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Chanis, Suet Yee Shery.
A cross-cultural transformation that drew boundaries :
b Matteo Ricci and his mapmaking in Ming China
h [electronic resource] /
by Suet Yee Shery Chanis.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
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Document formatted into pages; contains 61 pages.
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2008.
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ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the cartographic works of Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), who spent his last twenty-seven years in Ming China. In particular, by focusing on Ricci's 1602 map, I examine the broader significance of Ricci's cartographic production to understand how it reflected early modern Chinese-European exchanges. In addition to the 1602 map, I use Ricci's letters to construct a framework for his cartographic involvement. In his writings, Ricci revealed his rationale for mapmaking and explained his collection of information. Only one year after his entry into China, in 1584, Ricci compiled a world map in the Chinese language and featured China towards the center of the map. In 1602, he completed the third revision of his map, adding a significant amount of details to his previous versions. This map was reproduced during and after Ricci's lifetime and has become a celebrated map in cartography.In my thesis, I contend that more than a proselytizing tool to attract the attention of the Chinese elites, Ricci used cartography to organize, preserve and transmit the information he collected during his travel in China. In my thesis, I show that while Ricci established himself as a religious man, under the influence of both his humanist education and his travel, he also became increasingly interested in the natural world that surrounded him. Ricci's letters and map reveal his intellectual development. In particular, Ricci's long tenure in China witnessed two phases of his intellectual transformation. The first phase, from 1582 to 1595, displayed Ricci's humanist education as he learned about China through the writing and translation of ancient Chinese and Western classics. In the second phase, from 1596 to 1610, however, Ricci presented himself as a scientist as he applied his scientific skills to collect information while traveling.In the process, he became increasingly interested in cartography which he came to view as a powerful tool to organize and present information. In time, Ricci's cartographic works became more sophisticated, reflecting both his European education and the Chinese culture.
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Advisor: Giovanna Benadusi, Ph.D.
Early Modern Europe
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
A Cross Cultural Transformation that Drew Boundaries: Matteo Ricci and His Mapmaking in Ming China by Suet Yee Shery Chanis A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Giovanna Benadusi Ph.D. Gregory Milton, Ph.D. Philip Levy, Ph.D. Date of Approval: July 1 4 2008 Keywords: Ear ly Modern Europe, Jesuits, Italy Cartography, Knowledge Copyright 2008 Suet Yee Shery Chanis
Dedication To My Parents
Acknowledgments I am tremendously fortunate to have received the guidance from many throughout the process of writing this thesis First of all, I am deeply indebted to Dr. Giovanna Benadusi, for her thoughtful insights and limitless patience in directing this thesis. I am also grateful for her encouragement throughout my study at the University of South Florida. I have gained from her a wealth of knowled ge well beyond the study of history. My gratitude also belongs to Dr. Gre gory Milton and Dr. Philip Levy, as I have benefitted greatly from their wisdom and encouragement in my study. I thank each of my committee member s for their patience for the work in progress, not only in this thesis but also in me. I am also grateful for the endless support from the History Department for the opportunities generously given me. I could never have imagined that I would have the privilege to learn from the many fine professors. I would also like to express my appreciation to Dr. Mary Fournier, without whose encouragement I would not have begun this research two years ago. I am also grateful to all who have so generously and graciously shown interests in and provided comments to this thesis Last but never least, I would like to thank my wonderful husband, Andrew, for his never ending support and love I c ould not have done it without you.
i Table of Contents List of Figures ii Abstract iii Introduction 1 Chapter One Jesuit and European Background 12 Ch apter Two Chinese Influence 18 Chapter Three The Display through Maps 3 4 Conclusion From Europe to China An Intellectual Transformation 51 References 55 Bibliography 59
ii List of Figures Figure 1. Portrait of Matteo Ricci, circa 1610 31 Figure 2 Frontispiece China monumentis illustrata, 1667 32 Figure 3 Map of Ming China 3 3 Figur e 4. Rendition of Yudi Shanhai Quantu A Complete 47 Figur e 5 Kunyu Wanguo Quant u A Complete Geographical Map of all the Regions of the World 1602 4 8 Figure 6 China as depicted on Kunyu Wanguo Quant u 4 9 Figure 7 Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum 1570 50
iii A Cross Cultural Transformation that Drew Boundaries: Matteo Ricci and His Mapmaking in Ming China Suet Yee Shery Chanis ABSTRACT This thesis examines the cartographic works of Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552 1610), who spent his last twenty seven years in Ming China. In partic ular, by focusing on to understand how it reflected early modern Chinese European exchanges. In addition to the 1602 map I use for his cartographic involvement. In his writings Ricci revealed his rationale for mapmaking and explained his collection of information. Only one year after his entry into China, in 1584, Ricci compiled a world map in the Chinese language and featured C hina towards the center of the map. In 1602, he completed the third revision of his map adding a significant amount lifetime and has become a celebrated map in cartograp hy. In my thesis I contend that more than a proselytizing tool to attract the attention of the Chinese elites, Ricci used cartography to organize, preserve and transmit the information he collected during his travel in China.
iv In my thesis I show that wh ile Ricci established himself as a religious man, under the influence of both his humanist education and his travel he also became increasingly interested in the natural world that surrounded him. letters and map reveal his of his intellectual transformation humanist education as he learned about China through the writing and trans lation of ancient Chinese and Western classics. In the second phase, from 1596 to 1610, however, Ricci presented himself as a scientist as he applied his scientific skills to collect information while traveling. In the process he became increasingly inter ested in cartography which he came to view as a powerful tool to organize and present information. In time , reflecting both his European education and the Chinese culture.
1 Introduction This thesis focuses on the intellectual transformation of Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552 education, the impact of the scientific surroundings from Europe and the Chinese culture all contributed to his compilation in Ming China (1368 1644) of a series of world maps that were distinctly different from both European and Chinese maps. In his quest to understand a foreign land, Ricci carved out a space in cartography through which to organize and transm it the new knowledge he had created. However, as he compiled world maps that crossed two cultures, Ricci not only created unique maps, he also recorded his own intellectual transformation to a humanist and a scientist. In par ticular, the 1602 revision of his world map was the culmination of such a transformation. Ricci was educated in Europe but experienced intellectual changes in China. Born into a noble family in the Italian city of Macerata in 1552, Ricci began his classic al studies in his hometown at a Jesuit school. In 1571, against the wishes of his father who forbade religious discussions in his household, Ricci joined the Society of Jesus. In 1578, Ricci began his overseas missions, traveling by sea from Lisbon, Portug al to Goa, India. In 1582, Ricci journeyed to Macao, a Portuguese settlement on the southern coast of China. The following year, Ricci officially entered China after receiving permission to reside in Zhaoqing in the southernmost Chinese province of Guangdo ng, a short distance
2 from Macao. Ricci remained in China for the next twenty seven years until his death in the Chinese capital of Beijing in 1610. Ricci had a long engagement in cartography in China. Eight editions of world maps are known to have been co mpiled by Ricci between 1584 and 1608. In 1584, only one year after his arrival in China, Ricci produced a world map in the Chinese language. In 1596, twelve years after the original version, Ricci revised his world map for the first time. In 1600, Ricci r evised his map again before doing so for the third time in 1602. In 1603, an eight panel version of the 1602 map was made. The following year, a booklet Wanli Emperor, twelve copies of produced in the shape of two hemispheres. Only the maps Ricci produced in 1602 and 1603 are extant. 1 especially Baddeley presented his discovery of a post 1644 of the Royal Geographic Society in England. Prior to this publication, only a handful of 1 Scholars have differ ed s last world map was produced. Many scholars agree it was 1608, yet some scholars, such as John D. Day, contend that it was 1609. In either case, the map study on the origi The woodblock prints of the original 1602 map are currently located at the University of Bologna Observatory in Italy (Panels 1 and 6), Kyoto University in Japan (Jesuit seals removed), Miyagi Prefecture Library in Japan (complet e six panels) and the Vatican Library. The Vatican Library has one complete six panel copy, as well as another complete copy at an unknown location within the Library. Another complete copy is part of the private collection of Mr. Clermont Ferrand. Multipl See John D. D Search for the Origin s of the Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci's Maps 94 117.
