Permanent supportive housing in Tampa, Florida

Permanent supportive housing in Tampa, Florida

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Permanent supportive housing in Tampa, Florida facilitating transition through site, program, and design
Dodd, Nicole Lara
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[Tampa, Fla]
University of South Florida
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ABSTRACT: Rapid re-housing of the homeless into permanent supportive housing has proven to be cost effective. The improved quality of life and stability reduces stress on the formerly homeless and therefore increases their viability as self-sufficient individuals. Hillsborough County (which encompasses Tampa, Florida) reported 9,532 homeless persons on any given night in the year 2007. Currently, there is not enough housing to meet the needs of every individual. While existing housing facilities contribute a great deal to this community, their locations in dilapidated urban conditions are not the most conducive environments for homeless persons to succeed. The stigma associated with the homeless also dissuades the general public from interacting with them as equals. The researcher has designed a model which utilizes a historic site, an innovative program, and a flexible design as equal components in the facilitation of transitioning the homeless into self-sufficient individuals.The site is a vacant Tampa Cigar Factory which embodies a history of community building that metaphorically represents the rebuilding of homeless individuals within a greater community. The program consists of a combination of leasable commercial space, supportive retail, permanent supportive housing, and ample communal space that provides for self-sufficiency at an organizational level, onsite employment opportunities, and social interaction. The intervention with the factory is a flexible design that combines utilitarian and communal space to encourage maximum activity, and provides 18 unique units which residents can identify with as their own. A connective tissue contained within the secure confines of the heavy brick walls manifests the transition that the homeless must face, but in a secure, stable, and positive environment.The result is a gestalt which is comprised of many schematic design concepts aimed at empowering the homeless individual to succeed while simultaneously reducing the general public's fear of the homeless. The concepts from this thesis could be applied in any city to help decrease homelessness. The design of many of these spaces, both interior and exterior can be employed in neighborhood planning for any population. This thesis represents the beginning of a new model for permanent supportive housing.
Thesis (M.Arch.)--University of South Florida, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references.
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by Nicole Lara Dodd.

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Permanent supportive housing in Tampa, Florida :
b facilitating transition through site, program, and design
h [electronic resource] /
by Nicole Lara Dodd.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 140 pages.
Thesis (M.Arch.)--University of South Florida, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
ABSTRACT: Rapid re-housing of the homeless into permanent supportive housing has proven to be cost effective. The improved quality of life and stability reduces stress on the formerly homeless and therefore increases their viability as self-sufficient individuals. Hillsborough County (which encompasses Tampa, Florida) reported 9,532 homeless persons on any given night in the year 2007. Currently, there is not enough housing to meet the needs of every individual. While existing housing facilities contribute a great deal to this community, their locations in dilapidated urban conditions are not the most conducive environments for homeless persons to succeed. The stigma associated with the homeless also dissuades the general public from interacting with them as equals. The researcher has designed a model which utilizes a historic site, an innovative program, and a flexible design as equal components in the facilitation of transitioning the homeless into self-sufficient individuals.The site is a vacant Tampa Cigar Factory which embodies a history of community building that metaphorically represents the rebuilding of homeless individuals within a greater community. The program consists of a combination of leasable commercial space, supportive retail, permanent supportive housing, and ample communal space that provides for self-sufficiency at an organizational level, onsite employment opportunities, and social interaction. The intervention with the factory is a flexible design that combines utilitarian and communal space to encourage maximum activity, and provides 18 unique units which residents can identify with as their own. A connective tissue contained within the secure confines of the heavy brick walls manifests the transition that the homeless must face, but in a secure, stable, and positive environment.The result is a gestalt which is comprised of many schematic design concepts aimed at empowering the homeless individual to succeed while simultaneously reducing the general public's fear of the homeless. The concepts from this thesis could be applied in any city to help decrease homelessness. The design of many of these spaces, both interior and exterior can be employed in neighborhood planning for any population. This thesis represents the beginning of a new model for permanent supportive housing.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
Advisor: Vikas Mehta, Ph.D.
Dissertations, Academic
x Architecture
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
4 856


Permanent Supportive Housing in Tampa, Florida: Facilitating Transition through Site, Program, & Design by Nicole Lara Dodd A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture School of Architecture and Community Design College of Visual and Performing Arts University of South Florida Major Professor: Vikas Mehta, Ph.D. Margarethe Kusenbach, Ph.D. Rayme Nuckles, M.S. Rick Rados, B. Arch. Date of Approval November 3, 2008 Keywords: Architecture, Homeless, Historic, Intervention, Community, Design Copyright 2008, Nicole Lara Dodd


Dedication William L. Dodd, Jr. Though his father left him little in the way of material things, he was left with something much more important: a love for literature and an inordinate hatred for injustice. At the age 80+ he could still quote the Rubiayat of Omar Khayyam as well as the poetry of William Shakespeare he had learned in his youth and early adulthood. Though his college career was interrupted when he enlisted in the U.S. Navy to serve the length of World War II, he returned to complete his BA at the age of 50. He was a union brick layer and an active organizer. A fter a surgery, he worked for the State Federation of Labor in other capacities. He helped minority youth to become apprentices in traditionally all white trade unions. In fact, he participated in a restaurant sit-in almost 20 years before Rosa Parks took her famous bus ride. He was active in the Progressive Party, a th ird political party formed to elect Henry A. Wallace, as President of the United States. Bill Dodd was a Wallace delegate to the National Convention in Philadelphia in 1948. He was again an elected dele gate for George McGovern at the 1972 Democratic National convention in Miami. It was during the Mc Carthy Era when the House Un American Committee ruined the reputations and careers of so many writ ers, actors and other well known people that two FBI agents picked him up, after work at the plant, to ask him about people we knew during the Wallace days to learn if any of his friends were Communists. Bill said he didn't know. He h ad never asked them and they'd never said they were. On Nov. 9, 1973, the editor of the Charleston Gazette wrote an article about him, titled "Prophet with Honor." The article ended with these words, "Bill Dodd still speaks as a man and this is something for others in [the] leadership [of the AFL-CIO] to think about." He was married 57 years and father of five children. He was my grandfather, a man I wish everybody could have known.


Acknowledgements Ana Vasquez and HOK Adam Fritz and the Urban Charrette, Brand Tampa, & Tre Amici Christine Long and Metropolitan Ministries Sandy Benedict and the YWCA of Charleston, WV The Homeless Coalition of Hillsborough County Intermediate contacts: Beth Bosserman, Dr. Warren Clark, and Daniel Masters Committee members: Vikas Mehta, Ph.D. and Margarethe Kusenbach, Ph.D., Rayme Nuckles, M.S., Rick Rados, B. Arch. Family and friends along the way, Thank you.


Table of Contents | i Table of Contents List of Tables v List of Figures vi Abstract xii Prologue: Transition 1 Introduction 5 Who is Homeless? 5 What are some causes of homelessness? 5 What is being done locally? 6 What is Permanent Supportive Housing? 7 How could local organizations improve? 8 How did this thesis improve on the current model? 9 Case Studies 11


Table of Contents | ii Case Study I: YWCA: Charleston, WV 06.03.08 11 Introduction 11 Analysis 13 Conclusions 18 Case Study II: Metropolitan Ministries: Tampa, FL 07.01.08 21 Introduction 21 Questions and Answers 22 Analysis 28 Conclusions 36 Case Study III: Historic Intervention: Bold versus Subtle 39 Introduction 39 Graphic Analysis 39 Conclusions 45 Precedent Studies 47 Strachan House 47 Tate Museum 48 De Baljurk 49 Vertical Garden 50 Site 51


Table of Contents | iii Site Selection 51 Site Analysis 58 Cigar Factory Analysis Program 68 Design 82 Master Planning 82 Design Concepts 88 South to North Relationship 88 Landscape 89 Fire stairs 91 Balcony 92 Existing Fenestrations 93 Connective Tissue 94 Residential Floors 97 Design Conclusions 99 Conclusions 111 Works Cited 115 Bibliography 118


Table of Contents | iv Appendices 124 Appendix A: Continuum of Care 124 Appendix B: Site Aerials 127 Appendix C: Photo Key 129 Appendix D: Heritage Square at The Armory 135 Appendix E: Landscape Material 140


List of Tables | v List of Tables 1. Criteria. 53 2. Site program. 70 3. Suggested commercial uses. 72 4. Factory program. 74


List of Figures | vi List of Figures 1. Facilitating Transition. xiv 2. On the Edge of Reality and a Dream. 2 3. Beautiful Transition. 3 4. Evolutionary Transition. 3 5. Seed of Transition. 3 6. Occupied apartment at the McCormick House. 13 7. Permanent Supportive Housing at the Shanklin Center. 15 8. Supportive Retail at the McCormick House. 15 9. Typical kitchen in the McCormick House. 16 10. Actual gathering vs. designed gathering space. 32 11. Communal spaces. 34 12. Portland Art Museum. 40 13. Subtle reinforcement. 41


List of Figures | vii 14. Entry as beacon. 41 15. Repeating elements. 41 16. New supporting old. 42 17. Caixa Forum, Spain. 43 18. Building parti. 44 19. Intervention as evolutionary transition. 44 20. Transition realized. 44 21. Reinforcing transition. 45 22. Perceived effect of the homeless upon the public. 45 23. Looming danger. 45 24. Public to Private. 47 25. Strachan House. 47 26. Old contain chaos. 48 27. Tate Museum 48 28. Metal fabric structure. 49 29. De Baljurk 49 30. Vertical Garden 50 31. Vertical Garden at Caixa Forum 50 32. Historic Corridor 52


List of Figures | viii 33. “ Preservation 10: Tampa Bay’s Most Vulnerable Historic Structures” 55 34. Samuel L. Davis cigar factory. 58 35. Vicinity map. 59 36. Neighborhood map. 60 37. Employability map. 61 38. Map of schools. 62 39. Access. 63 40. Zoning. 65 41. Maximum building heights. 66 42. Preliminary schematic model series. 67 43. Cigar factory anatomy. 76 44. Cigar factory interpretive analysis. 77 45. Interpretive program analysis. 78 46. Site distribution analysis. 79 47. Site distribution and intervention analysis. 80 48. Schematic program model one. 81 49. Schematic program model two. 81 50. Schematic master plan one 82 51. Schematic master plan two 82


List of Figures | ix 52. Master plan – building heights 83 53. Master plan – public versus private 83 54. Master plan – use zoning 83 55. View of pedestrian friendly corridor 84 56. Photograph of final site model 86 57. Master plan – North is up. 87 58. South to North relationship. 88 59. Landscape: South to North. 89 60. Fire stair South. 91 61. Fire stair North. 91 62. Balcony South. 92 63. Balcony North. 92 64. Fenestrations. 93 65. Connective Tissue. 94 66. Interior seating. 95 67. Interior wall. 95 68. Interior ceiling. 95 69. Exterior entry. 96 70. Exterior screen. 96


List of Figures | x 71. Exterior trellis. 96 72. Interpretive floor plan. 97 73. Entry. 98 74. Porch. 98 75. Foyer. 98 76. View of cigar factory plaza. 99 77. Cigar factory roof plan – north is up. 100 78. Cigar factory floor plan – third floor. 101 79. Interior view of communal space. 102 80. Cigar factory floor plan – second floor. 102 81. Cigar factory floor plan – ground floor. 103 82. Transverse section perspective through cigar factory. 104 83. Cross section through the East communal space. 105 84. Cross section through the center communal space. 105 85. Cross section through the West communal space. 105 86. South elevation. 106 87. West elevation. 107 88. East elevation. 107 89. North elevation. 107


List of Figures | xi 90. Perspective view from southwest. 108 91. Perspective view from southeast. 109 92. Perspective view from northeast. 109 93. Model photograph of main entry approach. 109 94. Model photograph of southeast corner 110 95. MaslowÂ’s Basic Needs 111


Abstract | xii Permanent supportive housing in Tampa, Florida: Facilitating Transi tion through Site, Program, and Design : Nicole L. Dodd ABSTRACT Rapid re-housing of the homeless into permanent supportive hou sing has proven to be cost effective. The improved quality of life and stability reduces stress on the formerly homeless and therefore in creases their viability as self-sufficient individuals. Hillsborough County (which encompasses Tampa, Florida) reported 9,532 homeless persons on any given night in the year 2007. Currently, there is not enough housing to meet the needs of every individual. While existing housing facilities contribute a great deal to this community, their locations in dilapidated urban conditions are not the most conducive environments for homeless persons to succeed. The stigma associated with the homeless also dissuades the general public from interacting with them as equals. The researcher has designed a model which utilizes a historic site, an innovative program, and a flexible design as equal components in the facilitat ion of transitioning the homeless into self-sufficient individuals. The site is a vacant Tampa Cigar Factory which embodies a history of community building that


Abstract | xiii metaphorically represents the rebuilding of homeless individuals within a greater community. The program consists of a combination of leasab le commercial space, supportive retail, permanent supportive housing, and ample communal space that provides for self-sufficiency at an organizational level, onsite employment opportunities, and social interaction. The intervention with the factory is a flexible design that co mbines utilitarian and communal space to encourage maximum activity, and provides 18 unique units which residents can identify with as their own. A connective tissue contained within the secure confines of the heavy brick walls manifests the transition that the homeless must face, but in a secure, stable, and positive environment. The result is a gestalt which is comprised of many schematic design concepts aimed at empowering the homeless individual to succeed while simultaneously reducing the general publicÂ’s fear of the homeless. The concepts from this thesis could be applied in any city to help decrease homelessness. The design of many of these spaces, both interior and exterior can be employed in neighborhood planning for any population. This thesis represents the beginning of a new model for permanent supportive housing.


Abstract | xiv Figure 1: Facilitating transition diagram of three equal components in facilitating transition.


Prologue Transition | 1 Prologue: Transition “Who are you?” said the Caterpillar… “I – I hardly know. Sir just at present,” Alice replied rather shyly, “at least I know who I was when I got up this morning, but I think I must have changed several times since then.” -Lewis Carroll Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland William Bridges descri bes transition as three parts: an ending, a period of confusion and distress, and a new beginning. The Fluid nature of transition makes it a slippery subject to fully describe, although it is ea sily understood. This is because we are all familiar with transition in our lives; we see it in nature and in our built environment. The concpet is difficult to describe because it does not have a definite beginning and end, rather it is a process of evolution from the old to the new. (Refer to Figure 4) Ulitmately, the rese archer believes that the struggle of transition makes us more perfect beings, similar to a catepillar becoming a butterfly. However, unlike the butterfly, it is not a single instance in our lives. As in the Lewis Carroll quote, it is a continuous cycle which makes it rather beautiful in its own right. (Refer to Figure 3) This thesis embodies the concept of transition. The homeless who would reside here for example are transitioning into homeful individuals. Once these individuals move into permanent supportive housing, they are no longer counted as homeless. However, permanent supportive housing is housing for the homeless. This is only one example of the


Fig u Reality a u re 2 : On the edge o f a nd a Dream. Artwor k by researcher. slippery individual s their co n transition f k nature of tra n s face and only n cerns. Providin in an iconic Ta m n sition which t grazes the surf a g stability for m pa cigar facto r t hese a ce of their r y will hel us str e su r p shape their fut u living in a hous e e et of the pas t r roundings. We a Prologue: T r u res. “So every s e of the past or w t bears the w e a re thus obliged t r ansition | 2 s ingle one of w alking in a e ight of his o create the


(t o (middle) F (bott o o p) Figure 3 : Beautifu l Transition F igure 4: Evolutionar y Transitio n o m) Figure 5: Seed o f Transition new whil e imitated. ‘ W Churchill, 1963) T h area bet w old) and H already e x in this nei g “How archit e only g o class count r never t relatio have t recog n goal c l y n f e living in the old W e shape our b u ‘thereafter they s h e site for this th e w een the interst a H yde Park (a ne i x perienced a ne w g hborhood is of c can we believ e e cture when th e o od or possible f o of people whi c r ies or only in so m t heless constit u n to the great m t o serve? […] It n ize that in this e c annot be to cre a which is again u ildings,’ said Wi s hape us.’” (Do x e sis is in a transi a te (which cut o f i ghborhodd whic h w life). What ha p c ritical importanc e e that we crea t e solutions give n o r a certain very c h may exist i m e of them, but w u tes a minorit y m asses of peopl is high time for e poch of transiti o a te architecture i being nston x iadis, tional f f the h has p pens e t e an n are small n all w hich y in e we us to o n our n the Prologue: T r r ansition | 3


Prologue: Transition | 4 abstract, but to dedicate our architectural creation to the service of the people.” (Doxiadis, 1963) If the success of a city is measued by the distribution of basic needs to its citzens (Gilderbloom, 2008), then introducing permanent supportive housing into the core of this transitional area can only mean a more perfect sense of self for the city of Tampa.


