, thats th e initial stages of the nonviolent method. The nonviolent approach has a two fold sort of a thing. On the one side, you see the sin of evil of violence in speech, in philosophy, in war, and violence of themselves, physical. So you say no to the violence, you say no to war. Then the second half of nonviolence is to try to say yes to doing justice, doing good; devising imaginative ways to handle conflict without anger or fear. 239 This method of nonviolence outlined by Lawson consists of two steps: persuasion followed by direct action. This binary met hod of nonviolent practice is also reiterated by Martin Luther King in his 1962 article: we will take direct action against injustice without waiting for other agencies to actWe w ill try to persuade with our wordsbut if our words fail we will try to persuade with our acts. Events or historical incidents are identified as nonviolent according to a framework for nonviolent action outlined by Gene Sharp in his book entitled The Politics of Nonviolent Action Sharps framework for nonviolence is established in nine basic steps. These nine steps are: investigation of alleged grievances, a formulation of desired changes, publicity of the grievances, efforts at negotiation, a clarification of minimum demands, concentrating direct action on the weakest points in the opponents case, public ity of developing issues by the nonviolent group, the pursuance of different kinds of direct action, and finally issu ing an ultimatum. These nine basic steps are outlined in the ninth chapter of The Politics of Nonviolent Action entitled Laying the Groundwork for Nonviol ent Action. The first five steps of Sharps framework are devoted to persuading with words while the last four steps of Sharps framework are devoted to persuading with actions. The forthcoming discussion of this framework aims to affirm the existence of a surviving legacy of nonviolence among CBC members.
153 Fulfilling the Persuasion Phas e of Sharps Framework The first step of Sharps framework of nonviolence is the investigation of alleged grievances. This investig ation is something that each and every CBC member has continued in resisting the neoconservative po licies of the Bush administration. Barbara Lees main grievance was against the military deployment of troops into Afghanistan and Iraq. Her suspicions about opposing the military invasion into Iraq and Afghanistan have been largely confirmed according to the incr easing wealth gaps that have accumulated during the Iraq invasion. These wealth gaps only exacerbated the issues of race and class oppression that the modern civil rights moveme nt aimed to end. She stated that we are pumping billions into public works projects in Iraq, while the infrastructure in our townsare crumblingWhen social service pr ograms are cut to balance the budget and pay for war, the African American comm unity is disproportionately affected. 240 This step of investigating alleged grievances is also seen in the work of Chaka Fattah who demanded an investigation of Edison Schools management of Philadelphia public schools; Fattah does not significantly engage in further nonviolent action until a formal investigation of Edison schools in completed. Maxine Waters also investigated alleged grievances when she took the time to organize the Iraq Book Fair. Like Lee, her alleged grievance is not just the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, but the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. More than Lee and Fattah, Waters is making a priority of publicizing the investigation of alleged grievan ces when she organizes a book fair that she says was meant to help me mbers of Congress and the American people understand the many issues that surround the war. John Conyers has also shown alleged grievances to be true in the extensive docum entary research undertaken to prepare his
154 publication of George W. Bush Versus the Constitution where he documents the numerous public statements by members of the Bush administration that prove their infraction of the Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. There is less evidence that both Sheila Jackson-Lee and Ch arles Rangel have followed the first step of investigating alleged grievances, however their attempts to bring attention to the humanitarian crisis in the Sudan suggests that they i nvestigated their grievance about the Bush administrations inaction towards the crisis. The second basic step of Sharps fram ework of nonviolent resistance is the formulation of a statement of desired changes. This step is exemplified in several pairs of nonviolent practice from the ci vil rights movement and fr om 2001 to 2006, however the practice that best exemplifies this basic step of a nonviolen t framework is provided by the example of Daisy Bates and U.S. Representati ve Chaka Fattah, whose work has been able to prevent the unsatisfactor y corporate control over th e Philadelphia public school system. The nonviolence of Daisy Bates is very similar to th e nonviolence of Chaka Fattah in four important respects. First, per Kings definition of nonviolence in relation to first trying to persuade, both Bates and Fa ttah tried to persuade state governors to allow more citizens access to a quality public education. Second, both were able to garner community support behind their nonv iolence and use such support to protect students from bodily harm or educational neglect. Both used nonviolence to enable students to acquire a quality education. In reaction to the acts of nonviolence practiced by Bates and Fattah against a mob violence based on a mischaracterization African Americans; both were able, according to Sharps second step of his nonviolent framework, to formulate desired changes that we re significantly similar. Daisy Bates was
155 able to formulate a demand that the Little Rock Nine attend Central High School during the 1957-1958. Chaka Fattah was able to fo rmulate a demand that the governor of Pennsylvania hold the corporation of Edison Schools accountable for its poor control of the public school systems in Philadelphia wh ere record numbers of students drop out each year. Both Bates and Fattah clearly fulfil l this second step of nonviolent resistance. The formulated desired change by Barbara Lee was most clearly expressed on September 13, 2001, when she voted against sending military troops to Iraq and Afghanistan. Ella Baker as a critical civil ri ghts organizer taught people at the grassroots level how to clearly express the formulation of desired ch anges in order to have their organization have a greater meaning and purpose. She taught the members of Parents In Action Against Discrimination how to call on th e city to comply more with the Brown v. Board decision. Doing this kind of work prepared her for the teaching SNCC how to end racial segregation: through direct action and also throu gh voter registration. Maxine Waters continues this kind of direct, expressed formulation of desired changes when she called for withdrawal of a ll troops from Iraq, as stated in her position as co-chair of the Out of Iraq caucus. John Conyers more indirect formulation of desired changes focused on ending torture in Abu Ghra ib and Guantanamo. In his publication, he serves to expose the shortcomings of the administration more than he formulates a desired change. Evidently Waters fulfills th is second step of nonviolent action more so than Conyers because she has created an inst itutional organization that is named after the desired change she is working to accomplish: the Out of Ira q caucus. Therefore, Daisy Bates, Maxine Waters and Chaka Fattah fulf ill the second step mo st thoroughly.
156 The third step of Sharps groundwork for nonviolent action is to give publicity to grievances and other facts of the case. Sh arp writes that publicity may in fact bring pressure or change. Because of the political climate that was saturated with vengeance in the days after 9/11, Barbara Lee did not give significant publicity to her grievances. A publishing company, Third World Press, gave substantial publicity in their decision to publish her speech in the book The Paradox of Loyalty. Also, the arrest of Rosa Parks was heavily publicized not by Parks herself but by Womens Political Council leader Jo Ann Gibson Robinson. The importance of publicizing grievances is a skill that Daisy Bates deftly demonstrates, as co-editor of the Arkansas black newspaper State Press with her husband, L.C. Bates. Daisy Bates is able to publicize first hand the shortcomings of the Little Rock School Board in allowing the Lit tle Rock Nine to attend Central. Of this paper she writes: from the beginning the State Press expanded its crusading role on an ever widening front. It fought to free Ne groes from muddy, filthy st reets, slum housing, menial jobs, and injustice in the courtrooms. 241 The State Press was thus able to galvanize the black community around the cause of Daisy Bates in trying to integrate Central High School. Sharp writes that the publicity may bring pressure or change, and Daisy Bates publications and editorials criticizing the schoo l board did inform surrounding citizens of the efforts to integrat e the school. Her experience as a newspaper editor in letter writing and in contacting powerful government officials gave her undoubtedly a clear advantage in managing to ge t the Little Rock Nine to attend Central High School for some time period.
157 In his press releases dating back from 2002, Chaka Fattah has shown a tremendous amount of commitment to improving Philadelphias public schools by first calling on Edison schools to be accountable. 242 Fattah did not begin his trek to improving public schools by attacking the corp orations practices; he first demanded accountability. This step is a significant part of what Shar p has called the importance of negotiation. The third and fourth steps of the groundwork of nonviolent practice are primarily concerned with being able to negotiate. Negotiation in this case means giving the opponent the benefit of the doubt and meeting them halfway instead of attacking the group as negligent. Before accusing Edison Schools of being negligent in its running Philadelphia public schools, Fattah first tr ies to negotiate by asking Edison schools for crucial information such as the amount of funding it provides each Philadelphia public school in terms of textbooks. At first he did not receive a reply from Edison Schools. He then publicizes his request in order to try and encour age a response from Edison Schools. 243 Fattahs publicity eventua lly brought the necessary change of Edison Schools Corporation being withdrawn from over half the schools they had control over prior to Fattahs vigilant demand for an investigati on. Batess publicity eventually brought the necessary change of federal tr oops being sent in to enfor ce the desegregation order by President Eisenhower, inspired by the 1954 U.S. Supreme Co urt ruling. The work of Chaka Fattah proves that a nonviolent legacy of resistance, in terms of demanding an adequate education according to the Fourt eenth Amendment, continues from Daisy Bates work to his work on improving public sc hools. Both Bates and Fattah have shown
158 a willingness to publicize the injustices of an unfair, racially segregated public education in order to arouse attention. This kind of willingness to publicize by both Bates and Fattah is indeed a central tene t of the persuasion side of th e binary model of nonviolence. Both Ella Baker and Maxine Waters have a penchant for publicizing their events. Ella Baker went to great lengths, with the help of Carl Braden, to p ublicize grievances by planning the hearing The Voteless Speak wh ich preceded the Greensboro sit-ins by one day. These hearings were meant to public ize the poor enforcement of the 1957 Civil Rights Bill that still allowe d massive voter disenfranchise ment. Maxine Waters in planning the Iraq Book Fair also intended to publ icize the poor oversight of the privatized military industry in Iraq. James Farmer has also attempted to publicize grievances by including members of the press in his Freedom Rides. Raymond Arsenault writes of an organization, then led by James Farmer, that made a significant attempt to publicize their grievances: despite a spate of CORE press rele ases, the beginning of the Freedom Ride drew only token coverage.two weeks earlier the CORE office had sent letters describing the impending Freedom Ride to President Kennedy, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, A ttorney General Robert Kennedy, the chairman of the ICC, and the presid ents of Trailways and Greyhound. But no one had responded, and as the Riders prepared to board the buses there was no sign of official surveillance or concern. At Farmers request, [ Jet magazine reporter] Simeon Booker, who was known to have several close contacts in the Washington bureaucr acy, called the FBI to remind the agency that the Freedom Ride was about to begin, and on the eve of the ride Booker had a brief meeting at th e Justice Department with Attorney General Kennedy and his assistant John Seigenthaler. 244 The publicity of grievances surrounding raci ally segregated bus terminals at first did not have a substantial effect for James Farmer. However their continued commitment eventually produced what became national attention. John Conyers publicity of grievances is indicated by the publication of George W. Bush Versus The U.S.
