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One season in an other's

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Title:
One season in an other's examining teacher preparation in cultural relevance literacy through intentional and focused teaching case use
Physical Description:
Book
Language:
English
Creator:
Sams, Coleen E
Publisher:
University of South Florida
Place of Publication:
Tampa, Fla
Publication Date:

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
School-to-prison pipeline
Pedagogy
Critical race theory
Field-based
Dissertations, Academic -- Childhood Education and Literacy Studies -- Doctoral -- USF   ( lcsh )
Genre:
non-fiction   ( marcgt )

Notes

Summary:
ABSTRACT: Teacher educators need to develop better teaching methods in order to, ultimately, serve future students in classrooms that are increasing in diversity. It is vital that education majors do more than hear and read about social justice issues facing their prospective students; for them to both understand it and retain it, they need deeper interaction with the issues and alternative strategies for resolving them. This model for using teaching cases may enable teacher educators to demonstrate the relevance of their coursework to their midlevel education students, ultimately enhancing learning gains. Of equal importance to their professional development, prospective teachers need to not only be prepared, but to know they are prepared. The model developed from this research may provide the venue to increasing their teacher efficacy. The model engages all four efficacy-building elements (Bandura, 1995), mastery, verbal, physiological and vicarious.Efficacy is developed verbally as participants discuss possible alternative solutions to the teaching cases. This discussion also affords both physiological development when responses enter Bakhtin's (1983) interstitial spaces, spaces of disagreement, argument, discomfort, and vicarious development of efficacy as students experience the teaching dilemmas of experienced teachers but experiences they realize are likely to be in their own futures. Perhaps the most challenging developer of efficacy through this model is mastery. Mastery can be developed during the "rehearsals" of seminar discussions of teaching cases (Cambourne, 1995), or it may develop within the internship-assigned classroom; for some it may require extensive classroom experience to achieve. This study's participants were a midlevel preservice teacher cohort divided between urban and suburban settings for their field-based internships.Intrinsic to the study was critical literacy and the recursive use of teaching cases focused on underlying social justice issues. Pretest and posttest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale confirmed significant gains in teacher efficacy but could not validate the teaching cases as the causality. Qualitative data, however, did confirm the validity of using teaching cases with this specific study.
Thesis:
Dissertation (Ph.D.)--University of South Florida, 2009.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
System Details:
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
System Details:
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Coleen E.Sams.
General Note:
Title from PDF of title page.
General Note:
Document formatted into pages; contains 243 pages.
General Note:
Includes vita.

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University of South Florida Library
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University of South Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 002064029
oclc - 560719290
usfldc doi - E14-SFE0003046
usfldc handle - e14.3046
System ID:
SFS0027363:00001


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ABSTRACT: Teacher educators need to develop better teaching methods in order to, ultimately, serve future students in classrooms that are increasing in diversity. It is vital that education majors do more than hear and read about social justice issues facing their prospective students; for them to both understand it and retain it, they need deeper interaction with the issues and alternative strategies for resolving them. This model for using teaching cases may enable teacher educators to demonstrate the relevance of their coursework to their midlevel education students, ultimately enhancing learning gains. Of equal importance to their professional development, prospective teachers need to not only be prepared, but to know they are prepared. The model developed from this research may provide the venue to increasing their teacher efficacy. The model engages all four efficacy-building elements (Bandura, 1995), mastery, verbal, physiological and vicarious.Efficacy is developed verbally as participants discuss possible alternative solutions to the teaching cases. This discussion also affords both physiological development when responses enter Bakhtin's (1983) interstitial spaces, spaces of disagreement, argument, discomfort, and vicarious development of efficacy as students experience the teaching dilemmas of experienced teachers but experiences they realize are likely to be in their own futures. Perhaps the most challenging developer of efficacy through this model is mastery. Mastery can be developed during the "rehearsals" of seminar discussions of teaching cases (Cambourne, 1995), or it may develop within the internship-assigned classroom; for some it may require extensive classroom experience to achieve. This study's participants were a midlevel preservice teacher cohort divided between urban and suburban settings for their field-based internships.Intrinsic to the study was critical literacy and the recursive use of teaching cases focused on underlying social justice issues. Pretest and posttest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale confirmed significant gains in teacher efficacy but could not validate the teaching cases as the causality. Qualitative data, however, did confirm the validity of using teaching cases with this specific study.
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PAGE 1

One Season in an Other's: Examining Teacher Preparation in Cultural Relevance Literacy Through Intentional and Focused Teaching Case Use by C oleen E. Sams A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree o f Doctor of Philosophy Department of Childhood Education/ Literacy Studies College of Education University of South Florida Major Professor: James King, Ed.D. J. Howard Johnston, Ph. D. J. Kleinhammer Tramill, Ph. D. James Paul, Ed. D. Jenifer Schneide r, Ph. D. Date of Approval: April 30, 2009 Keywords: s chool to prison pipeline, pedagogy, critical race theory, field based Copyright 2009, Coleen E. Sams

