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Carter, Michael E.
Born and bred :
b the making of a 21st century college-bred African-American : a reexamination of Atlanta University's 1910 study "The College-Bred Negro American" Edited by W. E. B. Du Bois, Ph.D., and Augustus Granville Dill, A.M.
h [electronic resource] /
by Michael E. Carter.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
ABSTRACT: In 1910 Atlanta University published the findings of an extensive study of universities in the United States which Negroes attended. For this, study both quantitative and qualitative data was collected. The quantitative data was derived from the school catalogs and information provided directly from the Negro colleges (Du Bois & Dill, 1910). Data was collected on student enrollment, courses of study selected by the students and degrees conferred. The qualitative data was derived from survey information provided by 800 Negro, college graduates. In addition to basic statistical information respondents were asked to provide information on their hopes, aspirations and expectations upon obtaining a college degree. This information was then correlated by gender and presented in the study titled The College-Bred Negro American.While this study illuminates the agreement among the respondents that the acquisition of college education is the key to success for the Negro---one can also hear a divergence of opinion regarding what type of college education (liberal or industrial) would lead to success for the Negro American. This thesis analyzes the implications of the Atlanta study, using a variety of methods combining autoethnography with analysis of the data from the US Census Bureau. Further the thesis concludes with a proposal to initiate a survey that is comparable to the 1910 surveys administered as a part of the Atlanta study. I have chosen to combine an autoethnographic approach with an objective analysis of the 2004 US Census data in order to determine if the growth in college degrees earned within the African American community represented by the study's original respondents is still occurring in the African American community today.
Thesis (M.L.A.)--University of South Florida, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
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x Liberal Studies
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Born and Bred: The Making of a 21st Century College-Bred African American: A Re-examination of Atlanta UniversityÂ’s 1910 Study Â“The College-Bred Negro AmericanÂ” Edited by W.E.B. Du Bois, Ph.D and Augustus Granville Dill, A.M. by Michael E. Carter, Sr. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Humanities College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Bruce Cochrane Ph.D Silvio Gaggi, Ph.D Deborah Plant, Ph.D Date of Approval: November 15, 2007 Keywords: African Americans, Education, College, Atlanta University, Du Bois Copyright 2007, Michael E. Carter, Sr.
Dedication This work is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Du Bois, Booker T. Washington and C.G. Woodson without whose early work mine would not have been possible. It is also dedicated to my studentsÂ—past, present and future.
Acknowledgements I wish to thank Dr. Cochran, Dr. Gaggi, Dr. Plant my family, friends and colleagues for their support and patience throughout this entire process.
i Table of Contents List of Tables ii Abstract iii Chapter One: Born and Bred: The Making of a 21st Century College-Bred AfricanAmerican: An Introduction 1 The Study 3 Data of Graduates 6 Chapter Two: Schools of Thought 11 Chapter Three: The Test of Time 18 Chapter Four: A View from the Ivory Tower 25 Chapter Five: The Objective of an Education 39 References 53 Appendices 59 Appendix A: U.S. Census Data 60 Appendix B: Original Survey 74 Appendix C: Reworking of Original Survey 75
ii List of Tables Table 1 United States Population by Race 2004 60 Table 2 Educational Attainment of the Population of the United States 2004 61 Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population of the United States 1940 Â– 2004 64 Table 4 Poverty for Blacks in the United States 2004 71 Table 5 Black Households in Owner-Occupied Homes in the United States 2004 72 Table 6 Value of Black Owner-Occupied Homes in the United States 2004 73
iii Born and Bred: The Making of a 21st Century College-Bred African American: Michael E. Carter, Sr. ABSTRACT In 1910 Atlanta University published the findings of an extensive study of universities in the United States which Negroes attended. For this, study both quantitative and qualitative data was collected. The quantitative data was derived from the school catalogs and information provided directly from the Negro colleges (Du Bois & Dill, 1910). Data was collected on student enrollment, courses of study selected by the students and degrees conferred. The qualitative data was derived from survey information provided by 800 Negro, college graduates. In addition to basic statistical information respondents were asked to provide information on their hopes, aspirations and expectations upon obtaining a college degree. This information was then correlated by gender and presented in the study titled The College-Bred Negro American While this study illuminates the agreement among the respondents that the acquisition of college education is the key to success for the NegroÂ—one can also hear a divergence of opinion regarding what type of college education (liberal or industrial) would lead to success for the Negro American. This thesis analyzes the implications of the Atlanta study, using a variety of methods combining autoethnography with analysis of the data from the US
iv Census Bureau. Further the thesis concludes with a proposal to initiate a survey that is comparable to the 1910 surveys administered as a part of the Atlanta study. I have chosen to combine an autoethnographic approach with an objective analysis of the 2004 US Census data in order to determine if the growth in college degrees earned within the African American community represented by the studyÂ’s original respondents is still occurring in the African American community today.
1 Chapter One Born and Bred: The Making of a College-Bred Negro American: An Introduction It has been nearly one hundred years after researchers at Atlanta University conducted the study The College-Bred Negro American One might expect that the issues or concerns of the study would now be outdated and have little to do with a 21st century college-bred Negro. In1909, there were 55 Negro college graduates (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 45). This number is truly not a surprise, given the climate and attitudes regarding the education of the Negro. In the early 1900s there were few public schools for the education of Negroes and there was slow progress being made to correct this deficiency (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 17). Few Blacks were being graduated, but, inspired by the promise of a college education, Negro leaders advocated for increased enrollments. During this time, the education provided for Blacks was separate and far from equal to the education provided for Whites. The report compiled by Â“the United States Commissioner of Education for the year ending July 1909, showed that in the whole of the South there were only one hundred and twelve public high schools for NegroesÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 17). Despite this there was, on the part of Negro leadership, a relentless advocacy of education as the panacea for the American Negro (Crouch & Benjamin, 2002; Hubbard, 2003). For example, in The Crisis magazine, edited by Dr. William E. B. Du Bois, the writings are quite clear and the numbers are stark. All of the editions of the magazine included
2 sectionsÂ—announcements, legal decisions, admission and matriculation rates, and editorialsÂ—that were dedicated to illustrating and advocating the benefits of education for Blacks in the United States. The magazine, thusly, also provided historical documentation of progress (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 45). In 2007Â—fifty-three years after Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,Â—one might expect that the prejudices, concerns, and inequalities which existed a century ago would have been effectively dealt with and perhaps even eliminated. It is true today that there are more African Americans receiving primary, secondary and college educations than in 1910. It is also true that matriculation rates at all levels of education have exceeded the numbers of Du BoisÂ’ time. However, an examination of the numbers in relation to Whites and in context of the years since this study was done gives us cause for concern. African Americans still do not attend and complete college at rates proportionate to their representation in the population of the United States (Appendix A Table 1). In 2004, only 5,593 African Americans (.0001608 or less than 1%) earned college degrees (Appendix A Table 2). If one continues to follow the data through the doctoral level, two other facts become apparent: 1) that the numbers get lower the higher the degree, and 2) females outnumber males at every level (Appendix A Table 2). The Atlanta University researchersÂ’ selection of Du Bois as editor for this study was an apt choice. As stated in the preface of the study, The College-Bred Negro American Â“was an investigation of college graduates among Negro AmericansÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. preface). The investigation resulted in a
3 compilation of quantitative and qualitative research examining one facet of Black life in the United States. Du BoisÂ’ use of the budding sciences of anthropology and sociology was renowned, and he would employ these scientific tools on behalf of the Black population (Crouch & Benjamin, 2002; Hubbard, 2003; Lewis, 1993; Lewis, 1995). It is true Du Bois had internalized some of the same condescending perceptions of the Â“otherÂ” as his White contemporaries. One might describe him as having been victimized by what he himself described as Â“double-consciousness.Â” He manifested Eurocentric tendencies that influenced his research. His descriptions and expectations of Negroes were colored by his belief that the pinnacle of human development was represented by AngloEuropeans (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). However, a close examination of the study in question shows none of those predispositions. In actuality Du BoisÂ’ sociological research, overall, proved to be groundbreaking. Because of the Atlanta study, and other works such as The Philadelphia Negro and The Souls of Black Folks Du Bois is honored as the father of Black sociology. The Study In 1910, researchers at Atlanta University collected both qualitative and quantitative data on college-educated Negroes. The quantitative data was derived from school catalogs and information provided directly from the Negro colleges (Du Bois & Dill, 1910). With this data, a rubric was established in order to distinguish between groups of Negro students taking courses considered collegelevel courses and those considered college preparatory (high-school level and elementary level) courses. This distinction was critical because during this part of
4 the 20th century few schools provided Negroes with an elementary or secondary education. Thus, it was necessary for colleges to ensure that students received this prerequisite education by providing it themselves (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 17). The litmus test was contact hours: The distinctions between elementary, secondary and college-level course work was determined by the number of hours the student spent in class. The highest number of contact hours was indicative of college-level work (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 12). Listed by institution, the data was then aggregated into various categories. The categories included entrance requirements, geographical location of institution, total college time devoted to different studies, total number of students, number of students in college courses, number of students in high school, number of students in grade level courses, total number of students in professional education, thoroughness of work, (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 12-22). The quantitative findings illustrated that there were growing numbers of African Americans seeking education at all levels at the turn of the twentieth century. In an effort to better demonstrate thisÂ—the researchers provided the total number of Negro college graduates for a ninety year period beginning in 1820 and ending in 1909. This period of time was broken down into ten-year spans (all except for the final one: ending in 1909). This data shows that between 1820 and 1909 there was a 536% increase in the number of Negro college graduates (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 45). The qualitative data was collected by contacting the Negro colleges and requesting contact information on their graduates. This information was used to create a list of (living) graduates in order to send out a survey. There were 800
5 respondents. The survey consisted of sixteen close-ended questions that solicited personal information: name, age, gender, marital status, residency, number of children, schools attended, degrees earned, status at birth (free or enslaved), early life and training, occupations, ownership of property, assessed value of said property, avocations. In addition there were three open-ended questions regarding the education of children, experience of hindrances to attaining an education, and the respondentÂ’s philosophy of life. In the latter categories the respondents were asked to expound on their personal ideology, expectations and aspirations regarding education (Appendix B). Through the responses generated from the qualitative research that was conducted one is able to hear the Â“voicesÂ” of the participants, as they express their hope, vision and possibility (Du Bois & Dill, 1910). One cannot help but be moved by the progress of Blacks, as articulated in the words of the participants, as they transitioned from slavery and illiteracy to a college degree, and as they expressed their sincere belief that equality, success and even acceptance lay ahead. While there is both quantitative and qualitative data collected, the findings are presented in a Â“dove tailÂ” fashion. The sections of the study correspond with the types of questions asked of the respondents. Within each section there are the compiled statistics and qualitative data correlated by an editorial narrative which allows the subjectÂ’s Â“voiceÂ” to be heard. The method of presentation here is significant in that for the first time, a social scientific study of the Negro did not presume to speak for the Negro but to allow the Negro voice to be heard.