3 they believed that several copies of these scholars did not know the locations. 2 also presented in his article two observations regard ly according to Baddeley, Ricci made maps not to contribute to European knowledge of the world, but to simply convey existing European knowledge to the Chinese, who were not ions to other countries. Second ly as main objective in China was to convert Chinese to the Roman Catholic faith, Baddeley contended that Ricci attempted to attract Chinese to the Church by satisfying their love of learning with European scienc e, especially maps. 3 cartographic involvement served a religious purpose to convert Chinese to Christianity. Baddel and set a foundation for future studies. 4 2 copies were housed in the Vatican. See The Geographical Journal 50, no. 4 (Oct, 1917), 254 256. 3 Ibid., 256. 4 for non Chinese
4 that Ricci introduced to China existing European cartographic knowledge. They expan 1935, of Chinese science. 5 Through maps, Bernard contended that Ricci introduced to the Chines e such concepts as the use of meridians, the equator and the two poles. Like cartographic knowledge in 1939, while he also credited Ricci with introducing to the Chinese the un ified conception of the world, the sphericity of the earth, the five continents; and translating geographic terms into the Chinese language. 6 scholars until much later, yet most 1985, Cao Wanru et al published an in of the far east, Cao and crediting Ricci for introducing European cartographic techniques to the Chinese. In his The Geographical Journal 52, no. 6 (Dec, 1918): 367 385, and "Translations from the Chinese World Map of Father Ricci (Continued)." The Geographical Journal 53, no. 1 (1919): 19 30. 5 Henri Bernard, S.J., trans. Edward Chalmers Werner (Peiping: H. Vetch, 1935; reprint, Westport, CT: Hyper ion Press, 1935 ), 72, 93 (page citations are to the reprint edition). 6 Journal of the American Oriental Society 59, no. 3 (September, 1939), 340 341.
5 same pattern as he as serted that Ricci brought to China maps that incorporated contemporary European new discoveries and cartography. 7 they wer e a collaboration of both European and Chinese cartographic traditions. In his Guang Yu Tu and a Chine 8 mapmaking, Szczesniak illustrated a deeper level of Chinese European cross cultural excha on European cartography. not only Ricci learned from Chinese maps, but his influence on Chinese c artography was limited In 1965, Helen Wallis first made such an argument in her study of two new acquisitions by the British Museum, namely a globe made by two Jesuits in China and a world map published in Japan, both from the seventeenth century. Through her 7 Ji nshui Lin, Li Madou Yu Zhongguo (Matteo Ricci and China ) (Beijing: Chinese Social Science Publisher, 1996), 200 209. 8 Imago Mundi (1954), 127 129.
6 argued that, compared to Japanese mapmaking, Chinese cartography was not influenced by Ricci as widely, a nd European cartography was not assimilated as deeply into the cartography in China the way it was in Japan. Using an early nineteenth century Chinese maps, Wallis argued that Ricci had limi ted influence on Chinese mapmaking in the long term. 9 She also argued that Chinese science was not behind its European counterpart. with such concepts as the sphericity o f the world and terrestrial magnetism of the earth. 10 The History of Cartography published in 1987. In his work, ropean mapmaking had little influence on Chinese cartography. Yee went one step further than Wallis by contending that Jesuit cartography to European mapmaking. 11 This position carried scholars even farther away from contributions that emphasized European cartography. 9 Helen Wallis Imago Mundi 19 (1965), 41 43. 10 Ibid. 3 9. 11 Harley and David Woodward ed s The History of Cartograp hy. Volume Two. Book Two. Cartography in the Traditional East and Southwest Asian Societies (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987 ), 176.
7 During the past decade or so, scholars continued to abandon this Euroc entric y, since Ricci and the Jesuits who came to China after him had limited influence on Chinese mapmaking. 12 In the same year, William Storey further dismantled the argument of European scientific superiority by contend ing that Chinese scientists decided what they wanted to accept from Europe, and blended European ideas into their science. Ricci and other Jesuits did not necessarily initiate reforms in mathematics, astronomy or geography. Rather, European ideas simply coinci ded with the growing interests among the Chinese. 13 In 2005, Benjamin A. Elman continued this position by maintaining that China had a long tradition of cartography and geographical research, and Chinese cartography was not inferior. Elman argued that altho ugh Chinese mapmakers often overlooked European content, they adopted European methods and technology. In the end, Chinese science developed on its own terms. 14 In the past decades conveye d European cartographic understanding to the Chinese through his maps. By noting the Chinese sources Ricci used in his maps and moving away from the Eurocentric 12 Richard J. Smith, (Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1996), 1, 54. 13 See William Kelleher Storey ed. Scientifi c Aspects of European Expansion ( Aldershot Great Britain; Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1996). 14 Benjamin A. Elman, On Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550 1900 (Cambridge, M ass and London: Harvard University Press, 2005) 127 133.
8 approach, scholars have effectively illuminated a much deeper level of cross cultural exchanges that Ricci displayed through his cartographic production. Although this is a welcome revision, the current trend seems to be leaning heavily towards the development of Chinese cartography. While early modern European cartography might not have impacted Ch inese mapmaking as deeply as earlier scholars have contended, the containment of European cartographic influence and the praises of the advanced state of Chinese cartography and science seem to be sending scholarly discussions to a stalemate with regards t early modern cartography. 15 influences of cultural cartographic production demonstrated more than a macroscopic level of exchanges vital Roman Catholic beliefs. Not only did earli er historians such as Vincent Cronin and 15 See Laura Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise. Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2001), 1 32.
9 scholars from both China and the West also faithfully followed this statement. 16 In 1999, David Mungello argued that he Chinese language was intended to appeal to the Chinese literati. 17 In 2002, Zhang Cuo also contended that Ricci used European technology and knowledge, including cartography, to gain attention from the Chinese in order to draw them to their mission. 18 motives in compiling world maps and the utility of his cartographic works, it does not make clear why Ricci continued to engage in cartography after he had successfully built miss ions in multiple cities, after his earlier maps had already gained the attention of many literati, and after he had established a reputation among them. Ricci continued to revise his world map even after he reached Beijing. Yet, scholars have wri tten little about the himself to making maps in China has generated few discussi ons. In this thesis onary, 16 See Vincent Cronin, The Wise Man from t he West (New York: Image Books, 1 955) and George H. Dunne, Generation of Giants: The Story of the Jesuits in China in the Last Decades of the Ming Dynasty (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1962). 17 David E. Mungello, The Great Encounter of C hina and the West, 1500 1800 (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1999), 12 18 Cuo Zhang, Dong x i Wenhua Bijiao Yanjiu: Li Madou Ru h ua Ji Qi t a (A Comparative Study on Eastern and Western Culture : Matteo Ricci in China and Other Essays) (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press, 2002), 11.
10 mapmaking was nonetheless also a process through which Ricci created new knowledge and revealed his own maturation as a scientist. More than a space to convey European mapping knowledge and techniques, or to reflect European and Chinese influences; and more than a missionary tool, or the need to appeal to the Chinese literati and satisfy their development through his cartographic works and his own handwriting. Chapter One paves the foundation by European background Through his Jesuit training, Ricci acquired a well rounded religious and humanist education. The new scientific environment in sixteenth century Europe als o contributed to new methods of information acquisition. Such was a background Ricci brought with him as he sailed east. Chapter Two examines the Chinese influence Ricci encountered It was in the Chinese empire where Ricci had the opportunity to manifest his humanist education and scientific skills acquired in Europe. As he neared the vast empire, Ricci quickly became a collector of information about China. However, as he came into closer contact with the Chinese culture, Ricci also underwent an intellectual transformation that assumed two phases. From 1582 to 1595, Ricci gradually changed from a religious man to a humanist while he also showed an increasing interest in science. As he began to travel within China, Ricci inc reasingly applied his scientific skills to collect firsthand information about the empire T he second n is the focus of Chapter Three From 1596 to 1610, Ricci primarily presented himself as a scientist, as manifested by his cartographic works.