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DEDICATION I dedicate this to my family who persisted in their patient support. My husband Jim, nudged when I needed nudging, shoved when I needed shoving, formatted when I wanted to forsake, and loved me throughout my moodiness and temper tantrums. My mother, Marion Daniels Anders, sisters, Cecilia Daniels and Cynthia Doherty, and brother in law Steve Doherty, likewise, accepted my "Can'tI'm writing" excuse without too much grief and always made sure comfort food was available. For my son, Daniel Downey, I only hope I can someday live up to the pride you have in me. For my daughters by marria ge, Lauren Sams Vose, Leigh Sams and Annie Sams Giromalo, thanks for your exceptional patience and too frequently needed forgiveness. I am grateful, also, to Dr. Doreen "Dee" Sams and Phil Sams for shedding light on the Ph.D. process, knowing when to give me answers to which I knew too little to ask, a recent experience for Dee. I will always be grateful for the guidance and friendship of Kim Thomas who taught me the role of Graduate Teaching Assistant, shared her office with me and joined with me to form D A (Dissertation Anonymous) to bolster one another through the lean times. To my other fellow doctoral students, Lorna Cole, Rebel Williams, Kim Schwarz, and Debbie Kozdras, thanks for the encouragement, resources and camaraderie. You will always be with me no matter where we land. The doctoral pursuit has a way of screening out fair weather friends. My remaining friends are few but I thank them for their patience and humor when I most needed it: Carol and Wallace "Buster" Johnston, Martha DeGood and Judy T routman. Thank you also to those unnamed supporters, especially my students.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This point would not have been reached without the significant guidance and support of many. Committee Chairman Dr. James King led me away from my weaknesses and insecurities into a position of strength and confidence unattainable without his substantial contributions. For maintaining his humor and patience throughout all the rewrites I will always be grateful to, and remain in awe of, him. Dr. Jim Paul taught the most rigorous class my fears had ever imagined. His tutelage left me wanting to know even more about the great philosophers. His faith in my intellectual abilities propelled me through my remaining coursework and to this point. I leave a far better pe rson than I arrived, significantly due to Dr. Paul's modeling and teachings. I am indebted to Dr. J. Howard Johnston for inspiration lasting nearly two decades. Dr. Johnston's perceptions of, and perspectives for, "at risk" children forced me to re evalua te my pedagogy over the years. He also contributed substantially to the framework of this study. Dr. Jenifer Schneider kept me on track. During the proposal stage of this dissertation process, Dr. Schneider brought to light several prospective problems wi th the study and offered guidance to avoid them. Her insights facilitated this final product. Dr. Jeannie Kleinhammer Tramill has been a resource for emotional support and guidance. Her expertise with teaching cases made her an important part of the comm ittee, but it was for her personal qualities that I am most appreciative.

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i TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF FIGURES vi ABSTRACT vii CHAPTER I: INTRODUCT ION 1 Historical Perspective of the Study 3 The Other 6 Unmet Literacy Needs 7 Culturall y Responsive Pedagogy 8 Literacy 10 Matthew Effect and the Cognitivist Perspective 10 Poverty 11 Assessment 12 Disparity in Special Education Assignments 15 Democratized Curriculum 16 Cultural Literacy 17 African Americans and Zero Tolerance 20 School to Prison Pipeline 21 White Androcentric Hegemony 22 Within the Pipeline, a Personal Narrative 23 Rationale 25 The Problem: Teacher Preparation and Efficacy 26 The Internship and Efficacy 29 Building Efficacy with Social Justice Teaching Cases 30 Purpose of t he Study 31 Background 33 Research Questions 38 Limitations 39 Assumptions 42 Delimitations 43 Definitions of Terms 43 Significance of the Study 46 Conceptual Framework 49

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ii Bye Bye Blackbird, a Personal Narrative 50 Organization of the Study 52 CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF THE LITER ATURE 53 The Roots of Case Based Instruction 54 Pedagogical Teaching Cases 56 Teaching Cases in Education Administration 57 Teaching Cases in Teacher Education 58 Concerns Based Adoption Model 59 Self efficacy 62 Critical Literacy 71 Hi storical Development of Critical Pedagogy 73 Culturally Relevant Teaching 81 Constructivism 83 Constructivist Approach to Learning 85 Defining Literacy 88 Attributes of Teaching Cases 88 Goals of Teacher Education and Self efficacy 90 Teaching Cultural Rel evance 92 Teaching Preservice Teachers to Write Cases 95 Summary 97 CHAPTER III: METHODS 100 Rationale and Assumptions for the Interpretive Design 101 Assumptions 101 Design 102 Rationale 102 Research 103 Research Questions 104 Developing the Study 10 4 The Panel of Experts 105 Social Justice Issues 105 Teaching Cases 106 Investigator's Role 108 Participants 109 The Level II Internship 110 Professional Development 110 General Requirements 111 Time 113 Seminars 113 Additional Intern Requireme nts 114 Setting 115 Data 119 Procedures for Data Collection 120

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i ii Triangulation 120 Managing and Recording Data 121 Methods for Verification/Reliability 122 Atlas/TI 122 Data Analysis Procedures for the Study 123 The Interpretive Report 124 Limitations of an Interpretive Study 124 Summary 125 CHAPTER IV: RESULTS 129 Review of the Purpose of the Study 129 Statistical Data Analysis 129 Null Hypothesis 130 Data Tracking and Cataloguing 130 The Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale Data 130 Descriptive Statistics 13 1 Inferential Statistics 132 Assumptions 133 Findings 133 Limitations 133 Findings from the Teaching Cases' Responses 134 Findings from the Participants' Interviews 137 Findings from the Participants' Self authored Teaching Cases 138 Blame 140 African Am erican Male Issues 142 Findings from the Participants' "Hero's Journeys" 143 Summary 144 Model of Using Teaching Cases to Increase Self efficacy 146 CHAPTER V: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND REC OMMENDATIONS 147 Brief Summary of the Study 147 Review of the Pur pose of the Study 149 Review of the Research Questions 150 Interpretation of Findings 151 Implications for Social Change 152 Embedded Values' Resistance to Change 155 Conclusions 158 Limitations 160 Implications 162 Recommendations for Further Research 165 EPILOGUE 166 REFERENCES 175

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iv APPENDICES Appendix A: Internship Syllabus 193 Appendix B: Guide for Teaching Case Responses 210 Appendix C: Rubric for Hero's Journey 211 Appendix D: Original Teaching Case Rubric 212 Appendix E: Interview Questions 213 Appendix F: Timeline 214 Appendix G: Teaching Case 1 215 Appendix H: Teaching Case 2 216 Appendix I: Teaching Case 3 217 Appendix J: Data from Teaching Case 1 Triads 218 Appendix K: Data from Teaching Case 2 Triads 219 Appendix L: Data from Teaching C ase 3 Triads 220 Appendix M: Excerpt s from Interv iew Transcripts 221 Appendix N: Excerpts from Interview Transcripts Specific to Social Justice and Teaching Cases 236 Appendix O: Participant A uthored Teaching Case Themes 241 Appendix P : Hero's Journey Excerpts of Social Justice Awareness Statements 246 ABOUT THE AUTHOR End Page