6 Data of the Graduates Schools Attended In all, eighty-one colleges were represented as attended by the graduates: thirty-two Negro colleges and fifty White colleges. The attendance of Negroes to White colleges was not extraordinary. With the steady improvement in the institutions which provided education to Negroes, coupled with their growing desire for education, each year more Negroes applied to Northern colleges (which accepted Negroes) as both undergraduates and graduate students (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 52-53). Residency The residency patterns of some of the graduates showed that there was willingness to move from where they were born to attend school as well as a willingness to move for employment. In fact, the data reflects that Negro graduates born in the South remained in the South and that Northern-born Negro graduates moved to the South. It is contended by the researchers that migration was due to the graduateÂ’s desire to aid in the improvement of life for their people (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 54-55). Marital Status This data directly challenged the myth that Negroes were either unwilling or unable to have stable families. One of the most insidious tools of slavery was the wanton dismantling of the Negro family. Nevertheless, the data shows that among the respondents 67.3% of the males and 31.1 % of the females were married. The researchers heralded these finds as part of the continued progress
7 toward eradication of the past and a move towards the continued development of stable Negro families (Du Bois & Dill, 1910 p. 56-57). Number of Children This section provided a detailed accounting of the number of children born to the graduates, again separated by gender. This data also include the number of children lost (death) by these graduates. Of all the 800 respondents, 378 families collectively reported having 1,411 children (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 58-59). Occupations The study found that 53.8% of the respondents were teachers, 20% were engaged in the ministry, 7% were doctors of medicine, and 3.8% were lawyers. The cultural commitment to racial uplift is evident in the graduatesÂ’ engagement in occupations that not only provided services, but also provided encouragement, pride and a sense of accomplishment for the Negro community. However, it is also important to remember that these occupations were not only critical for the advancement of the Negro but were also necessary because they provided services to the Negro community that was denied to them by the White community. Further, these graduates did this in the face of ongoing discrimination, prejudice and violence (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 65-70). Property Ownership 495 or 62% of the respondents reported owning property. Acquired properties totaled 19,305 acres of farm land and 1,526 lots. The assessed value of said property in 1910 was $2,794,537. The researcherÂ’s contention is that the
8 accumulation of Â“wealthÂ” in the form of property served as an example for the community (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 71-72). Business Many of the college graduates reported having business enterprises in addition to their vocation (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 81-82). Education of Children Selected samples of participantsÂ’ responses: Â“It is my present intention to give my boys a full university training in order that they may be equipped to take high rank in whatever calling or profession they choseÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 82-85). Â“I have but one daughter. I plan to give her a college education in southern, eastern and European institutionsÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 8285). Â“I expect to send my boys thru college and my daughter thru a normal training schoolÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 82-85). Early Life and Training Selected samples of participantsÂ’ responses: Men Â“I was carefully reared by parents who had been slaves, attended public schools, removed to Ohio and attended high schoolÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 59-65). Â“I was born and reared on a cotton farm. My early training was such as could be received in an ex-slave home and three months in the year school. Mother and father were honest tho unlettered and strove to make the best of their opportunities and left that impression upon their children. Best of all, I was reared in a Christian homeÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 59-65). Â“I was a slave until I reached the age of thirteen years. I was taken from my parents at ten years of age. I have been compelled to support myself since 1865Â” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 59-65). Â“I had about nine months of schooling before reaching the age of twenty one years. I received most of my education since I became twenty one years of ageÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 59-65).
9 Women Â“I was born in a cabin and attended a country schoolÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 59-65). Â“I was reared on the farm until old enough to earn wages; then I was hired out until about twenty years old, when I entered school for the first time. Steady work and interested parties put me thru schoolÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910,p. 59-65). Hindrances Selected samples of participantsÂ’ responses: Â“Prejudice among colored people against their own college men is a HindranceÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 85-91). Â“My chief hindrance has been all lack of funds. I have always had to hustle for what I have attained and having become accustomed to it I hardly consider that a hindrance now. I have found a certain amount of prejudice everywhere but I have also found that ambition and energy with integrity can override prejudiceÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 85-91). Â“Lack of opportunity thru prejudice both among the more ignorant of my race as well as among the white people has been a great hindrance to my advancement. I have never been able to receive pay adequate to my qualificationsÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 85-91). Philosophy of Life Selected samples of participantsÂ’ responses: Â“If the Negro will be wise and educate himself in the trades and the professions, get homes and own land and build up a strong moral character, he will eventually come into his own and be fully recognized as an American citizenÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 91-99). Â“The further of the Negro in this country will depend upon the kind of training given to the Negro youth. The same kind of training which has made other races great is also necessary to make the Negro race greatÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 91-99). Â“With the highest possible training, the acquisition of property and the launching out into all kinds of business enterprises, the Negro in America will succeed and become a mighty power in the affairs of this countryÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 91-99).
10 Interpretation of Survey Data Although prejudice, discrimination, and limited access were described as constant and even expected hindrances, the graduates were resolved and resolute that education eitherÂ—liberal or industrialÂ—business ownership, and land ownership would be the keys to prosperity for the Negro in America. However one can hear within the statements of the respondents hints of the question: which type of college education in particularÂ—liberal (classical) or industrial (practical)Â—holds the keys to success for the Negro American? For example, two respondents gave the following responses: Â“The education of my children will probably depend largely on their own wishes but I should like them to receive training equivalent to the four yearsÂ’ college at Atlanta University and professional or special training for some particular line of workÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 83). Â“Intend to make teachers of some of them. The boys wish to be scientific farmersÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910. p. 85). This question became a point of contention for the Black leadership.
10 Chapter One Notes 1. The term Negro is used throughout this work in order to place the comments and individuals in the proper historical context. The terms Black and African American are used interchangeably well as in an effort to place the comments and individuals in the proper historical context. 2. Brown v. The Board of Education of Topeka was a landmark court decision of the United States Supreme Court in 1954. This decision declared that Â“separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.Â” This decision overturned Plessey v. Ferguson which allowed for separate but equal school systems for Blacks and Whites. The decision in Brown recognized that Black children were being denied equal educational opportunities. 3. Double-consciousness as defined by W.E.B. Du BoisÂ—Â“After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,Â—a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at oneÂ’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring oneÂ’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness,Â—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunderÂ” (Du Bois, 1903/1961).
11 Chapter Two Schools of Thought Research focused on continental Africans was scant at best. Likewise research focused on Diasporan Africans, in the United States and elsewhere, was also scant. In either case, the research conducted was typically euro-centric and egregiously biased. Early European social scientists were inclined to perceive and interpret African and Diasporan African subjects in context of a mindset informed by BlumenbachÂ’s hierarchy of human races (1795) and DarwinÂ’s theory of evolution (Darwin, 1859). Essentially, most European social scientists considered themselves as the pinnacle of human development, and all others as inferior to them. The existence of other peoples with histories separate and wholly different from their own created a situation for early European Â“explorersÂ” in which their Â“discoveriesÂ” had to be legitimized and reconciled with their own existence and religious tenets (Vidich & Lyman, 2000). In reconciling the perceived and real differences, these scientists assumed the perspective that these Â“othersÂ” were primitive, undeveloped, lost souls who had to be Â“rescuedÂ” and shown the correct way toward development and salvation. To legitimize this perception, religious edicts, doctrines, and arguments based on philosophies such as AristotleÂ’s doctrine of natural slavery, were used to endorse and support the devaluing of the Â“otherÂ” and the Â“otherÂ’sÂ” value system (Vidich & Lyman, 2000). Thus, the information available Â“examiningÂ” the culture of those of African descent wasÂ—
12 and to some great extent still isÂ—written from the vantage point of colonizers and conquerors, whose primary interest was exploitationÂ—of both human and natural resources. Even with the admitted social advances made by Â“other-edÂ” groups, such as African Americans, ostensibly there was little shift in the way the Â“otherÂ” was perceived (Vidich & Lyman, 2000). Against this backdrop in American society, the Negro community genuinely believed and expected that education held the keys to economic prosperity and social and political equality. Having been denied any form of education in the past, the moment that it was possible for Blacks to attend schoolsÂ—albeit segregated schoolsÂ—there was no hesitation to participate (Hine, Hine, & Harrold, 2004). Individuals such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington extolled the promise and virtues of education. They saw the future progress of the Negro in America as inexorably linked to education. However, these pundits disagreed about what type of education would lead to this projected prosperity. The debate fell along these lines: On one side, the researcher W.E.B. Du Bois advocated a liberal-classical education and on the other, the educator Booker T. Washington advocated an industrial-practical education (Du Bois, 1903/1961; Washington, 1901/1970). Du Bois Having internalized, to some degree, the ethos of white supremacy, Du Bois experienced what he termed as Â“double concisenessÂ” (Du Bois, 1903/1961). Within this frame of mind Du Bois found himself trapped between two worlds.