159 Constitution by Academy Chicago Publishers. Concer ning this third st ep of nonviolence, Chaka Fattah, Maxine Waters and John Conyers most clearly fulfill this step of trying to seriously publicizing grievances. Barbara Le e did not try to public ize her grievance as much as Fattah, Waters, and Conyers perhaps because like Parks, she did not want to subsequently call attention to the sufferi ng she endured because of her very unpopular vote against the invasion. Th ey are continuing the practice of publicizing grievances; a practice started by Ella Baker, most notably in her panel, The Voteless Speak and continued by James Farmer in his inclusion of Jet reporter Simeon Booker as a Freedom Rider. The fourth step that Sharp outlines is a distinct effort at negotiation, through personal meetings and letters. The aforementi oned pairs of nonviolen t resisters in Parks and Lee as well in Bates and Fa ttah each conform to this step very clearly. Both Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah make efforts to meet with their respective opponents: the Little Rock School Board and Edison Schools, resp ectively. However both Bates and Fattah have a considerably difficult time in trying to meet with their resp ective opponents. In requesting data of graduation rates from Edison Schools, Fattah makes a distinct effort at negotiationgiving Edison Schools a chance to explain its poor performance. Daisy Bates also makes a distinct effort at negotia tion with the Little Rock School Board when she agreed with the board to postpone the date of the students entrance from early to late September. Bates negotiation in fact ga ve her enough time to garner support from the NAACP and from President Eisenhower. During this time when Bates very life was threatened by a note attached to a rock that crashed through her window which read: stone this time, dynamite next , Paula Giddings writes that Bates had unshakable faith
160 that the time had come to decide if its going to be this generation or never. Events in history occur when the time has ripened for them but they need a spark. Little Rock was the spark at that stage of the struggl e of the American Negro for justice. 245 In order for this spark to occur, Daisy Bates had to be seen as a person who engaged in efforts at negotiation, which was Sharps third step. Sharp writes that this kind of negotiation can essentially help the opponent and the negotia tors achieve a relationship between human beings as such. This kind of relationship is especially important for people like Daisy Bates who within many negotiations with powerful political men, are prone to be immediately underestimated because of her sex and race. However because of her asserting her right to fight for the Little Rock Nine to recei ve a quality education, she was able to force her oppressors to see her as a fellow human being. Ella Baker makes a distinct effort at negotiation with execu tive powers several times in her organizing career. Her most di rect effort at negotia tion was perhaps during her work with the Parents In Action Agains t Discrimination, where she called on parents to speak directly with public officials who have the ability to im prove public education. Maxine Waters also made a distinct effort at negotiation with the executive powers when she appealed to Republicans in the U.S. H ouse and was able to sway some Republicans to join her Out of Iraq caucus. The membersh ip of several Republicans in the Out of Iraq caucus in indicative of Waters successes in making efforts at negotiation. As it concerns his direct appeals to the U.S. Constitution, J ohn Conyers demonstrated a direct effort at negotiation by requesting and a llowing a reasonable amount of time for intelligence information that justified the Bush administra tions case to invade Ir aq and Afghanistan. Ultimately no response to this request was made and like many previous efforts at
161 negotiation in the 1960s, the ex ecutive power was unyielding with its results. There are significant differences between the ways that Lee, Waters, Fattah, and Conyers make an effort at negotiation. This is primarily becau se there are significant differences goals of their negotiations. Lee is ne gotiating with other members of Congress to stop or relent the military invasion and occupation of Iraq. Both Lee and Waters are negotiating to have more members achieve desired changes at an individual level. Fattah is negotiating for desired changes at a citywide level. Conyers is negotiati ng for desired changes at the national level. The involvement of these levels of negotiation (indi vidual, citywide, and national) are each essential in the practice of nonviolence in order for drastic social change to eventually take place. The fifth step of Sharps nonviolent fram ework is the clarification of minimum demands. This is essential because it has many far reaching implications, one in particular which includes a terribly lofty goal of ending white racism. Within the writings of both Daisy Bates and Chaka Fatta h, the demands of both are to allow African Americans a quality education. Within th e writing of Barbara Lee and within the activism of Rosa Parks exists the clarificati on of minimum demands. In particular, with Barbara Lee, the minimum demands clarified are at the least, an end to the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. She protes ts by directly voting against the war, but also engages in verbal persuasion in her Hous e speech just before it when she says: let us not become the evil we deplore. 246 Her demand is literall y to avoid repeating the kind of attacks against the World Trade Ce nter and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. The clarification of minimum demands provi ded by Rosa Parks is particularly shown more implicitly. Paula Giddings writes in a personal interview with Jo Ann Gibson
162 Robinson that well before Parkss arrest the Womens Political Council had decided [that] a bus boycott would be an effective tactic, not just to teach a lesson but to break the system , said Robinson. 247 Here the clarified demands are to break the system of racially segregated busing that contributed to an overall dehumanizing condition for African Americans in Montgomery, who by the ti me of Parks arrest, had gotten used to letting whites board the bus first, then going to the front, paying their fare, exiting the bus, then walking to the back of the bus to board it. The lawsuit by the Montgomery Improve ment Association, represented by attorney Clifford Durr, ultimately represented the side of Rosa Parks that defended her right not to give up her seat. It was this court case, focused on Rosa Parks right to her seat, that ultimately became the minimum demand, which was conflated with a larger struggle of the issue of raci al segregation in Montgomery. The clarified demands of Daisy Bates are meant to allow the Little Ro ck Nine to attend Central High School in Little Rock. This demand was made clear not only to the school board, but also to Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus and to Presid ent Eisenhower. In the tradition of Daisy Bates activism, Chaka Fattah makes clear hi s demand to improve the general quality of public education for public school students in Philadelphia. He does this by his press releases, and also significantly by his citing of facts such as the deplorable facts or statistics proving the horrendous drop-out rates in Philadelphias public high schools. 248 John Conyers minimum demand is an explan ation if not a grea ter obeisance to the U.S. Constitution. Sharp writes that duri ng this clarification of minimum demands, it is generally recommended that any sort of demands be unchanged during the struggle. That is exactly what Barbara Lee, Ella Baker, Maxine Waters, James Farmer, and John
163 Conyers have been able to do around their act(s) of nonviolent resistance: fight for nothing more or less than their expressed objective. Fulfilling the Protest Phase of Sharps Framework of Nonviolence The sixth step of Sharps framework of nonviolent resistance marks the beginning of the protest phase within the second co mponent of the binary method of nonviolence outlined by Lawson and King. The sixth through ninth steps are within the protest phase and concerned with ways in which the practi ce of nonviolent resistance takes place. The sixth step in particular is meant to show wisdom in concentrating action on the weakest points in the opponents case, pol icy or system. The weakest point in Lees case is the Administrations role in falsifying information to justify a military invasion. Barbara Lee concentrates action on the weakest points in the opponents case by mentioning in her speech the historical precedent established du ring the invasion of Vietnam of falsifying intelligence prior to voting against the military invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan. John Conyers concentrates action on the weakest points in the opp onents case by pointing out in George W. Bush Versus The U.S. Constitution and What Went Wrong In Ohio that Bush and his administration are operating tort ure prisons in a manne r that violates the Geneva Convention. Lee argues that granting the president war powers will not resolve the issue of facing terrorist attacks since granting the president war powers in the past did not resolve the issue of Vietnam, which becam e what is seen as the first significant long term military failure of the United States. C onyers argues that the president is exercising extraordinary use within the executive branch and not respecting the balance of power within the U.S .government. Lee is concentrating action on preventing pre-emptive military strikes based on intelligence information falsified within the control of the
164 executive branch of the U.S. governme nt. Under Lyndon B. Johnsons consent, intelligence information was falsified to support a military invasion in the 1960s and under Bushs consent, intelligence information was again falsified to support a military invasion in the new millennium. Both Lee a nd Conyers aim to ultimately prevent what they see as the falsification of intelligence to support a military invasion. They attack this weakness and try to prevent its recurrence by recalling its historical precedence in U.S. history. Barbara Lee mentions the Vietnam War while Rosa Parks mentions Jim Crow discrimination. Rosa Parks also shows wisd om in concentrating action on the weakest point of choosing not to give up her seat on a Montgomery city bus, which was a mode of transportation gravely needed for many Af rican Americans to reach their white employers. Arguably this boycott began at the worst possible economic time, where employers and business owners were expect ing significant profits during the holiday season. However, the Montgomery citizens worki ng in the boycott held fast to it, and for it, the white business owners paid a heavy pr ice. The work of Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah also demonstrates how to show wisdom in concentrating the action on the weakest points in the opponents case, policy or system. There is a singular point in Daisy Bates work with the Little Rock Nine where she showed wisdom in her concentration. On the morning of the firs t day that the Little Rock Nine attended Central, on September 23, 1957, Bates used her wisdom in sending the members of the black press from her home to the school as a decoy to allow the Little Rock Nine to enter more clandestinely and avoid the gathering mob. Bates was very familiar with the ways in which the white mob would notice a young-looking member of