11 Chinese influence but also his own scientific collecti on of data about China. His cartographic production thus illuminated his intellectual transformation as a scientist. In particular, his 1602 map was the culmination of his transformation. Through his Jesuit training, Ricci acquired a well rounded religious and humanist education. The new scientific environment also contributed to the methods he employed in collecting information. However, it was in China where Ricci development came to fruition In the process, Ricci was profoundly influenced by the Chinese culture and gradually matured into a humanist and unique products that not only combined both his European background and Chinese influence, but also present ed the new knowledge Ricci created as the Jesuit matured intellectually.
12 Chapter One Jesuit and Eu ropean Background The sixteenth century marked an important intellectual transformation characterized by the rise of new religious orders notably the Society of Jesus as part of the Catholic Reformation, Late Humanism, and increasing interests in science. Italian Jesuit Ma tteo Ricci (1552 1610), one of the most important missionaries to China, was the embodiment of just such an intellectual transformation of this time in all of these three aspects. More than a religious man who traveled to a foreign land for missions, Ricci was also a humanist and a scientist shaped largely by his Jesuit education and the intellectual environment of Europe at th e time. By the time he set sail eastward in 1578, Ricci had acquired a well rounded Jesuit education in Europe whi ch was evident in his later religious and intellectual engagements in China. This chapter lays the framework of the Jesuit and European background that surrounded Ricci prior to his journey to China with a discussion of the Jesuit Order, education, as well as the development of science in sixteenth century Italy. The Society of Jesus emphasized overseas missions since the beginning of its founding. Led by Ignatius of Loyola, a group of Basque and French students founded the Jesuit Order in 1534, taking vows of poverty, chastity and apostolic labors. They later pledged their loyalty to the Pope when Pope Paul III officially approved of the Order in
13 1540. 19 The Society of Jesus soon became one of the most i mportant instruments in the missionizing efforts of the Roman Catholic Church as the Jesuits fervently traveled both to Christian countries in Europe to counter the new Protestant forces, and to pagan lands overseas to establish missions and make converts in an attempt to expand the Roman Catholic Church overseas. routes for Jesuits who attempted to establish missions outside of Europe, especially in the New World and Asia. 20 Je suits often traveled to their missions with Portuguese traders. In their quest to establish a mission in China, Francis Xavier, a founding member of the Order, and later Jesuits, including Ricci, all came through Goa and Macao, where the Portuguese had est Ricci not only did he receive assistance from Portugal during his journey to China, he also received full financial support f rom Portuguese merchants at least during his first years in China. 21 The Society of Jesus emphasized not only religious missions but also education for the theological training of its members. 22 The Jesuits became some of the most learned men in Europe as a result of the many educational institutions the Jesuit Order 19 The First Jesuits (London and Cambridge, M ass : Harvard University Press, 1993), 23. 20 Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise : The Society of Jesus in Portugal, its Empire, and Beyond, 1540 1750 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 38. 21 Matteo Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji (Complete W orks of Father Matteo Ricci, S.J. Volumes 3 and 4: Letters I and II ), trans. Yu Luo (Taipei: Kuangchi Press, 1986), 77. 22 The First Jesuits 23.
14 established in Italy and throughout Europe. Shortly after the founding of the Order, the Jesuits began establishing colleges in such cities as Messina and Palermo in Sicily. Among them, the Roman College, founded in 1551, soon became the principal educational facility of the Order. 23 In 1572, Ricci entered the Roman College, which provided him the finest theological training available in his preparation to become a Jesuit priest. Non etheless, Ricci studied more than theology at the Roman College. Over the door of the College was the inscription School of Grammar, Humanities, and Christian Doctrine, Free 24 The Roman College under which Ricci was educated emphasized the study of not onl y Church doctrines but also other disciplines. This tradition was directly contributed by the education of the founders of the Order, including Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier, at the University of Paris. There, rather than theology, the future found ers of the religious order studied philosophy, which was a combination of logic, dialectics, physics, astronomy, metaphysics, ethics, psychology and other subjects. 25 The study of disciplines outside of theology was greatly influenced by Renaissance humani on the works of the ancient Greek thinker Aristotle. When they opened schools after the founding of the Jesuit Order, Loyola and other founding members included not only humanities in their c urriculum, but also demonstrated the humanist spirit of the time by 23 Paula Findlen ed., A thanasius Kircher: The Last Man Who Knew Everything (London: Routledge, 2004), 1. 24 e Dottrina Christiana, grati s The First Jesuits 205. 25 Ibid., 252 253.
15 emphasizing the use of ancient texts. The teaching of mathematics at the Roman College, for example, was based on the first six books of Elements by ancient Greek mathematician Euclid, as well as the work of medieval astronomer Johannes de Sacrobosco, who studied the geometry of the famous ancient geographer and astronomer Ptolemy. Ricci was educated to search for wisdom and knowledge in ancient texts. At the Roman College, Ricci studied ma thematics under the instruction of Jesuit Christoph Clavius (1537 1612), who greatly influenced the mathematical education of the Jesuit Clavius began teaching at the Roman Col lege in 1564 and would later le a d the Gregorian calendar reform in the 1580s. 26 In addition to teaching mathematics, Clavius also wrote a Elements algebra, arithmetic and geometry, as well as astr onomy, where he adher ed to the Ptolemaic system and rejected Nicolaus new heliocentric theory Ricci was a direct beneficiary of ing the earth were clear examples of humanist influence on Jesuit education. In addition to his Jesuit education, the Scientific Renaissance also contributed to cen tury, the Italian peninsula had become the center of the scientific world in western 26 Ibid., 234.
16 Europe, and a fertile ground in which new ideas thrived. 27 Although sixteenth century scientists studied ancient texts, many also realized the incomplete knowledge of ancie nt sciences, which they then used as the basis for improving contemporary scientific development. Sixteenth century pursuit of science therefore moved beyond the search of ancient texts. In addition, not only university professors but also popes, princes a nd governments were interested in achieving and promoting a deeper understanding of the natural world. 28 This widespread enthusiasm strengthened the favorable environment for the pursuit of new scientific knowledge in early modern Europe. It also contribute d to the increasingly sophisticated development of scientific disciplines, exemplified by the emergence of natural history. Once under the broad umbrella of medicine, such fields as and were taught at universities throughout early modern Europe. 29 Sixteenth century European science also gave birth to a new desire to take possession of materials, evidenced by the emergence of cabinets of curiosities and museums which were filled with such items as the translation of key texts, compasses, astrolabes, dried plants and stones gathered from around the world. 30 S cientists collected specimens of plants and animals, not for aesthetic and anthropocen tric reasons, but as a 27 Early Modern Italy, 1550 1796 (Oxford: Oxford Univer sity Press, 2002), 166. 28 Ibid., 167 169. 29 Anthony Grafton and Nancy Siraisi ed s Natural Particulars : Nature and the Disciplines in Renaissance Europe (Cambridge, M ass : MIT Press, 2000), 369. 30 Findlen 169 170.