13 While he despised the treatment he received from Whites, he sought their approval since they represented, to him and to many African Americans the pinnacle of culture. He despised the racist treatment of Negroes. And though he viewed Euro-American culture as imitable, he found no moral lapse in Negroes that would justify their continued exclusion from mainstream American culture (Watts, 2006, p. 122). Du Bois was arguably one of the most educated Negroes of his time. Yet, his internalization of White social and cultural ideals was not uncommon and, to some degree, understandable, given that all of his education was in the AngloAmerican and European educational systems. However, there is more at work than just this fact. It is also Â“a pragmatic assessment of the complete power Whites held over the BlacksÂ” (Watts, 2006, p. 122). In spite of, or perhaps because of, his own intellectual and psychological challenges, Du BoisÂ’ work with the Atlanta study is a penetrating glance into the minds and hearts of African Americans. And, after more than 100 years of the education of American Blacks, DuboisÂ’ studies and writings have been the foundation for continued research to this day. Even now serious studies can hardly escape referencing DuboisÂ’ works (Crouch & Benjamin, 2002; Hubbard, 2003; Lewis, 1993; Lewis, 1995). Evident in Du BoisÂ’ work was that the answer to the question of what type of college education was necessary for the success of the Negro was quite clear: the only way to uplift the Negro was the creation of a Negro Intelligentsia class. This class would be made up of a cadre of Negroes who had studied subjects such
14 as, Greek, Latin, philosophy, literature and politics (Du Bois, 1903/1961). Du Bois believed that with this training, Negroes could be led out of the darkness to access, agency and full American citizenship. Â“The Talented Tenth of the Negro race must be made leaders of thought and missionaries of culture among their people. No others can do this work and Negro colleges must train men for it. The Negro race, like all other races, is going to be saved by its exceptional menÂ” (Du Bois, 1903/1961). This group of Â“thinkers,Â” this Â“Talented TenthÂ” would lead the Negro race to fulfill its destiny. To Du Bois this destiny would include the Â“acceptanceÂ” of the Negro by Â“the sons of mastersÂ” not only because the Negro had something critical to add to the world but also because the Negro had become Â“cultured.Â” This determination of being Â“culturedÂ” was based upon the Negro assimilating all things Anglo-European. This assimilation was the hallmark of Du BoisÂ’ expected Â“evolutionÂ” of the Negro. Washington For Booker T. Washington, education was not a province of just a select few. His contention was that education was not meant for its on sake. The value of learning science, mathematics, or physics lay in the ability to apply that knowledge to some practical or functional purpose (i.e., create better farmers and mechanics). The value of knowledge is in the ability to elevate oneself through work and the accumulation of wealth (property and money). Having control over oneÂ’s labor, the income derived from said labor, coupled with the knowledge of how to manage and use this income was the basis of WashingtonÂ’s theory. Only through this control could the Negro improve his or her condition:
15 Â“Â…out of the hard and unusual struggle through which he is compelled to pass, he gets a strength, a confidence, that one misses whose pathway is comparatively smooth by reason of birth and raceÂ” (Washington, 1901/1970, p. 40). Washington believed this endeavor so important that he advocated accepting the current plight of the Negro so that all energies could be focused on the efforts to uplift the Negro, believing this would win the respect of Whites and lead to Negroes being fully accepted as citizens and integrated into all strata of society (Washington, 1901/1970). His absolutely unwavering belief in this ethos lay at the foundation of Tuskegee Institute. Without exception every student that attended Tuskegee participated in the Â“upkeepÂ” of the school. In addition it was a well know fact that every student who attended would learn an industry. The mantra was Â“the individual who can do something that the world wants done will, in the end, make his way regardless of his raceÂ” (Washington, 1901/1970, p. 155). At the root of WashingtonÂ’s ethos, that success awaits all those who are willing to work hard, lay his own life experience coupled with the Protestant tenets integral to the American work ethic. WashingtonÂ’s experiences, from the very beginning of his pursuit of an education to later endeavors that met with success only served to solidify his internalized beliefs. Similar to Du Bois, WashingtonÂ’s internalization may have less to do with choice and more to do with power exerted over the Negro by Whites. Blacks were forcibly converted to this brand of Christianity upon their arrival to the United States (Karenga, 1989). This religious conversion was not only effective in creating an expectation of reward in heaven for suffering on earth, but also insured an acceptance of the Protestant ethos regarding success. This ethos was created and cultivated by the works of
16 Martin Luther and John Calvin (Weber, 1930/1958). Hard work, charity, thrift, and dependability are all legitimized by this religious ideology. The debate surrounding what type of college educationÂ—liberal-classical or industrial-practicalÂ—is the way to success for the African American community did not have only two sides, there was another. Woodson WoodsonÂ’s contention is quite different. He contends that both arguments are flawed. This is due to the fact that the education being obtained is established, maintained, and perpetuated by Whites whose vested interest is not in correctly and adequately preparing Negroes for agency, access, economic control or full citizenship. In fact, Woodson dubbed education of this period as Â“miseducation,Â” in relation to both Blacks and Whites (Woodson, 1933/1998). The version of history, science, art and literature taught in American schools, even segregated Black schools, only recognized the achievements of White European society as valuable. Only White achievement was recognized as significant, according to curriculums taught in American schoolsÂ—therein, reducing all other groups to footnotes in history. What is taught assures socialization and perpetuation of the social caste system. For Negroes this is particularly toxic, since within such a system they are marginalized and silencedÂ—leaving them at worst confused, angered, and unfulfilled; and, at best, trapped between two worlds (Woodson, 1933/1998). Woodson further contends that this marginalization creates an Â“educated NegroÂ” who is a social elitist, politically ignorant or apathetic, and professionally
17 stunted. This Â“educated NegroÂ” believes he or she has outgrown any belief in or need for the society of the Negro. Â“One of the most striking evidences of the failure of higher education is their estrangement from the massesÂ…the Negro churches supply the striking illustrationÂ” (Woodson, 1933/1998). Woodson also observes that the Â“educatedÂ” Negro may have an understanding of the many economic forces exerted upon a business venture yet, his lack of self-confidence prevents his efforts in business. Â“The impatient, Â‘highly educatedÂ’ Negroes Â…say thatÂ…under the present system of capitalism the Negro has no chance to toil upward in the economic sphere. While the Â‘uneducatedÂ’ Negro businessmanÂ…is actually at work doing that very thing which the Â‘mis-educatedÂ’ Negro has been taught to believe canÂ’t be doneÂ” (Woodson, 1933/1998). WoodsonÂ’s answer was in the revamping of what Negroes learn. He believed that by changing what the Negro student learns, the community will benefit. He seemed to be advocating a blend of liberal and industrial educationÂ— with a definite leaning to the Tuskegee model. However, he stressed vocational training which includes training in critical thinking. Â“AfterÂ…students have mastered the fundamentals of English, the principles of composition, the leading facts in the development of literature, they should not spend all of their time in advance work on Shakespeare, Chaucer and Anglo-Saxons. They should direct their attention also to the folklore of the African, to the philosophy in his proverbs, to the development of the Negro in the use of the Modern language, and to the works of Negro writersÂ” (Woodson, 1933/1998, p. 150). Â“Negroes do not need some one to guide them to what persons of another race have developed. They must be taught to think for themselvesÂ” (Woodson, 1933/1998, p. 159).
18 Chapter Three The Test of Time Du Bois, Washington, and Woodson as well as others engaged in heated debates over which type of education was most promising. But through the haze of philosophies and theories and suppositions, there was one clear, unifying assumption for them and for the Negro community at largeÂ—that success for the Negro in America was inexorably linked to education. This sentiment resonated in the voices of the respondents in the study Â“ The College-Bred Negro American .Â” One respondent stated: Â“Educate him in the highest and best way possible so as to enable him to be successfully complete in every other element of Americanism in every walk of lifeÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p, 93). The findings of the Atlanta study were not used to develop a paradigm or to list criteria of any kind. However, the study gives us insight into the thinking, desires, and the vision of a newly emancipated people, many bereft of anything save self and family. Education as a potent component in the Negro formula for American success was the point around which most of the respondents rallied. They all intended to educate their children. The type of education a child would receive was sometimes based upon gender. And even though the respondents expected that their children would be challenged by prejudice, discrimination, and limited or denied access, and that they, themselves, would be challenged in the financing of a childÂ’s education, the efforts would be made because the cost of not
19 doing so would chart a course perceived as even more difficult to negotiate. As with education, the respondents were also resolved and resolute in matters of business ownership and land ownership, as together, these were the keys to prosperity, equality, acceptance, and full citizenship for the Negro in America. For most Negroes, illiteracy was tantamount to slavery. Landlessness was tantamount to poverty. The Â“Peculiar InstitutionÂ” of slavery demanded the denial of both to the Negro. With freedom came the opportunity to acquire that which would not only facilitate full American citizenship, but would also restore to the Negro full dignity as a human being. At least this was the belief. Whereas acquisition of property and business ownership may have been considered the building blocks of wealth, education was needed to attain and maintain both. It was the lynchpin of success. Like many in mainstream America, Negroes, too, internalized the Â“Jeffersonian IdealÂ”Â—the idea of an educated populace, which was able to interact and participate in society and government (Dorn, 2002). The Jeffersonian Ideal, coupled with the Protestant dogma of hard work, charity, thrift and dependability, combined into a powerful and alluring formula that emboldened its believers with the fortitude to pursue the Â“American Dream.Â” Having been deracinated from their African homeland and distanced, by centuries and countless acts of cruelty, from their social traditions, language, customs, and history, what real choice did the Negro have? In the NegroÂ’s pursuit of the American Dream, is again a testament of White power over Blacks. Before and after the Emancipation Proclamation, a number of Blacks were repatriated to
20 Africa. Abraham Lincoln even considered removing Blacks to Haiti as a solution to AmericaÂ’s Civil War (Gould, 1981/1996). There was much talk and some efforts made by both Blacks and Whites to remove Blacks to their African homeland or to islands in the Caribbean. The most well known case would be the Back-to-Africa Movement led by Marcus Garvey. But the sweat and blood of millions of Blacks had nurtured the soil of America, and the cruel institution of slavery forced an acculturation of Anglo-American mores that was undeniable. For the majority of Blacks, their destiny was bound up in America, and they intended to be fully a part of it. An examination of the data provided by the participants of the study reveals the earnestness with which the Negro pursued the American Dream. Their movement from bondage and illiteracy to emancipation and living life in abject poverty then to the levels of education and prosperity is significant. These former slaves owned more than 2 million dollars in property and were employed as doctors, lawyers, ministers, teachers, real estate dealers, mail carriers, draftsmen, civil servants, and bookkeepers. In addition they had business enterprises in addition to their vocation (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 63, 81-81). From their perspective anything was possibleÂ—why not full citizenship? Two of the respondents noted: Â“The Negro race would be much stronger if there were more who could see the benefit of a college education, be it the professional line or in a trade. I think the higher the education of the Negro race will tend towards reducing race prejudiceÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910 p. 93). Â“Strong, well-trained leadership for the masses. Educational opportunities unrestricted for all as the case may demand. Retention of the right of suffrage and the display of more independence in the matter of voting. A