165 the black press such as Alex Wilson, thi nk he was a potential high school student, and then attack him while the actual students en ter the high school. She was concentrating direct action on the weakest point of the opponents case which, in this case was the mobs desire to physically th reaten and attack black pe ople and prevent them from entering Central High School. Here Daisy Ba tes in her nonviolent organizing was facing a more direct form of resistance than one that Chaka Fattah was facing. Fattah was facing the resistance of a cor poration in providing the info rmation that would in fact prove that they were not at all providing a quality education for Philadelphia public high school students. He showed his wisdom by concentrating his nonviolence on the weakest points in the opponents system, and that wa s requiring that it produce data on the efficiency it claimed to be maintaining in public education. Bates, however, faced clear opposition if not open defiance and ignorance from her pleas to Governor Faubus that he help the Little Rock Nine attend Central High School. Even after the broken window, the roc k, a burning cross on her lawn, and an announcement from Faubus that ultimately r ouses the mob to organize around Central High School, Bates originates the salient idea of asking local white and black ministers to accompany the Little Rock Nine on their first day of school, on September 5, 1957, so that they would not only provide a human sh ield but also serve as powerful symbols against the bulwark of segregation. 249 The function of the mi nisters in serving to physically and spiritually protec t the Little Rock Nine is ve ry similar to the function of the Montgomery ministers in their influen ce on the citizens of M ontgomery at the Holt Street Baptist church meeting days after Ro sa Parks arrest. He re Daisy Bates shows wisdom in concentrating her action on the church clergy to emphasize her ultimate goal
166 of physically getting the Little Rock Ni ne on September 23, 1957, inside Central High School. John Conyers in his publications and his la wsuit against George W. Bush has also shown wisdom in concentrating his legal ca se on the weakest poi nts in the opponents case, which is on his cooperation with the falsification of intelligence leading to the military invasion. Most of his publication is focused on what Conyers identifies as the Bush administrations manipula tion of intelligence. Maxine Waters continues a tradition of Ella Bakers organizing when she focuse s on the weakest point of the opponents case which is the small but potentially growing nu mber of Republicans in the U.S. House that are currently joini ng the Out of Iraq caucus in order to literally get out of Iraq as soon as possible. The weak point in this case is the lack of the usual unanimous support among House Republicans for the continued military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. John Conyers however focuses on the weakness of equivocating rhetoric by the Bush administration not only in their case to invade Iraq and Afghanistan but also in Gonzales case of allowing torture in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo. Ultimately, John Conyers, Maxine Waters, and Chaka Fattah make the most concerted efforts to focus on the weakest point in the opponents case. The seventh step of Sharps nonviolent fram ework is to publicize the facts, issues, and arguments advanced by the nonviolent gr oup. Sharp writes that this step may proceed by stages moving from the effort to inform the public in general of the grievances, to encouraging peopl e to feel that nonviolent action is needed to correct these grievances. This step is probably the most important of Sharps stated nonviolent methods. He adds that a variety of means may be used for the purposes of encouraging
167 people to feel that nonviolent action is needed to correct these grieva nces. Indeed, Rosa Parks, Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, Daisy Bates, Ruby Doris Smith Robinson, Barbara Lee, Chaka Fattah, John Conyers, Maxine Waters, Charles Rangel, and Sheila Jackson-Lee have all worked in some capacity to publici ze the facts, issues, and arguments advanced by the nonviolent group in an attempt to encour age people to feel th at nonviolent action is needed to correct these grievances. Ro sa Parks did this in her work within the Womens Political Council spearheaded by Jo Ann Gibson Robinson. In particular, Robinson furthered the nonviolent activism of Rosa Parks by encouraging Montgomery citizens to stay off the bus and, in essence, b reak the system. W ithin a few days after Rosa Parks arrest, Jo Ann Gibson Robi nson copied and disseminated 35,000 handbills stating Ms. Parks arrest a nd calling on the Birmingham comm unity to boycott the bus. Each handbill stated: This womans case will come up on Monday. We are, therefore, asking every Negro to stay off the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Dont ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday. 250 Rosa Parks let her actions speak for them selves in terms of it being publicized. However Paula Giddings writes that this incident alone was responsible for encouraging people to feel that nonviolent action is needed to correct the grieva nces. This seventh step is also seen implemented in the work of Daisy Bates, who managed to attract national attention to the crisis in Little Rock. With the arrival of NAACP lawyers Thurgood Marshall and Wiley Branton to Little Rock, the national attention was drawn to Little Rock and an attempted resolution was ma de through the legal syst em. It is in this seventh step of Sharps nonviolent framework that most effective persuasion can take place. Bayard Rustin in fact writes that in terms of persuasion, women are more
168 intelligently inquisitive, open for discussion, an d liberal in their sentiments than men. 251 Richard Gregg, from whom Rustin and Gl enn Smiley studied nonviolent activism added that women are more effective in it than men. 252 The truth of this belief is suggested by the work of Rosa Parks, Daisy Bates, Barbara Lee, and Maxine Waters. All CBC members have significantly publicized their arguments. The eighth step of Sharps nonviolent fram ework is the pursuance of different kinds of direct action. This is somethi ng that each CBC member did. Waters and Lee not only voted against the Iraq invasion and occupation, they a ttended rallies against it. The purpose of these various kinds of nonviolent action is used to dramatize the issues. Perhaps the most unique or differe nt kind of direct action is th e jail-in. At this stage of nonviolent action, the leaders of nonviolent activities may experience hardship and suffering. 253 King experienced more jail time than Ronald Dellums, Charles Rangel, and Sheila Jackson-Lee for their arrest at the foreign embassies. However they all pursued the same kind of direct action which was th e jail-in, which ultimately brought public attention to the humanitarian crises. Ultimately, both Lee and Waters have pursued different kinds of direct action more thoroughly than any other CBC member. The ninth and final step of Sharps framework of nonviolence is issuing an ultimatum. An ultimatum in this context is de fined as a stated goal that each instance of nonviolence is trying to accomplish. Each of these acts of nonviolence have issued an ultimatum in their own way. Barbara Lees vote against the war has issued an ultimatum to the Bush administration to return U.S. troops from Iraq as soon as possible or else suffer more alienation from the world a nd domestic community. Chaka Fattahs insistence on an adequate public education in Philadelphia has issued an ultimatum to the
169 private corporations in general to maintain a certain standard of quality education or else face public humiliation for negligent handling of Philadelphia public schools. Maxine Waters issued ultimatum, like Barbara Lees to return U.S. troops from Iraq as soon as possible or else suffer further alienation from the world and domestic community. John Conyers ultimatum is to demand that George W. Bush follow the U.S. Constitution and consult the other branches of government in his foreign and domestic policy. Charles Rangels ultimatum is for the administration to take decisive action against the Sudanese government because of their role with the genocide in Darfur or else suffer further alienation from the world community. Wh ile these ultimatums might not have considerable punitive measures if they are not fulfilled, they represent at least some measure, on the part of those who issued them, an effort to resist continued race and class oppression domestically and internationally. The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) is one of the nations oldest, largest, and most diverse civi l and human rights coalition. They issue voting records at the end of each two year c ongressional term that show how all members of the U.S. House and U.S. Senate vote on meaningful civ il rights legislation, po licies, and executive branch appointments. Each congressperson is given a score, from zero to one hundred percent indicating their commitment to ci vil rights, dependin g on the number of meaningful civil rights legislation on whic h they voted. For each of the past three congressional terms between 2001 and 2006, Barbara Lee, Chaka Fattah, Maxine Waters, John Conyers, and Charles Rangel have all earne d a score of 100% on their voting record which includes yearly votes from 2002 to c ontinue funding the Iraq war. This indicates their unyielding, uncompromising commitment to civil rights; these representatives are
170 carriers of a surviving legacy of nonviolent resistance. In the voting record of the 109 th congress, from 2004 to 2006, current U.S. Senator Barack Obama has distinguished himself as being apart from these carriers of nonviolent resistance because he voted to confirm Judge Thomas Griffith for the U.S. Co urt of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. Judge Griffith has supported a series of recommendations that would have seriously weakened Title IX that guarantees that male and female students are provided with equal opportunities. The LCCRs voting record shows th at Griffiths record as a judge indicates that he would not find any actions necessary to remedy past race and sex discrimination. 254 This raises serious questions about whether Obamas commitment to civil rights is as strong as the carriers of nonviolent resist ance and whether this kind of commitment will help or hinder his 2008 presid ential campaign. In f act, on the issue of the Iraq invasion and occupation, Obamas 2005 statement that opposes an immediate end of military occupation of Iraq differs drastically from Lee and Waters statements. In a speech before the Council on Foreign Relations on November 22, 2005, Obama essentially endorses continued military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan when he says: I believe that U.S. [military] forces are still part of the solution in IraqAt the same time, sufficient numbers of U. S. troops should be left in place to prevent Iraq from exploding into civil war, ethnic cleansing and a haven for terrorism. 255 Continued military occupation will, furt her the race and class oppression that disproportionately affects poor and working cla ss communities. This belief that military forces are still part of the solution is a weak commitment to civil rights. This kind commitment to civil rights is unmistakably weaker than that of those carriers of the surviving legacy on nonviolent resistance.