Introduction | 5 Introduction Who is Homeless? A person is considered homeless who “lacks a fixed, regular, and adequate night-time residence and... has a primary night-time residency that is: a) a public or private shelter or transitional housing, b) a place not meant for human habitation, including parks, the street, or automobiles, or c) a temporary residence for persons intended to be in an institution. It does not include individuals who are imprisoned or otherwise detained. (Butterworth & Crist, 1) There are more than 60,000 homeless persons in the state of Florida according to the Florida Department of Children And Families’ Office on Homelessness 2007 Report on Homeless Conditions in Florida. Currently there is enough temporary shelter for only 50 percent of the state’s homeless population. What are some causes of homelessness? While an economist might explain the cause of homelessness as a supply-anddemand problem, progressive urban scholars consider the institutional constraints such as allocation of accessible, attractive, descent, and affordable housing (Gilderbloom, 2008). The two leading causes of homelessness are reported to be employment/financial reasons (37.7%) and


Introduction | 6 housing issues (17.2%) (Butterworth, 5). Affordable housing is considered to be 30% of income. (Fischer, 96) Housing costs above this percentage may result in difficulty affording food and other basic needs. This is the very reason that some people find themselves without a place to live. In the U.S. between 1995 and 1997 the number of available affordable units to the number of low-income households decreased from 44 to 36 units per 100 families. (Fischer, p. 90) With these gaps widening it becomes increasingly difficult for one to reposition themselves in affordable housing upon reaching the limits of their transitional housing. Should one be able to position themselves outside of transitional housing, it may be strenuous and last only for a short time. This results in recurring incidents of homelessness. What is being done locally? In the Tampa Bay Area, the Salvation Army offers two transiti onal housing facilities, “Hospitality House” and “Hope House”. One is for women with children and one is for men, each with 44 and 43 beds respectively. These offer lodging for up to two years. Both facilities provide services such as food, clothing, semiprivate rooms, weekly co unseling, skills training and job placement assistance. Metropolitan Ministries is a private organization providing beds for around 140 people nightly, many of whom are children. (Refer to Case Study II for more information about Metropolitan Ministries.) The Ministry provides many of the same services that the Salvat ion Army does, spiritual guidance, and also helps to rebuild a sense of


Introduction | 7 self-worth. Their beds are offered for as little as a few weeks to as much as a couple years, on a case by case basis. What is Permanent Supportive Housing? In the Continuum of Care (refer to Appendix A), supportive housing is the first typology that is considered permanent. Services are integral to its succes s; however, they are not necessarily on site. The Homeless Coalition of Hillsborough County is mo ving towards a model, called “Housing First,” which is “permanent supportive housing (PSH) linked to a range of support services designed to help people maintain stable housing and improve the quality of their lives. (…) Res earch indicates that unconditional assurance of a roof over one’s head often reduces stress, freeing the individual to constructively get on with the business of living. Housed individuals feel empowered to control their lives and start making better choices.” (Tampa-Hillsborough Citizens Task Force on Homelessness, 2005) Throughout this thesis, the researcher spread this information to friends, family, and coworkers. One response included, “Why should they get a free home?” PSH is not free housing. It is rental housing which is subsidized to meet each resident’s ability to affordably pay rent. Also, what many people do not realize is the overwhelming cost to taxpayers for a chronically homeless person to bounce between shelters, hospitals, jails, etc. in a cycle which does not end homelessness. It has been proven that Housing First is a far more cost effective and successful model of ending chronic homelessness. The NY/NY Agreement shows that individuals which were placed in PSH cost


Introduction | 8 approximately 75% less in services than they did before. “Permanent Supportive Housing is the investment that ends homelessness in a cost effective and efficient manner. (TampaHillsborough Citizens Task Force on Homelessness, 2005) How could local organizations improve? While the contribution that local organizations offer should not be undermined, some of these shelters are not welcoming environments to the general public. They appear unsafe and also reveal the uncomfortable issue of homelessness in our community. Two arguments arise from this. One is that the general public considers homelessness to be an indicator of urban chaos and hence a sign of decay in a community (Farrell, 1048). The other is that greater exposure to the homeless does not promote fear but rather replaces it with sympathy. (Henig, 742) The first argument focuses on the “visible and crazed” homeless population, however small that percentage may be. Perhaps this is why greater exposure alleviates this fear. Also, while it may be desirable for homeless housing to be located in urban areas due to practical constraints of transportation, the negative atmospheres surrounding such facilities is not the most conducive to a healthy transition for the homeless user. None of the existing local organizations seek to offer an adjacent work opportunity. Instead, most organizations offering shelter are heavily reliant on volunteers and donations. When much of the general public view the homeless as undeserving, this creates a number of problems. Many are simply unwillin g to help; however,


Introduction | 9 even volunteers may envision the homeless as beneath them. “When compelled to enforce infantilizing rules, some volunteers sought to protect their identities as egalitarians by alter casting [shelter] guests as children in need of rules – and thus not deserving of equal treatment.” (Holden, p. 117) This institutionalization of existing facilities creates a conflict for the shelter user, who must conform to subservient roles and also seek to become independent. This conflict is an inherent flaw in the not-f or-profit strategy of rehabilitation. How did this improve on the current model? Creating a sense of place has been a distinct role of this design effort. It has considered the importance of private, transitional and communal space with the hope of dissolving the institutional qualities believed to exist in current facilities. Interv iews with organizations and professionals were conducted to ascertain what needs could be specifically met by architecture. Interview points questioned the function of communal sp ace, the desirability of different unit settings, and how current conditions could be improved. These conditions included issues of security, lack of bed space, and specific scenarios for those in the final stages of transition. The Salvation Army distinguishes that its uni ts are “semi-private.” It was important to establish a sense of privacy that allowed flexibility and established a sense of ownership. Communal spaces needed to be considered thoughtfully to ensure that they also fostered a sense of ownership. This was


Introduction | 10 accomplished by atta ching daily utilitarian functions to the spaces. A point of interest while conducting research was what chores shelter guests were responsible for in current scenarios. It was important to determine and establish a minimum size for living quarters which would be comfortable and conducive to a productive lifestyle. In addition to that transitional spaces which are often overlooked in many institutions were considered important elements in alleviating public and private settings. The objective was to design a model of housing for the homeless which would be less dependent on donations and volunteering by the public and more dependent on creating a microeconomy where the homeless who are working to restore their communities and themselves might be seen as equals among the general public. It is hoped that relations between the homeless and the public would be improved by the creation of urban situations which are inviting and safe forums for open dialogue. In the greater context of the neighborhood, the researcher would expect a positive impact on the surrounding community through the resurrection of a Tampa icon and its immediate context. The result is a gestalt which is comprised of many schematic design concepts aimed at empowering the homeless individual to succeed while simultaneously reducing the general publicÂ’s fear of the homeless.


Case Study I | 11 Case Study I: YWCA Charleston WV 06.03.08 Introduction Transitions in life are chaotic endings of something past and beginnings of something new. It is important that transitional housing be both supportive of this chaotic time and conducive to working through it. “HUD has three defined goals...for transitional housing. They call it supportive housing program. They have to work on in creased skills or income, permanent housing obviously, and increased selfdetermination.” (Benedict, 2008) It was important for the researcher to both speak with someone internal to the transitional housing program as well as visit a facility in order to have a better understanding of programmatic and spatial requirements. My hypothesis is that existing transitional housing programs are institutional and lack privacy because of the many rules and regulations that govern them. The researcher conducted an informal interview with Sandy Benedict, YWCA director of the McCormick House and Shanklin Center in Charleston, West Virginia, as she showed the researcher some of the apartments. The researcher had some key points that she wanted to address during our conversation but otherwise the conversation was very casual and mostly guided at Sandy’s discretion. Key points included: 1. What is the occupancy rate? Is there a waiting list”?


Case Study I | 12 2. Are there any communal spaces? What activities take place here? 3. Do residents participate in maintaining the facilities in which they are living?(either through work with the supportive retail or otherwise) 4. Do the residents have personal space? 5. How much flexibility do residents have within their personal space? 6. Must residents be employed to dwell here? We toured the McCormick House, as well as the Shanklin Center for Senior Enrichment which housed the permanent supportive housing for the elderly and will also host the new program for the chronically homeless. We began at the McCormick House with two vacant apartments, one studio-style, and one one-bedroom. Sandy then introduced the researcher to a resident of the McCormick House in an effort to allow her to see an occupied unit. (Refer to Figure 6) At the Shanklin Center, she also introduced the researcher to two residents who allowed her to enter their respective homes. Findings were partially incongruous with my hypothesis: guests did have a significant amount of personal space and flexibility to arrange themselves in it. However, there were no active informal communal spaces and residents did not participate by either working in the stores or helping to maintain the grounds. HUD requires that residents of transitional housing be employed and pay one-third of their adjusted income for rent. This requirement ensures a certain level of self-determination on the part of the applicant. With only one unit inspection a month residents are able to maintain a maximum amount of privacy while still being under supervision.


Figure 6: at t h Occupied Apartmen t h e McCormick Hous e Analysis Sandy w a researcher apartment s helped t h perspectiv e emergenc y points me n follows: 1. N e (transition was fully o 40% occ u to Sandy B “It just va r 4, a total t e a s initially con f would be inte r s This informati o h e researche r e as to the gen e y shelters and tr a n tioned above w e ither the al housing) nor o ccupied. The M u pied at the time B enedict, who s a r ies... you know r i of 4 for ten apa r f used as to w h r ested in viewi n o n was invaluabl e to ascertain e ral difference b e a nsitional housin g w ere all addres s McCormick H the Shanklin C M cCormick Hous e of my visit acc o a id i ght now we onl y r tments. But we h y the n g the e as it some e tween g The s ed as H ouse C enter e was o rding y have could ha v kn o bo m She The r v e 10. And dif f o w. Some wom e m b, honestly.” had not ever ha d r e are several f a Case S f erent things h a e n aren’t ready y d a waiting list in a ctors that contr i S tudy I | 13 a ppen... you y et and they three years. i bute to this


Case Study I | 14 surprising fact. The first is that these facilities are in Charleston, West Virginia. The researcher has not had reason to ascertain the figures on homelessness in this state. It may very well be a different case in Tampa, Florida, although this is yet to be known. One sure factor is that you must actually be employed and pay rent to reside at the McCormick House. This is a major distinction between emergency shelters and transitional housing. In addition to this, in many cases it is encouraged that arrangements for debt be made and some activity toward reconciling debt be made prior to occupancy. Another major factor is that this facility is for women and children only. The Alicia McCormick House was originally a house for battered women and children only. It is so named for its founder who was indeed murdered by a man on work release from prison whose offense involved domestic violence. So while the McCormick House now houses domestic violence victims as well as recent graduates of treatment centers and some homeless it remains occupied by women and children only. The Shanklin Center was about 90% occupied with one apartment vacant of eight. These units are permanent housing for the elderly who must have a disabling condition. Thus, there is no expected turn-over in these units. 2. The McCormick House and Shanklin Center share a small community center at the Shanklin Center which holds regular community gatherings. It is rather like a club house in that it is not used daily and/or leisurely. Also, the two facilities are about four blocks from one another. Two duplexes at the McCormick House have a shared backyard which could also be used by the other apartments here. S andy mentioned that as she herself is a gardener, she has encouraged


(left) Sup p (right ) Re Figure 7: Permanen t p ortive Housing at th e Shanklin Center. ) Figure 8: Supportiv e tail at the McCormic k House residents t o happened a if there w e women in r 3. “ W come fro m facility tha t treatment t t e e k o start a garden a s of yet.The re s e re meetings hel r ecovery. W e do have so m m Ray of Hope t ’s kind of like a t hey stay there f here. But this h s earche r asked S d at either facili m e women who which is a trea t fter they come o f or I think it’s li k h asn’t S andy ty for have t ment o ut of k e six mo n the y to g me e me e cas e for m com Mc C res e sea m hap p n ths. So some la d y do have recove r g o to meetings. e tings here. The e tings. ” While resid e e managers, the m al group sup p munity did se e C ormick House t h e arche r mentione m lessly mesh w p y to hear this, Case S d ies have recov e r y...are in recove r ... No, we don y have to go t o e nts meet regul a re does not se e p ort. However, e m to be at p l h is seemed to be d to Sandy that i t ith the commun as it had been S tudy I | 15 e ry issues. If r y they have ’t have any o their own a rly with their e m to be any a since of l ay. For the external. the t appeared to ity. She was a struggle to


Figure 9: Typical kitchen in th e McCormick House. begin this p a commo n On the oth e four block s Communit y Elderly ho u each side. have a co v table and garden sp a advantage these units in which t another. 4. T h discussion stores loc a House. ( R located be t e p rogram. “Just n o n sentiment in t h e r hand, the Sha n s away, is in a m y took its form u sing units face e (Refer to Figur e v ered porch with chair. Between a ce. Some of th of this space. T to one another c t hese women c o h is leads to resident partici p a ted immediately R efer to Figure t ween the two f a o t in my backyar d h e existing com m n klin Center, whi ore industrialize d internally her e e ach other with f o e 7) These unit s comfortable roo m each unit is a ese residents di d T he close proxi m c reated an envir o o uld look out f o the third are a p ation. There ar e below the McCo 8) and also a a cilities. These s d ,” was m unity. le only d area. e The o ur on s each m for a small d take m ity of o nment o r one a of e two rmick third s tores hel p Mc C con s of t h in a n that to h eve r ass o kee p wor k of t h sec o p to supplement C ormick House a s iderable interes t h e residents of M c n y of these store s at one time it w a elp out in the s r taken place. T o ciated with this p The first is t k ing below the M h eir residency d o nd is that if the y Case S the costs of o p a nd Shanklin Ce n t to the research e c Cormick House s Sandy Benedi c a s intended for t h tores; however t T here are som e idea of barteri n t hat if resident s M cCormick Hous e d o they keep th y do keep the jo S tudy I | 16 p erating the n ter. It is of er that none are working c t mentioned h e residents t his had not e difficulties n g work for s /guests are e at the end e job? The b then what