21 better trained ministry to inculcate sound moral teaching. The organizing in cities of clubs for civic improvement and for demanding better grammar school training for Negro children and for teaching the masses, as far as possible, the proper meaning and duties of citizenship. Encouraging business enterprises. Vigorously opposing the doctrine of servility and submissionÂ—but not service. Co-operation as far as possible and wherever warranted with fair and right-minded whites for civic improvementÂ” (Du Bois & Dill, 1910, p. 95). From the standpoint of the Negro at the turn of the 20th century, the future was bright. There was evidence of Black progress and success for the vanguard of Black leadership, hope for the eventual uplift of the masses, and anticipation of the entry of all Blacks into mainstream America as full citizens. Almost a century later, African Americans are faced by the same concerns and questions of the past. For, generally speaking, much is still the same. African Americans question their continued marginalization in American society; their status as second-class citizens, who are not infrequently disenfranchised; and the economic plight of the masses. What is across the nation described as the Â“Achievement Gap,Â” conceptualizes the lack of success among Blacks in educational institutions. How African American youth are educated, what type of education is better, and how can the masses of African Americans move out of crippling economic poverty are issues which continue to be debated. This debate was thrust onto the national stage in August of 2005 when Hurricane Katrina devastated the gulf coast of the United States, leaving in its wakeÂ—from Florida to LouisianaÂ—decimated and flooded cities and a dislocated populace. Citizens of the United States watched in horror as the regionÂ’s most vulnerable and disenfranchised were left to fend for themselves and, in some instances, die in the aftermath of the storm (Alter, 2005). What followed was the inadequate response of the federal government, the glaring
22 failures of the local and state governments, and the political parties blaming each other for the failures (Thomas, 2005). The national news media were not exempt from this feast of failures, as racist stereotyping was all too clear in the reporting. For instance, newscasters identified White victims as Â“finding foodÂ” and Black victims as having Â“looted foodÂ” (Alter, 2005). The voice of the economically privileged was revealed in the types of questions asked: Why didnÂ’t they leave? What would possess them to stay? (Alter, 2005, p. 48). The question assumes that these thousands of poor had the means to leave, somewhere to go, and the wherewithal to maintain themselves once theyÂ’d arrived. Finally, there was the collective gasp of horror when the American citizenry Â“discoveredÂ” that there are people in the United States trapped in poverty. Despite the fact that between 2002 and 2004, the U.S. Census reported that 37 million Americans live in poverty and of that number 8.8 million were African Americans (Alter, 2005, p. 46; Appendix A, Table 4). AmericaÂ’s poor and poor Blacks, particularly, are largely invisible. How is it that in what is touted as the Â“richest country in the worldÂ” there exists deficient healthcare and education systems (Alter, 2005, p. 46), and that while the median income of this country is projected at $33,000 a year, for Blacks it is $24,000 a year, and for Blacks in parts of New Orleans, it is under $8,000 a year (West, 2005). For Whites the median income is projected at $48,784 a year. African Americans make up only 12% of the population. That about 26% of the African American community lives in poverty is signifies a significant share of this population. By comparison Whites, who make up 72% of the population, have only about 8%
23 living in poverty (Alter, 2005, p. 45; Appendix A, Table 4). Home ownership is only slightly better. 46 % of African Americans own a home compared to 74% of Whites. However, the median value of African American homes was about $50, 000 less than their White counterparts (Appendix A, Table 5 & 6). These facts are exacerbated by the reality that African Americans still do not complete college at rates proportionate to their representation in the population of the United States. In 2004, only 5,593 (.0001608 or less than 1%) of African Americans earned college degrees (Appendix A, Table 2). If one takes just the percentages listed in Appendix A, Table 3 (which show matriculation rates since 1940), one will notice that the percentages increase over several decades and then stabilize with only slight differences during the later years. This would tend to give people the impression there had been steady improvement, as well as the production of a fair number of individuals with degrees within the African American community. However, a researcher should never look at only one set of data or a single type of presentation of the data. If one examines the data found in Appendix A, Table 2, one notes that the actual number of degrees is extremely low, and in some categories, single digits. Comparing these numbers to our percentage of the national population (Appendix A, Table 1), African Americans are still significantly underrepresented. Given that education was perceived as the panacea of the Negro American, the actual outcome of their posterity would truly confound our African American forebears. The original respondents genuinely believed and expected a college education to unlock access to prosperity and equality. So what happened?
24 Why more than one hundred years after the first Black students began entering institutions of higher education, African Americans are still challenged with the same questions and concerns? Why are so many members of the African American population still not graduating from college at rates proportionate to their representation within the population? Why are so many African Americans still living in abject poverty and treated not only as less than full citizens, but also as sub-humans? Even though a college education may not have yielded the outcome expected by the early leadership and those who, in effect, became the Â“Talented Tenth,Â” it has brought some benefits to some, if not all, which may be why among many African Americans the belief of the necessity of a college degree still maintains. From my particular vantage point as a Â“College-Bred Negro,Â” I am compelled to analyze and respond to these continuing and vexing questions; for I am also, in my turn, accountable to the next generation.
25 Chapter Four A View from the Ivory Tower I wish I could say that prior to graduate school I was familiar with all of the works and writings of Dr. W. E. B. Dubois. This was not the case. Through the progression of my graduate studies I became more exposed to his work. In fact, I found out about this particular study while conducting the research necessary to write a review on Dreeben's 1968 work On What Is Learned in School While looking for a review on Dreeben's work I stumbled across a complete listing of DuboisÂ’ works, which included The College-Bred Negro American (1910). I made a mental note, and later returned to read the study. Upon reading the study, I began toying with the idea of repeating the Atlanta University study. Buttressed by the review of other works such as The MiddleClass Negro in the White ManÂ’s World (Ginzberg, 1967), On What Is Learned In School (Dreeben, 1968), Model Minority Myth (Sue & Kitano, 1973), The Miseducation of the Negro (Woodson, 1933), The Rage of a Privileged Class (Cose, 1995); conversations with my professors, and discussions with others, it occurred to me that almost one hundred years after the publication of The College-Bred Negro American the question of what type of education is the key to success for the African American is still unsettled. Now, with a topic selected, there sprang a multitude of choices Â— qualitative, quantitative or mixed methods, ethnographic, autoethnography or case
26 study, survey or focus groupsÂ—I felt overwhelmed by the choices. I found myself drawn to autoethnographyÂ—autoethnography uses the researcher as a lens through which to view a society (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). This style of research was not practical when Dubois originally undertook his study. During Dr. DuboisÂ’ time, the accepted form of research was for the researcher to remain Â“separate,Â” aloof, and by extension objective (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). The assumption was that only in this way could the Â“otherÂ” be studied. Though some still hold to this Â“objectiveÂ” view of research, it has been accepted by qualitative researchers that it is impossible for them to exclude themselves or their voices from their research (Guba & Lincoln, 2005). In autoethnographies, researchers embrace their emotions and personal experiencesÂ—boldly declaring, instead of denying, their shortcomings (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). While I was not previously aware that this type of research and writing existed, I have always presented my works in a narrative fashionÂ—enjoying weaving a tale into the writing in which the reader might become engaged. This is probably due to the influence of hearing my fatherÂ’s sermons most of my youth. Sermonic presentations generally make use of anecdotes or stories meant to draw in the listener. However, from time to time, this method has been met with disdain by professors who told me that my voice was too prevalent in my writing. It was not until graduate school, and my courses in the College of Education and the Anthropology Department, that the inclusion of my voice in my writing was accepted and encouraged Â– and, in fact, had a name: autoethnography Armed with this newfound information, the focus of my study began to crystallize. Now I had to choose the type of
27 ethnography I would complete: Would it be reflexive, the researcher uses their experience with subcultures to examine self-other interactions (Ellis & Bochner, 2000); native, the researcher is a member of a marginalized group and provides a window into their culture for nonmembers (Ellis & Bochner, 2000); personal, researchers fill both the academic and personal roles as they serve as the lens for the study of their culture (Ellis & Bochner, 2000); or a literary autoethnography, a form of social science research in which the author writes an autobiographical text that uses the authorÂ’s membership and experience in the culture being studied as a prism in order to relate the culture to a non-native audience (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). I selected a literary autoethnography because it is a form of social science research in which the author writes an autobiographical text that uses that authorÂ’s membership and experience in the culture being studied as a prism in order to relate the culture to those outside of the group being studied (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). I am a Black, college educated male from a family in which property ownership, entrepreneurship, and acquisition of higher education are norms. It could be reasonably argued that I was born to address this topic. Given my demographics, circumstances and experiences, it is conceivable that I could be placed into the category that Du Bois considered the Â“Talented Tenth,Â” the Intelligentsia, or the bourgeoisie class. Who better, then, to revisit the 20th century study The College-Bred Negro American than a 21st century Â“collegebredÂ” African American?
28 The original participants and I do not share the exact same social knowledge. I am certainly not a first-generation college student (Gee, 2005). However, we do share membership in the same racial and ethnic community. Our shared membership in said group enables us to share much the same understanding of context, language, and experience (Carley, 1993). My shared membership in this community makes me a complete member researcher, a researcher who is a full member of the group being studied (Adler & Adler, 1987). This research dynamic is also known as a participantÂ—observer methodology (Ellis & Bochner, 2000). I have chosen to combine an autoethnographic approach with an objective analysis of the 2004 US Census data in order to determine if the growth in college degrees earned within the African American community represented by the studyÂ’s original respondents is still occurring in the African American community today. To begin, I believe it useful to complete the same survey as did the 1910 participants and to provide my responses in the same format. In this way, I invite a comparative analysis of my orientation and experiences with that of my predecessors. I also thereby suggest our shared membership and the historical context that frame it. Schools Attended I myself attended three colleges earning a degree from one and I am in the process of earning a degree from another: Malone College, St. Leo College and the University of South Florida. Malone was a predominately White college and
29 was my first occasion of sharing living quarters with someone from a different ethnic group. I attended St. Leo College while I was a member of the United States Air Force (earning my BachelorÂ’s Degree in 1997). The experience of an adult student taking class with other adults from all over the world was quite different from my experience as a teenager at Malone. At Malone the perspective of the material and concepts were wholly dependent upon the professor as well as Anglo-European and Protestant canons. Conversely, taking courses as an adult student with adults from across the globe with very different world views and experiences created and environment in which the professorÂ’s viewpoint was not necessarily the prevailing one. In addition I was able to participate in courses which had a viewpoint other than an Anglo-European or an Americo-centric one. Finally, my most recent experiences while a student at the University of South Florida have been just as diverse as my educational experiences while I was in the military. (I am in the process of completing the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Interdisciplinary Social Sciences degree). I have been able to study abroad in Costa Rica and Cambridge, England, and conduct research in Cuba, in addition to my course work on campus. Residency I moved from my parents home to attend Malone College in Ohio. After my freshman year, I enlisted in the Ohio Air National Guard eventually moving to active duty in the United States Air Force. I did not return to college until in my twenties. I have moved for work and school on several occasions. I have never
30 been one to restrict my options by being unwilling to relocate. The military tends to move personnel quite a lot, so one becomes accustomed to moving. Martial Status I was married for 5 years and have been divorced for 18 years. Number of Children I have one child, within my marriage. He is 19 years of age. Occupations I have been a student, a member of the Ohio Air National Guard, the United States Air Force Reserves, the United States Air Force, and a teacher. While in the military I held various positions during my career: Security Specialist, Telecommunications Operator, Systems Administrator, and Entertainment Director. Property Ownership I do own property; however, I prefer not to state the value of said property. Business I have had and currently have business interests. I have owned an entertainment company and I currently own rental property. Education of Children Though I should like to see my son educated and skilled, I will not insist that he attends college. In fact, he can receive training in any number of fields of endeavor which do not require a college education.