PAGE 8

v LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Descriptive Statistics 132 Table 2 Inferential Stati stics 133

PAGE 9

vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Model of Using Teaching Cases to Increase Self efficacy 147

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vii One Season in an Other's: Examining Teacher Preparation in Cultural Relevance Literacy Through Intentional and Focused Teaching Case Use Coleen Sams AB STRACT Teacher educators need to develop better teaching methods in order to, ultimately, serve future students in classrooms that are increasing in diversity. It is vital that education majors do more than hear and read about social justice issues facing their prospective students; for them to both understand it and retain it, they need deeper interaction with the issues and alternative strategies for resolving them. This model for using teaching cases may enable teacher educators to demonstrate the releva nce of their coursework to their midlevel education students, ultimately enhancing learning gains. Of equal importance to their professional development, prospective teachers need to not only be prepared, but to know they are prepared. The model developed from this research may provide the venue to increasing their teacher efficacy. The model engages all four efficacy building elements (Bandura, 1995), mastery, verbal, physiological and vicarious. Efficacy is developed verbally as participants discuss poss ible alternative solutions to the teaching cases. This discussion also affords both physiological development when responses enter Bakhtin's (1983) interstitial spaces, spaces of disagreement, argument, discomfort, and vicarious development of efficacy as students

PAGE 11

viii experience the teaching dilemmas of experienced teachers but experiences they realize are likely to be in their own futures. Perhaps the most challenging developer of efficacy through this model is mastery. Mastery can be developed during the "reh earsals" of seminar discussions of teaching cases (Cambourne, 1995), or it may develop within the internship assigned classroom; for some it may require extensive classroom experience to achieve. This study's participants were a midlevel preservice teacher cohort divided between urban and suburban settings for their field based internships. Intrinsic to the study was critical literacy and the recursive use of teaching cases focused on underlying social justice issues. Pretest and posttest scores from the Oh io State Teacher Efficacy Scale confirmed significant gains in teacher efficacy but could not validate the teaching cases as the causality. Qualitative data, however, did confirm the validity of using teaching cases with this specific study.

PAGE 12

1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Nearly a century ago John Dewey (1934) challenged educators to define the purpose of education. Throughout his own works, Dewey maintained that a democratic society depended on education, and that educating all children was the only way for s ociety to reform and renew; therefore, for all members to have access to society as good citizens, they must be educated. In an introduction to another educator's book, F.M. Alexander (1923), Dewey planted the seeds of what has become constructivism in edu cation: Never before, I think, has there been such an acute consciousness of the failure of all external remedies as exists today, of the failure of all remedies and forces external to the individual man. It is, however, one thing to teach the need of a re turn to the individual man as the ultimate agency in whatever mankind and society collectively can accomplish, to point out the necessity of straightening out this ultimate condition of whatever humanity in mass can attain. It is another thing to discover the concrete procedure by which this greatest of all tasks can be executedBut the method is not one of remedy; it is one of constructive education. Its proper field of application is with the young, with the growing generation, in order that they may come to possess as early as possible in life a correct standard of sensory appreciation and self judgment. When once a

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2 reasonably adequate part of a new generation has become properly coordinated, we shall have assurance for the first time that men and women i n the future will be able to stand on their own feet, equipped with satisfactory psycho physical equilibrium, to meet with readiness, confidence, and happiness instead of with fear, confusion, and discontent, the buffetings and contingencies of their surro undings (Introduction). What is especially interesting about the excerpt is that Alexander's book was about re education and how physical habits can alter psychological functions. Dewey made clear that the connection between individuals finding the relevan ce in their education paths is more than pragmatic, it is vital. Presently relevance is tied to multiliteracies and critical literacy, two fields that both practicing teachers and preservice teachers are largely unprepared to teach (Elliott, Woloshyn, Bajo vic, Ratkovi, Akseer, 2007). In another Alexander (1918) book for which Dewey also wrote the introduction, Dewey chose the words "internecine warfare in the very heart of our civilization" (Introduction) to describe the struggle between the external and in ternal worlds of an individual. As a pragmatist, Dewey believed that people needed to think critically, to develop judgment, rather than to simply memorize; to deny education, literacy, was to develop that "internecine warfare" not just within the individu al but within the country. To be critically literate and to be literate in today's multitude of media forms, is to have access to a democratic society. To be aliterate can result in a life lived outside the society, surviving in its margins.

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3 Historical Pe rspective of the Study While many philosophical and educational changes have transpired over the interim decades, the answer to the question of education's purpose remains more assumed than pronounced, more of a general consensus than a mission statement: to create good citizens for our nation (Dewey, 1989; Sleeter, 2005). Neill points to the importance of students actively learning how to assume their parts as practicing democratic citizens (cited in Darling, 1992). Both understanding and applying equal ri ghts, and engaging critical thinking to resolve societal problems are essential to the regeneration of a democracy reformed to incorporate more of the elements used to define that form of government, the democracy. Gittell (2005) describes current school s ystems as lacking in the commitment to ensure equal access of all students to full participation in that "democratic political process" (p. 41). While Dewey opined that society required education, education systems, as well as the governing agencies that f und them, are limiting who has access to that society (Sleeter, 2005). If the key to society is a well developed education, then our dropout rates for minorities prove that the key remains in the hands of the white majority. Lyndon Baines Johnson's "Great Society" never came to fruition. In recent years, some say we have regressed to the apartheid system so prevalent before Brown v. The Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas (Kozol, 2005). Without elaborating on the elements of "good" citizenship, and who defin es it, imagine how this nation might change if our teachers, as a whole, were to become markedly better in preparing our students for life in this society. Would anyone argue a greater influence on the development of future citizens than that of teachers? With those attributes of