Case Study I | 17 positions are left for the new occupants? The third is that if one is working for the facility then they may find it difficult to find work elsewhere. The other element of participation which was of interest was that of involvement in “chores.” In this, residents do not participate either. (This also answers key point five.) 6. Residents do hav e personal space at both the McCormick House and the Shanklin Center. The McCormick House has four studio style apartments, four one bedroom apartments and two 2 bedroom apartments. The Shanklin Center has four studio style apartments and four one bedroom apartments for the elderly. It will also soon have three studio style apartments for the chronically homeless. Each apartment is furnished and equipped with a full size kitchen and personal bathroom. (Refer to Figure 9) THE RESEARCHER asked Sandy about the amount of flexibility that residents/guests have in their personal space. Here is what she had to say: “Well you know... we ha ve a contract, about a ten page contract outlining the rules. Like nobody’s supposed stay... vi sit after 11 o’clock at night. They are allowed to have overnight guests. And we had to do this because quite frankly a lot of times women try to move a man in here. That’s the way it is. So we had to start a new policy that you could have visitors two nights a month. Which that’s the way it always has been but you have to let the case manager know.” And “They are not supposed to put things on the wall but they do and I just... I get over that because everybody wants to put things on the wall.” Later she mentioned that there are monthly inspections of each unit. This explained the ease with which she asked resi dents if the researcher


Case Study I | 18 might come in and take a look around for my thesis. 7. The residents of the McCormick House are required to be employed. According to Sandy, this is a HUD standard anywhere and residents have to pay one third of their adjusted income for rent. The residents of the Shanklin Center are not required to be employed but are still required to pay one third of their income for rent. There income is mostly Social Security. Paying more than one-third of one’s income toward rent is considered living beyond one’s means. Most people who live in poverty are paying more than one-third of their income for rent. This is a result of an insufficient affordable housing market. Conclusions Through the researcher’s visit and interview with Sandy Benedict it became immediately apparent that she had held a misconception about what transitional housing would be. Transitional housing does not have to be entirely institutional, as the researcher thought it would be. Here at least, the YWCA strives to create a comfortable and safe environment that “Empowers Women.” The McCormick House felt more institutional than the Shanklin Center in that the apartments were reached via two long corridors. This was not a programmatic necessity, however, security was. The researcher expected to see communal kitchens and perhaps even bathrooms. That these elements were inside each unit and were relatively spacious was gratifying. (See figure 4.0)


Case Study I | 19 It was disconcerting that opportunities for communal garden spaces were not taken advantage of. However, in an eighteen month to two year program, it may be that residents do not desire to make this place their own beyond their personal space. It may also have been that this allotted “garden space” was only visible from the two duplex units. This is probable, because as illustrated at the Shanklin Center, garden spaces did not go entirely untended. As a matter of program, THE RESEARCHER think it would be beneficial for residents to attend minor maintenance issues, such as pulling weeds on weekends. “This is a program, it’s, you know, not just housing. A lot of times we’ve interviewed people who are coming from Sojourners or even Hope House that are just looking for a place to live. That... that’s not what this is. And we try to be very clear with them from the beginning, you know, this is not just a place to live if that’s what you want then you need to make a HUD application and go that route.” Sandy clarified two things here. First, as she said this is a program, it involves work with a case manager and is more than just an apartment. “If they work less than 30 hours a week they’re required to go to our readiness center which helps women work on their GED if they don’t have their diploma. They have a job coach there who knows of all the jobs that are available in the whole surrounding area and can help them with jobs, with resume writing, that sort of thing. They can learn computer skills ther e. [It] just depends on how motivated they are.” Secondly, this is not a fr ee ride. Residents must be employed or have some source of income to reside in these facilities. The most important thing that the researcher got out of this case study was who is in transitional housing and permanent supportive housing.


Case Study I | 20 These were not the people on street corners with cardboard signs. These were women with a since of pride about them and their homes. They have interests in material things like clothes, gadgets, and teddy bears. Grace, a current resident of the McCormick House, showed Sandy and the researcher a video of her daughter singing and dancing. These are women who are working hard for a better life. As Sandy said, some women bomb when they are not ready for this step, but others go onto become beauticians or get their college degrees. They were indistinguishable from the general population.


Case Study II | 21 Case Study II: Metropolitan Minist ries Tampa, FL 07.01.08 Introduction Conclusions from “Case Study I: YWCA Transitional Housing; Charleston, WV; 06.03.08” indicated that transitional housing is not institutional feeling and that it does offer a fair amount of privacy. The researcher shall determine whether or not that example is an anomaly or if it is standard. Specifically, the researcher will be looking to confirm similar results in the thesis area of study: Tampa Bay. Therefore, the hypothesis for “Case Study II: Metropolitan Ministries; Tampa, Florida; 07.01.08” shall reflect the results of Case Study I. “We need to understand how much of our lives is lived in and through institutions, and how better institutions are essential if we are to live better lives.” [Robert N. Bellah et al., The Good Society (New York: Vintage, 1991), p.5] (Ogilvie, 2004) The hypothesis is that transitional housing is not by definition institutional feeling and does provide adequate personal space. The researcher conducted a formal interview with Christine Long, the Senior Programs Officer for Metropolitan Ministries. She also guided the researcher on tour of th e entire facility. In the interview with Christine Long, the researcher elaborated some of the same bullet points that were addressed in “Case Study I.” Those bullet points included again: occupancy rate, communal spaces, resident participation, personal space and flexibility, and income. These points were addressed for both their


Case Study I | 22 existing facility and what will soon be “The Sanctuary,” a permanent supportive housing facility with twelve units. The existing facility, for the last ten years has been transitional housing with a stay of up to two years. Prior to this the facility was focused on em ergency shelter. The change was a result of welfare reform. “The Sanctuary” model of permanent supportive housing is the trend that the government is leaning toward today. Because the new housing is not yet complete, the findings of this study will formally be limited to the existing facility. However, informally the idea of permanent supportive housing will be used as a counter to the existing model of transitional housing at Metropolitan Ministries. Christine Long and the researcher met at Metropolitan Ministries on July 1, 2008. Metropolitan Ministries has facilities to accommodate 40 families and also a community outreach program. The interview portion of the meeting was conducted in a formal manner, while the guided tour of the facility was conducted more informally. Questions & Answers Q : What is the occupancy rate? Is there a “waiting list”? A : “We have a waiting list of about 40 families. We have room for 40 families and a waiting list of 40 families. Usually, families have to wait 2 to 3 months. And we do have an emphasis on quick turnaround time of the rooms themselves. So, usually there is only 2-3 days in between one family moving out and another family moving in. Occupancy rate is like 98%.”


Case Study I | 23 Q : How many residents are college graduates on average? A : “ Well, certainly people come from all walks of life. Most families that we see don’t have their G.E.D. or maybe they are just high school graduates. It’s more unusual that we have college graduates.” “ We do have … of the 40, there is probably two or three.” Q : What kind of security measures are in place? (i.e. reception desk) A : “ Well, when you have a large facility with a lot of people, you don’t know people by their faces, so you need to have some type of badge, ID badge, that type of thing. You know, I think that is probably a necessity. And that’s why we have the pass, so you don’t have to check everybody every time they come. We do ask everyone to always wear their id badges. They all have picture ID badges. So when they go to the cafeteria, or when they are walking around campus everybody knows who they are. And actually, it’s not just them, volunteers are supposed to wear them, staff are supposed to wear them. We are all supposed to wear them. And there are different colors for different populations, so when we’re seeing someone new we can see that they are a volunteer, or other people know they are residents.” Q : Are there different color badges for different stages in the program? A : “No, but what we do is they get a star as they move from phase to phase. So they get 2, 3, 4, or 5 stars as they move through the program.” Q : Are there any communal spaces? What activities take place there?


Case Study I | 24 A : “We have a communal dining room. Everyone eats together in the dining facility and there is a courtyard where everyone kind of hangs out.” “We do have another room that we use for large meetings. Every month we have a house meeting, so all the residents are in attendance at that. We also … any special event: children graduate from elementary school, or any special dinner or special meals, parties: birthday parties. We have monthly birthday parties. They’re all held in this other area. But we also use it for community events: staff meetings, donors, groups. Business groups will come in and they’ll have lunch and they’ll tour the facility. And so, we use it for a wide variety of uses.” Q : Is there supportive re tail? What is there? A : “Well, we have our childcare center, on site. So obviously, that generates some income. Some of our families get vouchers Vouchers are pretty hard to come by to pay for child care, but we were able to negotiate some vouchers designated for homeless families. So that helps them and it, of course, helps our income. We have a lot of families that aren’t residents; they pay on a sliding scale. So, they could pay full pay but most of them don’t.” “We are actually looking at our thrift store model … Primarily our thrift store gives away everything for free. All of our vouchers for both the residential families as well as the families that come in through Outreach, which we have about 100 per day, go over to Outreach. So, 75 to 80 percent of our sales are to voucher, which is free. It’s not cost effective were never going to make any money so what we want to do is move the thrift store into a retail center. This is not a good location for a thrift store. We know where there are good thrift stores. They’re in the suburbs. They’re properly located with the proper type of products. So we are kind of


Case Study I | 25 taking a look at the cost effectiveness of that. Instead of using the thrift store as a voucher location, we do a clothing closet type of set up here for the residents and the other families that need free clothing.” “We have done a social entrepreneur project with our kitchen. We have a state-of-the-art kitchen that was designed by Outback Steak House and has the capability of making 10,000 meals per day. So we did try a healthy bar, kind of a health food bar which is of course a growing trend. We had somebody who designed a bar. We made it and packaged it. We sold it at the Y’s. But it really didn’t pan out to be cost effective either. But we are looking at other ways to use our kitchen, possibly catering, some of our food programs; you know those types of things. So, we’re kind of investigating what might be good social entrepreneur opportunities.” Q : Do residents participate in maintaining the facilities in which they are living? (Either through work with the supportive retail or otherwise) A : “Yes. All of our residents, as part of their program, they go through… they do one month… that is work preparation. We assign people to work assignments and they really become like coworkers with the employee s there. And they get rated on a weekly basis on: getting to work on time, dressing properly, and you know all of those basic soft skills. We use that time to assess their abilities in those areas and we can also give them then a recommendation for employment habits, those types of things. So they all do that…” Q : Is this volunteer or paid work? A : “It’s part of the program. No they aren’t paid, but it’s considered part of their program.” Q : Do the residents have personal space?


Case Study I | 26 A: “ Our current housing is … kind of like a hotel. Each of the rooms is like a small hotel room probably like half the size of a typical hotel room and they all have their own bathroom and showers and each family, of course, stays in the room by themselves.” Q : How much flexibility do residents have within their personal space? A : “Well currently they have a lot of flexibility. They’ll bring in some of their own. Well its concrete block wall, so, it’s not very easy to hang things unless you bring in a drill. But some people stick things on the walls, some people have put little border type of things on the walls. But actually, as we’re doing our rehab, we’re not going to allow anybody to do that anymore. We’re going to set it up, I would say kind of like a hotel. Where there is going to be set furniture, there’s going to be coordinated bedding. You know we are hoping to give them, actually, a nicer environment rather than broken down dressers, you know that type of thing.” Q : What types of things could be added to maximize flexibility in one’s personal space? A : “Well, we are looking at like um…Well of course all the families have children so you’d like to hang your children’s artwork up. Pushpin, you know magnet boards. You don’t have a refrigerator but you could have a magnet board and you could put things up on the wall, that kind of thing. Something that would be permanent wouldn’t damage the wall but would give people the opportunity to personalize the space.” “Some of the things that were doing to set the right environment and tone, even though it’s kind of an institutional setting, I mean we’re stuck with the building we’ve got, the rooms we’ve got, we need durable furniture because there are lots of


Case Study I | 27 families that are moving out. So what we want to do is make them feel comfortable when they first come in. A few years back when people would first come in there would be a bare mattress. We would like hand them there linens and we would hand them there shampoo and pillows and they would walk up and have a bare room: concrete walls, mattresses, empty mattresses. Now what we are doing is making the beds, we’re stocking the toiletries, were leaving a little note on the pillow; you know, more of a welcome, hospitality oriented thing to try and take the environment that we have and make it more warm and welcoming.” Q : Are there inspections? What do they involve? A : “We have weekly, weekly room inspections. There are 15 points and people, if they get a perfect score; they get a prize at the end of every month. Sometimes they’re things, sometimes they’re evening passes: we have like a special family movie night. You know that type of thing, kind of a reward for room cleanliness. They’re basic cleanliness issues.” “This facility that we have now is drug and alcohol free, completely. We have a recovery program also. So, nobody can have any alcohol. Actually, they can’t have food in their rooms. It’s not set up for food (insects those types of things). So, they do look for food, of course if they were to see alcohol that would be a very, very big deal.” Q : Must residents be employed to dwell here? A : “Well, most transitional housing, they charge rent, charge a fee, at least some type of a fee or stipend. We don’t charge anything. Our focus is really education and so most people don’t work the 12 possibly 18 months that they are here. And we focus on some of those other key areas that they need to learn and grow. It could be


Case Study I | 28 mental health or drug treatment. Education is of course the biggest one. We spend a lot of time on education for people.” Q : Is Metropolitan Ministries funded by HUD? A : “We don’t receive HUD.” Q : Do you house nonprofit self-help meetings, such as Alcoholics Anonymous, on site? A : “ Yes, we do?” Analysis The existing facility at Metropolitan Ministries stands in stark contrast to the facilities that I visited for Case Study I. Explanations for this contrast will be analyzed here through revisiting the previous Q&A section, as well as graphic analysis. Some explanations may include differences in demographics, age of the facilities under examin ation, and form of housing. Metropolitan Ministries is typically 98% occupied with a waiting list equaling the number of beds available. This is significantly different from the facility in “Case Study I” which had never experienced a wait list. The first factor that undoubtedly contributes to this is the number of homeless people in Hillsborough County. The 2007 Homeless Coalition of Hillsborough County’s Homeless Census Survey reported that there were at least 9,532 men, women and children homeless on any given night. This is almost triple the reported number of homeless individual’s for the county in Case Study I. Also, HUD requires that individuals residing in transitional housing pay at least 30% of their income for rent. Metropolitan Ministries is not funded by HUD and does not require that


Case Study I | 29 individuals be employed to reside in their existing facility. This dr amatically increases the number of eligible occu pants. Currently, most residents do not work for the entirety of their stay at Metropolitan Ministries, with their focus being on education. Howe ver, the new facility, “The Sanctuary,” will be permanent supportive housing (PSH). In this form of housing residents will be expected to pay some type of rent, probably on a sliding scale based upon their income. Christine mentioned that they would be using this as a graduating step for some of the residents at Metropolitan Ministries and also as rapid re-housing for people who come in through there outreach. No doubt these twelve units will also fill quickly, however unlike transitional housing there will not be an y expected turnover. This notion of different forms of housing may account for many of the observed differences between the facilit ies observed in “Case Study I” and Metropolitan Ministries. The Housing Continuum (Refer to Appendix A) describes different forms of hou sing based on one’s ability to pay. Based on this table and observations made while at both facilities, the researcher determined that the two facilities are not representative of the same form of housing. The facility in “Case Study I” fits the description of ‘transitional housing,’ however; Metropolitan Ministries aligns itself more closely with the description of ‘transitional shelter.’ Also, some people who feel that they only need temporary assistance may use Metropolitan Ministries as an emergency shelter, rather than committing to the longer term program. Transitional shelters have more rigorous programs than transitional housing because they are dealing with different, supposedly less capable populations. They are, therefore, more institutional.