31 Early Life and Training I attended a federally funded pre-school program called Head Start. During elementary school I initially attended a predominantly Black public school. My parents moved me to a predominantly White private school for the latter part of elementary school. I began junior high at a predominantly White public school, moving to a predominantly Black public school midway through. For high school I attended rather well mixed public school. Hindrances My awareness of the concept of race occurred during Head Start (a preschool program for low income families), when my white teacher used a functionalist approach to explain discrimination to us. She lined us up and explained that we were going to pretend that we were applicants for a job. As each child approached the window to apply for the job, they were either accepted or rejected based solely on color. The teacher explained that this action was discrimination. However, I do not recall ever experiencing any overt discrimination. This may have been due to my parentsÂ’ status as a prominent minister and a politically active wife or it could have been due to the fact that for most of my childhood race was not a determining factor for access, agency or success. Until junior high school, I lived in areas and attended schools in which Blacks were few. This fact played an equally important role in my socialization into White societyÂ–living and attending school with White children enabled me to see them as my peers; it never occurred to me that I could not achieve what they were
32 expected to achieve. (For example all through junior high school, I fully believed that I was going to become the first Black President of the United States.) This absence of race as a hindrance changed abruptly when my parents divorced and, for the first time in my life, I lived in a predominantly Black neighborhood and attended a predominantly Black school. I found that I was not accepted by either the Black students or the White studentsÂ—in a way I was trapped between two worlds. I had no problems with adults; the children were the issue. This remained the cause until the first school dance. When it was Â“discoveredÂ” I could dance I received social acceptance. However, this acceptance was still colored by the reality that I was still perceived as acting White. Philosophy of Life As time has passed I have grown to realize that success in not determined by how rich, educated or popular someone is; in fact, I think success is determined by a great deal more than these rudimentary, fleeting gauges. To me success is gainful employment which permits one to care for his or her family, providing what is needed and some of what is wanted; raising responsible, independent children; and commitment to the improvement of oneÂ’s community. Finally, being a man of my word, because in the end that is really all I have. Conclusion After years of education and exposure to the educational and social systems of the United States, I find that I do not agree that the only way to be a success is by earning a college degree. Making this point more salient to me was a conversation I had with my son midway through his high school years. In this
33 conversation, my son announced to me that he did not think he wanted to go to college. I did not get upset. In fact, I began discussing with him the many other options he had. I explained to him that he did not have to go to college if he did not want to. He could learn a trade, take an entry-level position with any number of the local government departments, or join the military. However, whatever he decided to do, he had to have a plan for how to undertake and accomplish it. In addition, I told him that while I would support whatever choice he made, he would have to tell his mother about his choice. This was a conversation that would not have been possible between his grand-father and me. My family has internalized the ethos that education equals success. All of my life it was presumed that I would attend college. I come from a family in which education, entrepreneurship, and property ownership are advocated. My maternal great uncle was one of the first Black graduates of the University of North Carolina. My maternal great grandparents were among the first Black families to own property in that state. My father and stepmother both have their Ph.Ds and my mother has an undergraduate degree and runs a nonprofit foundation. There was never any question whether I would attend college. Yet, much to my surprise, I found myself questioning the long-held belief within the African American community that in order to be successful one must acquire a college degree. While I have no disagreement with the premise that it is critical that our children are properly educated at the primary and secondary levels, a fact made clear after spending the last year as a sixth-grade teacher, I am not convinced that a college degree is essential for success. For far too long we
34 have convinced our youth to participate in the process of college matriculation which may be neither the intent or forte of some of our youth. At the same time, by emphasizing only higher education as the means to success, we devalue skillbased or Â“blue collarÂ” employment. The wholesale acceptance of this ideology has left our community wanting for many things, not the least of which is a cadre of workers who are able to control their labor and the income derived from said labor. I advocate education and training based upon interest and ability. A diversification in what we prepare our youth to do and an understanding of money and the power gained by having control over oneÂ’s labor and the income derived from it, seems to me to be preferable and more realistic. In addition, we need to rethink how we define success. There are many ways to Â“learnÂ” and to be successful, and college is but one avenue. We as a community do not avail ourselves enough of those other avenues. Those of us who have experience and knowledge in these other choices and opportunities too often are content with keeping this wealth of knowledge and experience to ourselves. Our communitiesÂ’ norms, expectations and philosophy are based on a vision that is virtually a century old. This, in and of itself, is not the problem. What is at issue is that the model for success that was represented by the Du Boisean Â“Talented TenthÂ” has not been effective for the College-Bred Negro nor for the masses that were to be uplifted by themÂ—not then and not now. Some may think that my contention that college is not the end all be all is flawed
35 because, as a college educated, well traveled, well informed, business owner, I am successful. Of course, that would depend on oneÂ’s definition of Â“successÂ”. The definition of success, for Du Bois and the respondents of the study: The College-Bred Negro American was centered on the Calvinist ideal of the elect. This ideal is centered on the belief that a Protestant followerÂ’s prosperity was a sign of GodÂ’s hand upon their life both temporally and spiritually. For them prosperity was defined as a stable family, financial gain (wealth), property ownership, social benevolence (charity), community acceptance and conformity (Weber, 1930/1958). Du Bois and the respondents added to this list, acquisition of a college degree, and the right to vote. My argument with this definition lies in the clear demarcation that only a select group can and will be successful. This sacred view of success not only limits who is considered a success, it also limits the opportunities for success (Eliade, 1959). By its very nature this definition presumes the Â“onlyÂ” road to success is through obtaining a college degree. Once acquired, the recipient is now above Â“blue collarÂ” work and is destined for wealth and fame. This definition of success classifies prosperity by the acquisition of wealth instead of financial independence and stability. This definition of success also devalues Â“blue collarÂ” employment. What about the postal worker that is a responsible employee who, during his or her years of service, buys a house, pays taxes, participates in the community, and raises a family? During this time, they donÂ’t break the law, become rap or sports figures, or earn a college degree. Why arenÂ’t they seen as a success? To me the postal worker is the epitome of success.
36 For Du Bois, his vanguard, and the studyÂ’s respondents, neither their definition of success nor their expectations have come to fruition. Du Bois and the respondents fully expected the cadre of Talented Tenth folks to lead the Negro race to the Promised Land. Where, after they had been assimilated, they would be educated, prosperous and accepted as full citizens of the United States. While one cannot argue that a 536% increase in Negroes earning college degrees is phenomenal, one must remember our number of graduates previously was zero (Du Bois & Dill, 1910). Was there salvation for the masses? Quite the contrary, after reconstruction, Negroes were completely disenfranchised. The successes achieved politically and financially were all wiped away. In fact, Jim Crow instituted and codified in law the creation of Negroes as a permanent servant class thus relegated to the most menial of labor. The industrial revolution provided only minimal relief. While Blacks migrated to the cities in search of employment, in the factories they were once again relegated to the menial labor tasks such as sweeping the floor (Franklin, 1993). TodayÂ’s African AmericanÂ’s rejection of Â“blue collarÂ” work and the internalization in the belief of a causal link between a college education and success may be in direct response to our communityÂ’s historical reality of being forced into the most labor-intensive menial jobs. However, this internalization has fostered a complete rejection and demeaning perspective of Â“blue collarÂ” work, a sense of entitlement as well as a tendency to foster a cult of victimization, even among those who are part of the Â“Talented TenthÂ” (McWhorter, 2000).
37 To some, for doctors, lawyers, and corporate executives to bemoan their status as victims of a society which still treats them unequally rings hollow (McWhorter, 2000; Franklin, 1993). And in some real sense it should. For this group steady, well-paid work, regular health care, and homeownership is a realityÂ—46% of African Americans own their own homes (U.S. Census, 2007). Why should the massesÂ—the 54% of African Americans who donÂ’t own homes and the 26% of African Americans who live in poverty (U.S. Census, 2007)Â—feel sorry for them? TodayÂ’s Â“electÂ” acquired the necessary credentialization which enabled them to obtain the types of positions which are expected of the Talented TenthÂ— professional employment, jobs with Â“statusÂ” thus, assimilating into the Americocentric society in which they live. Yet, they are unhappy. They claim to have found, much to their dismay, that race still plays a factor. They are enraged to discover that after college, professional training, the right job, the correct address, the proper speech, they are still excluded from White society because in the end they are still not White. This realization creates disillusionment. They have found that no matter how much they have tried to gain acceptance, they will never succeed (Cose, 1993). Du Bois said it in the early twentieth century and it rings true in the twenty first, the quintessential problem for the United States will be the color line. We could debate if it is class or race, but ostensibly they are the same for African Americans. Regardless of our net worth we are still not White. From its inception the United States has been a country divided and ruled under the precept
38 of the sacred and the profane. For Whites everyone that is White and anything associated with Whites is sacred. Anything not White is profane (Eliade, 1959). This exclusionary view of the world and the Â“otherÂ” was and is specifically designed to perpetuate the privilege enjoyed by Whites. This privilege exists and is maintained at the expense of the Â“other.Â” Whites have done and will continue to do whatever is necessary in order to maintain this privilege; this reality binds their community together. It is very difficult for a group any group to give up a position of status and privilege. However, this reality does not absolve the African American community of its responsibility to itself.