17 result of their desires to understand various objects through examination. 31 Generous patronage and the practice of gift giving contributed to the establishment of many museums, some of which enjoyed sizeable collections. 32 The rise of both the cabinets of curiosity and museums indicated the emphasis on the increasing firsthand collection of materials in the study of science. Rather than relying on ancient texts as the sole authority, scientists now began to engage themselves in a new m ethod of collection. Jesuit emphasis on missions and education nurtured a distinct group of priests. The Jesuits were trained in theology and well educated in disciplines including mathematics, astronomy and cosmology through the study of ancient texts in a scientific environment where new disciplines and new methods of studying science came into being. A sixteenth century Jesuit, Ricci was both a religious man and an intellectual. surrounding did not come to fruition in his native Europe. Only when Ricci traveled to China did he begin to manifest his skills. The Chinese culture with which Ricci soon came into contact quickly transformed him. 31 Brian W. Ogilvie, The Science of Describing: Natural History in Renaissance Europe ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 8, 268 271. 32 Moran ed., Patronage and Institutions: Science, Technology, and Medicine at the European Court, 1500 1750 (New York: They Boydell Press, 1991), 5 24.
18 Chapter Two Chinese Influe nce As Ricci departed Europe for his mission in 1578, his main task was certainly to transformation also began as he sailed to China. As he approached the Chinese empire, Ri cci found a very favorable environment to apply his training from Europe, and he quickly became a collector of information. Beginning with his days in Macao in 1582 Ricci actively accumula ted information about China. However, h is methods of collecting gradually changed. In his first years in China, Ricci depended heavily on his humanist education as he immersed himself in the study of ancient Chinese texts and engaged with the Chinese literati circle. However, as he began to tra vel within China in 1589 Ricci increasingly applied his scientific skills and gathered firsthand information previously from 1582 to 1595 not only as a missionary, but also as a humanist and a scientist who was changed by a foreign culture and the people for whom he had come. Since depart ing his homeland, Ricci wrote numerous letters to Europe. Written in India, then Macao and finally China. Although it remains unknown how many letters Ricci wrote in Asia and especially during his long tenure in China, fifty four letters are
19 extant. 33 activities both before and during his years in the Chinese empire. Howe ver, scholars have yet to fully explore these letters due to extremely limited English translation. For the remainder of this thesis, I will examine in order to trace his intellectual transformation in China. Upon entering China, Ricci quickly asserted his identity as a religious man embarking on his missionary objectives. In 1583, Ricci received official permission to Desiring to integrate in to the local religious culture, Ricci immediately adopted the clothing of Buddhist monks and established a mission, adorned with two pla q ues with the words Xianhuasi, Heavenly Flower Temple and Xilai Jingtu, Pure Land from the West 34 Gifts fr om Wang Pan, prefect of Zhaoqing who helped Ricci enter China, the plaques promptly and formally established Ricci as a religious man and his mission a religious site. However, Ricci also turned his attention just as quickly to the Chinese culture. 33 ers were first di scovered in the early twentieth century by Jesuit Pietro Tacchi Venturi In the mid 1980s, Guang Luo, General of the Jesuit Order in Taiwan, requested Professor Yu Luo guese language s i nto Chinese to commemorate the four hundredth and editing, the Chinese version of all fifty four letters was published in 1986 by Kuangchi Press in Taiwan in two volum es as part of the M a tteo Ricci series Th e Chinese version has remain ed the most extensive and complete original language s See Matteo Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji (Complete Works of Father Matteo Ricci, S.J. Volum es 3 and 4: Letters I and II ), trans. Yu Luo 2001. See Matteo Ricci, Lettere: 1580 1609 Regardi ng the English version, M. Howard Rienstra translated a selection of eight letters by a group of Jesuits between the years 1583 November 13, 1584 letter was included See M. Howard Rienstra, Jesuit Letters from China, 1583 84 ( M inneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986). 34 report to Claudius Aquaviva. Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji 67 68.
20 Ricci s tudied the Chinese culture as he refined the Jesuit accommodation policy first established by Alessandro Valignano (1539 1606), Visitor of the Jesuit Mission in the far east. Ricci primarily took into consideration the differences between Roman Catholic do ctrines and the Chinese culture in two aspects, namely the Chinese term for and Confucius. Regarding the Tianzhu the Lord of Heaven, to represent the God of the Roman Catholic faith. As for rituals, Ricci determined that ancestral veneration was simply a traditional practice with social and civil meanings through which the Chinese paid respect to their ancestors. Through his examination of Confucian teachings, Ricci also concluded that Confucius was an ancient master scholar both sets of rituals were therefore not incompatible with Roman Catholic b eliefs. His careful examination demonstrated high level of sensitivity to the Chinese culture which continued throughout his years in China, and the refined accommodation policy would bec o g efforts in China well This merger of mission and his study of the Chinese rituals and Confucian and manifest ed his humanist education. As he cam e into contact with scholar officials such as Wang Pan, Ricci became aware of the importance of introducing Roman Catholic doctrines to the Chinese through writing. By 1584, only one year after his arrival in Zhaoqing, Ricci had translated three Church doc
21 Commandments, into Chinese. 35 Through a conversion of languages and adaptation to the Chinese culture, Ricci translated basic Roman Catholic beliefs. 36 Together with Jesuit Michele Ruggieri (1543 1607), Ricci also compiled a Chinese book entitled Tianzhu Shilu The True Record of The Lord of Heaven This work was based on the translation of the Roman Catholic catechism, but Ruggieri and Ricci presented Church doctrines in the form of a dialogue between a Confucian scholar and a Jesuit. 37 Ricci included references to Confucian teachings, interpreting them alongside Roman Catholic beliefs. As he introduced Roman Catholic doctrines to the educated Chinese, Ricci was also eager to introduce China to Europe wi th the information he had collected thus far. While compiling Tianzhu Shilu Ricci wrote a letter to Juan Baptista Romn, deputy exchequer of Spanish King Philip II in Manila and Macao. In the letter, Ricci introduced Romn to the many facets of the Chines e society. Ricci outlined the fifteen provinces of the Chinese empire, described the three major types of climate and pointed out the variety of crops grown in China, noting the differences between Chinese and European agricultural and consumption patterns Ricci also reported the abundance of wheat, rice, and silk and noticed the absence of the production of olive oil or dairy products. 38 In this 35 Ricci reported the translation and publication of these three works in his September 13, 1584 letter from Zhaoqing to Juan Baptista Romn and mentioned them in his November 12, 1592 letter to Fabius de Fabio, head of St. Andrew when Ricci entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus. Ricci stated that he distributed the works to the locals as gifts. By 1592, Ricci estimated that he baptized about eighty Chinese people as a result of the circulation of these translated doctrines. Ibid. 57, 109. 36 Peter Burke and R. Po chia Hsia ed s., Cultural Translation in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 16. 37 report to Aquaviva Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji 59 38 Ibid. 45 57.
22 long letter, Ricci also presented the Chinese language, government, military structure, religions, history, geo graphy and people. Although Ricci had been in China for only a short period of time, he already collected a significant amount of information about the vast Chinese empire. Ricci further sought to understand Chinese culture by immersing himself in the anc ient texts of both China and Europe. 39 Through his study and translations of ancient knowledge from both cultures Ricci further demonstrated the influence of his humanist education. 40 In 1591, with the help of literat us Qu Taisu, Ricci translated from Latin to Chinese the first book of Elements which he had studied under Clavius at the Roman College. In 1594, Ricci completed the translation from Chinese to Latin of Sishu Four Books the most important works in Conf ucian teachings that all Chinese literati were required to learn. As he studied the Chinese classics, Ricci compared Sishu to ancient Roman texts and concluded that they were a collection on ethics. 41 In addition to translation, Ricci continued to engage in writing. In 1595, at the request of a Chinese friend, Ricci wrote Jiaoyou Lun A Treatise on Friendship a collection of what Ricci 39 Ricci assessed that he had become fluent in spoken Chinese and was able to read and wr ite Chinese in his November 10, 1585 letter. He also stated that he read many Chinese books. Ibid., 77. 40 See R. Po Peter Burke and R. Po chia Hsia ed s Cultural Translation in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge United Kingdom : Cambridge University Press, 2007), 39 51 41 Fabio. Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji 134 135, 143.