Case Study I | 30 Another major contributing factor to the differences in these two facilities is intended use. Metropolitan Ministries has been operating for 35 years, the first twenty of which it functioned primarily as an emergency shelter. The McCormick House in “Case Study I” has been more recently adapted from a church to transitional housing and supportive retail. It would be unfair to hold these two facilities to the same design criteria. That being said Metropolitan Ministries, as it stands, does feel institutional. Specific reasons include building materials, sizes & configurations of spaces, and programmatic adjacencies. The concrete masonry unit (CMU) walls are left unfinished except for several coat s of white paint as opposed to painted or wallpapered drywall which would be typically found in a residential space. The bare walls are the basis for the institutional feeling in the spaces. The walls are pronounced by the small spaces originally configured for emergency shelters that are now temporary homes to forty families. The units are minimally composed of a restroom (with shower) and bedroom. The configuration of the units ties into the program and the adjacency of spaces. The configuration of the units, as small hotel rooms, makes them feel transitory. The inability to store food in one’s dwelling, have privacy from one’s children, or make a personal telephone call from one’s dwelling programmatically make this an institutional setting. Two key programmatic features make this space feel institutional. One is the classroom which is on the second level, adjacent to residential units. Their close proximity leaves little room for transition. The other is the main entry point/reception desk. This is where residents can make phone calls, pick up mail, pick up medications (both prescription and non-), and store minimal amounts of


Case Study I | 31 personal food. This is also where anyone without a badge must enter the building. This small and busy zone identifies Metropolitan Ministries as an institut ion by highlighting its highly regulated atmosphere. The security badges, mentioned above, were addressed in the interview as well. These are the main mechanisms for providing security to the building. They are to be worn and visible at all times. The value in controlled access to the building and within is understood to be a necessity. This the researcher does not contest. It is the visibility requirement which makes this measure institutional. The researcher would suggest that this is a missed opportunity for dialogue and social interaction. The Badge reduces the need for one to approach someone to inquire who they are and thereby reduces the need to “get to know” each other. Feeling institutional is difficult to define. Here, the badges are illustrative of a practice of organizing people which is common to institutions. The practice may simplify management of the institution; however, it reduces a person’s sense of individuality. This facility has a fair amount of communal space, as well as a good balance of formal and informal spaces. However, some spaces are acting as communal spaces which were not meant to be while some communal spaces are under-utilized. There are some opportunities for improvement which could significantly improve t he quality of the overall residential space. The residential units are arranged around an open air courtyard. During the researchers single visit, the courtyard was unused. The most popular spaces seemed to be the afore-mentioned main entry point/reception and the “smoking area/ playground.” The liveliness of the courty ard would greatly benefit by moving the playground into the center of this


Figu r space g r e 10: Actual gatheri n (left) versus design e g athering space (righ t) n g e d t) space an d smoke in their chil d there is a the court y d subsequently the surrounding d ren play. (Refe r “Florida” room t h y ard at the grou n allowing reside n shade while wa t r to Figure 10) h at borders one s n d floor. This sp a n ts to t ching Also, ide of a ce is cu r oc c eff o oc c ind o r rently used fo r c upiable space f o rt should be m c upiable. This s o or communal Case S r storage, and f or human habit a m ade to make s pace would m a space and w S tudy I | 32 is not an a tion. Every this space a ke a great w ould also


Case Study I | 33 reinforce the courtyard as an outdoor communal space. The researcher would encourage Metropolitan Ministries to investigate the opportunities in these two spaces such as increased independence, increased community spirit and support, and an increased sense of security. Increased independence could be achieved by turning the Florida room into an occupiable space which could have a house telephone, some locker s for food storage, and possibly a mail room. This would help to alleviate traffic around the reception desk. The Florida room could also become a space for study groups and group social activities such as card night, or bingo. The adjacencies of the Florida room to the courtyard and of the courtyard to the residential units are really great opportunities to unify the space. This is important if residents are to develop a sense of social participation and responsibility. Also, housing more activities within the courtyard reinforces the security inherent in its design. Other communal spaces include the dining hall, banquet hall, library, and the adultÂ’s lounge. (Refer to Figure 11 for all communal space) The first two are more formal spaces, while the latter two are informal. The adultÂ’s lounge is a place where parents can escape from their children for a while. It is a small living room with a television, couch and chair, and some books. The purpose of this space is really important since without it parents would have no privacy from their children. The size of the space makes it suitable for one or two people. It is more of a retreat space than a communal space. A larger space would be required to make this a communal living space (i.e. the Florida room). The library is really a small reading room. Again this space is really too small for communal activities to take place, however, it is another


Figure 1 1 1 : Communal spaces. Case S S tudy I | 34


Case Study I | 35 great asset to the residents. This space is interesting because it is operated by one of the residents. While residents are required to work for one month at Metropolitan Ministries as part of their program; this is a unique situation because the library space was actually initiated by this resident, who is a former librarian. Her initiative not only demonstrates her selfdetermination, but also a sense of ownership and responsibility within her community. This is significant because she was able to use her individual experience and skill to make a contribution to the greater whole. The amount of flexibility within one’s personal space is a factor which gives the resident a sense of ownership. This flexibility is lacking in the typical institution. Here, residents are currently allowed to do what they can to personalize their space; again however, the units have concrete walls. Metropolitan Ministries tries to make the best of what they have by preparing the rooms in advance of residents moving in. This hospitable measure is a good attempt at alleviating the institutional nature of the units. Since most residents are not working during the duration of their stay at Metropolitan Ministries the ability to accumulate stuff that they might otherwise gather is highly limited. This stuff would normally be used to personalize the space. In this case, it is fortunate that residents don’t really have much space to personalize. Christine Long discussed ideas about how to add some flexibility to the space such as bulletin boards for hanging children’s artwork. These would be beneficial in such small spaces. However, if not treated as an item for home dcor they could quickly add to the institutional atmosphere. As in “Case Study I” the residents have regular inspections, however, here they are


Case Study I | 36 more frequent. A series of perfect inspections is rewarded with a prize. This is positive reinforcement for performing the expected task. While the prize (i.e. family movie night) is surely well received by the family, it would also be good to reward the parents by attaching increased responsibility and privacy. For example, if the family is inspected each week for a month and all of the evaluations are perfect, then the family could be rewarded by having biweekly inspections the following month. And so on, so that if those we re also perfect, then the family would only have monthly inspections. This process could also be reversed, so that if they then failed a monthly inspection, then they would return to bi-weekly inspec tions or reset to weekly inspections. This system would not only provide a “treat,” but would reinforce the idea of selfsufficiency. Conclusions Results from this case study contrasted with the expected results and with the results of Case Study I. This case study was a follow up of Case Study I, designed to confirm its results. In Case Study I the researcher was surprised to find that the transitional housing there was not institutional feeling and that residents enjoyed an adequate amount of personal space and privacy. Therefore, the hypothesis fo r this study stated that transitional housing would not feel institutional and that residents would have adequate personal space and privacy. The facility at Metropolitan Ministries does feel institutional and does not provide adequate personal space and privacy. Several factors contributed to these results,


Case Study I | 37 including architectural features as well as program operations. The researcher fo und that this facility did in fact feel institutional. The construction of the building itself was the first indication of an institutional feeling space. Both interior and exterior walls were exposed (painted) concrete walls, the floors were linoleum, and the lighting was fluorescent. All of this in a small living unit which needs to house an entire family sets the stage for an institutional environment for the people in residence here. To the credit of Metropolitan Ministries, this facility was originally designed to function as an emergency shelter, not as transitional housing which houses people for a longer term. However, other factors contributed to the feeling of an institutio n as well. Of these, the main entry point/reception desk was the most alarming space. The design of this space is not conducive to the amount of traffic in this area and yet it is one of the most occupied “communal spaces” in the facility. The reception desk is the point of access for several items. Here people can pick up their mail and use the house telephone. Residents must also store medications (including over-the-counter) here as well as a limited amount of food. They also come here for items such as baby formula when the dining hall is not serving. This “restricted” access, r egardless of intent, sets an institutional atmosphere. One other space in the facility which currently feels institutional, but has great potential to turn the atmosphere around is the central courtyard. This space, as the researcher observed, lacked vitality and activity all together. Where the space is designed to bring people together, residents actually move around the edges. The researcher suggests moving the children’s play area to this area to activate the space.


Case Study I | 38 Metropolitan Ministries provides a great service to our community, and the city is fortunate to have their support. However, it does feel like an institution, and in fact ope rates like one as well; it offers many lessons for the design of a new facility.


Case Study III | 39 Case Study III: Historic Intervention Bold vs Subtle Introduction A barrier to transitional housing is the stigma that the homeless will have a negative impact on the community; i.e. drugs, crime, and general chaos. Therefore, how to intervene with a historic community icon is critical to the success of a positive transition. The purpose of this study was to assess various design tactics used in historic intervention and to evaluate the appropriateness of those tactics for the purposes of this thesis. An historic intervention is an adaptive reuse of a building where a physical change is made to the building that is not necessarily restorative. The researcher believed that a subtle intervention would be more widely accepted by the general public, however, a bolder intervention would attract more users to th e site (both homeless and not). Initial thoughts were that a bold intervention could have a negative impact on the overall project. Graphic Analysis Through a series of diagrams, the researcher has analyzed two built examples of historic intervention as if they were designed for homeless housing. The first example is subtle and elegant while the second is bold and “disrespectful.” The two examples were chosen because they were considered to be polar


F i Museum i gure 12: Portland Ar t Photo was taken b y Katrina Korte. examples interventi o and con interventi o methodol o thesis. T h was the P Macy Be h subtle ex a from the interventi o Scarpa in interventi o statemen t respectful are used the existi n For exam brick app t y of how one cou o n. The diagra m s of bold v e o ns and o gies which co u h e first historic P ortland Art Mus e h a. (Refer to Fi a mple. The im a main entrance o o n is reminiscen t that the beauty o n while bold t that this is of the existing f in this example n g and even so o ple the metal t h ears to add su p ld approach a hi m s weighed the e rsus subtle d identified d u ld be used i n intervention st e um designed b y gure 12) This i s a ge below was t o f the museum. t of the work of is in the details enough to ma something ne w f abric. Materials w are compliment a o thing for the vi h at wraps the e x p port, but is d e storic pros esign esign n this udied y Ann s the t aken This Carlo The ke a w is w hich a ry to ewe r x isting e licate en o fea is t fro m mo at t an d o ugh that the bri c ture. (Refer to Fi g t he entry beaco n m the faade numental. (Refe r t he entry is repe d site in various f Case S c k is still the mo s g ure 13) The bol d n which protrud e and is there f r to figure 14) Th e ated throughout f orms: replacem e tudy III | 40 s t prominent d est gesture e s minimally f ore not a e glass used the building e nt windows


and the n e devices a througho u museum a The bene f facility fo r e w roof conditio n nd directional si g u t the site ties it t a sense of identi t f its of these desi g r the homeless ( n as well as scre g nage. This rep e ogether and giv e t y. (Refer to figu r g n tactics to a ho include the foll o (top left) Figure 1 3 reinfo (top right) Figure 14: ( bottom) Figure 15: R E ening e tition e s the r e 15) using o wing. Th e the It m goi 3 : Subtle rcement. Entry as beacon. R epeating E lements e delicate interve existing fabric b m akes the state m ng to negatively Case Sntion is not only ut also to the ge m ent: “I am here impact your lif e tudy III | 41 respectful to neral public. but I’m not e .” This is a


Case Study III | 42 benefit because often timeÂ’s people take the


Figure 16 : : New supporting old. attitude th are good their ow n known a s 1994) Al s in this in they give they ar e together t that it rei that whil e going thr o this bui l environm e (Refer to attribute material. gives to at community se as long as it i s n back yard. T h s NIMBY-ism. ( H s o, while the ge s tervention are s the impressio n e actually h he old. The ben nforces the me t e the homeles s o ugh a rough tran l ding is a e nt for that to o Figure 16) The is the repetiti o The identity th a the place i s rvices s nÂ’t in h is is H enig, s tures s ubtle, n that olding efit of t apho r s are sition, stable o ccur. other o n of a t this s an Case S tudy III | 43


Figure 17: Photo w Caixa Forum, Spain. w as taken by Roland e Halbe. important the homel T h is that it enough c compone n e featu r e for the d ess. h e drawback of may not have c onsumers to m n t of this thesis s u d esign of housi n this quiet interv e the power to a m ake the comm u ccessful. n g for e ntion a ttract ercial an a He r is a Th e int e the the co v flo o rus fill e cut Th e tra n bui his t res thi s The sec o a lyzed was th e r zog & De Meur o a n extremely b o e firm demolis h e riors, and “they brick exterior w a building floats v ered entry plaz o rs grow out o f ted iron sheets. A e d in with brick a into the brick u e former his t n sformed into a lding. David Co h t oric structures h pect,” than this o The symbo l s one would ha v Case S o nd historic e Caixa Forum o n. (Refer to Fig u o ld example of h ed the existin g cut away the gr a a lls, creating the in midair, hov e a.” (Cohn, 200 8 f the existing b A ll the existing w i a nd new fenest r u niquely exposin t oric building a n entirely new h n writes that, “f e h ave been treat e ne. (2008) l ism that an inte v e for homeles s tudy III | 44 intervention Spain by u re 17) This intervention. g roof and a nite base of illusion that e ring over a 8 ) Two new rick clad in i ndows were r ations were g its depth. has been and exotic e w protected e d with less rvention like s housing is


(top) Figure 1 (middle) Figur e as evolut i (bottom) Fig u 8: Building parti. e 19: Intervention i onary transition. u re 20: Transition realized expansiv e parti or di a 18) The m of evoluti o Here the beneath t h of somet h container iron is a m self. Thi representi itself. ( R expressio n reinterpre t ordered c h H o metaphor extremely appear t o implicatio n e Most of this c o a gram for the bui m ost legible meta p o nary transition. Ground represe n h e existing buildi n h ing old, the rem a for the struggle w m anifestation of s could even ng the slippery R efer to Figur e n together t ation demonstr a h aos. (Refer to F o wever, while t it is not witho u bold gesture o f o be floating n s to the g e o mes out of the lding. (Refer to F p hor in the parti i s (Refer to Figur e n ts the space cr e n g represents th e a ining brick wall w ithin, and the r the new more p e be describe d concept of tra n e 20) The e x with the i n a tes the conundr u igure 21) t his is a magni u t its drawbacks f making the b u could have ad v e neral public. basic F igure s that e 19) e ated e end is the usted e rfect d as n sition x terior n terior u m of ficent The u ilding v erse The Case S tudy III | 45


(top) F (middle) effect o (botto m F igure 21: Reinforcin g transition. Figure 22: Perceive d o f the homeless upo n the publi c m ) Figure 23: Loomin g danger. perceptio n negative e suggeste d the histor y particularl y into oneÂ’ s negative building i s terrain fo r could su g public. Th homeless public. (R e Conclusi o T interventi o large cro w g d n c g n that the ho m e ffect on the liv e d For example, t y of the place co y rude introduc t s community. T h space between s articulated se v r the ceiling abo g gest looming d a is would not enc o individuals are e fer to Figures 2 1 o ns T he monumental o n, while offering w d, can send m m eless will ha v e s of others mig t he total disrega r uld be perceive d t ion of the ho m h e covered pla z the ground an d v erely with an a ve. The effect o a nger to the g e o urage the notio n equal to the g e 1 & 22) qualities of a the power to att r m ixed messages v e a ht be r d for d as a m eless z a, or d the ngled o f this e neral n that e neral bold r act a The Case S tudy III | 46


Case Study III | 47 bold intervention may offer a symbol of hope to the homeless, and yet be a mark of chaos to the general public. The subtle intervention offers the idea of a bold beacon without the austerity of a monument. Its simple gestures are also nonthreatening to the public. From this graphic analysis, the researcher determined that both examples offer relevant strategies for the design of homeless housing in an historic structure which should be implemented. These included: the use of repetition to create a sense of identity for the place, creating a beacon rather than a monument, and the embodiment of transition in the overall parti. Therefore, the researcher determined that the design for this thesis would have to be a fine balance of both bold and subtle gestures.