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4 education in mind, it seems expedient to invest all available resources into training these future teachers, the shapers of our citizenry. In which areas might increased training be most essential? At the national level, legislati on such as the No Child Left Behind Act, stresses the importance of teachers focusing on reading, writing, math, and, more recently, science. The RAND Corporation, a non profit think tank dedicated to policy analysis and implementation, after assessing the efficacy of the No Child Left Behind legislation's progress for the first four years of implementation, found that students who were the most in need of "highly qualified teachers" were the least likely to have them. "Special education students, English l anguage learners, and students in high poverty and high minority schools" (Hamilton, Stecher, Vernez & Zimmer, 2007, p. 16) were more likely to have the least trained teachers. Students in high minority schools were three times more likely to have teacher s who were not identified as "highly qualified" than students in low minority schools. Signs that are bringing to the forefront the need for a curriculum that is centered on diversity, one of acceptance, and, most importantly, one that makes significant s trides toward social justice, are ubiquitous. In the same RAND issue reporting on NCLB's failure to meet at risk students' needs, is an article decrying the unmet health care needs of children (Hamilton, Stecher, Vernez & Zimmer, 2007). Social justice curr iculum is key to expanding Dewey's (1889) definition of society to all the country's students thereby enhancing our society and renewing our democracy. Newspaper headlines bombard us daily with the predictable consequences of ignoring social justice: bully ing that leads to campus shootings, prisoners who are treated

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5 cruelly, suicides, bombings, workplace violence, and countless other instances of violence. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (2007) began its Institute of Education Sciences r eport: Our nation's schools should be safe havens for teaching and learning, free of crime and violence. Any instance of crime or violence at school not only affects the individuals involved but also may disrupt the educational process and affect bystander s, the school itself, and the surrounding community (1). In the 2005 2006 school year, approximately 54.8 million students attended the nation's schools. Many issues are seldom explicated such as the insensitive, if not inhumane, treatments suffered by th e "guilty" who are often themselves victims long before the headlines are printed. The NCES report rendered the following facts for the 2005 2006 school year: 24% of public schools reported that student bullying was a daily or weekly problem; 11% of studen ts of 12 18 years of age reported they were victims of hate related verbal abuse; 38% of students in the same age category reported seeing hate related graffiti at school; 28% of students 12 18 reported being bullying victims; of those students, 53% said that the bullying had occurred once or twice within the previous six months; 25% reported monthly or bi monthly bullying during that period;

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6 11% reported bullying once or twice each week; 11% reported that they were bullied daily or almost daily (1 5). In the same report but at the high school level, 14% of all the males reported they had engaged in a fight on school property during the 2005 2006 school year, and 10% reported they carried weapons to school (p. 4). The Other As a whole, people who are Af rican American, Latino, gay, lesbian, obese, poor, or any other descriptor used to characterize the marginalized are denied their rightful memberships in society, a right that is guaranteed by law. For example, within our schools African American males inc ur a disproportionate number of disciplinary actions that often lead to special education assignments based on discipline "violations" (Townsend, 2000). In the southwest Florida county's 2006 2007 classrooms that frame this study, there were nearly twice as many white students as there were African American students, and yet under the exceptionality of "emotionally handicapped," 974 black students were in the category and only 847 white students. Labeled as "severely emotionally disturbed" were 236 African American to 136 white students (Florida Department of Education, 2007). Within classrooms Americans of African descent may be subjected to teachers who do not recognize the validity of their students' oral language. The dropout rate among males is alarmin g to the extent that the phenomena has been named the "school to prison pipeline" (Wald & Losen, 2003) to signify the impact school procedures have on our African Americans and Latinos, especially males. In this county's 2005 2006 schools, 422 white, 466 A frican Americans, and 391 Latino students

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7 dropped out (Florida Department of Education). Once the pipeline is entered, the hopes of parents that their children will lead better lives than they did are quashed. While there are many side effects from the you ng male's incarceration, perhaps the most deleterious is that once incarceration becomes an option, a negative halo effect is in place. Unmet Literacy Needs From the perspective of a literacy pedagogy, the primary problem with today's curricula is that it focuses on children's test scores rather than meeting each child's abilities and interests. Failing to connect students with their families' and communities' influences further exacerbates the occlusion. These oversights are problematic because of the curr iculum mandates and the learning environments that are ultimately ignored. Even as millions of dollars are spent on testing and test taking practice, and even as thousands of hours per child are focused on meeting test standards, school and classroom repai rs are placed on hold (Sleeter, 2005) awaiting budget allocations; and "scientific" reading strategy curriculum replaces relevant curriculum. The result of a test focused mindset is a lock step curriculum, one that is becoming increasingly more scripted, d esigned to increase test taking skills, and only the rudiments of reading (Meier et al, 2004; Sleeter, 2005). The continuity of students' social and familial lives is likely disregarded, leaving the resultant curriculum essentially irrelevant to many (Meie r et al, 2004, Sleeter, 2005; Tatum, 2005). Many of our students are disenfranchised by the subtle cultural markers embedded within our curriculum: parents, home, birthday party, girl boy relationships, vacations. Many do not live with their parents or the y may live with only one; "home" implies a stability unfamiliar to too many children who "stay" sometimes with friends or

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8 in shelters; not all children celebrate birthdays; girl boy relationships may be typical but they are not the broadly sweeping rule re flected in our texts; Disney World, while taken for granted by many who live within the state lines, remains economically inaccessible to many more. Themes and issues to which the students might effectively connect are left unanchored (Finn, 1999; Tatum, 2 005). In the case of African American males, "Education must emphasize the development of knowledge, cooperative attitudes, positive black self identity, and an ideology of black self determination" (Johnson, 1994, p. 249). Recognizing all classroom cultur es enriches all students. When we fail to include students, then by definition, we exclude them. Culturally Responsive Pedagogy All students, whether majority or minority, can benefit from culturally responsive teaching methods. For African American males and females, a culturally responsive (c.r.) pedagogy would respect the use of Black English Vernacular, or Ebonics, that is shared by nearly 70% of the African Americans in this country (Garcia, 2002). To discount one's language is to disregard his cultur e and community also. A c.r. teacher begins with respect for the linguistic differences among students. Critical literacy also should be fostered as a vital element of culturally responsive teaching. The act of questioning is key to creating meaningful le arning experiences in social justice. Teaching students to question the "facts" on which they base many of their opinions is a good place to start (Noddings, 2006). In example, an urban legend tells of Mark Spitz, the winner of seven Olympic gold medals, r elating an experience that he had in one of his classrooms. Students had been discussing that "Jews may be good with money but they are worthless