171 Lessons From Each Case Study of Nonviolence Each discussed similarity has an importa nt lesson to teach about how nonviolent activism can be practiced in the twenty-first century. These similarities will be called case studies with the comparison between Lee and Parks being the fi rst case study; the comparison between Fattah and Bates being the second case st udy; the comparison between Waters and Baker being the thir d, and the comparison between Farmer and Conyers being the fourth. The first case st udy has its most important lessons to teach about preparing for nonviolence. Both Barbar a Lee and Rosa Parks teaches us in this new millennium to study practitioners of nonviolence before engaging. Both Lee and Parks had mentors in Ronald Dellums a nd Septima Clark, respectively to learn nonviolent methods. Lee and Parks did not practice nonviolent protest in exactly the same manner as Dellums and Clark, however both had mentors who taught them the utility of nonviolent protes t. Lee and Parks might ha ve helped to teach younger generations how to engage in nonviolent prot est in ways different from the way they learned nonviolent protest, just as they themselves practic ed nonviolence differently from the way they were taught. Both Lee a nd Waters demonstrate the importance of challenging foreign policies that will ex acerbate race and class disparities. Daisy Bates, in her organizing of the Litt le Rock Nine to integrate Central High School, had a significant effect on the inte gration of public schools across the nation. She taught important lessons about how one can practice educational activism: by creating a relationship with th e school board and with the pr ess. Chaka Fattah has also taught the incredibly crucial le sson of being scrupulously cau tious against private control
172 over public education. The most important lesson this seco nd case study provides is the need to be an advocate at the i ndividual level for education. Ella Bakers organizing teaches us the impor tant lessons of building a cross-racial coalition and creating a decentralized leadership structure. Maxine Waters has continued this with her co-leadership along with L ynn Woolsey and willingness to allow Nancy Pelosi and the Democratic Leadership Council to persuade fellow Democrats in the U.S. House to vote for a March 2007 supplemental spending bill that would fund further occupation of U.S. troops. Wate rs did not try to assert he r personal beliefs about this supplemental over other members of the Out of Iraq caucus; she let them vote for the bill and maintained the decentralized nature of the Out of Iraq caucus. Waters past leadership as well as her disagreements with popular polit ical leaders teaches us to challenge such leaders on a consistent moral basis. For ex ample, if one opposes any foreign policy that does not allow people of other countries their righ t to economic self-determination, then that would include opposition to not only the Iraq invasion but also opposition to NAFTA, which was Waters position. Many Democrats who have grown to oppose the Iraq invasion, however were in support of NAFTA, despite the reality of its preventing Central American citizens their own right to economic self-determination. Maxine Waters leadership has provide d the lesson of challenging to executive leadership on a consistent moral basis. The events of the 1961 Albany Movement teaches important lessons about the perils of the messiah complex, the most im portant of which is to avoid focusing on a single leader to do what can be done by our individual selves on a local level. This messiah complex in the minds of many Americ an citizens is fostered by the American
173 media to the extent that it is believed if th e messiah is not simply alive, then no work can be done. As Edward Morgan writes, th e press has a vested economic interest in promoting the messiah complex. The most impo rtant lessons that th e nonviolence of the 1961 and 1962 Albany Movement teach is not to depend on a single leader as the two instances of King being bailed out of jail has shown. These bail outs weakened the Albany Movement and ultimately demoralized the overall thrust of the nonviolent jail-in movement that had strengthened the hand of civil right acti on in Albany. The 1961 Freedom Rides prove the importance of financial support, provided in September of 1961 by the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and allowed the Freedom Rides to continue until the Interstate Commerce Commission officially lega lized the ban of racially segregated bus terminals. The 1963 Project C in Birmingham teaches the importance of setting realistic goals that are not too broad-based. This campaign provides one essential lesson for any American city when engaging in nonviolent prot est: set a specific goal that will threaten the economic power of the opposing party. Overall each case study that compares nonviolence in one time period wi th another time period has an important lesson to teach citizens in the twenty-first century about how to practice nonviolent activism and resist the policies of a neoconservative political agenda by an executive branch of government. Limitations of this Methodological Study There are three significant limitations of the study presented in this thesis. First is the arbitrary standard of simila rities that were used to compare each person in each case study. The first case study compares the pers onal characteristics of Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee while the rest of the case studies focus on the actions of the studied persons.
174 For example, the religious be liefs of Parks and Lee are di scussed while those of Bates and Fattah are not. A future improvement on this study would be a focus on comparing the personal characteristics of all studied persons with a d eeper historiogr aphical look at the CBC members religious beliefs and socioeconomic status. The second significant limitation of this study is conflating two goals. The goal of proving si gnificant historical similarities at many times is lost in the que st for identifying inst ances of nonviolence. This is more evident in the fourth and fi fth chapters where more of a historical background of 1961 Freedom Rides is presented at the expense of showing that recent CBC member John Conyers is inde ed practicing nonviolence. Of ten in the fifth chapter, there is no clear distinction between identifyi ng nonviolence and identifying similarities. Third is the limitation of applying Sharps Framework of Nonviolence to selected figures. This nine step framework of nonviol ence more directly applies to the studied figures within the modern ci vil rights movement and not within the Congressional Black Caucus. This is because those within the civil rights movement had more autonomy than those within the Congressiona l Black Caucus, while those within the Congressional Black Caucus can be co-opted or controll ed by the power of the CBC chair or by the Democratic Party. As a U.S. Representative who is essentially under the authority of the Speaker of the House, their range of nonvi olent action can be seriously limited. The Speaker of the House can essentially work to challenge or silence the work of members who do not follow the status quo of the Democr atic Party. For example, former U.S. Representative Cynthia McKinne y lost her seniority as a member of Congress although she did serve a previous term in Congress, due to the will of the then House Leader Nancy Pelosi. Conversely, Daisy Bates for exam ple can take more liberties in expressing
175 the white racism while Chaka Fattah, as a U.S. Representative, in some cases cannot be as frank about issues of white racism for fear of alienating his white constituents. Bates wrote a paper that was circulated within the Black Press while if Fattah were to express candid comments about white racism, his commen ts might be construed as incendiary. Therefore, Bates can afford to follow more steps of Sharps nonviolent framework such as the pursuance of different kinds of direct action while Fattah cannot because he might be pressured not to do by Pelosi. This is one example of the ways that the U.S. House is a venue of political compromise that can weak en the nonviolent effort in ways that could not happen for figures in the mode rn civil rights movement. Conclusion: Implications Of This Study This thesis suggests that a deeper study into the ways in which the American and international news media function differently is in order. Hank Klibanoff and Gene Roberts, in their book The Race Beat, provide important insight into how the American newspaper press functioned in the fifties and si xties, however this th esis suggests that an even more in-depth comparison of the functi on of the American press between the twenty first century and in the fifties and sixties w ould provide a more complete picture of why significant work by Congressional Black Caucus members are being ignored. The main implication of this study is to endorse a certain kind of activism that stands uncompromisingly against the neoconser vative policies of the Bush administration and future administrations with similar polit ical goals. This study is meant to teach future generations exactly how one can, within the political institution of the U.S. House, practice nonviolence and resist the policies of a neoconservative legisl ative branch, an ever-increasing conservative judicial bran ch along with a neoconservative executive
176 branch. The methods of resistan ce and protest presen ted in this thesis is meant to provide a framework for future U.S. Representative s interested in advancing the struggle for human equality for all peoples regardless of skin color. While this thesis examined comparisons in chronological or der, approaching these four ca se studies from a different, non-chronological order will demonstrate a ve ry important implication of this study, which is a critical framework for advanci ng the struggle for human equality for all peoples. The four main steps of what can be called a social justice framework is: education, organization, initial agitation, a nd committed agitation. This social justice framework is perhaps the most important imp lication of this study and is intended to be practiced by young people. This framework should help explain why these figures in both the Modern Civil Rights Movement a nd the Congressional Black Caucus were chosen in the first place. This social ju stice framework addresses how one would first engage in nonviolence based on the exampl es provided by these four comparisons. According to the provided comparisons, one w ould first get educated about the issues. Second, based on that education one would orga nize to address the i ssue specifically. Third one would engage in symbolic agitati on the way that Barbara Lee or Rosa Parks did. And fourth, one would devote oneself to a committed agitation the way that Ronald Dellums, Charles Rangel, and Sheila Jackson-Le e did in their willingness to be arrested by staging a jail-in. In summar y, this four step social ju stice framework consists of: education, organization, initial ag itation, and committed agitation. The first step of this social justice frame work is to get educated on the particular issue in which you would like to see broad so cial change.. No comparison illustrates the importance of this step more clearly than both Daisy Bates and Chaka Fattah. More