Figure Figure 24: Strachan House. 25: Strachan House. Strach a L e designed long-term The archi the hom e and publi adapt fro m space a g resident t o he/she b e new envi r not to sl e comforta b emphasis a n House e vitt Goodman the Strachan H shelter for the tects acknowled e less experience c spaces whic h m living on the s t g ain. The flexib l o define how m u e comes more c r onment. Some r e ep in a bed at b le in the public on community, f e Architects ( 1 H ouse for short chronically hom e ge the transitio n by designing p h help the ho m t reet to having p l e spaces allo w u ch space to cla i c omfortable with r esidents may c h first, finding it “streets.” There e aturing a town h 1 999) and e less. n that rivate m eless rivate w the i m as their h oose more is an h all, a co m ar c as co n 20 0 m munity kitch e c hitectural eleme n transitions fro m n nectivity, and n a 0 3) Strachan e n, and a b n ts include porc h m public to priv a a tural daylight. ( K House | 48 b ank. Key h overhangs a te, vertical K ronenburg,


Figure 2 6 Fig u 6 : Old contain chaos. u re 27: Tate Museum. Tate M u H e Tate Mu s existing f a Forum ( R has the somethin g revamped been ad d beginning clear dia g diagrams Museum a remain th e preserved u seum e rzog and De M s eum (2000) w a bric of the buil d R efer to Case S t appearance o g old, the inte r i o (struggle within ) d ed to the top of something n g ram of transitio n are similar, the a llowed for the hi e dominant feat u but a new lif e M euron designe d w ith respect fo r d ing. As in the C t udy III), the mu o f floating (en d o r has been e n ) and an additio n of the building n ew). They expr e n However, whil execution of the storic brick build i u re. Its form has e exists within. d the r the C aixa seum d of n tirely n has (the e ss a e the Tate i ng to been This pr e ca n a c e cedent is confi r n succeed at bei n lear metaphor. Tate M r mation that an n g respectful whil e useum | 49 intervention e still having


Fi F Fi gure 28: Metal fabri c structure. F igure 29: De Baljurk. De Balj u T h Netherlan d The Gow responds between t passage. to mold t o the form. c u rk h e firm Archip e d s, designed the n, in the cente r to the historic m wo streets whic h The IO metal fa b o any form and i s The image in e l ontwerpers, o f faade De Balj u r of Hague. Its m eandering tra n h is now an ortho g b ric is flexible e n s rigid enough t o Figure 28 show s f the u rk, or form n sition g onal n ough o hold s the str u ca n tha flui d ha s fac t u cture behind th e n be seen that t h t of curtain wall g d nature of the m s incorporated a t ory intervention.De e metal fabric. F h e structure is v e g lazing. Figure 2 9 m etal fabric. Th e similar material Baljurk | 50 F rom here it e ry similar to 9 shows the e researche r in the cigar


Figur e Figure 3 e 30: Vertical Garden. 3 1: Vertical Garden a t Caixa Forum. Vertical P a now famo The syst e because i t frame att a layer rive t felt stapl e t Garden a trick Blanc has us Vertical Gard e e m that he inn o t is soilless. It us e a ched (or not) t o t ed to the metal e d to the PVC. T designed many o e ns all over the w o vated is light w e s three parts: a o a wall, a thin frame, and a p o T he roots grow o o f his w orld. w eight metal PVC o rous n the felt pe n fro m the inc o de s and the sy s n etrating the sur f m the top. The p areas clima t o rporated the id s ign of the cigar f a Vertical G s tem prevents f ace by consiste n p lants are chos e t e. The rese a ea of a green w a ctory interventi o G arden | 51 them from n tly watering e n based on a rche r has w all into the o n.


Site Selection | 52 Site Selection Sites were considered for their historical impact on community with the goal of enhancing the connection between the homelessand general-population. The site selection was based on explorations of how this new kind of place would interact with public spaces. Site selection points determined the appropriateness of boldness versus subtlety (Refer to Case Study III) and the necessity of comfortable public spaces. From the conception of this thesis, the researcher felt that the iconic Tampa cigar factory would be the prime building typology for the site. While other types of historic buildings were briefly considered, this section will not address those options in gr eat depth. Rather this section will focus on the process of elimination used to decide on a particular factory, the ultimate selection of a site, and the theory behind the adaptive reuse of a historic building for the purposes of this thesis. While the researcher was fairly certain that a site with a cigar factory was the best solution, there were at one time over 200 cigar factories in what is now the City of Tampa. There were two distinct cities in the early 1900s manufacturing cigars: Ybor City and West Tampa. Both of these areas still have factories standing today. The first step in narrowing down the site was to determine whether the site would be in Ybor City or West Tampa. This quick decision was made because West Tampa is on the precipice of transition while Ybor City has already experienced its own resurrection. Therefore, the West Tampa region offered the


Figure Highlight s build i A ve. an d well as 32: Historic Corridor : s some of the histori c in gs along N. Howar d d N. Armenia Ave. a s others within in clos e p roximity. most opp thesis. In factories s has dee m of histori c : c d s e ortunity to emb o West Tampa t h s till standing alon m ed an historic c o c ally significant o dy the goals o h ere are seven g what the rese a o rrido r for the n u structures Nort h f this Cigar a rche r u mber h and So u A v e a li s fac t u th along N. H o e (Refer to Figu r s t of criteria to o b t ories. The criteri 1. Is there a c o 2. How embe d Site S e o ward Ave. and r e 28) The resea b jectively assess a were as follow s o mmercial street d ded in the resi d e lection | 53 N. Armenia rche r set up these seven s : edge? d ential fabric


Site Selection | 54 is the factory? 3. How much clear space is available around the factory for infrastructure and increased building footprint? 4. Does the building represent an iconic Tampa cigar factory? 5. Is the factory vacant? 6. Is the factory renovated? Table 1 represents the results for each factory. As the table below indicates, three factories met 5 criteria each. At this point it became necessary to put some weight on each criterion in order to further eliminate two of these options. (Clear space, Commercial street, Embedded in residential, Iconic, Vacant and then unRenovated) From this it was determined by the researcher that the best site would be that of the # of prosCigar Factory Commercial street Embedded in residential Clear spaceIconicVacant unRenovated 2Pendas & Alvarez Co. XX 3Berriman Bros. Cigar Co. XXX 4Garcia & Vega Co. XXXX 4Samuel I. Davis Co. XXXX 5A. Santaella Cigar Factory XXXXX 5Caballero Bros. Cigar Factory XXXXX 5Bustillo & Diaz Partnership, Inc. XXXXXCriteria Table 1: Criteria: indicates the results for each factory option.


Site Selection | 55 A. Santaella Cigar Factory. However, this was not the end of the selection process. Several factors indicated that it was not enough to be objective. After further research, the researcher came to the conclusion that the way in which a factory might be occupied was as significant as whether or not it was vacant. Originally, it was thought that the Santaella Factory was occupied only by a used office supply retailer, which could feasibly be moved to another location with no significant loss to the community. However, the researcher discovered that this factory was in fact also home to the West Tampa Center for the Arts. The center rents affordable studios to professional artists and holds 6 juried exhibitions a year. ( This significant use should not be relocated or jeopardized. At the same time the researcher discovered that The Armory (just south of the Samuel L. Davis Factory) was the site of what will become a large new mixed use development. This project will potentially bring this severed area of West Tampa back to life. (Refer to Appendix C) This offers a great opportunity for this thesis to latch on to a successful revival of an area in transition. The Samuel L. Davis Factory was initially discounted because it is not embedded in a residential neighborhood and because it does not embody the iconic image of a Tampa Cigar Factory with its octagonal tower and asymmetrical entrance. Also, while the site had clear space, the factory was not situated in the most optimal location for expansion.


Figure 33 : Tampa Bay’ s Historic Str u : “Preservation 10: s Most Vulnerable u ctures” exhibit by Todd McDonald H o Santaella informatio became characteri greater s e o wever, with re s Factory as a v n about The Ar m the best o p stics of this fact o e nse of identity f s earch eliminatin v iable option an d m ory, the Davis F a p tion. The u o ry would repre s f or the homeles s g the d the a ctory nique s ent a s who wo u iss u be t oc c co n of l u ld reside here. u es would need t ween the fact o c upied with v n ducting light in d ittle to no signifi c Site S e (Refer to Figur e to be resolved. o ry and The A v arious buildin d ustrial business c ance. (Refer to e lection | 56 e 29) Some The space A rmory was gs mostly in buildings Appendix C


Site Selection | 57 for photo key) The researcher determined that while some of the uses could be maintained, it would be in the best interest of the thesis to claim all of this space for the site and incorporate a new master plan. This master plan would resolve several issues: it would strengthen the connection to the project at The Armory and to the surrounding residential community, and create ample clear space for necessary infrastructure and new building. With the site selection made it is important to address the question: why should an architectural thesis propose the adaptive reuse of an historic building rather than a new construction project? Specifically, what makes a cigar factory an ideal opportunity for this thesis? “The cigar industry em ployed thousands of workers in Ybor City and West Tampa, allowing members of several cultures to identify themselves as one ‘working-class’ fostering a greater sense of community.” (Reyes, W.) These factories represent the ce nter of many of the communities which grew up around them as they were built and as Reyes points out, the cigar industry in Tampa brought many different types of people together. These factories are a symbol of community, of people who are different connecting. This is the first factor which makes the cigar factory an ideal site as opposed to new construction where a sense of community would be fabricated. The second factor is represented in the very construction of the brick factories. The exterior brick walls of the factory act as a fire wall. In the event that there were a fire inside of the factory the large timbers would burn slowly, and the brick walls would prevent the fire from spreading to the community. The slow burning timbers would allow more time for workers to evacuate the building and give the fire sprinkler system a


Site Selection | 58 better chance of succeeding. This construction physically protected the community and its employees from danger. This is metaphorically significant to creating housing for the homeless which feels safe. This is a key element which would be difficult to manifest in new construction. Resurrecting one of these Tampa icons would symbolize a new life for the homeless who would reside there and for the surrounding community. The significance of choosing an historic site is that it will promote a positive sense of identity and place; it will create a common ground where both the formerly homeless and the homed can go, interact, and be the same.


Figur e Cigar Fa c e 34: Samuel L. Davi s c tory. Photo taken b y researcher. Site An a T h Davis Cig sits at th e North Ho approxim a encompa s Howard A A venue t o north, an d (Refer to three diff e T h transition to Hyde relationsh s y a lysis h e Site is mark e ar Factory (Ref e e Northeast cor n ward Avenue; T a tely 7.25 a c s ses four blo c A venue to the w o the east, West d West Lemon Appendix B for e rent scales: Ma c h is site embo d with its prime lo c Park from the ip to West Tam p e d by the Sam u e r to Figure 30) w n er of the site a t T ampa, Florida. c res in area c ks between w est, North Ar m Cypress Street t Street to the s aerials of the s c ro, Micro, and L d ies the conce p c ation as a con n interstate, itÂ’s f o p a, the future o f u el L. w hich t 900 It is and North m enia t o the s outh. s ite a t L ocal. p t of n ector o rmer f The A r m co m on gr a m ory (Refer to A p m pletion by 2012 site. The follo w a phic analysis of t Site A p pendix D) prop o and the vacant w ing figures r e t he site. nalysis | 59 o sed to meet cigar factory e present a


Figure 35 : highwa y and the H re l : Vicinity Map shows y s, important streets, H illsborough River in l ationship to the site. 1. V i In this di a rectangle. locate th e yellow i n represent s indicates o i cinity Map a gram the site This diagramÂ’s p e site within the n dicates Interst a s the Hillsboro u o ther major road is shown as a p urpose is prima City of Tampa a te 275. The u gh River. Th e s in close proxi m black rily to The blue e red m ity to the act site, including ually border the s Site A the major st r s ite. nalysis | 60 r eets which


Figure 3 6 shows d n e 6 : Neighborhood Ma p efined and undefine d e ighborhoods in clos e p roximity to the site. p d e 2. N e This Dia g neighborh is known a transition. interstate e ighborhood Ma p g ram is illustra t oods. The area e a s North Hyde P It houses th e to the revitali z p t ing the surrou e ncompassing th ark. This is an a r e gateway fro m z ed neighborho o nding e site r ea in m the o d of Hy d its we a 19 6 in c ar e tw o d e Park. It is lin k historic cigar fac t a kened by the c o 6 4.The blue indi c c lose proximity t o e as around the si t o smaller unde f Site A k ed to Old West t ories, however t o nstruction of the c ates known ne i o the site. The g t e which are not d f ined areas se e nalysis | 61 Tampa with t hat link was interstate in i ghborhoods g old denotes d efined. The e m to align


Figure 3 7 shows c o emp l 7 : Employability Map o ncentrated areas of l oyment opportunity. themselv e The larg e platted l haphazar d thesis b developm e interstate e s with low-inco m e r undefined are a and which h a d ly. The site le n ecause of th e e nt which will li and revitalize ad j m e housing pr o a indicates a zo a s been deve n ds itself well t o e promising f nk Hyde Park t o j acent areas. o jects. ne of loped o this f uture o the 3. Thi co n ce n Int e A r m Employabili t s map shows a n centrated busin e n tral business e rnational Plaza, m ory Square. Th e Site A t y Map reas in close p r e ss activity. The y district, H y and adjacent to t e latter of which i s nalysis | 62 r oximity with y include the y de Park, t he site; The s a proposal


Figur e illu s grades k e 38: Map of School s s trates public school s 12, technical school s and universities. s s s which inc l use. This offering m employm e transport a include t l udes a hotel, s p will be a majo r ultiple opportunit e nt with esse n a tion. Areas not i t he length of p a, market, and m r amenity to th e ies for n tially no nee d i ndicated on thi s Kennedy Boul e m ixed e site, d for s map e vard, Ta m Int e pr o an d em4. m pa General e rnational Airpor t o grammed with v d retail uses w ployment opport u Map of Sch o Site A Hospital, a n t Also the site it v arious types of w hich would ho u nities to its resi d o ols nalysis | 63 n d Tampa self is to be comme r cial pe to offer d ents.