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9 in sports." Assumptions are an excellent starting point to introduce critical literacy to students. Culturally responsive teachers ask questions, many with no one single response that is "the right one." Teachers and their students must develop respect for one another and learn to address assumed "facts" as "interpretations," not facts, but as interpretations tha t may be critically analyzed, researched, and discussed. Creating and maintaining a safe space for differences in opinions, or perspectives, is also vital to the creation of a culturally responsive classroom environment. Teaching students to express their beliefs has to be balanced with teaching them to listen with respect to opinions at variance with their own. Differences are to be seen as a cause for celebrating and learning rather than a cause for anger or frustration. A culturally responsive pedagogy acknowledges and respects differences in perspectives, cultures, lifestyles, and ethnicity. Intrinsic to respect is that the minority, the "other," is not expected to change; rather, that student may bring challenges but s/he is likely also to bring opport unities that will assist other students in other ways. Rather than leaving the minority student to struggle, strengths already exhibited are further enhanced. In McGill Franzen's (1996) longitudinal study of two children, one impoverished and the other one deaf, the researcher identified strategies to accommodate all children, strategies that can be used regardless of the family, school and community: Know each child use individual instruction or small groups, build on strengths, Use curriculum based assess ment, and

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10 Seek community and/or local business support both financially and as classroom volunteers. These are beginnings to creating a culturally responsive pedagogy to serve students of diversity and to promote social justice (Garcia, 2002; Noddings, 20 06). Literacy Literacy is more likely to develop as the result of several practices. Students who find materials relevant to their own lives are more likely to feel motivated to read. If the same students enjoy success in reading, then reading is perceive d as an enjoyable part of their lives. Provided with interesting books and supportive and comfortable environments for reading, students most likely will read (Allington, 2006; Kozol, 2005; Noddings, 2005). The Matthew Effect succinctly describes the proce ss through which readers either develop literacy or decline to aliteracy. The Matthew Effect and the Cognitivist Perspective Walberg and Tsi (in Wren, 2004) coined the term "Matthew Effect" (Stanovich, 1986; Wright & Wright, 2006) to describe reading circu mstances in which the successful reader becomes more successful and the struggling reader struggles even harder (Wright & Wright, 2006). Psychologist Keith Stanovich (1986) found that when students perform poorly in reading, they tend to develop a disdain for reading and, therefore, read less. The less they read, the less practice they experience in reading, the less vocabulary they acquire, and the further behind in reading they become (Stanovich, 1986; Tatum, 2005; Wright & Wright, 2006). The cognitivist perspective of student success and failure embraces the Matthew Effect by grounding failure in the rudiments of reading, phonemic

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11 awareness, phonics, vocabulary, fluency, and comprehension (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005). The Matthew Effect can be addres sed, however, by a culturally relevant pedagogy, one which motivates all students through relevant selection of texts and instructs in ways in which the students will feel safe questioning and developing their learning. In other words, by grounding classro om practices in relevant curriculum and culturally affective and effective classroom practices, students can find themselves on the "good" side of the Matthew Effect. Poverty Many of the nation's poorest children also attend its least physically desirable schools (Kozol, 2005). As an example of the Matthew Effect related to school environment, receiving monies that are reserved for capital improvements are rewards based on the already high performing student bodies at "good" schools. Their counterparts ofte n do not receive as much funding (Kozol, 2005). Anyon (2005) explains poverty's impact on education as an urban economics issue: in most states, school districts that educate the largest number of poor and minority students have fewer state and local do llars to spend than districts with the least number of poor and minority studentsdistricts that educate the largest number of poor students receive an average $966 less per student than low poverty districts (p. 63). According to Anyon, the difference in creases when both state and local funding factor in to create an average funding decrease of nearly one million dollars per school of 400 students in a high poverty district. Some of the activities that motivate students to attend

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12 school are eliminated in order to spend more time and resources on test focused curriculum (Hamilton et al, 2007). Once again, in our "democracy," the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. Students in poor facilities, schools without air conditioning, heating, proper lighting, clean halls and classrooms, decent libraries, and adequate plant operations score significantly lower on standardized reading tests (Kozol, 2000, 2005). Literacy, as an entity, is negatively impacted by the poor facilities. In a four year long case study b y McGill Franzen (1996), research found that poverty had a greater impact on a student's literacy than deafness. In Kozol's (2000, 2005) studies he found that the students were more engaged in better classroom environments. Providing ample time for reading in a clean and comfortable, physically appealing classroom increases students' time and frequency with reading as a self chosen activity (Allington, 2006; Guthrie & Wigfield, 2000). Assessment While our government continues to fail the impoverished in th e community, it increases the aesthetic gap of our schools even as it purports to narrow the achievement gap (Kozol, 2005). First and foremost, N.C.L.B. compliance requires improving standardized test scores; therefore, testing has become the focal point o f curriculum (Meier et al, 2004). Proponents of testing, especially high stakes testing, argue that it is the best way to identify deficiencies in student learning. Historically, however, high stakes testing was used to track students and/or to justify exc luding lower scoring children as "disabled." This cognitivist perspective assumes that all students learn the same way and all must master the same skills in order to learn. From this perspective,