23 43 B ased on ancient texts Ricci had compiled a rich collection of works in the Chinese language As Ricci translated and wrote about classical texts, he came into contact with an western education. As soon as he stepped foot in Zhaoqing, Ricci quickly learned the customs of the Chinese literati o ne of which was paying visits to each other. Ricci learned that when a literatus visited his fellow scholar, the host w ould pay a courtesy visit to his visitor in return within a few days. As soon as the mission in Zhaoqing was completed, many local scholars and officials, including Wan g Pan, visited Ricci. As a result, Ricci began to make numerous courtesy visits to his many visitors. Throughout his time in China, this practice opened doors for Ricci to develop a network with the many literati from whom he learned much about China. Through his increasingly close connection with the literati circle, Ricci gradually transformed his identity from a religious man to a scholar. In 1589, after he was forced to leave Zhaoqing by the order of the new governor, Ricci traveled northwards until he received permission from the local authority t o settle in Shaozhou, a city northeast of Zhaoqing connected by the Bei River. In the new city, Ricci did not identify himself as a religious man, and deliberately kept a distance from the local Buddhist monks. Instead, when asked by an official his purpos and astronomer who can also draw world maps, which have been published in 43
24 44 After six years in Shaozhou, Ricci voluntarily relocated to Nanchang, capital of the Jiangxi Province to wh ere Ricci was attracted for its intellectual atmosphere created by the many literati who lived there. After settling in Nanchang in 1595, Ricci abandoned his Buddhist clothing and permanently adopted the attire of the literati. He had realized that Bud dhist monks highly respected in the empire. Ricci adopted the long silk robe and hat, and grew his hair and beard in the same manner as the literati, converting his own appearance to that of a Chinese literatus, in order to explain to the Chinese that he and his fellow Jesuits were in China 45 (Figure 1 and Figure 2) To further imitate the way of the Chinese literati, Ricci even purchased a qiaozi a sedan carried by men, to transport himself. 46 He had also acquired a Chinese name, Li Madou which he used for his writings and translations. 47 the lit erati was also greatly influenced by the Chinese print culture that had reached a high point in the sixteenth century. Ricci learned that China, like his native Italy, also enjoyed a rich history of printing. While in Macao, Ricci had already express ed great interests in the numerous types of printed Chinese books he had come across. He also articulated his admiration for the Chinese printing techniques, 44 Shaozhou. Ibid, 96. 45 153. 46 47 It is unknown when Ricci acquired his Chinese name as Ricci did not menti on it in any of his extant letters.
25 stating that they were more sophisticated and had a longer history compared to printing in Europe, 48 Indeed, China experienced a rapid growth of book publishing and book trade begin ning in the mid sixteenth century. 49 Imprints outnumbered manuscripts, and books became more readily available as a result of lower carving costs, cheaper labor and lower ina reached an all time high since the founding of the Ming Dynasty in 1368 50 In particular, the lower Yangtze delta in central China was the heartland of this explosion of the production and distribution of books since the tenth century. 51 Within the heartland, Nanjing, where Ricci would later relocate from Nanchang, was a major publishing and book center. 52 engaged himself in the vibrant print industry. 53 48 Li Madou Shuxinji 34. 49 wing Chow ed s ., Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: Univers ity of California Press, 2005), 92. 50 ibid., 127 128. 51 Joseph P. McDermott, A Social History of Chi nese Books: Books and Literati Culture in Late Imperial China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006), 5. 52 Nanjing was the capital city of Ming China until the royal edict was issued in 1420 to relocate the capital to Beijing in the northeast of the empire. See 108, 110. 53 Matteo Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, 1583 1610 trans. Louis Gallagher, S.J. (New York: Random House, 1953), 20 21. g in 1610, Nicolas Trigault, another Jesuit in China, discovered private journal and brought it back to Europe on his return journey from China. Trigault then translated the journal from Italian to Latin and
26 In addition to wr iting and translation, Ricci immersed himself further in the Chinese print culture by seeking prefaces to his works When he wrote Tianzhu Shilu in 1584, Ricci had already noticed that, as was the custom in Europe, a preface was often included when a new book was published in China. Following this tradition, Ricci had Tianzhu Shilu Ricci had even reserved a space for the preface in his wo rk However, although pleased 54 adhere to a traditional Chinese practice as Ricci was seeking approval from the literati. In Chinese books, prefaces not only set up the context of the work and helped define readership. More significantly, only the literati could write prefaces. 55 Therefore, a preface was a seal of approval from the literati. For Ricci, the inclusion of a preface from a Chinese scholar would indicate that Ricci was one of them. As a result, Ricci continued to seek prefaces from the Chinese literati in his subsequent works, until he finally published it in 1615. In the twentieth c entury, Louis Gallagher, S.J. translated the journal into English and 54 Ricci explained this in his second annual report to Aquaviva dated November 30, 1585. Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji 64. 55 Anne E. McLare Brokaw and Kai wing Chow ed s ., Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 159.
27 succeeded in his endeavor in 1595 whe n he invited Feng Yingjing to write a preface for his work Jiaoyou Lun 56 From 1582 to 1595, as he transformed into a literatus, Ricci also became increasingly interested in the natural world that surrounded him as he came to rea lize that in addition to the information he had gathered through texts and the Chinese intellectuals, he could collect firsthand data about China through his astronomical observations and scientific surveying skills. In the process of searching for Beijing Ricci first learned that scientific observations were useful in his collection of information about the Chinese empire. Since his early days in China, Ricci had been in pursuit of information on the geographical extension of China and the specific location of Beijing, the city he desired to enter. Although he had consulted many Chinese books, he could not find the longitude and latitude of the capital city. In the beginning of his mission, Ricci had observed the lun ar eclipses, once in Macao and once in Zhaoqing. These earlier studies revealed to Ricci the importance of astronomical observations and mathematical skills in deriving the longitude and latitude of Zhaoqing and in general in obtaining further information about China. 57 In 1584, from the data he had collected, Ricci determined the boundaries of China to be : 56 Li Madou Sh u xinji 231. From then on, Ricci often invited the Chinese literati to write prefaces for his works. For example when Ricci published Ershiwu Yan Twenty Five Words in 1604, he invited X u Guangqi a member of Hanlinyuan the Imperial Academy, to write a preface. For Qiren Shibian, Ten Paradoxes published in 1608, Ricci also asked Feng Yinggang, another member of Hanlinyuan to proofread the work and write a preface. descripti Li Madou Shuxinji 367. 57 Giulio Fuligatti, whom Ricci met at the Roman College where he later taught mathematics. Ibid., 69, 80, 85 86.