177 specifically, Chaka Fattah demonstrates thr ough his battle with Edison Schools that the very first step toward closing the achievement gap is ensuring adequate public schools. The fight for public education is so importa nt because it is th e tool through which millions of Americans will depend on for skills to utilize in the future workforce. Fattah has clearly seen this investment and has b een able to rid the Philadelphia public school systems of hindrances to a quality public ed ucation. Likewise, Daisy Batess work with the Little Rock Nine had a profound effect on the nature of public education across the United States. Her activism eventually forced then U.S. President Eisenhower to send federal troops to Central High School to essentially enforce the 1954 Brown v. Board decision, and sent a resounding message to th e rest of public school s across the country about the lengths that pres idential executiv e power can take in enforcing a Supreme Court decision. Her work was an inspirati on to many across the country about what one can do to ensure a quality public education for all others. While Daisy Bates did not succeed in ultimately ridding Little Rocks public schools of private control as her biographer Grif Stockley writes, Chaka Fattah did succeed in ridding Philadelphia public schools of a lot of private control when Edison Schools was forced to withdraw its management of many Philadelphia public school s. Daisy Bates would perhaps marvel at this accomplishment, especially since she neve r came across the political machinery of an intractable corporation such as Edison Schools. However she would perhaps recognize the stark similarities in cultural values and th e degree of latent racism that exists within the private control of public schools. The second step of this social justice fr amework, after fighting for a quality public education is the importance of organization. Once one acquires the education a quality
178 public education can provide, he or she has th e tool needed to orga nize. No comparison illustrates this more clearly than the work of Ella Baker and Maxine Waters. Both these women have been selected for this comparison because of the effective organizing skills. Ella Bakers skill as an organizer is eff ective precisely because she helped the young students of the 1960s who led sit-ins to form their own group. Maxine Waterss skill as an organizer is effective precisely because she helped members of the U.S. House understand the implications of a continued milit ary occupation in Iraq and aimed to relent or stop such an occupation. Organization is the second key to acquiring social justice. Ella Baker would perhaps congratulate Maxine Waters on the willpower to organize the Out of Iraq caucus, yet would question the Democratic Partys decision in May of 2007 to vote for funding for continued occupati on of Iraq and Afghanistan without a withdrawal timetable. While Waters and Lee vociferously voted agai nst this vote in May 2007, this turn of events undoubtedly confirms what Ella Baker said in 1969 that in order for a poor and oppressed people to become a part of a society that is meaningful. Baker was speaking not only to organizers but to young people in the tw enty first century interested in social change when she said that they must t hink in radical terms...[they must face] that system that does not lend itself to your needs and [devise] ways to change that system. 256 This implicitly suggests a withdr awal from leaning on the Democratic Party as a party that can make any serious social changes to th e huge class and race disparities widened during the Bush administ ration. Certainly Ella Baker would applaud the efforts today of select young people in th eir decision to sit-in U.S. Senator John McCains office. This group of young people ar e part of the Occupation Project: Voices for Creative Nonviolence. This is clearly a c ontinuation of the kind of work she inspired
179 in John Lewis, Diane Nash, Charles She rrod, and the other founding members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On Monday, February 5, 2007, members of the Occupation Project were arrested fo r sitting in the U.S. Senate office of John McCain. Members of this proj ect state that they plan to occupy the offices of lawmakers who refuse to pledge to vot e against additional war funding. 257 Certainly these members would not know about how a military occupati on or invasion can happen unless they knew about the function of the U.S. government which is provided by what an adequate public school education would provide. Theref ore, an adequate public school education allowed the ability for people to organize like those in the Occ upation Project, who clearly illustrate how the comparisons in this thesis provide a framework for engaging in social justice. The Occupation Project: Voices for Creative Nonviolence is undoubtedly the best example of organi zing that exists today. The third step of this social justice fra mework that this thesis implies for young people is the need to engage in initial ag itation. Agitation is a term mentioned by James Lawson in his describing the two fold natu re of nonviolence. Initial agitation is considered here as the necessary next step to acquiring social jus tice after one has been educated, and then learned how to organize. Lawson stated that Gandhi would use this term to describe the ultimate nature of nonviolence; a step that exists in both the protest and the persuasion part. This step is illustra ted by the work of Rosa Parks and Barbara Lee. Both these women, along with Daisy Bates agitate to fight race and class oppression. Both forms of initial agitation are symbolic in nature yet illustrate an important tool in fighting race and class oppr ession. They are acts that go against the grain and take a very important initial step in what Ella Baker says in devising ways to
180 change the system. Clearly the system that Rosa Parks aimed to change was the system of racial segregation while the system that Barbara Lee aimed to change was the power of the military industrial complex over the U.S. government. Both systems encourage race and class oppression. And both systems we re challenged by women who initially acquired what a public education can provide and women who benefited at some time in their life from political organization. Rosa Pa rks at one time belonged to the Highlander Folk School while Barbara Lee at one time be longed to the 1972 presidential campaign of Shirley Chisholm, where she first learne d the influence of political organizing. After fighting for a quality education for oneself or others, and organizing, and then engaging in symbolic agitation that devi ses ways to change the current political system, this thesis suggests that young people to prepare oneself to committed agitation. This is the fourth and final step of this social justice fram ework intended for young people to continue a surviving legacy of nonvi olence. It is a kind of agitation that is committed to calling attention to an internationa l atrocity such as the occupation of Iraq or the genocide in the Sudan. It is best illustrated by the jail-in strategies of Charles Rangel, Ronald Dellums, and Sheila Jacks on-Lee. Committed agitation is once again best illustrated by the work of the Occupati on Project. This thesis implies that young people should be prepared to be arrested for the causes of not only unfair domestic policies that continue race and class oppression, but unfair international policies that continue this kind of oppression as well. This is the work of the Occupation Project. Since the modern civil rights movement, nonviol ent resistance has not only been used to fight race and class oppression against domestic policies, nonviolent resistance has been used to fight race and class oppression agai nst foreign policies such as torture and
181 genocide. This fourth step encourages a read iness on the part of pot ential resisters to be educated, to organize, and to initiate and commit oneself to agitation. In summary, a surviving legacy of nonvi olent resistance begins with acquiring a quality public education, organizing, and co mmitting oneself to agitation. This is summarized in the following chart. The rightmost column of the chart shows which steps of the Sharps nonviolent framew ork that each figure was pe rceived to adhere to the most. The numbers in this column for each figur e refers to the step of Sharps nine step framework which are provided at the bottom of the chart.
182 Table 1: Summary of Nonviolent Wo rk by Modern Civil Rights Leaders and Select Congressional Black Caucus Members by Rhone Fraser Year Leader Significant Nonviolent Strategies Used Rationale for Using Nonviolence Steps Utilized of Sharps Nonviolent Framework* 1955 Rosa Parks Refusing to give up her seat Religious beliefs (12) 1,4,6 2001 Barbara Lee Refusing to vote for invasion Religious beliefs (12) 1,4,5,7,9 1957 Daisy Bates Integrating Central H.S. Role as journalist (39) All (1-9) 2002 Chaka Fattah Regulating privatization of Philadelphia Public schools Role as Congressman motivated by dropout rate (33) 1-7, 9 1960 Ella Baker Organizing SNCC Separating SNCC from SCLC (62-63) All (1-9) 2005 Maxine Waters Co-founding the Out of Iraq caucus Condition of her districts community (90) 2-9 1961 James Farmer Organizing the Freedom Rides Appealing to U.S. Supreme Court decisions (114) All (1-9) 2004, 2006 John Conyers, Charles Rangel and Sheila JacksonLee For Conyers, publications; for all others, the Jail-In Calling attention to international atrocities, such as genocide in the Sudan (139) 3-7, 9 *The nine steps of Sharps nonviolent framew ork in the rightmost column are: 1: Investigation of alleged grieva nces; 2: A formulation of desi red changes; 3: publicity of the grievances; 4: efforts at negotiation; 5: a clarification of minimum demands; 6:
183 concentrating direct action on th e weakest points in the oppone nts case; 7: publicity of developing issues by the nonviolen t group; 8: the pursuance of different kinds of direct action; and 9: finally is suing an ultimatum.