39 Chapter Five The Objective of an Education Whether liberal or industrial, professional or trade, all education is valuable. Du Bois advocated a liberal education focused on creating an intelligentsia class (Du Bois, 1903). Washington championed an industrial education intended to build an educated labor force (Washington, 1901). Woodson trumpeted an education which was a hybrid of the two previous ideas with the added caveats of not only learning the canons dictated by the Americocentric, Anglo-European Academy, but emphasizing that attention be also given Â“to the folklore of the African, to the philosophy in his proverbs, to the development of the Negro in the use of the Modern language, and to the works of Negro writersÂ” (Woodson, 1933, p. 150). Regardless of their point of view, all of them agreed that the future of the African American community was contingent upon the education the African American. Given their indefatigable efforts, confidence, and hope, they certainly would not have expected that, one hundred years later, in 2004, only 5,593 (.0001608 or less than 1%) out of 34,772,331 African Americans would have earned college degrees (Appendix A, Table 2). Education in and of itself was not the goal, however. Education was the lever, the instrument, to lift African Americans out of impoverished conditions which trailed them from slavery into freedom. Yet the masses of African Americans are still mired in poverty. As with early proponents of college
40 education, the majority of African Americans today continue to embrace the ethos of the past which dictate that the key to success is a college education. Could it be that this concept of success is too narrow? Could it be that the continued faith in this ethos has done a disservice to our youth by limiting the choices that they consider as viable options? I am reminded of a recent conversation I had with a group of my students which was prompted by the African American male students in the class who insisted that I, an African American, could not be Black. The conversation went as follows: Student: What are you? M. C.: What do you mean? Student: You aint Black; you Cuban, MexicanÂ…somethin M. C.: Why do you insist that I canÂ’t be Black? Finally after some coaxing from the White male and female students with him Â… Student: cause dat dareÂ… M. C.: Insist? You think I canÂ’t be Black because of the way I speak? Student: Yah M. C.: Well, believe it or not I am Black. But my race has nothing to do with how I speak. Just because I donÂ’t use slang doesnÂ’t mean I am not Black. In fact, you can and should think about learning to speak this way because; you need to speak with people other than your friends and the way you speak with them will not work in other placesÂ…like school or work. Student (White Female): He thinks you out to talk like IÂ’m posed to
41 M. C.: What do you guys want to be when you grow up? Student (White Female): Neo-natal nurse (She had a little difficulty with the term, so I was obliged to help her with it.) M. C.: So when you are talking with the parents of one of your patients, you are going to say: Â“yo, so whaÂ’ be up wit yoÂ’r kid?Â” Student (White Female): (laughing) Nah, nah, nah, (she instantly changes her speech pattern) I would say: Â“What a beautiful baby you have.Â” M. C.: Exactly. In different circumstances you will need to use Standard English, correctly, and you need to know when those occasions are as well as how to correctly use Standard English. I then turned to the African American Male student M. C.: What do you want to be when you grow up? Student: IÂ’m gona play football. M. C.: That is great, and I am all for you going after your dream. But, what do you what to be just in case that doesnÂ’t work out. Sitting quietly for a moment, looking seriously and puzzled into my eyes he then speaks Student: never thought bout it M. C.: No one has ever asked you what else you are interested in? What else you would like to do? Student: Nah M. C.: What else are you interested in? What else do you want to do? Student: never thought bout it
42 I do not think negatively about careers as musical artistsÂ—rappersÂ—or athletes. However, what does it say about or community that the dreams we give our children are so singularly focused. Several events need to occur in order to address this. To begin with, all forms of education must be explored and advocated as a way to broaden oneÂ’s choices, to fill oneÂ’s life with possibilities and to arm one with the tools necessary to live, participate and contribute to their lives and the community in which they live, in the most productive way possible. In addition, a complete redefining of success must occur within the African American community. Finally, in order to find new leaders we must Â“drop or buckets where we standÂ” (Washington, 1901/1970)Â—contrary to the myth, we are not devoid of leadership; we are just not looking into all of our possibilities. Our leaders are those individuals who make it work in spite of their circumstances. Our examples are those people who are law abiding, hard working, family and community committed. We are left with more questions than answers, and I by know means can answer them all or can say that I have definitive answers to any of them. Why is it that in the twenty-first century African Americans are still confronted with the question of how to achieve academic success and economic empowerment? Why are members of the African American community still not graduating from college at rates proportionate to their representation within the population? Why are so many African Americans still living in abject poverty and treated not only as less than full citizens, but also as sub-humans? There are several possible answers to the question: Could it be thatÂ…?
43 African Americans have determined that the promise of integration required a price too high to pay and are thereby seeking to redefine themselves (Baldwin, 1985). African Americans have found that the melting pot (Crouch, 2004), and multiculturalism (Giroux & Purpel, 1983) have created a population of African Americans trapped between two worlds, unable to live acceptably in either (Stowell & Oakley, 2002). African Americans have discovered their definition of success is flawed and built on the internalization of an ethos that is not theirs (Bond, 1996). African Americans realize that the American school system is just as segregated and dysfunctional as it was before Brown vs. the Board of Education (Kozol, 2005). African Americans believe that no matter what education is acquired they will never be considered or treated as full citizens in the United States (Franklin, 1993). African Americans have decided that desegregation was a failure and therefore are rejecting anything that remotely resembles the norms and values of the society which has dominated them.
44 African Americans, find their effort to redefine themselves and their culture wholly apart from the society which as dictated their norms for so long, beneficial. African Americans lost any remnants of their society which were the foundation of their community (i.e., the extended family model) in their efforts to assimilate during desegregation and are now paying for that choice. Whatever the reason or reasons, and this is not meant to be an exhaustive list, one way that might be effective in determining the reasons is to repeat the original 1910 study The College-Bred Negro American Though the issues addressed in this thesis have been consistent over a millennia, circumstances within American society are different. Therefore the survey would have to be relevant to the present and framed to reflect modern realities. This purposed study would be framed against the backdrop of questioning the benefits of desegregation, the failure of the Black intelligentsia, the exodus of the Black bourgeoisie, the destruction of the extended family model, and a re-evaluation of African American cultural continuance. The sample for this study will be first-generation African American college graduates drawn from one private university, one public university, one public college, one private college, one historically Black college, one historically Black university, and one community college. In addition, participants who did not attend college and selected other avenues to earn a living will be included as a separate sample group.
45 The goal of this project would be to investigate the educational aspirations and experiences of African American some 100 years since Dubois and WashingtonÂ’s original debate and more than fifty three years after Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, the 1957 Supreme Court decision that overturned Plessey vs. Ferguson (1896). My belief is that by examining these aspirations and experiences we may discover some of the reasons why the African American community is still not graduating students from college at rates proportionate to their representation within the population. The data may also be the foundation of a dialogue describing or redefining success for African Americans and new or revised strategies for self-empowerment and full citizenship. To this end the participants will be asked to complete a survey (Appendix C) asking them questions such as the following: What is your definition of success? How do you define academic achievement? How would you describe your academic experiencesÂ—what were the positive and negative aspects? The expectation and hope is that the survey will not only illicit information regarding the participantsÂ’ educational philosophy and vision, but will also allow an understanding of what impact education has had on them financially, socially and philosophically (Appendix C) (Creswell, 1998). Proposed Study Participants First-generation African American students will be sought out to participate. For the purpose of the study, first generation will mean the first person in the participantsÂ’ familyÂ—maternal and paternalÂ—to be graduated from
46 college. Participants will be kept anonymous in an effort to encourage open and frank with their responses. Ideally a total of 800 participants is desired. Today, African Americans have many educational choices, so it would not be feasible, at this point, to be comprehensive in terms of targeted populations. To address this limitation, the seven institutions of higher learning, that will be the source of participants, will be diverse in nature. Included in the source pool will be one private university, one public university, one public college, one private college, one historically Black college, one historically Black university, and one community college. For the purposes of this study, a private university is one which receives minimal government funding; a public university is predominately funded by a national or regional government; a historically black college or university is one that has historically served the African American community as a response to their exclusion from White colleges. A community college is an institution funded by a national or regional government that offers only Associate degrees in Arts or the Science. (www.answers.com). The sample groups will be made up of participants who share a set of specific characteristics and can provide an insight into a particular phenomenon. This closed community will be contacted by requesting each alumni association of the selected institutions to print an invitation in their newsletter inviting all first generation African American graduates to visit the website designed for this study (Onwuegbuzie & Collins, p. 56). The racial, ethnic, and national identification of the participants will be self identified. This data will not be established for the participants by the
47 researcher since the participants will fill out the survey on line, never being met by the researcher. This will not be a limitation, considering that social identities are fluid and are generally defined by the individuals themselvesÂ—regardless of othersÂ’ efforts to identify and categorize them. This study will seek to make case-to-case transfers (generalizations made across similar cases; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005), thus a non-random (nonprobability) sample will be selected for this study. Again, I will be restricting my findings and generalizations to the participants and not to any group outside of the study participants (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005). Any generalization beyond my participants would be flawed as my sample is not random and may be too small for external generalization. While working on this section something occurred to meÂ—could I answer the questions I raised by merely having participants who were first-generation college graduates? How could the study of this group alone investigate the possible shift from the accepted formula that education equals success and the ethos from which the formula is derived? In order to better address this new question I would need to include another group of subjects. I would need to expand my sample frame to include a homogeneous, critical case non-random (non-probability) sample who are an extreme case (selecting outlying cases and conducting comparative analyses (Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2005 p. 56). I would need to include participants who did not attend college and selected other avenues to earn a living. For these subjects I would add three additional questions on the second survey: Why did you choose to forego college? What is your means of
48 earning a living? What determined your choice of livelihood? Widening my sample frame to include these individuals will enable me to better address my research questions as well as provide a better discussion regarding the possible reasons for a loss of belief in the traditional African American ethos and formula regarding education and success. In order to contact these subjects I will run advertisements in the African American papers in the cities where the selected seven colleges are located. These advertisements will briefly explain the study and its purpose and invite African Americans who did not attend college and who also meet the previously stated demographic requirements for the other subject group to visit the website listed and participate in this study. The limitations for this group and the data provided by them are the same. Instrument I will create two online (electronic) surveys for my participants to complete. These surveys will provide data for the study. The first survey will be the exact same questions asked of the original participants in the 1910 study. There were a total of 19 questions posed which collected demographic and philosophical data. The second survey will ask 33 questions, 19 of which are rephrased versions of the original questions. The additional questions are intended to illicit information regarding the participantÂ’s possible internalization of the education equals success formula. The surveys (Appendix B & C) will be posted on line for the participants to complete. The responses to the two surveys will establish a measure of validity by asking the same questions, in different forms, in
49 order to verify and compare the responses between both surveys, thereby integrating a form of triangulation which is intended to add another level of validity to the participantsÂ’ responses (Webb, Campbell, Schwartz & Sechrest, 1966). Procedure Upon arriving at the studyÂ’s website, the participants will be able to read an explanation of the study and are asked to participate. If they choose to participate, activating the continue button will represent compliance, agreement, and understanding (an informed consent disclaimer will be presented about the continue button). The participants will then be directed to the first of the two surveys. They will be asked to create an identification number consisting of their birthday represented as MMDDYY, plus two alphabetic characters of their choosing. The same ID must be entered on both surveys. This will enable them to remain anonymous and I will be able to match their two surveys. I realize this format may be questionable for some qualitative researchers. Without the data collected from verbal and non verbal responses, there is the concern that the Â“voiceÂ” of the participants will not be clearly projected. The question is understandable since person-to-person interviews enable the researcher to present the participants with further questions to probe for answers as well as providing the researcher the opportunity to observe the participant. Nevertheless, studies have shown that non-verbal responses, in most cases, can be just as informative as verbal responses (Spradley, 1979; Fontana & Frey, 2005). However, for this study I will be mirroring the original 1910 survey format. My intention in the
50 method I have chosen is also a means to insure distance between the researcher and the participant in order to manage interference in the data collection. While my ability to ask probing and follow-up questions will be limited by the mixture of more than 30 closeand open-ended questions, this limitation will by no means limit the amount of data. To assist with storing, processing and correlation of this data I will use the software program N7 (QSR, 2002). Analysis The data will be analyzed using several different techniques to assist in achieving saturation (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2005). For this study I will use word count, keywords-in-context, and within-case and cross-case analysis. Word count analysis will be used to identify terms or phrases which the participant uses when answering the qualitative questions during the interview. Once the researcher identifies these items, the frequency which they appear in the data will be determined (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2005). The purpose of counting how many times a particular word appears in the data is to determine what, if any, themes or trends are observed by the researcher. Keyword-in-context analysis, not only looks for repeated words in the text but also examines the text surrounding the word in order to determine the context or meaning of the word for the participant (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2005). This analysis will enable the researcher to open a window into the community being studied, by permitting an understanding of the terms and what those terms mean within said community, as well as to develop a kind of dictionary or a glossary of terms and their meanings.