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13 standardized tests are believed to clearly identify who is and who is not learning, according to the single standard. Despite claims to the contrary, the new standardized tests remain language oriented. The language is that sanctioned by and for the Euro American students (Sleeter, 2005). The high stakes test and its administration become the antithesis of a democratic education. For any assessment to have value, it must provide information to the teacher and to the student about areas in need of strengthening. Florida's current standardized tests, the Florida Comp rehensive Assessment Tests (FCAT), are used as instruments to identify which students must be left behind for repeated opportunities to learn their past years' reading lessons. While the tests could be used to identify specific areas in need of development or strengthening, they are in reality more like "gatekeepers" for who is promoted and, eventually, who graduates from high school. Students who fail to pass the FCAT in third grade usually are retained. Retention of more than one grade level leads many st udents to dropout of school eventually (Roderick, 1994). Whether the cause is Matthew Effect related, sociocultural in nature, or due to student failure to master essential literacy skills is arguable. The constructivist perspective agrees with the cogniti vist that language and literacy are key to advancing in learning levels. The socioculturalist/ macrostructuralist perspective, however, explains differences as caused by sociocultural and historical constructs. While mostly ignoring sociocultural and hist orical contexts, the Florida tests do not accurately predict post school success. Despite the invalidity of the tests, the test scores are used to exclude the low scoring test takers from obtaining the high school diplomas that are often required as entry standards into many jobs, including most of the

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14 U.S. Military branches. While legislators and some educational policy developers may claim that the intent of the tests is not based on discrimination, and, therefore, rendering the tests lawful, the Supreme Court upheld the effect principle in Griggs (Justia, 2005) The Supreme Court decided that regardless of intent, it is the effect that decides the legality of tests. That deleterious effect makes the tests unlawful, based on the precedent established in Gr iggs v. Duke Power Co 401 U.S. 424 (1971) (Spann, 2000). Griggs was the minority victim of test scores used as the threshold for advancement at Duke Power. While the Griggs case built on the precedents set forth in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII, and applied specifically to African Americans, it extends legal support to at least Latinos. Given the repeated and significant research demonstrating the negative relationship between retention and subsequent success, and the strong link between grade re tention and dropping out, the standardized test scores are consistently used to retain students one or more times (Wald & Losen, 2003). Until standardized test scores can predict future success in post school enterprises, they should not be used to deny gr aduation to students who earned diplomas in all other aspects (Meier, Kohn, Darling Hammond, Sizer & Wood, 2004). The macrostructuralist perspective identifies this abridgement of human rights as an intentional educational policy intended to maintain acces s to society as a predominantly white privilege. The critical theorist asks why. To assess all students with the same test presumes that all students received the same instruction. Setting aside the remote possibility of that occurrence, providing a univer sal curriculum would only ensure inequality. Providing a knowledge base dictated by the hegemony of the white Euro American (Noddings, 2005) fails to recognize the

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15 talents, interests and needs of approximately 45% of this nation's populace. Students who fa il to meet the nation's standard of acceptability, a number disproportionately high among students of color and lower socioeconomic status, are subjected at an even greater rate to remedial reading courses and test taking, or "study skills," classes. The v ery population in greatest need of culturally responsive and relevant curriculum is the least likely group of students to receive it, the African American males. Disparity in Special Education Assignments Whereas Townsend (2000) identified a disproportion ate number of African American males relegated to special education courses developed for deficiencies, Grantham, Tarek and Ford identified a disproportionate number of African American students assigned to special education's gifted programs. Townsend's n umbers were high, Grantham et al's were low (Grantham, Tarek & Ford, 2003). Some of the more general reasons Grantham's research discovered for African Americans' omissions from gifted programs are addressed in culturally responsive and socially just curri cula. Grantham et al's (2003) study specifically argued `1that "few efforts, designed to improve gifted black students' achievement and social emotional well being, will be successful until educators focus specifically on their racial identity" (p. 18). A lthough identity is generally acknowledged as important, the researchers further explained the importance of identifying the varying levels of racial identity, and how those levels impact the inculcating of various majority held educational values.

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16 Democ ratized Curriculum A democratized curriculum is one whose balanced values facilitate all students in developing their own talents, interests and needs (Noddings, 2005), regardless of gender, linguistics, flesh color, or ability. Focusing on test taking ski lls purges our literacy offerings of all that is interesting and/or relevant to many of our students. For reading selections to be engaging, they should be relevant to the specific student population accessing them. Relevant texts are important for all stu dents, but they are vital for the males, the poor, and the black students. Lower socioeconomic African American males are at high risk in not only our classrooms, but in their communities as well. Standard textbooks still portray unrealistic images of min orities. While the African American minority is the most represented minority in textbooks, the roles to which they are relegated are inaccurately portrayed (Gay, 2000). Most often "the content included about ethnic issues is rather bland, conservative, co nformist and safe" (p. 114). Interrelationships with whites are represented as harmonious. The age of slavery is sanitized with no mentioning of the sexual exploitation of female slaves. No connections are made between the age of slavery and present day is sues, no articulation of the myth that black men want to rape white women. The society to which Dewey referred, a society dependent on successful education, remains a society closed to many African American males, except in textbooks. Texts that reflect on superficial histories that most often reduce African American contributions to issues of slavery and the importance of peanuts, have little if any value to the black readers; at best, they are read to earn passing test scores; at their

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17 worst, they are ins ulting to the point of turning their African American readers against school in general. Texts are more relevant if they attend to an honest representation of the past and contemporary issues rather than to those of the future (Tatum, 2005). Accurately exa mining a nation's history, in both its glory and its shame, provides opportunities for all students to grow in critical thinking, and it also affords time for debunking the myths already perpetuated across too many generations. The question, "What's in it for me?" is a fair one that deserves an honest answer and an accommodating change in curriculum. Fairy tales and "happy ever after" stories bear no resemblance to the lives many of these at risk students live. The remnants of the former literature are ofte n "stupid, insulting, dumb books that we give to students (that) will turn them against reading on their own" (Giovanni, 1994, p. 109). Multicultural selections can validate non mainstream students (Stallworth, 1998 ). With students engaged in reading, rel evant reading, the achievement gap can begin closing if assisted in other curricular areas. Recent studies demonstrate a strong correlation between schools that engage their students and reduced delinquency (Wald & Losen, 2003). Culturally relevant curricu lum is vital to both students and their communities (Balfanz & Letgers, 2004). Cultural Literacy Cultural relevance encompasses the needs and cultural markers of individuals within their broader cultural descriptors. In a simple example, cultural relevance may acknowledge that reggae music from Jamaica often includes steel drums; yet it will also address the other genres enjoyed by particular Jamaicans; being Jamaican does not