184 Endnotes 1 Julian Bond, Introduction. Eyes on the Prize: America s Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 (New York: Viking, 1987), xv 2 Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 300 3 Cornel West, Democracy Matters (New York: Penguin, 2004), 23 4 Martin Luther King, The Power of Nonviolence in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Fr ancisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 12 5 Martin Luther King, The Case Against Tokenism. in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Fr ancisco: Harper & Row, 1987),110 6 Hanes Walton and Robert C. Smith, American Politics and the African American Quest for Universal Freedom (New York: Addison-Wesley Longman, 2000), 228 7 Hanes Walton and Robert C. Smith, American Politics and the African American Quest for Universal Freedom (New York: Addison-Wesley Longman, 2000), 183 8 Mohandas K Gandhi translated by Mahadev Desai, An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Boston: Beacon, 1957), 470 9 Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: Free Press, 1984), 159-160 10 Richard Gregg, The Power of Nonviolence. (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1959), 124 11 Interview with Barbara Lee by Fergal Keane. T aking A Stand, BBC Radio 4. February 3, 2003. 12 Interview with Barbara Lee by Fergal Keane. T aking A Stand, BBC Radio 4. February 3, 2003. 13 Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize: Americas Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 (New York: Viking, 1987), 63 14 Robin D.G Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class. (New York: Free Press, 1994), 81 15 Robin D.G Kelley, Race Rebels, 85 16 Donnie Williams with Wayne Greenhaw, The Thunder of Angels: The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the People Who Broke the Back of Jim Crow. (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2006), 40, 42 17 Rosa Parks with Gregory J. Reed, Quiet Strength: The Faith, the Hope, and the Heart of a Woman Who Changed a Nation (Grand Rapids (MI): Zondervan Publishing House, 1994), 21-22 18 Interview with Barbara Lee by Fergal Keane Tak ing A Stand, BBC Radio 4. February 3, 2003 19 Rosa Parks with Gregory J. Reed, Quiet Strength: The Faith, the Hope, and the Heart of a Woman Who Changed a Nation. (Grand Rapids (MI): Zondervan Publishing House, 1994), 26 20 Interview with Barbara Lee by Fergal Keane. T aking A Stand, BBC Radio 4. February 3, 2003 21 Martin Luther King, Suffering and Faith in A Testament of Hope: Essential Speeches and Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr. James Washington, ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 41 22 Martin Luther King. The Case Against Tokenism. in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 110 23 Washington, ed., A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr., 110 24 Barbara Lee, Speech Before the U.S. Hous e of RepresentativesSeptember 16, 2001 in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition Julianne Malveaux and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 76-77 25 Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize: Americas Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 New York: Viking, 1987 26 Barbara Lee, Squandered Abundance in The Paradox of Loyalty: An Afri can-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition. Malveaux, Julianne and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 243
185 27 Robin D.G. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class. (New York: The Free Press, 1994), 80 28 Jo Ann Gibson Robinson and David Garrow, ed. The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It: The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (Knoxville: University of Tennessee, 1987), 59,77 29 Jo Ann Gibson Robinson and David Garrow The Montgomery Bus Boycott, 57 30 Interview with Barbara Lee by Fergal Keane Tak ing A Stand, BBC Radio 4. February 3, 2003 31 Barbara Lee, Speech Before the U.S. Hous e of RepresentativesSep tember 16, 2001 in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition Julianne Malveaux and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 77 32 Rosa Parks with Gregory J. Reed, Quiet Strength: The Faith, the Hope, and the Heart of a Woman Who Changed a Nation (Grand Rapids (MI): Zondervan Publishing House, 1994), 23 33 Obery Hendricks, The Politics of Jesus: Rediscovering the True Revolutionary Nature of the Teachings of Jesus and How They Have Been Corrupted (New York: Doubleday, 2006), 175, 177 34 Aldon Morris. The Origins of The Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: The Fr ee Press, 1984), 4 35 Joe Azbell, The Rosa Parks Protest Meeting: D ecember, 1955: At Holt St reet Baptist Church in Reporting Civil Rights: Part One American Journalism 1941-1963, Clayborne Carson, David Garrow, Bill Kovach, and Carol Polsgrove, eds. (New York: The Library of America, 2003), 229-230 36 Clayborne Carson, David Garrow, Bill Kovach, and Carol Polsgrove, eds. Reporting Civil Rights: Part One American Journalism 1941-1963, 230 37 Clayborne Carson, ed. The Autobiography of Ma rtin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Warner Books, 1998), 60 38 Barbara Lee, Speech Before the U.S. Hous e of RepresentativesSeptember 16, 2001 in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition. Julianne Malveaux and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 76 39 Barbara Lee, Squandered Abundance in The Paradox of Loyalty: An Afri can-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition. Julianne Malveaux and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 244 40 David Howard-Pitney, The African American Jeremiad: Appeals for Justice in America. (Philadelphia: Temple University, 2005), 3,7 41 Glenn Smiley, Nonviolence: The Gentle Persuader. (Nyack: Fellowship Publications, 1995), 20. 42 Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action. (Boston: Porter Sargeant, 1973), 254 43 Grace McFadden, Septima P. Clark and the Struggle For Human Rights. in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965 Vicki Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods, eds. (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1990), 90 44 Barbara Lee, Speech Before the U.S. House of RepresentativesSepte mber 16, 2001. in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African American Response to the War on Terrorism. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 77 45 Grace McFadden, Septima P. Clark and th e Struggle For Huma n Rights. in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965 (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1990), 90 46 This 2007 Lee amendment is profoundly similar to that of her di stricts congressional predecessor, Ronald Dellums. Maurine Christopher writes that early in 1971, Dellums had fought for a House resolution asking for withdrawal of all American troops from Southeast Asia by the end of the year; to his dismay the House passed a substitute proposal calling for a pullout by the end of 1972. Later Dellums also nonviolently protested the role of American corporations in advancing apartheid in South Africa. These protests led to the eventual disman tling of apartheid after demands were made by American corporations to divest from South Africa; one of these demands came from Ronald Dellums. 47 Askia Muhammad, Democrats Break Thei r Promise to Voters To End Iraq War The Final Call 26(27), April 10, 2007, 3,33 48 Chaka Fattah, Congressional Record. 27 March 2001; 2001 H.R. 1234; 107 H.R. 1234 49 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 86; Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize: Americas Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 ( New York: Viking, 1987), 248 50 C. Calvin Smith and Linda Walls Joshua, eds. Educating the Masses: The Unfolding History of Black School Administrators in Arkansas, 1900-2000. (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas, 2003), 51-53.
186 51 C. Calvin Smith and Linda Walls Joshua, eds. Educating the Masses 56-57 52 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir. Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987: 38 53 Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir, 54-55 54 Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir, 56 55 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 102; Bates, State Press November 8, 1957. 56 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 102-103. 57 Robert W. Saunders, Bridging the Gap: Continuing the Florida NAACP Legacy of Harry T. Moore, 1952-1966 (Tampa: University of Tampa Press, 2000), 117. 58 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 47-48 59 Hugh Scott, Public Education and African-American Studies in Out of the Revolution: The Development of Africana Studies. Carlene Young and Delores P. Aldridge, eds. (Lanham (MD): Lexington Books, 2000), 476 60 Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize: Americas Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 (New York: Viking, 1987), 99 61 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 61 62 Carolyn Calloway-Thomas and Thurmon Garner, Dai sy Bates and the Little Rock Crisis: Forging the Way Journal of Black Studies 26:5 (May 1996), 623 63 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 67-68 64 Carolyn Calloway-Thomas and Thurmon Garner Dai sy Bates and the Little Rock Crisis: Forging the Way Journal of Black Studies 26:5 (May 1996), 624 65 Juan Williams, Thurgood Marshall: American Revolutionary (New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998), 266 66 Paula Giddings, When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1984), 270 67 Carolyn Calloway-Thomas and Thurmon Garner, Dai sy Bates and the Little Rock Crisis: Forging the Way Journal of Black Studies 26:5 (May 1996), 624 68 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 142-143 69 James L. Hicks, We Were Kicked, Beaten in Reporting Civil Rights: Part One American Journalism 1941-1963, Clayborne Carson, David Garrow Bill Kovach, and Carol Polsgrove, eds. (New York: The Library of America, 2003), 378-381 70 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 89 71 Ernest Green, A Roundtable Discussion in Eyes on the Prize Civil Rights Reader: Documents, Speeches, and Firsthand Accounts From the Black Freedom Struggle, 1954-1990. Clayborne Carson, David Garrow, Gerald Gill, Vincent Harding, Darlene Clark Hine, eds. (New York: Penguin, 1990), 105. 72 Sheryll Cashin, The Failures of Integration: How Race and Class are Undermining the American Dream. (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 274 73 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 99 74 Stockley, Daisy Bates, 170 75 Elizabeth Jacoway, Turn Away Thy Son: Little Rock, the Crisis That Shocked the Nation (New York: Free Press, 2007), 184. 76 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 131, 138 77 Interview with Chaka Fattah by the author, August 22, 2006. Special thanks to Ron Goldwyn for scheduling my interview with Congressman Fattah. 78 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 177
187 79 Interview with Chaka Fattah by the author, August 22, 2006. 80 Press Release from Congressman Fa ttah, Monday, Decem ber 17, 2001. 81 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): University of Arkansas Press, 1987), 176-177 82 Grif Stockley, Daisy Bates: Civil Rights Crusader from Arkansas (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), 206 83 Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., from Episode 3 of documentary Eyes on the Prize, Henry Hampton, director. October 2006 DVD release. 84 Aldon Morris, Black Southern Student Sit-in M ovement: An Analysis of Internal Organization American Sociological Review. 46:6 (December 1981),756-757. 85 Morris, Black Southern Student Sit-in Movement: An Analysis of Internal Organization American Sociological Review. 46:6 (December 1981),756-757 86 Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 16 87 Emily Stoper, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee: The Growth of Radicalism in a Civil Rights Organization (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989), 7 88 Charles Payne, Ella Baker and Models of Social Change Signs: The Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14:4 (1989), 885 89 Owen Dwyer, Interpreting the Civil Rights Movement, in The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory Renee Romano, and Leigh Raiford, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia, 2006), 11 90 Martin Oppenheimer. The Sit-In Movement of 1960. (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989), 45. 91 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 126, 128; Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement : A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 240 92 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 15 93 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 14 94 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 20 95 Carol Mueller, Ella Baker and the Origins of Participatory Democracy in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965 Vicki Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods, eds. (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1990), 60 96 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 18 97 Ransby, Ella Baker and the Bl ack Freedom Movement, 61 98 Ransby, Ella Baker and the Bl ack Freedom Movement, 38 99 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 129 100 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 70 101 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 69 102 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 108 103 Ransby, Ella Baker and the Bl ack Freedom Movement 141 104 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 52-53. The following is a description of a typical month of Ella Bakers organizing written by Joanne Grant: April 11: Richmond, Va., meeting with staff of Richmond Beneficial Insurance Company April 12: Baptist Ministers conference April 15: 9 AM, Southern Aid Society staff meeting; 9:30 AM, staff meeting of North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance; 7 PM, campaign report meeting April 16: Independent Order of St. Luke meeting April 17: 10 AM, Apex School of Beauty; 11AM, School of Modern Beauty Culture April 17: Peaks, Va., 8:30 PM, staff meeting, Peaks Industrial School April 18: Peaks Industrial School student assembly April 18: Richmond, Virginia, meeting with staff of Mutual Insurance Company April 21: Meeting of Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance; 2PM, luncheon meeting of branch.