51 Cross-case analysis is meant for use by researchers with multiple cases to analyze. The analysis of cases generates mountains of data. Each case must be analyzed, the participantsÂ’ responses and Â“storyÂ” narratives written, and conclusions drawn and presentedÂ—cross-case analysis provides an effective way for this to be handled (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Cross-case analysis is much like the other techniques discussed above, with the addition of its ability to analyze and display the effect that various forces have on the data. As with all analysis techniques, the researcher must be familiar with the data, and the data are mined for words, phrases, and themes that arise from the participantÂ’s responses to the research questions. Instead of merely mining for the themes, commonalties, or attributes in a single case the researcher mines across cases (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Once commonalties among cases are identified, the researcher begins to correlate the data into Â“clusters.Â” These clusters then are contrasted and compared against each other. The questions and answers that develop from this analysis (the research findings, conclusions draw, assertions made) are then presented as a narrative as well as a concise diagram that are easily digestible by readers (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Limitations There are several limitations to this proposed work. First would be my sample. It is correct that a non-random (non-probability) accessible sample limits the ability to generalize beyond the sample groups (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005). Another limitation will be the inability to accurately predict or control the
52 sample size. Further, my planned means of contact and participation in this studyÂ—online surveyÂ—will effectively lock out all those who do not have access to the internet. The Â“digital divideÂ” will limit the number of individuals who learn of the study and are able to participate (Mossberger, Tolbert & Stansbury, 2003). There will also be limitations in regards to the data from the U.S. Census Bureau; since the data supplied is voluntary and certain groups are excluded. However, these limitations are no more than the limitations faced by the researchers of the original undertaking and will be addressed through methodology put in place to address these limitations. The most important responsibility a researcher has is to recognize there is no such concept as a perfect study. Because perfection is not possible, one must strive to be rigorous and achieve accuracy and validity.
53 References Adler, P.A. & Adler, P. (1987). Membership Roles in Field Research Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Alter, J. (2005, September, 19). Poverty in American: The Truths that Laid Katrina Bare. Newsweek CXLVI, no. 12 pg. 42-48. Baldwin, J. (1995). The Price of the Ticket New York: St MartinÂ’s/Marek. Bond, H. M. (1996). The Education of the Negro in the American Social Order New York: Octagon Books. Carley, K. (1993). Coding Choices for Textual Analysis: A Comparison of Content Analysis and Map Analysis. Sociological Methodology 23 75126. Constas, Mark, A. (1992). Qualitative Analysis as a Public Event: The documentation of Category development procedures. American Educational Research Journal vol. 29, no. 2 pp. 253-266. Cose, Ellis. (1993). The Rage of a Previldge Class New York: Harper Perenial, Crouch, S., & Benjamin, P. (2002). Reconsidering the Souls of Black Folk Philadelphia: Running Press. Crouch, S. (2004). Goose-loose Blues for the Melting Pot. T. Jacoby (Ed.), Reinventing the melting pot: The new immigrants and what it means to be American (pp. 271-284). New York: Basic Books.
54 Denzin N. K., & Lincoln Y. S. (2000). Introduction: The Discipline and Practice of Qualitative Research. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (2nd ed.; pp. 1-29). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Dorn, S. (2002). Why Ford Elementary Will Never Be Like Ford Motor Company Essay written for EDF 6765 (Schools and the Future). Unpublished manuscript. University of South Florida. Du Bois, W.E.B. (1961). The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Fawcett. (Originally published in 1903) Du Bois, W. E. B. & Dill, A., G. (1910). The College-Bred Negro American Atlanta GA: The Atlanta University Press. Eliade, Mircea. (1959). The Scared and The Profane New York: Harcourt Brace and World. Ellis, C., & Bochner, A. P. (2000). Autoethnography, Personal Narrative, Reflexivity. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research. (2nd ed.; pp. 733-768). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fontana, A., & Frey J. H. (2005). The Interview: From Neutral Stance to Political Involvement. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (3rd ed.; pp. 645-672). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Franklin, John, Hope. (1993). The Color Line: Legacy for the Twenty-First Century Columbia: University of Missouri.
55 Gee, J. P. (2005). An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method New York: Routledge. Giroux, H. & Purpel, D. (1983). The Hidden Curriculum and Moral Education: Deception or discovery? Berkely, CA: McCutchan. Gould, Stephen, J. (1996). The Mismeasure of Man New York: Norton Original published in 1981) Guba, E.G., & Lincoln, Y.S. (2005). Paradigmatic Controversies, Contradictions, and Emerging Confluences. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (3rd ed.; pp.191-216). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hine, D.C., Hine, W.C., Harrold, S. (2004). African Americans: A Concise History (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River N.J: Prentice Hall. Hubbard. D (Ed.). (2003). The Souls of Black Folk: 100 Years Later Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Karenga, M. (1989). Black Religions. In Wilmore Dukes (Ed.), African American Religious Studies: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (4th ed.; pp. 286). Durham: Duke University Press. Kozol, J. (2005). The Shame of a Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America New York: Crown Publishers. Leech, N. L., & Onwuegbuzie, A. J. (2005, April). Ways to Improve Accountability in Qualitative Research Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Montreal, Canada.
56 Lewis, D., L. Ed. (1993). W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race New York: Henry Holt. Lewis, D., L. Ed. (1995). W. E. B. Du Bois: A Reader New York: Henry Holt. Miles, B. & Huberman, A. B. (1994). Qualitative Data Analysis: An Expanded Sourcebook Thousand Oaks: Sage. Mossberger, K., Tolbert, C. J. & Stansbury, M. (2003). Virtual Inequality: Beyond the Digital Divide. Washington D.C: University Press. Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Collins, K. M. T. (2005). A Typology of Mixed Methods Sampling Designs in Social Sciences Research Manuscript submitted for publication. Onwuegbuzie, A. J. & Leech, N. L. (2005). Generalization Practices Among Qualitative Resereachers: Trends in the literature Paper submitted for consideration of the Georgia Educational Research Association Distinguished Paper award. QSR International Pty Ltd. (2002). N7. Doncaster Victoria: Australia: Author. Spradley, J. P. (1979). The ethnographic interview Belmont CA: Wadsworth Group. Steinberg, S. (2004). For immigrants-but not blacks. T. Jacoby (Eds.). Reinventing the melting pot: The New Immigrants and What It Means to be American New York: Basic Books. Stowell, J., & Oakley, D. (2002). Choosing Segregation: Racial Imbalance in American Public Schools. Albany, NY: Lewis Mumford Center.
57 Thomas, E. (2005, September, 19). After Katrina: How the Response Became a Disaster Within a Disaster. Newsweek CXLVI, no. 12 pg. 26-40. U.S. Census Bureau. (2007, Feburary). The American CommunityÂ—Blacks: 2004 American Community Survey Reports. U.S. Census Bureau. (2007). www.census.gov/population/socdemo/education/ cps2004/tab01-04.x.s. Detailed Tables. Table 1 Education Attainment of the Population 15 years and Over, by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 2004. U.S. Census Bureau. (2007). www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/educattn.html. Historical Tables. Table A-2 Percent of People 25 years and Over Who Have Completed High School or College, by Race, Hispanic Origin and Sex: Selected Years 1940 to 2006. Vidich, A. J., & Lyman, S. M. (2000). Qualitative Methods: Their History in Sociology and Anthropology. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (2nd ed.; pp. 733-768). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Watts, Jerry, G. (2006). Reflections on the Souls of Black Folk and AfroAmerican Intellectual Life. In Alford A.Young, Jr. [et al]. The Souls of W.E.B. Du Bois (p.122). Boulder, Colo.: Paradigm Publishing. Washington, B., T. (1970). Up from Slavery New York: The Heritage Press. (Originally published in 1901). Webb, E.J., Campbell, D.T., Schwartz, R.D., & Sechrest, L. (1966). Unobtrusive M easures Chicago: Rand McNally.
58 Weber, M. (1958). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (T. Parso, Trans.). New York: Scribner. (Original work published 1930) West, Cornell. (2005, September 11). Exiles from a City and from a Nation. The Observer McWhorter, John, H. (2000). Losing the Race New York: The Free Press. Woodson, C. G. (1998). The Mis-education of the Negro Trenton, N.J.: Asmara, Eritrea: Africa World Press. (Originally published in 1933).