Figure 3 various 3 9: Access illustrate s m ethods of getting t o and from the site. s o This map proximity t technical university Tampa; h o is also lo c site. Ther e indicates scho o t o the site. It illu s schools, and u indicated on th e o wever, the Univ c al and is on a cl e e are not any gr a o ls which are in s trates grade sc h u niversities. The e map is Univer s ersity of South F e ar bus route fro m a de schools with i close h ools, only s ity of lorida m the i n the im m Ho w an d the op t gr a alt h m ediate neighbo w ever, there ar e d high school sc h site which are a t ions also inclu d a de schools wer e h ough there are s Site Arhood of North e public elemen t h ools within close a ccessible to the d e magnet sch o e not illustrated o s everal. Technic a nalysis | 64 Hyde Park. t ary, middle proximity to site. These o ols. Private o n this map a l schools for


Site Analysis | 65 adults range from dog grooming to parent education and hair school. These offer the opportunity for residents to attain sustainable life skills. 5. Access. This diagram illustrates various forms of access to the site; including public transit, vehicular and pedestrian. It also highlights (in orange) the proposed path of the future light rail transit in Tampa, Florida. This diagram shows that the transportation needs of the siteÂ’s users can currently be met. For example, the large blue asterisk at the top right corner of the site illustrates a bus stop adjacent to the site which runs east and west, to and from the main transit hub downtown. This downtown hub will in the future be the hub for light-rail as well. The researcher found that what the site lacks in access is a north-south connector via public transportation. Connecting to neighborhoods such as Hyde Park (refer to figure x) may be an inconvenience due to this missing link. However, the researcher expects that the current public transportation system will improve with growth of the city and in particular the immediate area concerning the site. 6. Zoning. The information for this zoning diagram comes from the City of TampaÂ’s Planning CommissionÂ’s Land Use Information System. The site is located along what will become a commercial corridor North and South along both N. Howard Ave. and N. Armenia Ave. that will connect I-275 to Hyde Park. The project proposed for the area south of the site will tie in with the cityÂ’s plan for this corridor and maximizes the potential of the site to become a successful mixed use development. (Refer to Appendix D for more


Figure 4 sit e corri d 4 0: Zoning shows th e e along a commercia l d or and embedded i n residential e l n informatio This org a surround e be seen situation i s allow for scales, n on Heritage S q a nization of a e d by a residen t throughout the s ideal for this th interaction with t including inte r q uare at The Ar m commercial c o t ial neighborhoo d City of Tampa. esis. This locati o t he public on m u r nal activity, m ory.) o rridor d can This o n will u ltiple local co n go a the em 7. Th e n nectivity, and a a ls of this thesis design becaus e erging transition a Maximum B e information in t Site A a lso commuter can be further e e the site is loc a a l area. B uilding Heights p his diagram corr e nalysis | 66 traffic. The e mbodied in a ted in a rep er Zoning. e lates to the


Figure 4 heigh t maxim 4 1: Maximum buildin g s this diagram show s um heights per code. g s zoning di a in the all o However, represent a yellow on primarily actually p a gram. There is o wable heights the cyan i n a tive of the sa m the zoning diag single family r e p robably falls u not very much v surrounding the n this diagra m m e area indicat e ram which repre e sidential. This u nder the max ariety site. m is e d in sents area imum hei g is t in m in c tha pr o pr o g ht limit, where i t he gable of a o n m agenta represe n c ommercial area s t a building c o vided that th o portionally, one Site A i n most cases th n e story bungalo w n ts a higher heig h s The caveat to c an exceed th e e setback is to one. Curren t nalysis | 67 e high point w The area h t allowance this area is e maximum increased t ly the cigar


F Sch F igure 42: Preliminar y ematic Model Series. y factories a elements L. Davi s examinati o to believe completio n of the site T h the first Emphasis site to the catalyst f o factors g o included c along Sta t versus g r with the ci a long this corrid o in the vicinity, in s factory on o n of Appendix D that this will not n of the propos e h is site analysis schematic ite r was placed on proposed devel o o r the success o verning these d c reating a pede s t e Street, formal r ound, and ges t gar factory. o r represent the t particular the S a the site. Ho w D leads the rese a be the case up o e d project to the s led the researc h r ations of the the connection o o pment to the so u of this thesis. O d iagrammatic m s trian friendly c o relationships of f t uring an interv e t allest a muel w ever, a rche r o n the s outh h e r to site. o f the u th; a O ther odels o rridor f igure e ntion Site A nalysis | 68


Program | 69 Program The program is a simple but essential factor to this thesis. The objective is to design a model of permanent supportive housing which becomes less dependent on donations and volunteering by the public by creating a microeconomy where the homeless working to restore their communities and themselves might be seen as equals among the general public. This thesis has two major goals which are affected by the program: to help generate a more positive interaction between the general public and the homeless where the homeless feel as though they are equal and to help create a facility which could be less dependent on the “in-kind” support of others. Currently, one method used by organizations providing housing for the homeless use to generate funds is second hand retail. (i.e. the Salvation Army thrift store) For an organization like the Salvation Army this may be an effective method. However, for local shelters like Metropolitan Ministries, the thrift store is more of a voucher exchange for families in need. Current thrift store scenarios, by and large, lack the atmosphere necessary to promote the two afore mentioned goals. Firstly, these retail operations are not typically adjacent to the housing component. An exception would be the McCormick House from Case Study I. Another limiting factor for existing supportive retail is the type of merchandise sold and how it is sold. It is a familiar scene of a large fluorescent lit warehouse of lengthy color coated aisles crammed with far more ‘garbage’ than


Program | 70 quality merchandise. The researcher would point to the thrift store in Case Study I as an example of how these could better operate. At “Past ‘n’ Present,” the consumer can casually peruse a good selection of items which are not crammed onto endless racks, but rather nicely displayed in a small boutique atmosphere. The attitude of the researcher is that supportive retail must be appealing to all types of consumers if it is to be successful in raising significant funds for a facility. This includes ex amples such as “Past ‘n’ Present,” but it also means that organizations should consider retail options which go beyond reselling used merchandise. Set forth are the methods which the researcher used to address the objectives of this thesis. First, to address the issue of proximity, the site has been designed as a mixed-use development with commercial offices and retail combined with housing for the homeless. (Refer to Table 2) The mixed-use concept is not a new one, and is re-emerging as an ideal urban planning method across the country. However, it is unique to permanent supportive housing. This method is being implemented to encourage the exposure of the homeless to the general public. This exposure is not to put the homeless on display, but rather to allow them to be equal with the general public. The idea is to let the public see that the homeless (or formerly homeless, as they are no longer counted once they are homed in permanent supportive housing) are just like them. They are people, who like anyone could experience a hard time and recover from it. This will create an environment of positive interaction. The commercial space will be comprised of that whic h is leased out by the


Program | 71 Table 2: Site Program. Building Program Commercial New Construction30,000 Renovated Space (factory)10,000 Subtotal 40,000 Residential Townhomes31,20026 Mixed Use20,50010 Renovated Space (factory)22,00020 Subtotal 73,70056 Community Existing structure5,000 Total 118,700 Water Retention Southeast Corner (existing)10,0001 Total 10,0001 Required Parking (includes infrastructure) Commercial General Retail (four spaces per 1,000 sf)50,9000 Boutique Retail (one space per 1,000 sf)3,0000 Subtotal 53,9000 Residential Pervious (Renovated Units)6,48020 Attached (Townhomes)10,92026 Impervious (Mixed-use Units2,40010 Subtotal 19,80056 Total73,70056 Outdoor Communal Space Hardscape Green Space (programmed) Green Space (un-programmed) Total113,412 Grand Total202,400Site Program


Program | 72 organization to local businesses and that which is operated solely by the organization. Both methods would generate an income which could directly benefit the organization by offsetting what residents are able to pay for rent. The space which would be leased out to local business might be comprised of various boutiques as well as services which could benefit the residents directly but also the surrounding community. (i.e. Legal Aid) (Refer to the Table 3) Retail operated by the organization would be concentrated in the Cigar Factory (Refer to Table 4). These would work in two ways to be “supportive.” One way would of course be that income generated through sales would benefit the organization. The other would be that these would be specific opportunities for residents or other homeless persons to work. This would provide another layer of interaction, where the working residents would be seen as equal rather than “lazy bums.” However, the location of the site sugge sts that there would be many opportunities for employment within close proximity and this would be encouraged. For the residential component, the researcher needed to determine which subpopulation of the homeless this thesis would target because different populations of the homeless have different needs which do not necessarily coincide. Sue Marshall, executive director of the Community Partnership for Prevention of Homelessness, asserts that the fastest-growing segment of the homeless population is women with children. (Gilderbloom, 2008) Thirty percent of the homeless population is families with children in Hillsborough County. Therefore, this thesis has been focused on permanent supportive housing for homeless


Program | 73 Table 3: Suggested Commercial Uses. families from traditional family structures to single parents. Outside of the factor y, there will be two types of housing: two to three bedroom townhomes and one to two bedroom apartments above the commercial space. The size and number of these units offers the opportunity down the road for these to also be offered as affordable housing units in the future. This would help to encourage further interaction between Leased Out Commercial Retail Office Community "Muay Thai" (existing)medical offices (various)childcare "Most Insurance" (existing)"legal aid" attornies Alcoholics Anonymous" etc "Tampa Street Market"accounting services pet boutique ice cream parlor salon / barber internet cafs cafs Organization Owned / Operated bookstore consignment coffee shop art classes cuban standSuggested Commercial Uses


Program | 74 the formerly homeless and the general public. The housing in the cigar factory would be for single mothers with children. The program of the factory had to be sensitive to the needs of single mothers while still addressing the goals of this thesis as it will be the icon for this development. In order to do this the factory has been organized by floor as follows. The basement houses services dedicated to the residents. The ground floor is dedicated to commercial retail and a major indoor public space. The remaining second and third floors are residential. (Refer to the Table 4) The residential floors are a balance of communal space and private space with special attention to transitional spaces. Communal space in the residential floors is particularly important as a place of social interaction, as places for everyday activities such as laundry, and as places for shared responsibilities such as watching one anotherÂ’s children. These spaces are particularly important for individuals with little income. These individuals may not have the network of social spaces available to them that the middle class might enjoy (i.e. gym memberships and afternoon lunches.) Incorporating everyday activities into the communal spaces will keep them active during all parts of the day.


Program | 75 Table 4: Factory Program. Room DescriptionQuantity Case Management 1 2,000 2,000 office reception lounge copy room records Commercial book store1 3,000 3,000 coffee house1 1,500 1,500 cuban stand1 500 500 consignment shop1 1,500 1,500 pottery studio1 2,000 2,000 Residential one bedroom8 600 4,800 two bedroom10 500 5,000 secondary communal6 500 3,000 primary communal2 1,000 2,000 semi-private communal2 300 600 lobby/mail room1 900 900 balcony20 90 1,800 Support mechanical1 500 500 electrical1 500 500 storage1 3,000 3,000 kiln area1 450 450 garbage room1 500 500 Subtotal33,550 Circulation (20%)6,710 Total40,260 Factory ProgramSquare Feet


Program | 76 The importance of an “un-programmed” space in this thesis is as important as those which are specifically programmed. Private spaces have been designed to be flexible for different family sizes, to allow for maximum storage space without the need for traditional storage furniture, (i.e. built in shelves in place of dressers or bookshelves.), and to allow for personal identification. Another component to the program includes ample community space. The existing building at the corner of state Street and N. Howard Avenue will be available for lease to non-profit organizations only, such as Alcoholics Anonymous. It would then be up to that organization if this were to be open to the community as a “clubhouse.” The site allows for ample outdoor space which has been programmed for various degrees of privacy. There is space allotted for residential use only, for entirely public space and intermediate spaces leaning toward the community. To start organizing the program in the factory and on the site, the researcher began by looking at the way in which cigar factories were organized. (Refer to Figure 39) Through a series of diagrams the researcher analyzed the distribution of labor, the hierarchy of space, and the connection of spaces. These diagrams were then overlaid on the site to create a new series of diagrams. These were in turn used to generate the first schematic iterations of the site plan. The following figures are the final iterations of those diagrams and then the schematic bug models which came from those.


Fig u u re 43: Cigar Factor y A natomy. y A. Water B. Cuba n C. Finish e D. Anilla d E.T heLe Tower (Capacity 2 n Coffee delivered t e d cigars inspectio n d ores (banders) us u ectorreadfamousl Cigar F 5,000 gallons) o workers. n area. u ally women iterature. actory Anatomy ( R F H I. J. K R eyes, W.) Lunch area: hom e ... Third Level: raw Galley: cigars wer e Floor Level: admi n .Basement:tobacc P r e to the Cuban san d material preparati o e manufactured he n istration costorage r ogram | 77 d wich o n re


Fig ure 44: Cigar Factor y Interpretive Analysis y Distrib u Hiera r Conne c u tion r ch y c tivity P r r ogram | 78


Program | 79 Figure 45: Interpretive Program Analysis. Distribution Hierarchy Connectivity


Figur e e 46: Site Distributio n A nalysis n P r r ogram | 80


Figure 4 7 7 : Site distribution an d intervention analysis d P r r ogram | 81


(t o (botto c o o p) Figure 48: Sche m p rogram model o m ) Figure 49: Sche m p rogram model t (colors in both fig u o rrespond to the prev i diagra m m atic o ne. m atic t wo. u res i ous m s) P r r ogram | 82

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(left) F (right) F F igure 50: Schemati c master plan one F igure 51: Schemati c master plan two c c Master T h Planning h e organization of the site in to a ma rul e pr o pr o 51 ma ster plan was b a e s: link to the ar m o vide a pedest r o vide ample com m illustrate the las ster plan prior t o Master Pl a sed on the follo w m ory (Refer to A r ian friendly c o m unal space. Fig t schematic iter a o its final version anning | 83 w ing ground A ppendix D), o rrido r and ures 50 and a tions of the The first of

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(top) Fig u (middle) F i (bott o u re 52: Master plan – building height s i gure 53: Master pla n – p ublic vs. privat e m) Figure 54: Maste r plan – use zoning. – s n e r these wa s plan. A s factors in heights, p zoning. F i the buildi n The ciga r site reinf o buildings o Fi public an d both figur entirely p r only. The This inclu d which sh a The oran g Fi site. Both s followed throu g s eries of diagra m the final master p p ublic versus pri v i gure 52 illustrat e n gs on the site a r r factory is the t o rcing it as an o n the site are b e gure 53 illustrat e d private spaces e and ground. T r ivate space mea n purple represe n d es the mixed us a re public use a g e denotes entire gure 54 illust r at e shades of purpl e g h for the final m m s illustrates v a p lan including b u v ate space, and s e s that the majo r r e twenty five fe e t allest building o icon. All the e low 25 feet. e s the relations h on the site incl T he yellow repre n t for use by resi d n ts semi public s e elements on th a s well as resid e ly public space. e s the zoning o e represent mixe d m aster a rious u ilding s pace r ity of e t tall. n the other h ip of uding sents d ents pace. e site e ntial. n the d use. Master Pl anning | 84

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Figure 5 5 5: View of pedestria n friendly corridor. n The ora n portion o commerci a the comm T h looking w e combinati o n ge represents o f the site. T a l only and the unity use leasabl h e figure below ( e st down State S o n of a drop off a the residential T he red repre magenta repre e building. ( Refer to Figure 5 S treet which is n a rea to the East a only sents sents 5 5) is n ow a a nd a W o rou a li pe d ch o ma inc r o onerf to the ndabout. The w o mited fashion w h d est r ian friendly o sen over an e intain access t h r ease safety. Master PlWest separa o onerf accommo d h ich promotes th zone. This tec e ntirely pedestri a h rough the site a anning | 85 ted by a d ates cars in is area as a hnique was a n street to a nd also to

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Master Planning | 86 Honeycomb concrete pavers to match the existing of the cigar factory, were used throughout the site to create repetition and to give a sense of overall identity to the site. This can be seen in both figures 56 and 57. Landscape was also used to tie the site together. Live oak trees connect the site to the surrounding neighborhood at the perimeter to the site while flowering trees are used within the site. The flowering trees are used to tie the residential area of the site to the main plaza connecting to the south and to the plaza in front of the cigar factory. (Refer to Appendix E for landscape material.)