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18 exclude appreciation of jazz or European classical music. Cultural relevance main tains the individual within his/her larger culture but it also acknowledges that individuals often belong to more than one culture. Perhaps most importantly, cultural relevance looks beyond appearance, lifestyle and dialect to find pathways to social justi ce. Implementing the culturally relevant perspective, Noddings urges educators to build curriculum around the concept of "care"; caring should be taught in terms of caring about oneself, one's peers, school, family, humanity, environment, nonhuman animals, and life (2005; 2006). A study from 2002 found that if students felt a part of, and cared for by, their schools then levels of violence, substance abuse, and emotional stress decreased (Wald & Losen, 2003). In reflecting on his own pedagogy, African Ameri can professor Alexander (2006) wrote: Through engaging a compassionate pedagogy I am dedicated to equalizing voice and negotiating possibility in the classroom. I am dedicated to engaging a student centered, communication centered, empathic, and engaged pe dagogy that encourages the practice of voice for both teachers and students (p. 132). Mutual respect is implicit in successfully creating a classroom community (Ladson Billings, 1994). Respect is implied in caring, thus, educators model caring by respecti ng their students enough to meet their individual needs (Noddings, 2005) and listening to them, carefully. Caring is a start. Dewey (1889) declared continuity to also be an essential element of relevant education. Meaningful education builds on students' p ast experiences and prepares them for their future experiences. Too often Dewey found continuity, and therefore relevance,

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19 to be a missing link (Noddings, 2005). In terms of literacy, responding to individuals is vital. Students need more than their test s cores to represent them; they need their strengths, achievements, goals, cultural attributes, and community ties to be recognized and to be treated as the essential elements of their lives. Students' test scores do not reflect anything except their abiliti es to take tests. Seen from a holistic perspective, one engaging a culturally relevant lens, the test scores tell almost nothing. The scores fail to identify any aspect of the test takers' lives except for the ability to take standardized tests. The collat eral damage only serves to strain further the tenuous relationships between schools and communities. Literacy is confused with the ability to pass standardized tests, a skill de valued in communities where life is a daily struggle to survive. Despite the c opious research demonstrating the relationship between academic success and early literacy preparation, poverty continues to blight millions of children's access to text. What eventually happens to many of these students? Half a century has passed since t he U.S. Supreme Court's findings on Brown vs. the Board of Education promised the end of segregated schools. Nevertheless, segregation persists. Balfanz and Letgers (2004) found: Nearly half of our nation's African American and 40% of our Latino students a ttend high schools in which graduation is not the normA majority minority high school is five times more likely to have weak promoting power (promote 50% or fewer freshmen to senior status on time) than a majority white schoolOne in five high schools in the U.S. have weak promoting power, indicating unacceptably low graduation rates and high dropout ratesthere are currently between 900 and 1000

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20 high schools in which graduation is at best a 50/50 proposition (p. 3)It is no coincidence that these locales are gripped by high rates of unemployment, crime, ill health, and chronic despair (p. 2)High schools with weak promoting power are overwhelmingly majority minority (p. 5). African Americans and Zero Tolerance Starting in the 1990's, many school systems a dopted a "zero tolerance" stance on disciplinary infractions that occurred on school property. The result has been one of racial imbalance. "Nationally, black students are 2.6 times as likely to be suspended as white students. In one state African American students are nine times as likely to be suspended as white students" (Wald & Losen, 2003). Across the nation, nearly 70% of the children in juvenile justice systems have some form of learning disability (Comstock Galagan & Brownstein, 2005). Of those stud ents with disabilities, African Americans are at least three times more likely than whites to be suspended and four times more likely than whites to receive their educations in correctional facilities (Wald & Losen, 2003). A Florida study found African Ame rican male students' grade point averages ranging from .68 to 1.26 (Blomberg & Waldo, 2002). African American males are more likely to be identified as having some form of emotional disorders, a category in which only 35% graduate from high schools across the nation (Comstock Galagan & Brownstein, 2005). Of those who eventually dropout, 73% are arrested within five years of their dropout dates (Comstock Galagan & Brownstein, 2005).

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21 School to Prison Pipeline Regardless of the causes of delinquency, once inc arcerated students are entitled by law to free and effective education (Blomberg & Waldo, 2002; Miller, Ross & Sturgis, 2005). Research, however, indicates that juvenile justice systems' educational programs are often inadequate (Miller, Ross & Sturgis, 20 05) and lack rigor (Atkins, Bullis & Todis, 2005). Instruction is generally limited to individual packets based on students' assessed needs (Atkins, Bullis & Todis, 2005). This researcher taught in a juvenile detention center for three years; that experie nce further supports the research declaring the inadequacy of educational opportunities afforded incarcerated youths. Many of the limitations were structural ones: "class" time spent by students with their attorneys, in the clinic, in counseling, or in cou rt. Sometimes contagious diseases shut down the education programs. Frequently students would spend their first days sleeping due to the common circumstance of being up all night either with arresting officers or in booking. At least one more of the first days would be spent assessing the students and trying to retrieve their school records. Some curricula were determined by the Juvenile Justice System: health seminars, drug and alcohol abuse, and career planning were addressed weekly, if not daily. In term s of literacy, a "disproportionate number of youth who are incarcerated are illiterate, come from a minority background and have disabilities" (Houchins, Shippen & Cattret, 2004, p. 2) with 33% of them reading at the third or lower grade level (Wald & Lose n, 2003).