28 First from Cochinchina in the south, to the northwest tip, which is Liaozhou (Liaodong Peninsula). It is a province in China. From there one can travel northward by sea to Japan. It is from 120 or 137 degrees longitudes to the ; from the north pole, the north of China is the Tar tary area, about 44 or 45 degrees from the north pole. 58 In addition to his scientific skills, Ricci began to record an increasing amount of extensive travels in China spanned almost twenty years. After six years in Zhaoqing, Ricci involuntarily traveled northwards in 1589. He eventually settled in Shaozhou as he learned that this city was along the route to Nanjing and Beijing, the two most important cities in China. Fr om this southern city of Shaozhou, Ricci relocated to Nanchang in central China in 1595. As he traveled northwards within the empire, through his observations Ricci increasingly accumulated valuable information previously unavailable to Europeans (Figure 3) A comparison between the letters he wrote after Ricci began traveling and those he wrote at the beginning of his Chinese experience reveal s an important change. During description s of the Chinese empire reflected what he had learned throug h books and what others had informed him. I n his letter to deputy exc hequer Romn in 1584 Ricci described China in broad and general terms When he reached Shaozhou from Zhaoqing in 1589, however, Ricci described in accurate details the Bei River that connected both cities, the way it flowed from north to south through Shaozhou, the bridge that connected 58
29 the eastern and weste rn part of the city, the residences, the Buddhist Nanhua Temple, and even the ships that passed through the city. 59 In 1595, as he relocat ed from Shaozhou to Nanchang, Ricci filled his letters with detailed information about each city he passed on the streets and countless people passing through Nanxiong, with some using carts and do nkeys to carry their goods, and over two thousand workers constructing infrastructures at one time; and the villages were countless. 60 Ricci even outlined the characteristics in food patterns that distinguished northern from southern China. He noted that Ch inese people who lived north of Nanjing consumed more wheat than rice, which was the custom in southern China. Ricci also noted a lack of wood supply in Nanjing, before describing in great details the three walls that protected this major city. 61 As he trav eled, Ricci began observing the natural world that surrounded him and in the process acquired a more accurate understanding of China. Each time he arrived in a new city, he derived its longitude and latitude to pinpoint its exact location. Without fail, he included such information as he reported his journeys in his letters. With new scientific data, Ricci began to refine his calculations of the extension and location of China, and eventually he also became aware of the mistakes he had made in his previous calculations For example, by 1596, as he had traveled to central China and had derived 59 60 61 Ibid., 155 156.
30 the location of Nanchang, he noticed that his 1584 estimations of the location of Beijing r than forty degrees north. 62 In the process, Ricci also elaborated new scientific equipments and while in Shaozhou, he made numerous globes in the Chinese language and presented them to the local literati. 63 As he collected informati on about China, Ricci gradually matured and transformed himself as a humanist and a scientist. Through his Jesuit education, Ricci manifested his deep appreciation of ancient texts, and he began to collect information about China primarily through texts an d the literati circle. However, Ricci also began to make astronomical observations and applied scientific surveying techniques as he traveled in China. These skills and experiences allowed Ricci to gain much firsthand data about the Chinese empire Ri Jesuit and European educational background as well as the Chinese culture, enabling Ricci to collect information no Europeans had ever been able to obtain and create brand new knowledge about C hina. 62 63
31 Figure 1 Portrait of Matteo Ricci, circa 1610. Painted by You Wenhui, a Chinese convert, Ricci wore the attire of Chinese literati, and grew his hair and beard to imitate their appearance Ricci also posed in the manner of a literatus, as his two arms were locked together inside the w ide sleeves of his silk robe Reproduced f rom Shijian Huang and Yingyan Gong, eds., (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Publisher, 2004 ), 136
32 Figure 2 Frontispiece China monumentis illustrata, 1667. Ricci is shown on the right in the a ttire of a Chinese literatus holding a map of China. Reproduced f rom China Illustrata (1667) Athanasius Kircher. The Last Man Who Knew Everything (New York and London: Routledge, 2004 ), 396
33 Figure 3 Map of Ming China This map highlight s the cities in which Ricci settled and through which he traveled throughout his years in China. Reproduced f rom Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New York: Elisabeth Sifton Books, 1984), xiii
34 Chapter Three The Display t hrough Maps In January 1601, after a failed attempt to settle in Beijing, Ricci was granted residency in the Chinese capital where he remained until his death in 1610. Having accumulated numerous and detailed observations about the Chinese cultural and natural worlds, Ricci soon became aware of the need of a platform from which to organize and present his findings to both the Europeans and the Chinese Influenced by the Chinese culture, Ricci recognized cartography as an ideal means through which to communicate the new knowledge he had create d through his travel and observation s At the end of 1584, Ricci compiled his first world map which he revised for the first time twelve yea rs later, in 1596, and thereafter, multiple times. The initial longer gap in time followed by transformation in the second half of his tenure in China as expressed by his maps. I n 1602, Ricci revised his world map for the third time, creating a piece of celebrated cartographic work distinctly different fro m both contemporary European and Chinese maps. This map, through which he expressed not only everything he had collected and learned about China but also his newfound awareness of the power of scientific observation s represents the culmination of his inte llectual growth.
35 Maps were no by means an unfamiliar part of early modern European culture. Mapmaking had long been a tradition in Europe and it gained higher popularity between map 66 By the time Ricci left Europe, maps were produced in great numbers, as both rulers and popes used them for their political or religious purposes. Equipped with the mathematical and astronomical skills necessary to compile maps thanks t o his Jesuit education, Ricci carried with him this map consciousness as he sailed to the east But in his 1584 letter to deputy exchequer Romn, Ricci voiced his dissatisfaction with certain world maps that circulated in Europe, in particular those from the New World, which he believed had been the inaccurate products of the political rivalry between Spain and Portugal. 67 From the very beginning of his tenure in China, Ricci had already been deeply aware of the possible implication s of mapmaking, and the role maps played in expansion of this European culture. However, the Jesuit and European cultures under which Ricci was educated were not his onl contributed to his awareness of Chinese cartography. While in India, Ricci never mentioned any intent to compile a map. 68 66 David Buisseret ed., Monarchs, Ministers and Maps. The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 1 2. See also Daniel Birkholz, Culture in Thirteenth Century England (New York and London: Routledge, 2004), xvii xxvii. 67 Li Madou Shuxinji 35. 68 Ibid. 1 30.
36 became evident as s oon as he came into contact with the Chinese culture in Macao. As soon as he began to learn the Chinese language, Ricci was particularly impressed by the Chinese custom of binding printed maps into books with the intent to organize and preserve such inform ation as main crops, population and landmarks, all in one place. Ricci also observed that every major city in China collected information in this way, 69 Maps had been a regular part of the upper class Chinese culture and the Chinese literati had a long engagement with maps. 70 Chinese cartography was distinctly different from its European counterpart. Not only was the Chinese concept of the world different, Chinese maps illustrated the emphasis on the cul tural mapping of the Chinese world since Yutu circa 1320 Guang Yutu produced in 1579, were two well known examples. Chinese maps often featured China prominently in the middle, with other countries, many of which tributary states, surrounding it. Chinese maps did not emphasize the accurate depictions of all countries in the world, but rather Chinese supremacy over other countries. Ricci himself noted as the whole world, or at least occupied most of the world, and was the most important land. 71 Through his involvement with the Chinese culture, Ricci had access to numerous Chinese maps. Moreover, the interest s on the part of the Chinese literati in cartogra 69 34. 70 See Craig Clunas, Pictures and Visuality in Early Modern China (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997), 80. 71 September 13 1584 l e tter to Romn Ricci, Li Madou Shuxinji 55
37 At the end of 1584, only one year after settling in Zhaoqing, Ricci compiled his first world map, entitled Yudi Shanhai Quantu A Complete Map of the Th e skills he had acquired in Europe and the influence of Chinese culture cartographic production and helped him quickly identify cartography as an ideal tool to glorif y the Chinese empire and the best space for the presentation of the information he had collected. Ricci displayed both European and Chinese influences through his mapmaking. Shortly after completing his first world map, Ricci reported hi s cartographic work to Claudius Aquaviva, General of the Jesuit Order. Ricci informed the General that he compiled his map in the European format and projection, but recorded information such as the calculations of time and distances, and place names in th e Chinese language. 72 Although Ricci employed European cartographic techniques as the foundation of his map, Ricci did not simply translate a European map, for he also included his own scientific calculations on his own version. Ricci believed that his map was the first of its kind produced in China and was convinced that it was better than existing Chinese maps. 73 included in Tushu Bian Compilation of Illustrations and Writings a wor k by Zhang Huang (1527 1608), respected Confucian scholar and head of the prestigious Bailudong College who met Ricci in 1595 in Nanchang (Figure 4) Ricci made his map on a larger 72 Ibid. 60. 73
38 scale than conventional European maps in order to allow room for t he Chinese characters Americas. With the exception of Europe, all continents, and the Pacific Oce an and the Indian Ocean were marked in Chinese names. China was represented as two large islands occupying a large part of Asia. 74 Significantly, Asia was placed towards the middle of the ture Europe in the middle. to General Aquaviva that he had presented the map to Wang Pan, who appreciated it so much that he ordered i ts immediate publi cation and even supervised the printing himself gifts to Chinese of high status. 75 Ricci did not expect the map to be published so soon, and he was also aware t hat his map was not completely accurate, which in his evaluation was due partly to his own mistakes and partly to printing errors. cartography, as he began to revis e hi s 1584 world map several times. Each time Ricci revised his world map, it took place in a different city, and he gave each new map a different title, indicating the new information he had collected over time, especially through his travel In 1596, twelve years after the original version, Ricci revised his 74 171. 75 Li Madou Shuxinji 60.