188 April 21: Victoria, Virginia, 8PM, meeting at Lunenberg County Training School regarding organizing a branch. April 22: Richmond, Virginia, closing meeting of branch campaign April 24: Mass meeting of student chapter, Virginia Union University April 24: Danville, Virginia, 7:30PM, conference with branch officers to plan campaign April 27: Opening mass meeting of Danville branch campaign April 28: Meeting held in county April 28: Martinsville, Virginia, meeting with group interested in organizing branch April 29: Youth council meeting at high school April 30: Nottoway County, Virginia, branch meeting held at Blackstone, Virginia 105 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 144 106 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound. (New York: Wiley, 1998), 47 107 Carol Mueller, Ella Baker and the Origins of Participatory Democracy in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965 Vicki Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods, eds. (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1990), 60-61 108 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 146 109 James H. Cone, Martin & Malcolm & America : A Dream or A Nightmare (Maryknoll (NY): Orbis Books, 1991), 274, 278 110 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 109 111 Ella Baker, letter to Walter White, May 14, 1946, NA ACP Papers, group II, box A573, folder: staff, Ella Baker 2 (resignation letter); also see Ransby, page 146. 112 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 96 113 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 148-149 114 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 96 115 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 149 116 Ellen Cantarow and Susan Gushee OMalley, E lla Baker: Organizing for Civil Rights in Moving the Mountain: Women Working for Social Change Ellen Cantarow, Susan Gushee OMalley and Sharon Hatman Strom, eds. (New York: Feminist Press, 1980), 68 117 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 167, 168 118 One of the grassroots leaders that In Friendship helped become a pivotal actor in the Black Freedom Movement is Amzie Moore of Mississippi. This is detailed in Ive Got the Light of Freedom by Charles Payne. Payne writes how the group, In Friendship, was able to raise funds to help Mississippi organizer Amzie Moore out of the financial difficulties he had gotte n into as a result of his civil rights activism. The group also shipped clothing to Amzie and his wife Ruth, which they redistributed to other poor families. In Friendship also arranged East Coast speaking engage ments for Amzie and others, at which they tried to focus attention on disenfranchisement in the South and the federal role in the process. Moore was definitely one of the pivotal actors in the backbone of the Black Freedom movement that Barbara Ransby writes about. Charles Payn e writes that several young people who became grassroots organizers, Beverly Perkins, Homer Crawford, B.L. Bellattrib ute their political awakening to Moore. Different grassroots organizers focused on different aspects of the black freedom struggle and Amzie Moore focused on voting and not on desegregation. Moore did not fight the Black Freedom struggle in the same way that many students who conducted sit-ins did, however his role was invaluable to other organizers later during the 1960s. The ways in which he carried it out nonetheless fulfilled the definition of the third theme of participatory democr acy outlined by Carol Mueller, the theme of direct action. With the financial assistance of In Friendship Amzie Moore practiced this theme of direct action in trying to register people to vote. SNCC member Sam Block called him the father of the movement, because of the vast network of black voters that he personally knew and used to get more people to vote. His role as a local contact ve ry indispensable to the mission of SNCC in the early 1960s.
189 119 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 175 120 Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: Free Press, 1984), 84 121 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 175-176 122 Nick Bryant, The Bystander: John F. Kennedy and the Struggle for Black Equality (New York: Basic Books, 2006), 69-70 123 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 183 124 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 108 125 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 187 126 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 112 127 Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: Free Press, 1984), 70 128 Emory O. Jackson, Nothing Is Too Dear To Pay For Freedom, Miss Baker, Birmingham World, (June 10, 1959), 1 129 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 193 130 Ransby, Ella Baker and the Bl ack Freedom Movement, 236 131 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 209 132 Aldon Morris, Black Southern Student Sit-in M ovement: An Analysis of Internal Organization American Sociological Review. 46(6) (December 1981),762, 749 133 Belinda Robnett, How Long? How Long?: African American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights (New York: Oxford University, 1997), 137, 138 134 Stephanie Tubbs Jones, Interview with Brian Lamb; Q & A program on C-SPAN. Aired January 28, 2007. Also at: http://www.q-and-a.org/Tra nscript/?ProgramID=1112 135 Maxine Waters, No End In Sight, in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African American Response to the War on Terrorism (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 236 136 Lavern Gill, African American Women in Congress: Forming and Transforming History (New Brunswick (NJ): Rutgers University Press, 1997), 118 137 Gill, African American Women in Congress, 122 138 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 88 139 Ransby, Ella Baker and the Bl ack Freedom Movement 38 140 Maxine Waters, Transcript of interview with Tavis Smiley. The Tavis Smiley Show. Aired on National Public Radio (NPR), on November 2, 2002. Also at: http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=828881 141 David Rogers, House Rebukes Bush Plan 246-182 Wall Street Journal (February 17-18, 2007), A3. 142 Paula Giddings, When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1996), 300 143 Scott Galindez, Out of Iraq Caucus Joins Troops Home Fast July 14, 2006. From truthout.com. Also at: http://www.truthout.org/cgi-bin/artman/exec/view.cgi/62/21136/printer 144 Jonathan Kozol, The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America (New York: Crown, 2005), 172 145 Lavern Gill, African American Women in Congress: Forming and Transforming History (New Brunswick (NJ): Rutgers University Press, 1997), 126 146 Gill, African American Women in Congress 131 147 Joanne Grant, Ella Baker: Freedom Bound (New York: Wiley, 1998), 113 148 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 191 149 James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 216
190 150 Edward P. Morgan, The Good, the Bad, the Forgotten, in The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory Renee Romano and Leigh Raiford, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia, 2006), 146-147 151 Ronald W.Walters, White Nationalism, Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community (Detroit: Wayne State, 2003), 104-105 152 Lavern Gill, African American Women in Congress: Forming and Transforming History (New Brunswick (NJ): Rutgers University Press, 1997), 131 153 Maxine Waters, Rep. Maxine Waters, Rep. John Conyers, Rep. Lynn Woolsey, Navy seaman Jonathan Hutto, Bob Watada & Others Call For End to Iraq War at Anti-War Rally in Washington, Democracy Now! online news program. January 29, 2007. Also at: http://www.democracynow.org/ar ticle.pl?sid=07/01/29/1453230 154 Maxine Waters, Interview with Amy Goodman. Democracy Now! online news program. Aired January 24, 2007. Also at: http://www.democracynow.org/ar ticle.pl?sid=07/01/24/1534208 155 Brigitte L. Nacos and Natasha Hritzuk, The Po rtrayal of Black America in the Mass Media in Black and Multiracial Politics in America Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh and Lawrence J. Hanks, eds. (New York: New York University Press, 2000), 178, 183, 187 156 Catherine Fosl, Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), xxiv 157 Paula Giddings, When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1996), 284 158 Angela Davis with Eduardo Mendieta, Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture. (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005), 92 159 Angela Davis with Eduardo Mendieta, Abolition Democracy 120 160 Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 27 161 James Lawson, Student Movement: New Phase, Southern Patriot (November 1960), 4 162 Adam Fairclough, To Redeem the Soul of America: the South ern Christian Leadership Conference and Martin Luther King, Jr (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 64 163 Martin Luther King, The Rising Tide of Racial Consciousness in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr James M. Washington, ed. (San Francisc o: Harper & Row, 1986), 149 164 Cynthia Griggs Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry: The Liberation of Ruby Doris Smith Robinson (Lanham (MD): Rowman & Littlefield, 1998), 72 165 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 32 166 Cynthia Griggs Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry: The Liberation of Ruby Doris Smith Robinson (Lanham (MD): Rowman & Littlefield, 1998), 73 167 Gerard Prunier, Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), 140 168 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 94 169 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 111-112 170 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 21 171 James Haskins, Distinguished African American Political and Governmental Leaders (Phoenix: Oryx, 1999), 55-56 172 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 197 173 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 31 174 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 31, 32 175 Arsenault, Freedom Riders,109 176 Anita Miller, ed. George W. Bush Versus the U.S. Cons titution: The Downing Street Memos and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retribution, Cover ups in the Iraq War and Illegal Domestic Spying (Chicago: Academy Chicago, 2006), viii 177 Miller, ed. George W. Bush Versus the U.S. Constitution, viii 178 Angela Davis with Eduardo Mendieta. Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005), 124 179 Clayborne Carson, David Garrow, Brian Kovach, and Carol Polsgrove, eds., Reporting Civil Rights: Part One American Journalism 1941-1963 (New York: The Library of America, 2003), 907