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Figure 5 6 6 : Photograph of fina l site model. l Master Pl anning | 87

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Figure 5 7 : Master plan – Nort h is up. h Master Pl anning | 88

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Fig u u re 58: South to Nort h Relationshi p h p Design T h of several create a h are graph i South to T h of the fa c faade t o correlated here. Th e the buildiConcepts h e cigar factory i n design concept s olistic schematic i c interpretations North Relation s h e overriding co c tory is the rela t o the North. with the dual n e researche r us e ng to illustrate n tervention is a g s that come toget h idea. The followi of those concep t s hip ncept for the e x t ionship of the S The relationsh i ature of the resi e d the two facad the dichotomy o estalt h er to ng t s. x terior S outh i p is dents es of o f its res ho m en t Ho w ind ge n iss u idents. On th e m eless resident w t ered society a w ever, on the ividuals are diff e n eral public be c u es in life are Design C o e one hand, t h w ill feel as thou a nd are “nor m other, formerl y e rent in some re g cause their co n very different. o ncepts | 89 h e formerly gh have rem al” again. y homeless g ards to the n ce r ns and Figure 58

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Figure 5 9 9 : Landscape – Sout h to North.. h illustrates faade is North fa a the South aspect of are mean t sides. Landsca p T h North fa c treatment The lan d vertically a the buildi flowering t faade, s this relationsh treated three-di m a de is very tw o nor the North f a the resident or t to recognize th a p e h e first way in w c ades are distin of the landscap e d scape is thre e a nd horizontally ng. The landsc a t rees and palms s hrubbery which ip. Thus the S m ensionally, whil o -dimensional. N e a cades represen the other; rathe r a t there are thes e w hich the Sout h guishable is vi a e (Refer to Figu r e dimensional on the South si a pe includes v a which extend pa s extends belo w S outh e the e ither t one r they e two h and a the r e 59) both de of a rious s t the w the exi s sy s tha on wit h the inc l mi c alo s ting faade in a s tem which is p a t ties the factory the other hand, h a green wall s y brick. The pla n l ude air plants t h c ro climates. T h ng the surface Design C o a terraced plaz a a rt of the conn e together. The N is treated two d i y stem attached t o n t materials on h at are well suit e h ey are expect e of the brick. T h o ncepts | 90 a and trellis e ctive tissue orth faade, i mensionally o the face of this faade e d for shady e d to travel h ey are not

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Design Concepts | 91 expected to penetrate the wall with their roots or to extend far past eh surface of the faade. The system would be a system similar to the precedent Vertical Garden by Patrick Blanc. This system is soilless, light weight, and will not degrade the building integrity. This faade, therefore, helps to preserve the iconic factory in a unique fashion.

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(left) (right) Figure 60: Fire stair Sout h Figure 61: Fire stair North. h Fire Stai r T h r s h e third way th a a t the South to North rel a tre a tre a ar e co m fire a tionship is e x a tment of the exi s a tments are thre e e used to rein f m position. The m stairs is used Design C o x pressed is t h s ting fire stairs. B e dimensional, h o f orce the land s m etal fabric that as a trellis o n o ncepts | 92 h rough the B oth fire stair o wever, they s capes dual shrouds the n the South

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(left ) (right ) ) Figure 62: Balcony Sout h ) Figure 63: Balcony North. h Faade. T this trelli s landscap e separatio n Balcony T he north fire stai s system and e duality furth e n of parts side by r does not incor p thus reinforce s e r by showing side. p orate s the the tre a tre a foo fac a op e su b bo t sp a im p Th e wit h Another w a ted differently i s a ted with a balc tprint of each a de. The North f a e n onto a raili b stantially past t h t h sides address a ce which allow s p rint upon the b e balconies com b h the decorative Design C o ay that the f a s the balconies. T ony that adds s unit and exten d a ade has Fren c i ng that does h e faade. The b the goal of cre a s the residents t o uilding making i b ine the functio n quality of a ha n o ncepts | 93 a cades a r e T he South is s pace to the d s past the c h doors that not extend b alconies on a ting flexible o place their t their own. n of a railing n ging flower

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Fi g g ure 64: Fenestration. box. The s enough t o Existing F An exterior o existing research e as the p r cigar fact o Fortunate l many op e this factor y made. Th interventi o exact. A d d at the bas s e would vacu u o be safe. F enestrations n other overridi n o f the cigar fac t fenestrations, er chose to use r imary means o f o ry in order to l y, cigar factori e e nings in the fa a y ; several additi o us, there were m o n, one hundre d d itional fenestrat ement level. u m formed and n g concept fo r t ory was the u s or openings. existing fenestr a f intervening wit h preserve its int e e s, by design, a de and in the c a o ns have already m any opportuniti e d sixty seven t ions were only a rigid r the s e of The a tions h the e grity. have a se of been e s for t o be a dded Design C o o ncepts | 94

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Figure 6 6 5: Connective tissue. Connecti v T h exterior i s winds th r communa of the ma i fire stairs The conn e floors.(Re f modular attached t to the wa y T h ways insi d interior it residentia v e Tissue h e element that t s a metal mesh r ough the resi d l space at the co m i n entries. It is al s and the new c e ctive tissue mo v f er to Figure 65) system of mes t o each other an d y in which curtain h e tissue manif e d e and outside o can manifest it s l only comm u t ies the interior t fabric, or tissue d ential floors t o m mercial floor a n s o seen shroudi n c offee house ad d v es beyond wall s The metal mes h h panels whic h d to a structure s walls are hung. e sts itself in s e o f the building. O s elf as seating i u nal spaces, a t o the that o the n d out n g the d ition. s and h is a h are imilar e veral O n the n the a s a co m ext e de v m munity wall, or a e rior it manifest i t v ice, and as a treDesign C o a s a ceiling cond t self as an entry, llis. o ncepts | 95 ition. On the a screening

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(le ft (middl e (righ t ft ) Figure 66: Interior seatin g e ) Figure 67: Interior wal l t ) Figure 68: Interior ceiling. g l Design C o o ncepts | 96

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(left) Figu r (middle ) (right ) r e 69: Exterior entr y ) Figure 70: Exterior scree n ) Figure 71: Exterior trelli s y n s Design C o o ncepts | 97

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Figur e e 72: Interpretive floo r p lan. r Resident T h factory w e diagram generator s units. The center a b space an d take adv leftover a n unit arou n ial Floors h e plans for the r e re generated fr o the communal s for the path an d communal spac e b ove the main c d at the existing f antage of spa c n d that would b e n d. Then the circ u r esidential floors o m Figure 72. I n spaces were d subsequently f o e s were located a c ommercial com m f ire stairs. This w c e which is u s e difficult to de s u lation connects t in the n this the o r the a t the m unal w as to s ually s ign a t hese no d wh a Th e Thi wh i cre me ide se n diff e qu a co m an d “fo y tra n d es in an orga n a t would becom e space which w a s diagram creat i ch were entirely ating unique uni t et the goal of gi v ntity with their s n se of ownersh i e rent, they all a lities. The units m munal spaces t o d each unit has y er” condition w n sition from publi c Design C o n ic manner, thu s e a double loa d a s left was divid e ed the opportu n unique from one t s the researcher v ing the resident s s pace and there i p. While all th e share certain primarily have o help activate t h a “porch” con d w hich improves c to private. o ncepts | 98 s alleviating d ed corridor. e d into units. n ity for units another. By was able to s a sense of by create a e units are transitional entries onto h ose spaces d ition and a upon the

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( (mid (ri g ( left) Figure 73: Entr y d le) Figure 74: Porc h g ht) Figure 75: Foye r y h r Design C o o ncepts | 99

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Figure 76 : View of cigar factor y plaza and towe r y r Design “ E experienc e being, is h A home m choice a environm e sense of p a base f regenerat i own bein g a physic address i n 2003) E ssential to the f e s, to having a s h aving a place th a m eans many thi a nd control o v e nt; it gives us a p lace (Werkele e t f or privacy, saf e i on; it provides a g and identity wit h al (geographic a n the world.” (Kr o f ulfillment of one s ense of self an d a t one can call ‘h o ngs: it means h v er one’s pe r a sense of iden t t al., 1991); it pr o e ty, and a plac place to nurture h in society; it pr o a l) location an d o nenburg, Lim, & ’s life d well o me.’ aving r sonal t ity, a o vides e for one’s o vides d an & Chii, Design Concl u u sions | 100

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Design Conclusions | 101 Figure 77: Cigar factory roof plan – north is up. The final design for this project was a gestalt of the previous chapter’s design concepts. The design, program, and site of this thesis together address the following issues: the lack of housing available for the number of homeless individuals in the city of Tampa, the relationship of the general public and the homeless, and location. The design of the factory, while addressing these, also specifically addresses the need of the homeless to have a “home.” The utmost impo rtance of having shelter is equaled by the need to have a place that is one’s own. The design of the cigar factory achieves this in the following ways.

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Design Conclusions | 102 Figure 78: Cigar factory floor plan – third floor. The exterior of the building represents a new life for the residents and is also an icon with which they can identify. This was achieved by considering the dichotomy of the formerly homeless individual that is the oxymoron of living a normal life after having been homeless. This duality was expressed in the relationship of the south faade to the north faade through landscaping, fire stairs, and balconies. Another way that this is expressed is through the roof of the factory. The existing r oof of the factory is a pitched roof, which many people may not realize because the high parapet masks this. By replacing the roof with a butterfly roof that peeks above the parapet, the design further iterates this duality.

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Fig u Figure 8 u re 79: Interior view o f communal spac e 8 0: Cigar factory floo r plan – second floor. f e r B o building a interactio n communa specific n e spaces a d separate socialize, o th the exterio r a re filled with o p n The significan c l space is again e eds of the for m d dress the nee d from ones ho m hang out, and r and interior o p portunities for s c e in providing a directly related t m erly homeless. T d for a place t h m e where one relax. This ty p o f the s ocial lot of t o the T hese h at is can p e of act ivity is limited for Design Concl u those with little i n u sions | 103 n come. Also

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Design Conclusions | 104 Figure 81: Cigar factory floor plan – ground floor. these communal spaces act as space for shared responsibilities to take place, for example watching one-another’s children when childcare is not an option. These space also tie in utilitarian activities such as laundry, where these necessary activities often have a social life all their own for those with low incomes. At the cigar factory there are three types of communal space: public, semi public, and private. Public spaces include the plaza to the southwest, thee coffee house addition, the below grade entry to the bookstore and the central space of the commercial floor on the interior. Semi-public spaces include the roof terrace on the second

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Design Conclusions | 105 Figure 82: Transverse section perspective through cigar factory. floor. This space is only accessible to residents; however, they are engaged in the public atmosphere because of its proximity to the street level. Private communal spaces include those on the residential floors at either fire stair, inside of the tower and above the communal space on the commercial floor. The flexible design of the residential floor plans provided 18 entirely unique units. There are nine units per floor, the floor plan is repeated on two floors. Every one bedroom apartment is provided with a loft space which could be interpreted as an additional bedroom, storage space, or maybe a home office. On the third floor, both one and two bedroom units have lofts due to the high ceilings which make it possible. These space are more likely to be used as living spaces than the lofts that happen in the second floor one bedrooms. Also, because of the unique shapes of the floorplans there were several opportunities for niches which serve as shelves or linen closets as appropriate. Traditional closet space was replaced with open shelving which could be used for storage of various items including clothing, books and linens; as well as decoration. These unique units allow the residents something special to call and make their own. This was an important factor in giving them a sense of ownership and identity.

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Design Conclusions | 106 (top) Figure 83: Cross section through the East communal space. (middle) Figure 84: Cross section through the center communal space. (bottom) Figure 85: Cross section through the West communal space.

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Figur e e 86: South Elevation . Design Concl u u sions | 107

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(top (top r (bot t left) Figure 87: Wes t elevation. r ight) Figure 88: Eas t elevation. t om) Figure 89: Nort h elevation. t t h Design Concl u u sions | 108

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Figure 90: Perspective vie w from southwes t w t Design Concl u u sions | 109

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(top) F i (middle) F i (bott o p ho t i gure 91: Perspectiv e view from southeast. i gure 92: Perspectiv e view from northeast. o m) Figure 93: Mode l t ograph of main entr y approach. e e l y Design Concl u u sions | 110

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Figure 9 9 4: Model photograp h of southeast corner.. h Design Concl u u sions | 111

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Fi g g ure 95: MaslowÂ’s B a Ne e a sic e ds. Conclu T h of relate provide supportiv e accompli s place wh e sions and D h is thesis attemp d problems. Th e an environm e e housing for th e s h these three o e re the general p iscussion ted to solve a n u e overall goal w e nt for perm a e homeless that w bjectives: to cre ublic and the for u mber as to a nent w ould ate a merly ho m pr o by Ma nei g pe r sit e an d obj e set t po s tra n abl e en v bui pr o wo r co u a m m eless could co o mote the well-b e going beyond slowÂ’s Basic N g hborhood whic h r iod similar to th e e The resear c d design equ e ctives. The sit e t ing the stage f o s sible. By choo n sitioning neigh b e to lay the v ironment which lding, a neig h o gram acted like r k. Without this u ld not achieve t h m ixed use zonin g Concl u exist on commo n e ing of the forme r the bottom t w N eeds, and to h is currently in a e proposed resi d c he r used the si t ally to appr o e selection was o r all of these t sing an histori c b orhood the res e foundation for encourages the n h borhood, a p e the catalyst fo r innovative elem h is new life. By i n g of the site and u sions | 112 n ground, to r ly homeless w o tiers of resurrect a a transitional d ents of the t e, p r ogram, o ach these essential to t hings to be c site in a e arche r was a positive n ew life of a e ople. The r the site to ent the site n corporating of the cigar

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Conclusions | 113 factory, the researcher be lieves that these goals could be met. For example, the site is located between I-275 and Hyde Park along both major connecting avenues. This introducing commercial office space and retail the researcher is able to do two things. One is to introduce the general public to the site. The other is that the retail will help subsidize the cost of the permanent supportive housing. The latter will help the organization to be more selfsufficient and thereby simultaneously improve the relationship of the homeless to the general public. Also key to the program is the ample amount of communal space; both public and private. This is was a key element in responding to the social needs of the formerly homeless. These spaces allow for opportunities with the general public which would be more positive than the norm as well as providing space for social networking that is important for such issues as childcare. Th ese spaces can fulfill a need to socialize and relax for a population of people with an extremely limited income. The design of the cigar factory manifests an icon with which the residents would connect. The cigar factory alone is an exotic building to call one’s home, but by giving it a new life the both on the interior and exterior the residents really have a unique place to call “home” which they can be proud of. This thesis included so many problems (known and unknown) that resulted in so many design concepts. For the length of time, it was difficult to go beyond the schematic level on any single objective. For example, the cigar factory alone had to deal with all of the objectives as it represents the site as a whole. Some ideas included issues of sustainability, micro scale

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Conclusions | 114 modular elements for the personalization of space, important communal spaces, giving the cigar factory a new face to the public and how to do that, and providing space for services while still maintaining the factory as an anchor to the commercial site. Any one of these, among others, could have been addressed in much more detail alone. That being said this thesis brings all of these ideas to the table, which is important if one is looking a totally new model for permanent supportive housing for the homeless. With the conversation started the researcher would encourage further research in area of adaptive re-use for the good of the community. In the case of Natchez hospital which had been abandoned, the conversion to a shelter sparked a revival in the community (Andrews, 1996). Examples like this one are inspiring attitudes to take toward the buildings that shaped communities years ago. To the other end, the researcher could also see further research in the area of product development for shelters which already exist like Metropolitan Ministries. The researcher would suggest that there is a great need for well designed and resilient products which could help and individual personalize an otherwise uninviting space. All of these design concepts could be applied to other programs, in particular the double loaded corridor which had nine unique floor plans per floor. What makes this thesis unique is that while thes e concepts are universal they are applied here with specific attention to the idea of transition wh ich everyone can identify with but is so prevalent in the lives of the formerly homeless.