39 world map for the first time in Nanchang. Carved on stele, the revised map was entitled Shanhai Yudi Tu A Map of Mountains and Seas Ricci revised his maps two more times within the next few years In Nanjing, Ricci revised his map again in 1600 and renamed it Wanguo Yutu A Map of all Regions of the World 76 In 1602, Ricci revised his world map for the third time in Beijing. The 1602 map was entitled Kunyu Wanguo Quantu A Complete Geographical Map of all the Regions of the World of China and the world. While the titles of his first maps focused on natural elements such as mountains and seas, Ricci later cha nged his focus to the countries of the world, including China. Compared to his 1600 edition, Ricci was even confident that his 1602 version was a complete cartographic production. This 1602 version is one of th e most celebrated maps in cartography, as it displayed an elaborate understanding of China as well as the world. 77 (Figure 5 and Figure 6 ) Ricci incorporated both European and Chinese mapmaking traditions and techniques as he created his own space to prese nt the information he had collected in subjects previously separated. 78 However, this 1602 map not only served as a bright 76 Cronin, The Wise Man from the Wes t 151. 77 S.J. and Bonnie, B.C. Oh eds., East Meets West. The Jesuits in China, 1582 1773 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 211. 78 Mary Louise Pratt used the term Western travelers and indigenous people in the New World in her analysis of early modern travel writings See Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes. Travel Writing and Transculturation (Lond on and New York: Routledge, 1992), 6 7.
40 moment of contact between Europe and China. Throug h this cartographic production, Ricci completed his long process of intellectual transformation in China as he also introduced his new knowledge of China collected through his own firsthand scientific observations during his many years of travel newly revised map retained certain European cartographic techniques. As in his 1854 map, the 1602 version featured the oval projection commonly used in European maps which indicated the roundness of the earth. It also featured Europe, Africa, Asia, North A merica, South America, and the unknown land on the southern edge of the earth, which was in accord with contemporary European understanding of the degree intervals, illustrating in a preci se manner the locations of the continents and major countries. right corner of his map the illustration of the nine spheres of the universe with the earth feat ured as the center. Nonetheless, Ricci demonstrated a high level of Chinese influence in his mapmaking through the display of several main features. One of the most striking new map placed China towards the center of his map. While Abraham Ortelius and other European cartographers positioned Europe towards the center of their world maps, ion (Figure 7). Ricci spun the globe, so to speak, moving Europe to the far right while featuring
41 China in a central position. 79 Ricci conformed to the traditional Chinese concept of the I have hear d that this title is due to the fact that the Chinese look upon the heavens as spherical and imagine that the world is flat and that China is situated in the middle of this flat plain. Due to this idea, when they first saw our geographical maps, they were somewhat puzzled to find their empire placed not in the center of the map but at its extreme eastern border. When [I] drafted a map of the world for them and inscribed it with Chinese characters, out of deference to their ideas, [I] so arranged it that the empire of China occupied more or less of a central position. 80 By placing China towards the middle of his world map, Ricci conformed to the Chinese idea of their country being the center of the world, displaying the same kind of sensitivity towards the Ch inese culture he showed as he refined the accommodation policy. The use of the Chinese language was another feature Ricci continued to adopt for his revised map. As in his 1584 world map, Ricci compiled his new version entirely in the Chinese language, further distinguishing his map from contemporary European maps. While his original map did not have the names of specific countries, and only limited information Ricci adorned his new map with the names of many countries, rivers, mountains within each continent, as well as the names of the major oceans The North and South Poles were also illustrated in spheres on the left hand side of his map. numerous elaborate textual descriptions, another influence from the Chinese culture 79 Mapping the Unknown: Jesuit Cartography in China, 1583 Ph.D. diss., University of C alifornia, Berkeley, 1987, 91. In her dissertation, Semans acknowledged Ricci as the first Jesuit cartog rapher in China. 80 Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century 7.
42 of Chinese mapmaking and Ricci followed this tradition in his map. 81 As with European maps s the title, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum on the top of his map and an inscription at the bottom, in addition to the various country names. Similarly, Ricci had his title, Yudi Sh anhai Quantu on the top of the map, but without inscription at the bottom and limited Chinese characters. Almost twenty years later, however, Ricci had become fluent in the Chinese language. In his 1602 map, Ricci included elaborate texts throughout the e ntire map, which could explain the size of the map. Compared to the 1584 version, which measured one meter by two meters, the 1602 edition comprised of six panels, measuring approximately two meters by four meters, and was designed to display as a screen. This original edition The Chinese texts on followed the traditional Chinese style of writing, beginning from top to bottom, and from right to left. On the right hand side, Ricci began wi th his own preface of the map. As was his pursuit since his first written work, Ricci kept in mind the importance of prefaces in Chinese print culture. Not only did he write his own preface, Ricci also sought the recognition of the Chinese elites by invit ing such literati as Li Zhizao, one of his converts, to write prefaces on his newly that depicted the Pacific Ocean between Asia and North America, giving it a prominent place on the map. 81 Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise, 1 7.
43 The texts on this revis ion contained more than the names of countries, continents and oceans. In his portrayal of countries around the world, Ricci described weather, local customs, inhabitants and local products in various countries learned from his reading of both European and Chinese sources. For each continent, Ricci included the names of the countries, major rivers and mountains. He also had specific details for certain countries. Ricci int roduced the grape wine and white sugar produced on the Fortunate Islands, which enjoyed a mild climate. He described the two volcanoes in Sicily, Italy, one constantly emitting flames and the other smoke. Ricci explained that the Nile River in Africa was t 82 He also warned that crocodiles appeared outside of the Cape of Good Hope while informing readers that myrrh was produced in Arabia. 83 He also noted that Brazilians did not build houses but rather made their dwellings on the ground. These written descriptions provided much information about the ethnography of the world. Amongst all countries, Ricci depicted his native Italy in a relatively detailed manner. While Ricci introduced the five countries in South A merica and included several descriptions of the continent, including that of the Brazilians, he provided greater details about Europe, which he introduced as a continent with over thirty countries which worshipped Tianzhu Within much of the continent, however, Ricci provided the names of European countries and only a few cities such as Lyon in France. However Ricci included the names of at least ten cities and regions of the Itali an Peninsula on his map, 82 Giles, 379. 83 329 337.
44 including the cities of Rome, Naples, Venice and Puglia, and regions such as Piedmont, in addition to his description of Sicily. Considering the limited space Ricci had for the Italian Peninsula due to its size, Ricci provided more details for his native land than many other countries. result of not only the influence of Chinese culture but also his collection of firsthand information. Compared to his much higher accuracy in the portrayal of China. The empire was no longer represented by two sizeable islands. Rather, Ricci portrayed the empire as one vast country. Not only did Ricci incl ude the names of all fifteen provinces of China, which he had introduced to Romn in his 1584 letter, and the main rivers and mountains, he also provided elaborate descriptions of its location and expanse. On the southeastern corner of China on the map, Ri cci wrote the following inscription of China: China is most famous for her culture and products. She occupies an area which extends from 15 degrees to 42 degrees North Latitude. Tributary countries are very numerous. In such a general map as this, only th e mountains, rivers, provinces and circuits are indicated and for a more detailed account, the various gazetteers may be consulted. 84 Ricci improved the accuracy of his understanding of Chinese geography through the firsthand data he had collected. Applyin g his scientific skills, Ricci had attempted to determine the location of China and Beijing as early as 1584. On t his 1602 map, his estimation of the northern and southern extent of the empire was nearly perfect, while the 84 Ibid., 335.