191 180 John Lewis, Walking With the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 130 181 Anita Miller, ed. George W. Bush Versus the U.S. Cons titution: The Downing Street Memos and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retribution, Cover ups in the Iraq War and Illegal Domestic Spying. (Chicago: Academy Chicago, 2006), 91 182 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 325, 327 183 Maurine Christopher, Americas Black Congressmen (New York: Crowell, 1971), 242 184 Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 3 185 Anthony Arnove, Iraq: The Logic of Withdrawal (New York: New Press, 2006), 86 186 James Peck, Freedom Rider. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1962: 121. 187 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 125 188 James Peck, Freedom Rider (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1962), 122 189 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 125 190 Ronald W. Walters, White Nationalism, Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community (Detroit: Wayne State, 2003), 90 191 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 136 192 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 136, 138 193 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 164 194 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 150 195 Nick Bryant, The Bystander: John F. Kennedy and the Struggle for Black Equality (New York: Basic Books, 2006), 269-270 196 Mark Hemingway, Blackwater USA and the Rise of Private Military Contractors The Weekly Standard (December 18, 2006) 12(14), 6. 197 Thom Hartmann, Screwed: The Undeclared War Against the Middle Class and What We Can Do About It (San Francisco: Berre tt-Koehler, 2006), 139 198 Anita Miller, ed. George W. Bush Versus the U.S. Cons titution: The Downing Street Memos and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retribution, Cover ups in the Iraq War and Illegal Domestic Spying (Chicago: Academy Chicago, 2006), 96 199 Anthony Arnove, Iraq: The Logic of Withdrawal (New York: New Press, 2006), 58 200 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 326 201 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 355, 360 202 Cynthia Griggs Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry: The Liberation of Ruby Doris Smith Robinson (Lanham (MD): Rowman & Littlefield, 1998), 87 203 Angela Davis with Eduardo Mendieta, Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005), 113-114 204 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 351 205 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 372 206 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 371 207 James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 232 208 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 478. 209 Arsenault, Freedom Riders, 462. 210 James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 248 211 Aldon Morris, The Origins of The Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: The Free Pr ess, 1984), 239
192 212 Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 58 213 Aldon Morris, The Origins of The Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing For Change (New York: The Free Pr ess, 1984), 241 214 James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 252-253 215 Michael J. Nojeim, Gandhi and King: The Power of Nonviolent Resistance (Westport: Praeger, 2004), 231 216 Charles Sherrod, Organizing in Albany, Georgia in Eyes on the Prize: Civil Rights Reader: Documents, Speeches, and Firsth and Accounts From the Black Freedom Struggle, 1954-1990 Clayborne Carson, David Garrow, Gerald Gill, Vincent Hardin g, Darlene Clark Hine, eds. (New York: Penguin, 1990), 138-139 217 James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 255 218 Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 283 219 Adam Fairclough, To Redeem the Soul of Amer ica: the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and Martin Luther King, Jr (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 89 220 Fairclough, To Redeem the Soul of America, 89 221 Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 60 222 Nick Bryant, The Bystander: John F. Kennedy and the Struggle for Black Equality (New York: Basic Books, 2006), 317 223 Michael J. Nojeim, Gandhi and King: The Power of Nonviolent Resistance (Westport: Praeger, 2004), 219 224 Charles Rangel with Leon Wynter And I Havent Had a Bad Day Since: From the Streets of Harlem to the Halls of Congress (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2007), 120 225 Lavern Gill, African American Women in Congress: Forming and Transforming History (New Brunswick (NJ): Rutgers University, 1997), 238, 241 226 Interview with Charles Rangel by Amy Goodman, Democracy Now! TV and radio program, July 15, 2004. 227 Clayborne Carson, ed. The Autobiography of Mar tin Luther King, Jr (New York: Warner Books, 1998), 152-153 228 Carson, ed. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr, 156 229 Alvin B. Tillery, Foreign Policy Activism and Power in the House of Representatives: Black Members of Congress and South Africa, 1968-1986 Studies in American Political Development 20 (Spring 2006), 100 230 Charles Rangel with Leon Wynter. And I Havent Had a Bad Day Since: From the Streets of Harlem to the Halls of Congress (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2007), 183-184 231 Ronald Dellums, Lying Down With the Lions: A Public Life from the Streets of Oakland to the Halls of Power (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000), 123, 12. 232 Charles Rangel with Leon Wynter, And I Havent Had a Bad Day Since: From the Streets of Harlem to the Halls of Congress (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2007), 232-233 233 Clayborne Carson, ed. The Autobiography of Ma rtin Luther King, Jr (New York: Warner, 1998), 157 234 Charles Rangel, Why I Got Arre sted in Washington Yesterday, New York Daily News. July 13, 2004. 235 Samantha Levine, Jackson-Lee Backs Her Vow On Darfur, Houston Chronicle. April 29, 2006. 236 Martin Luther King, Why We Cant Wait. in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 528 237 Martin Luther King, Why We Cant Wait. in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 540,546,528,551 238 Martin Luther King, Why We Cant Wait. in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King Jr., James M. Washington, ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987),531 239 Personal Interview with James Lawson on October 12, 2006. 240 Barbara Lee, Squ andered Abundance in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African-American Response to the War on Terrorism, Second Edition. Malveaux, Julianne and Reginna Green, eds. (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 243
193 241 Daisy Bates, The Long Shadow of Little Rock: A Memoir (Fayetteville (AR): Un iversity of Arkansas, 1987), 38. 242 Chaka Fattah, Fattah Calls on Senate Education Committee to Hold Hearings on Edison. Monday, January 14, 2002 Press Release. Also at: http://www.house.gov/fattah/ 243 Chaka Fattah, Fattah Gives Final Warning on Edison to School Reform Commission. Monday, April 15, 2002 Press Release. Also at: http://www.house.gov/fattah/ 244 Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (New York: Oxford University, 2006), 110 245 Paula Giddings, When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Bl ack Women on Race and Sex in America. (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1984), 270 246 Barbara Lee, Speech Before the U.S. House of Representativ esSeptember 16, 2001. in The Paradox of Loyalty: An African American Response to the War on Terrorism (Chicago: Third World Press, 2004), 77 247 Paula Giddings, When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Bl ack Women on Race and Sex in America. (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1984), 264 248 Chaka Fattah, Edison Schools Perform Poorly Nationwide. Monday, December 17, 2001 Press Release. Also at: http://www.house.gov/fattah/ 249 Carolyn Calloway-Thomas and Thurman Garner. D aisy Bates and the Little Rock School Crisis: Forging the Way Journal of Black Studies 26:5 (May 1996), 623 250 Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize: Americas Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 (New York: Viking, 1987), 68 251 Devon Carbado and Donald Weise, eds. Time On Two Crosses: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin. (San Francisco: Cleis Press, 2003), 26 252 Richard Gregg, The Power of Non-Violence (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1934), 127 253 Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action (Boston: Porter Sargeant, 1973), 474 254 Leadership Conference on Civ il Rights Voting Record for the 109 th Congress, First Session, pages 2 and 6. 255 Glen Ford and Peter Gamble. Obama Mouths Mush on War. The Black Commentator. December 1, 2005. Issue 161. Also at: http://www.blackcommentator.com/ 161/161_cover_ob ama_iraq.html 256 Barbara Ransby. Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2003), 1. 257 Headlines for Tuesday, February 6, 2007. Democracy Now! Online news program. February 6, 2007. Also at: http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/02/06/1530255 For more information on The Occupation Project: Voices fo r Creative Nonviolence, see: http://vcnv.org/project/the-occupation-project
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Fraser, Rhone Sebastian.
A surviving legacy :
b nonviolent resistance in the Congressional Black Caucus, 2001-2007
h [electronic resource] /
by Rhone Sebastian Fraser.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
University of South Florida,
ABSTRACT: Select members of the Congressional Black Caucus through their votes, speeches, arrests and nonviolent forms of protest practice a renewed kind of nonviolent resistance against a neoconservative political agenda advanced by the executive branch of the U.S. government in the past six years. Their practices are nonviolent according to the definition of nonviolence discussed by Martin Luther King, Jr. in his 1962 New York Times Magazine article: "we will take direct action against injustice without waiting for other agencies to act...We will try to persuade with our words---but if our words fail we will try to persuade with our acts." Nonviolent resistance according to this quote means first trying to persuade with words then trying to persuade with direct action. This study will compare nonviolent methods of direct action between 2001 and 2007 and those between 1955 and 1963.The nonviolent methods between 2001 and 2007 resist the neoconservative policies that are based on the same assumptions as those in the civil rights movements between 1955 and 1963. The identification of five comparisons in particular proves a continuing tradition of nonviolent protest identified as a 'surviving legacy' of resistance against neoconservative policies. First, Rosa Parks's refusal to give up her seat on a city bus is comparable to U.S. Representative Barbara Lee's refusal to support the military invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. Second, Daisy Bates's commitment to ensuring a quality public education for the Little Rock Nine is comparable to U.S. Representative Chaka Fattah's efforts to improve the Philadelphia public school system. Third, the organizing work of Ella Baker in creating the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1960 is comparable to the organizing work of Maxine Waters in creating the Out of Iraq caucus in 2005.Fourth, the appeals to the U.S. Constitution of James Farmer and the Freedom Riders serves as a foundation for John Conyers' appeal to the U.S. Constitution in his lawsuit against George W. Bush. Fifth, the strategy of getting arrested to call attention to unjust foreign policies within the past five years is comparable to the "jail, no bail" strategy during 1962 and 1963. The major point of this thesis is to argue the existence of a concerted strategy of nonviolent resistance practiced by specific Congressional Black Caucus members. The thesis will compare nonviolent resistance in the 21st century to that of the early 1960s.
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 193 pages.
Advisor: Cheryl Rodriguez, Ph.D.
x Africana Studies
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.