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Works Cited | 115 Works Cited Bridges, W. (2004). Transitions: Making Sense of Life's Transtions. Cambridge: First Da Capo Press. Butterworth, R. A., & Crist, C. (2008). Homeless Conditions in Florida. Department of Children and Families. Cohn, D. (2008, June). Caixa Forum, Spain. Architectural Record 6 pp. 108-117. Davis, S. (2004). Designing for the Homeless: Architecture that Works. Berkley, California: University of California Press. Doxiadis, C. (1963). Architecture in Transition (1st Edition ed.). London: Hutchinson & Co. (Publishers) Ltd. Farrell, C. (2005, April). Sharing Neighborhoods: Order & Disorder in Homeless-Domiciled Encounters. American Behavioral Scientists 48 (8), 1033-1054.

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Works Cited | 116 Fischer, R. G. (2001, December). Serving the Homeless: Evaluating the effectiveness of Homeless Shelter Services. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare 28 (4), 89-97. Gilderbloom, J. (2008). Invisible City: Poverty, Housing, & New Urbanism. Texas: University of Texas Press. Henig, J. (1994, December). To Know Them Is To...? Proximity to Shelters and Support for the Homeless. Social Science Quarterly 75 (4), 741-754. Holden, D. (1997, November). On Equal Ground: Sustaining Virtue among Volunteers in a Homeless Shelter. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 26 (2), 117-145. Kronenburg, R., Lim, J., & Chii, W. Y. (Eds.). (2003). Transportable Environments 2. London: Spon Press. Long, C. (2008, June 16). Case Study II: Metropolitan Ministries, Tampa, Florida. (N. Dodd, Interviewer) McDonald, T. Preservation 10: Tampa Bay's Most Vulnerable Historic Structures. National Low Income Housing Coalition. (2008). Out of Reach 2007-2008. Retrieved July 18, 2008, from

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Works Cited | 117 Ogilvie, R. (2004). Vouluntarism, Community Life & and the American Ethic. Indiana: Indiana University Press. Reyes, W. (2007, February 1). Cigar Makers and the Mutual Aid Societies. Retrieved June 15, 2008, from Cigars of Tampa: (2005). Tampa-Hillsborough Citizens Task Force on Homelessness: a report to the community. Homeless Coalition of Hillsborough County, Tampa.

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Bibliography | 118 Bibliography Andrews, J. (1996, November). Natchez Hosp ital Conversion sparks Residential Revival. Planning 62 (11), 23. Blackmond, T. L. (2006). Renewing People and Places: Institutional investment policies that enhance social capital and improve the built environment of distressed communities. Journal of Urban Affairs. 28 (5), 429-442. Bridges, W. (2004). Transitions: Making Sense of Life's Transtions. Cambridge: First Da Capo Press. Butterworth, R. A., & Crist, C. (2008). Homeless Conditions in Florida. Department of Children and Families. Cohn, D. (2008, June). Caixa Forum, Spain. Architectural Record 6 pp. 108-117.

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Bibliography | 119 Culhane, D. &. (2008). Rearranging the Deck Chairs or Reallocating the Lifeboats?: Homeless Assistance & its alternatives. Journal of American Planning Association 74 (1), 111121. Davis, S. (2004). Designing for the Homeless: Architecture that Works. Berkley, California: University of California Press. Deutsche, R. (1996). Evictions: Arts & Spatial Politics. Massachusetts: The MIT Press. DeVerteuil, G. (2004, August). Systematic Inquiries into Barriers to Researcher Access: Evidence from a Homeless Shelter. The Professional Geographer 56 (3), 372-380. Downey, D. (2006, December). At the Border: Architect Teddy Cruz applies South-of-the-Border concepts to U.S. Housing. The Journal of the American Planning Association 26-29. Doxiadis, C. (1963). Architecture in Transition (1st Edition ed.). London: Hutchinson & Co. (Publishers) Ltd. Dreier, P. (2007). Housing the Poor. Retrieved June 29, 2008, from National Housing Institute:

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Bibliography | 120 Duncan, G. H. (2007, January 24). The Economic Costs of Poverty in the United States: Subsequent Effects of Children Growing Up Poor. Retrieved June 29, 2008, from Eyrich, K. N. (2005). The Role of Organization Characteristics in Determining Patterns of Utilization of Services for Substance abuse, Mental health, & Shelter by Homeless People. Journal of Drug Issues 35 (3), 575-591. Fallis, G., & Murray, A. (1990). Housing the Homeless & Poor: New Partnerships among the Private, Public, & Third Sectors. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Farrell, C. (2005, April). Sharing Neighborhoods: Order & Disorder in Homeless-Domiciled Encounters. American Behavioral Scientists 48 (8), 1033-1054. Fischer, R. G. (2001, December). Serving the Homeless: Evaluating the effectiveness of Homeless Shelter Services. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare 28 (4), 89-97. Gilderbloom, J. (2008). Invisible City: Poverty, Housing, & New Urbanism. Texas: University of Texas Press. Greer, N. (1988). The Creation of Shelter. Washington, D.C.: The AIA Press.

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Bibliography | 121 Henig, J. (1994, December). To Know Them Is To...? Proximity to Shelters and Support for the Homeless. Social Science Quarterly 75 (4), 741-754. Holden, D. (1997, November). On Equal Ground: Sustaining Virtue among Volunteers in a Homeless Shelter. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 26 (2), 117-145. Kronenburg, R., Lim, J., & Chii, W. Y. (Eds.). (2003). Transportable Environments 2. London: Spon Press. Lindsey, E. (1998, July). The Impact of Homelessness and Shelter Life on Family Relationships. Family Relations 47 (3), 243-252. Long, C. (2008, June 16). Case Study II: Metropolitan Ministries, Tampa, Florida. (N. Dodd, Interviewer) McDonald, T. Preservation 10: Tampa Bay's Most Vulnerable Historic Structures. Metropolitan Ministries. (2008, January). The Bridge: the Newsletter of Metropolitan Ministries. Retrieved June 20, 2008, from National Low Income Housing Coalition. (2008). Out of Reach 2007-2008. Retrieved July 18, 2008, from

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Bibliography | 122 New Life for West Tampa. (2002, March 2). Retrieved June 11, 2008, from St. Petersburg Times Online Tampa Bay: Ogilvie, R. (2004). Vouluntarism, Community Life & and the American Ethic. Indiana: Indiana University Press. On the Edge. (1996, July 6). Retrieved April 30, 2008, from Economist: Academic Search Premier database Ouroussoff, N. (2008, February 19). Learning from Tijuana: Hudson, N.Y., Considers defferent Housing Model. Retrieved June 29, 2008, from The New York Times: Peterson, G. (2006, March 15). Teddy Cruz What Adaptive Architecture can Learn from Shantytowns. Retrieved June 29, 2008, from Design, Ideas, & Reorganization: Reyes, W. (2007, February 1). Cigar Makers and the Mutual Aid Societies. Retrieved June 15, 2008, from Cigars of Tampa: Song, J. (2006). Historization of Homeless Spaces: the Seoul Train Station Square and the House of Freedom. Anthropological Quarterly. 79 (2), 193-223.

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Bibliography | 123 Stark, L. (1994). The Shelter as "Total Institution": An Organizational Barrier to Remedying Homelessness. American Behavioral Scientist. 37 (4), 553-562. (2005). Tampa-Hillsborough Citizens Task Force on Homelessness: a report to the community. Homeless Coalition of Hillsborough County, Tampa. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Office of Community Planning and Development. (2008, March). The Second Annual Homeless Assessment Report to Congress. Retrieved August 12, 2008, from s/2ndhomelessassessmentreport.pdf

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Appendix A | 124 Appendix A Table One The Housing Continuum Using type in the united states varies depending on one's ability to pay. At one end is the homeless shelter; at the other is the owner occupied house. This is known as the Continuum of Care Form of Housing Characteristics Residents / form of subsidy Emergency Shelter Generally organized in dormitory style wards, most present day shelters also have on site social services and case management programs. Separate shelters, or portions of shelters, house different homeless populations such as single adults, families (most often with a single parent), seniors, and young adults. The duration of occupancy varies, but is generally weeks or months Those without the ability to pay for housing. May have physical and mental health problems. A combination of public funds and private donations. Transitional Shelter These often include a combination of living arrangements, from dormitory style wards to rooms housing six to eight people each. Programs emphasize social services, the development of life skill, and job training. Residents undertake programs at the facility intended to help them become independent. Separate shelters, or portions of shelters, house specific homeless populations such as single adults, families (most often with a single parent), seniors, and young adults. The duration of occupancy varies, generally six months, but may be as long as a year or two. Those without the ability to pay for housing. Many have physical and mental problems. A combination of public funds and private donations.

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Appendix A | 125 Transitional Housing Transitional housing may take a number of different forms including single room occupancy (SRO) buildings with small independent studio units. Boardinghouses and other shared residences are also common. Social services are included, but not always on site. The duration of occupancy varies, but may be as long as a year or two. The lack of sufficient permanent housing has led to long term occupancy of transitional housing. Those with some ability to pay for housing, often through disability payments or other rent subsidy. Many have physical and mental health problems. A combination of public funds and private donations. Supportive Housing The first element of the continuum to be treated as permanent housing. Many features are comparable to transitional housing. Supportive housing may take a number of different forms, including SROs, but other multi unit buildings with larger apartments and even single family houses can be supportive housing. Social services and specific programs for residents are integral to the housing, although they are not always provided on site. Those with some ability to pay for housing, often through disability payments or other rent subsidy. Many have physical and mental health problems. A combination of public funds and private donations. Public Housing Public Housing is created specifically for those with insufficient income to afford the market rent. Funding programs vary. Some are aimed at those with very low income; others are at those an income level of less than 50 percent of the area's median income. Public Housing, most often in multi family apartment buildings, is designed for specific groups such as families or seniors. Originally developed primarily by the federal government, this housing is now supported by nonprofit community development corporations, most often in low rise buildings. The federal government finances the renovation of older public housing projects. Those with some ability to pay for housing who are expected to spend 30 percent of their income on rent. A combination of public funds and private donations. Many projects are financed through tax credits allocated by state and federal government. Assisted Housing This is privately developed market rate housing that also accommodates individuals or families who qualify for rental subsidies (housing vouchers). The housing is not specifically created or designed for a low income population and takes various forms, from apartment complexes to single family housing. Those with some ability to pay who are expected to spend 30 percent of their income on rent. Federal Section 8 vouchers make up the difference between the market rate and that 30 percent. Rental Housing Rental housing is privately developed and most often takes the form of apartments or attached dwellings. It includes any housing that is not owned by the occupant. Those who can pay the market rate and either choose to rent or cannot afford to buy. Some state, such as California, offer renters' credits, a modest form of subsidy.

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Appendix A | 126 Owner Occupied First Time Buyer The house type can be a single family house of any size or it may be in multifamily building. Sixty eight percent of Americans on their own dwelling. Those who can pay market rates. Tax deductions for mortgage interest and real estate tax. Assisted Living and Congregate Care for Seniors This housing is defined as specialized facilities that may include private or double occupancy rooms. It generally includes group dining facilities, planned activities, social services, and health care. Those who can pay the market rent, although some residents may be subsidized.

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A ppen Relation dix B ship of Site to T T ampa A ppe n n dix B | 127

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Relation ship of site to I n n terstate 275 A ppe n n dix B | 128

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A ppen Photo K e dix C e y A ppe n n dix C | 129

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Photo L e e gend No. 001: V No. 002: C V acant Buildin g C reative Loafin g g (SW corner of g (free local pa p State Street & N p er) (State Stre e A ppe n N Howard Ave n e t) n dix C | 130 n ue.

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No. 003: S No. 004: V No. 005: P S mack Apparel V acant Lot (no P rivate Reside n (print screenin g building) (State n ce No. 1 (Stat e g ) (State Street ) Street) e Street) A ppe n ) n dix C | 131

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No. 006: A No. 007: P No. 008: C A rmenia A A dvanced Busi n P rivate Reside n C ypress Food M A ve. n ess Products ( n ce No. 2 (NE c M art (former ga s ( SE corner of S t c orner of State S s station) (SE c o A ppe n t ate St. & Arme n S t. & Armenia A o rner of Cypre s n dix C | 132 n ia Ave.) A ve.) s s St. and

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No. 009: C No. 010: C No. 011: T C atering by the C atering by the T ampa Muay T h Family (Cypre s Family (Cypre s h ai (martial art s s s Street) s s Street) s ) (Lemon Stree A ppe n t) n dix C | 133

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No. 012: C No. 013: M A rmenia A No. 014: E C ell phone tow e M ost Insurance A ve.) E xisting Gulmo h e r (Lemon Stre e & Financial Se h ar tree (NE co e t) rvices (NE cor n rner of State St A ppe n n er of Lemon St and Armenia A n dix C | 134 & A ve.)

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Appendix D | 135 Appendix D Heritage Square at the Armory Marketing Brochure

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Appendix D | 136

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Appendix D | 139

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A ppen Landsc a The flow e G J a ( t dix E a pe Material e ring trees used o G olden Rain Tre e J acaranda trees, a nd Gulmohar tre t he imaged appe o n the master pl a e s, es. ar in the same o r a n are: r der.) A ppe n n dix E | 140


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