45 western border was only two degrees to the west, and the eastern border seven degrees too far west. This was a much more accurate determination compared to not only his positioned China much too far no rth between thirty seven and fifty two degrees. 85 especially detailed and precise portrayal of China. Although Ricci determined the boundaries of China rather accur ately, the 1602 to his own travel significantly enhanced the accuracy of his depiction of China, especially in the inland areas. From Southern China to the Yangtze Nanchang and Nanjing, where he had established missions, were highly meticulous. His illustrations of the major rivers and the Great Wall were a lso close to perfection. 86 Ricci also placed at forty degrees north the latitude he revised in 1596 87 His careful examinations of the location of many major Chinese cities resonated a more complete understanding of the vast Chinese empire. However, as Ricci scarcely traveled after reaching Beijing in 1601, the coastlines along the northern part of China o n his map were not as precise, especially Shandong Province, Liaodong Peninsula and the Bo Sea, outside of Beijing. 85 Semans, Mapping the Unknown 92 93. 86 Ibid., 91 93 87 Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century 307.
46 As he traveled half a world away to Ming China, transformation unfolded I t was in China where Ricci became aware that maps could be used as a powerful me ans to record, preserve and communicate his new knowledge. As early as 1584, he compiled a world map. As he collected more information over the years, Ricci revised his map, especially during the second half of his tenure in the empire from 1596 to 1610 A fter almost twenty years in China, Ricci revised his world map for the third time in 1602 and produced a unique piece of cartographic work. maps were more than the combination of European traditions and Chinese culture that illuminated the m any moments both cultures interacted. H is maps marked a cross cultural intellectual transformation that the Jesuit himself underwent. Ricci made maps not to simply arouse the curiosity of and gain favor among the Chinese elite. His world maps reflected his humanist education and scientific skills displayed under the immense influence of the Chinese culture and exhibit ed a continuous development of his understanding of China through his own progression as an intellectual. His 1602 map epitomized his transformation to a scientist.
47 Figure 4 Rendition of Yudi Shanhai Quantu A Complete Map of the Mountains and Seas This version was included in Tushu B ian by Zhang Huang, according to Cordell Yee. The si ze of each page measures 23 cm x 14.5cm. Reproduced from Cordell D.K. Yee, J.B. Harley and David Woodward ed s The History of Cartography. Vol 2, Book 2, Cartography in the Traditional East and Southwe st Asian Societies (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 172.
48 Figure 5 Kunyu Wanguo Quantu A Complete Geographical Map of all the Regions of the World 1602. This is the complete six panel woodblock print housed at the Vatican Library. Each panel measures approximately 183 x 66 cm. Imago Mundi Vol 47 (1995), 99.
49 Figure 6 China as depicted on Kunyu Wanguo Quantu
50 Figure 7 Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum 1570. Reproduced from John Re n nie Short, The World Through Maps. A History of Cartography ( B uffalo, NY: Firefly Books, 2003) 122.
51 Conclusion From Europe to China An Intellectual Transformation Matteo Ricci was an important figure in early modern Chinese European relations. Not only did he go to China as a missionary, but through his involvement in cartography amongst other activities, he also presented himself as an intellectual and a scientist. After almost two decades in China, Ricci gained rich geographical knowledge of the empire through texts, and the scientific skills he acquired in Europe as a Jesuit. H is own travel within the empire also assisted in his efforts in producing maps with grea t organizing and transmitting his knowledge of China and of the world as he acquired new information In sixteenth century Europe, where people were uncertain whether Cathay and China were the same empire or two separate countrie s, Ricci was instrumental in compiling new and more accurate geographical information world maps showcased the world to the Chinese in a systematic way, they also transmitted new and firsthand geographical images of China to Europe, enhancing Jesuit and European understanding of the Chinese empire. o re than an evangelization tool. Traveling half a world towards the Chinese empire, Ricci found a favorable environment where he unveiled his religious mission, practiced his humanist education and experimented his scientific skills.
52 But Ricci was also deeply affected by the Chinese culture. From his days in Macao and throughout the first half of his tenure in C hina between 1582 and 1595, Ricci actively engaged with the Chinese literati. He followed their customs, wrote treatises and booklets, studied and translated their classics, and introduced ancient Western works to them. His radical change of appearance fro m a Buddhist monk to a Chinese literatus followed his increased interest s in appl y ing his astronomical skills and engaging in direct scientific observations data about China which had been unknown to European s Influenced by the Chinese literati culture that had had a long engagement with maps, Ricci found his ideal platform for his knowledge in cartography. Cartography was an important means for Ricci in his quest to understand the vast Ch inese empire. When Ricci produced his first world map in Ming China in 1584, the map became the first of its kind in the Chinese language. Unlike any contemporary tradition al Chinese perception of its empire as t understanding of Chinese geography and culture developed, Ricci revised his maps. Through his reading of both European and Chinese texts, his scientific surveying techniques, astronomi cal observations, and his own travel Ricci gained richer geographical understanding of China. His creation of world maps allowed Ricci to utilize the cartographic space to convey what he had understood about the world around him in the late sixteent h and early seventeenth centur ies reveal ing a fluid and continuous shaping and progression in his perceptions of China and the world Adorned with an
53 abundance of new information, elaborate 1602 map was the culmination of his intellectual transformation. Until his death Ricci continued to produce world map s The production and catalog and transmi t his knowledge of China to Jesuits and of the world to the Chinese. mappamundi showcased the world to the Chinese in a systematic manner and century, enhancing European understanding of the Chinese empire geographically. artographic ventures provide d an important and intriguing window for more than early modern Chinese European encounters. As Ricci achieved cultural and scientific interactions between Europe and China through the adaptation of both Chinese and European technologies and cultural traditions Ricci nonetheless did not simply bring together Chinese and European cultures. Through his world maps, Ricci created a new body of knowledge as he ma tured as a humanist and a scientist, recording his own intellectual transformation. In 1610, Ricci died in Beijing. At the petition of his fellow Jesuits, the emperor granted Ricci a tomb outside of the capital city After living in China for twenty seven years, Ricci was buried in the city he labored so hard to reach, an unprecedented honor bestowed on a foreigner. Ricci won favor with not only the Chinese literati, but also the emperor. From a city in the south to the heart of the expansive C long journey in China ended with a series of world maps the Jesuit created and revised along the way.
54 The Scientific Revolution and the emergence of taxonomy in the seventeenth century and the emphasis o n empirical research during the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century increasingly emphasized science, reason and natural laws. Enlightenment thinkers tirelessly promoted the use of reason and rationale to human societ y Rather than searching for wisdom and knowledge from ancient t exts, modern scientists began to make observations and record their firsthand findings. These forms of collecting and recording of information became commonplace in the modern era However, this new practice did not begin with the scientists from the seven teenth or the eighteenth centuries but earlier. Before Carl Linnaeus and the Age of Reason, a sixteenth century Jesuit in Ming China had deeply involved himself in the collecting and cataloguing of information about China and the world and manifested his new knowledge on maps As Matteo Ricci journeyed to the east for his mission long ago, he also embarked on a cross cultural intellectual transformation that found its origin in Europe but came to fruition half a world away in China thro ugh the drawing of boundaries.
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