60 Appendix A U.S. Census Data Table 1 United States Population by Race 2004
61 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 2 Educational Attainment of the Population 2004 Table 1. Educational Attainment of the Population 15 Years and Over, by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 2004 (Numbers in thousands. Civilian noninstitutionalized population.) Black alone and Both Sexes Educational Attainment Total None 1st 4th grade 5th 6th grade 7th 8th grade 9th grade 10th grade 11th grade High school graduate Some college no degree Associate degree, occupational Associate degree, academic Bachelor's degree Master's degree Professional degree Doctorate degree 15 years and over 26,693 100 210 301 1,039 1,163 1,741 2,511 8,922 5,120 902 830 2,730 858 168 98 15 to 17 years 2,071 2 14 380 594 665 375 27 12 2 18 to 19 years 984 3 1 2 12 22 112 359 276 194 1 2 1 20 to 24 years 2,825 2 6 3 28 61 100 294 1,126 916 64 40 167 11 6 25 to 29 years 2,481 7 4 13 15 20 89 152 907 688 77 91 343 63 12 30 to 34 years 2,560 9 6 5 18 24 42 151 940 586 136 103 399 102 31 6 35 to 39 years 2,613 9 2 11 15 37 95 141 994 535 109 119 418 98 18 13 40 to 44 years 2,789 17 10 8 38 46 97 204 1,052 554 150 105 369 107 19 14 45 to 49 years 2,575 8 15 18 24 40 79 184 1,027 445 118 115 358 104 23 16 50 to 54 years 2,139 8 11 16 43 57 84 138 735 442 87 108 252 128 13 18 55 to 59 years 1,544 8 10 30 47 50 67 122 554 274 65 57 155 80 14 10 60 to 64 years 1,235 5 15 22 62 46 61 109 491 180 34 33 103 51 13 10 65 to 69 years 921 5 21 38 81 43 74 111 283 111 22 23 57 43 3 7 70 to 74 years 684 30 28 87 36 55 63 193 88 19 13 39 23 8 1 75 years and over 1,271 17 79 92 188 88 122 109 316 96 20 21 67 47 7 4 15 to 17 years 2,071 2 14 380 594 665 375 27 12 2 18 years and over 24,622 98 210 287 659 570 1,076 2,136 8,894 5,108 902 830 2,728 858 168 98 15 to 24 years 5,880 6 7 19 420 676 878 1,028 1,429 1,121 66 42 170 11 6 25 years and over 20,812 93 203 282 619 487 864 1,483 7,493 3,998 836 788 2,560 847 161 98 15 to 64 years 23,817 78 80 143 683 996 1,491 2,229 8,130 4,825 841 773 2,568 744 150 86 65 years and over 2,876 22 130 158 355 167 251 282 792 294 60 57 163 114 18 12 A dash (-) represents zero or rounds to zero. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey Internet Release Date: March 2005
62 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 2 Educational Attainment of the Population 2004 Table 1. Educational Attainment of the Population 15 Years and Over, by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 2004 (Numbers in thousands. Civilian noninstitutionalized population.) Educational Attainment Black alone and Male Total None 1st 4th grade 5th 6th grade 7th 8th grade 9th grade 10th grade 11th grade High school graduate Some college no degree Associate degree, occupational Associate degree, academic Bachelor's degree Master's degree Professional degree Doctorate degree 15 years and over 12,011 49 107 167 509 574 809 1,114 4,222 2,211 360 302 1,102 339 93 52 15 to 17 years 1,007 2 11 208 290 308 166 14 7 2 18 to 19 years 506 1 2 7 19 69 203 117 87 1 0 20 to 24 years 1,329 0 2 15 36 51 141 575 407 18 18 55 6 5 25 to 29 years 1,115 4 3 9 7 11 30 46 463 340 22 29 125 20 5 30 to 34 years 1,146 8 4 2 13 7 15 58 462 242 69 41 171 41 10 3 35 to 39 years 1,177 4 2 6 4 26 46 70 477 218 41 45 173 44 12 9 40 to 44 years 1,265 9 5 2 21 26 52 91 517 237 55 35 163 38 8 5 45 to 49 years 1,168 6 13 9 11 23 34 84 520 174 47 38 147 43 18 3 50 to 54 years 965 3 4 9 29 24 40 68 337 200 41 39 99 55 8 8 55 to 59 years 692 4 4 22 22 29 33 50 248 121 27 24 69 28 4 7 60 to 64 years 535 3 8 17 17 26 27 39 230 62 14 7 45 21 10 9 65 to 69 years 392 1 12 19 52 21 36 40 96 45 12 12 21 18 3 5 70 to 74 years 261 18 20 33 15 17 26 62 28 4 5 17 9 6 1 75 years and over 453 6 32 37 69 22 53 32 106 43 6 10 15 14 4 3 15 to 17 years 1,007 2 11 208 290 308 166 14 7 2 18 years and over 11,004 48 107 156 301 284 501 947 4,209 2,204 360 302 1,100 339 93 52 15 to 24 years 2,842 2 2 14 231 345 427 510 705 500 20 18 58 6 5 25 years and over 9,169 48 105 152 278 229 382 604 3,517 1,711 340 284 1,044 333 89 52 15 to 64 years 10,904 42 45 90 355 517 703 1,016 3,959 2,094 337 276 1,048 297 80 44 65 years and over 1,106 7 62 76 154 57 106 98 263 117 23 26 54 42 13 8 Footnotes: A dash (-) represents zero or rounds to zero. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey
63 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 2 Educational Attainment of the Population 2004 Table 1. Educational Attainment of the Population 15 Years and Over, by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 2004 (Numbers in thousands. Civilian noninstitutionalized population.) Educational Attainment Black alone and Female Total None 1st 4th grade 5th 6th grade 7th 8th grade 9th grade 10th grade 11th grade High school graduate Some college no degree Associate degree, occupational Associate degree, academic Bachelor's degree Master's degree Professional degree Doctorate degree 15 years and over 14,682 50 103 134 530 589 932 1,398 4,700 2,909 541 528 1,628 519 75 46 15 to 17 years 1,064 3 172 304 357 209 14 5 18 to 19 years 478 3 5 3 44 156 159 107 2 0 20 to 24 years 1,497 2 5 2 13 25 50 153 550 509 46 22 112 5 2 25 to 29 years 1,367 3 1 4 8 9 59 106 444 348 55 61 219 43 7 30 to 34 years 1,414 2 1 3 5 17 27 92 479 344 67 62 228 61 21 3 35 to 39 years 1,436 5 0 5 11 10 49 70 517 317 68 75 245 54 6 4 40 to 44 years 1,525 7 5 7 17 21 45 113 535 317 95 70 206 69 11 8 45 to 49 years 1,407 3 2 9 14 17 45 101 508 270 71 77 211 62 5 13 50 to 54 years 1,174 5 7 7 14 33 44 69 397 243 47 68 153 73 5 9 55 to 59 years 852 4 6 8 25 21 34 72 306 153 38 33 86 51 10 3 60 to 64 years 699 2 7 4 44 20 34 70 261 118 19 26 58 30 2 1 65 to 69 years 528 4 9 19 29 22 38 71 188 65 9 11 36 25 2 70 to 74 years 423 12 8 54 22 38 37 131 60 15 8 22 14 2 0 75 years and over 818 10 47 55 119 66 68 77 210 52 13 11 52 33 3 1 15 to 17 years 1,064 3 172 304 357 209 14 5 18 years and over 13,618 50 103 131 358 285 575 1,189 4,686 2,904 541 528 1,628 519 75 46 15 to 24 years 3,038 5 5 5 190 331 450 518 723 621 46 24 112 5 2 25 years and over 11,644 45 98 129 340 258 482 879 3,976 2,288 496 504 1,516 514 73 46 15 to 64 years 12,913 35 35 53 328 479 787 1,213 4,170 2,731 504 497 1,519 448 69 42 65 years and over 1,769 15 68 81 202 110 145 185 529 178 37 31 109 72 5 4 Footnotes: A dash (-) represents zero or rounds to zero. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey Internet Release Date: March 2005
64 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
65 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
66 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
67 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
68 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
69 Appendix A (Continued) U. S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
70 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 3 Educational Attainment of the Population 1940 2004
71 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 4 Poverty Rate for Blacks 2004
72 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 5 Black Households in Owner-Occupied Homes 2004
73 Appendix A (Continued) U.S. Census Data Table 6 Value of Owner-Occupied Homes for Black Households 2004
74 Appendix B Original Survey 1. Sex (Male or Female) 2. Address (State only) 3. Born in (State and place) 4. Marital Status 5. Number of children 6. Early life and training 7. Education 8. Honorary degrees 9. Occupation since graduation, with terms of service 10. Membership in learned societies 11. Publications 12. Public offices held, and political activity-13. Activity in charitable work and work of social reform 14. Amount of land owned 15. Assessed value of real estate, land and houses 16. Total property owned (market value) 17. How shall you educate your children? 18. What have been your chief hindrances? 19. Briefly, what is your present practical philosophy in regard to the Negro race in America
75 Appendix C Reworking of Original Survey For anonymous identification create an ID by: using the day, month, and year of your birthday represented as MMDDYY 1. Male or Female 2. Where were you born? 3. What state do you currently live in? 4. Are you: Single, Engaged, Married, Divorced 5. How many children do you have? 6. What do you see as the priorities that need to be addressed in school to best prepare your child/children for life as an adult? 7. How are your childÂ’s/childrenÂ’s expectations for adult life similar and different to yours? 8. What was your childhood like? What stands out in terms of some of your happiest memories? What are your most troublesome memories? 9. When you look to the future, what are your great expectations for your childÂ’s/childrenÂ’s life? What are your greatest concerns? 10. Did you participate in an early childhood program? (i.e. Headstart, etc.) What did you think of the program? 11. Where did you receive your elementary, junior high and high school education? 12. What have been the highs and lows of your educational experiences? 13. Did you attend college? 14. If not, why did you choose to forgo college? 15. What type of training did you receive in preparation for employment?
76 Appendix C Reworking of Original Survey For anonymous identification create an ID by: using the day, month, and year of your birthday represented as MMDDYY 16. Where did you go to college? What did you study? 17. What degrees did you earn? 18. What types of jobs have you held? How long have you worked at each? What determined your choice of livelihood? 19. What have been the highs and lows of your educational experiences? 20. How do you think you were prepared by your school experiences? 21. What organizations are you a member of? 22. Are you published (books, articles...etc)? 23. Have you held any political offices or been political active? If so, what offices and/or how? 24. Have you done or do you do any volunteer work? 25. Do you own a home? 26. Do you own any land or businesses? 27. What is your net worth? (Debt minus assets) 28. What type of education are your or will your children receiving? 29. Have there been any obstacles to you or your children obtaining an education? 30. What do you think needs to occur for the continued improvement of the life for African Americans 31. What is your definition of success? 32. How do you define academic success?
77 33. How would you describe your academic experience?