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22 Like the African descendants, Latino males are dropping out of school and entering the "school to prison pipeline" (Wald & Losen, 2003) at an alarming rate, nose to nose with their counterparts. Americans of Mexican descent are subjected to the c ountry's own barely hidden and illegal caste system not only by the white majority population but also by the African Americans and Hispanic Americans from countries other than Mexico. White Androcentric Hegemony Despite straw legislation to the contrary, women's rights remain abridged, increasing the difficulty of single mothers to adequately provide for their children both financially and emotionally. Bans on same sex marriages usually prevent adoptions and survivor benefits in addition to the daily bene fits deemed a part of a committed relationship acknowledged as legitimate by the law. Without social justice, minorities, women and children remain vulnerable to the whims of power. Without social justice, gays and lesbians are denied liberty to be with wh omever they wish, to experience parenting, and to commit to one another unto death do they part. Without social justice the chasm between the have's and the have not's grows ever wider until the have not's can only see on television how the have's get to l ive. Without social justice, cultures unfamiliar to the European whites' will continue to have only discounted rights. Without social justice, a democratic literacy cannot exist (Freire, 2005). The single common factor among all of these is a curriculum cr eated by the white androcentric hegemony that leaves others disenfranchised. This study focused primarily on the social injustice issues pertaining to African American males.

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23 In comparison with his white counterpart, the African American male's present pl ight in our schools is to be at higher risk of being retained, more likely to be designated for special education programs, especially ones based on behavior, and to have a smaller ratio of his peers receive high school diplomas. If the African American ma le drops out of the education system in general, he is more likely than his white or Latino counterparts to be found in a juvenile detention facility. It is the African American male who seems to be at the highest risk of being failed by our present pedago gical practices. Within the Pipeline, a Personal Narrative In the 1990s, I taught in a juvenile justice facility. The following incident was the impetus for me to learn more about literacy. On Friday, Shortie arrived from the young boys' (ages eight to ab out thirteen) building. He'd made it to the Big Time. Yep, this was the right place for a hard ass. Out of four boys' dormitories, this module was designated the right one for boys who just did not want to follow the program, ones who "bucked" the system. Shortie was the smallest and possibly the youngest to make it into this module in my three years of teaching in the Center. Hands clasped behind his back, Shortie shifted from one foot to the other. His t shirt was neatly tucked into the navy blue elastic waist pants except in the back where he kept snapping the waistband every time he shifted to his right foot. I glanced at his face and arms. So many of my "students" arrived with lacerations, bruises and cigarette burn marks. Shortie looked all right in th at department. For a nine year old he emanated an especially strong sense of defiance in what was, otherwise, a handsome face.

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24 I initiated the intake interview, "Shortie, can you please come here? What have you been working on at school?" "Nothin'" he rep lied with his eyes cast down. "Listen to me. We can get you caught up and maybe even a little ahead at school so that you don't fail this semester or year. Okay?" "I wadn't workin' on nothin'," he iterated, his tone implying I was obtuse. "Do you have a pr oblem with me, Shortie? I'm just trying to help." "I don' wanna be in yo' class." "Mr. Madison, will you please consult with Shortie here? Bye, Shortie." I returned to my class and soon forgot about him. Weeks passed. To my mind we, the staff and I, gave up on Shortie. Occasionally he was permitted to take part in the physical exercise activities, but the classroom was a wasteland for him. One day, out of sheer frustration, I confronted him in the hallway, "Shortie, what's the matter?" He whispered somethi ng inaudible "What?" "I cain't read." "Oh." His three quiet words stunned me. How does a child make it through several years of public school education without learning to read? Was he diagnosed as a behavior problem too quickly to identify our collective failure to teach him to read? How many more Shorties had I disrespected in my own dismissive response to classroom misbehavior? How many other teachers had done the same? Without the requisite

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25 coursework, I never learned to recognize unsuccessful readers ; in fact I never believed stories that students leave our education systems unable to read. Shortie taught me well what happens when illiteracy is allowed to continue or aliteracy allowed to perpetuate. My teacher preparation failed at least one of my stu dents and me, too. I learned classroom management, unconditional positive regard, the idea that students need to experience success, how to develop a paragraph, and how to teach sonnets and haiku. I learned scope and sequence, how to use the basal readers, methods, philosophy, psychology, and even school law. But no one taught me to see students as individuals rather than as a class. Rationale Aliteracy can be deterred. To do so, however, requires teachers to teach in culturally relevant ways and to use cul turally relevant curricula. While our preservice teachers are well trained, according to national accreditation evaluations, not all of their learning is implemented within their classrooms. Multicultural education is usually a part of that teacher prepara tion. Although not every culture can be included within multicultural coursework, appropriate strategies to reach other cultures can usually be generalized. In example, providing literature that includes the lives of another culture impresses upon students that diversity is valued. Banks addresses the tendency to promote assimilation rather than celebrating diversity (2006). Teacher preparation educators need to be acutely aware of the subtlety between assimilation and diversity, and ensure that diversity i s respected. Dewey's keys to society, and then to active citizenship, require teachers to have the skills, attitudes and knowledge to create democracy within

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26 their classrooms (2006). Teacher preparation, whether inservice or preservice, is the logical fir st step to ensuring teachers learn the requisite skills and adapt both their attitudes and knowledge bases. The Problem: Teacher Preparation and Efficacy Data from preservice teachers indicate that the transfer of knowledge from their university training i nto the classrooms in which they intern loses much of its impact (Fuller, 1969). Questions arise from that finding. Did the university coursework fail to serve the teachers' needs within the classroom (Fuller, 1969)? In other words, was the coursework rele vant? Were the strategies learned appropriate for the students to be served? Perhaps the university work was never fully comprehended. Education research on comprehension identifies two of the strongest factors in knowledge retention are relevance and phys iological change (Luck, 1999). The physiological change may occur when individuals find themselves within Bakhtin's interstices or even when incurring a simple "ah haa!" moment when a new perspective is understood. While relevance is important, often teach er education does not offer sufficient training for preservice teachers to demonstrate efficacy in classrooms of diversity. Unless preservice teachers have efficacy in teaching the cultures within their classrooms, research has demonstrated that the preser vice teachers are less likely to successfully teach effectively in that situation (Pajares, 1992). Preservice teachers today often face students who are vastly different from themselves. While most of the nation's teachers are white, nearly 40% of our stud ents are minorities with languages and cultures different from their teachers' (Banks, 2006).

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27 Nearly half of African American and Latino students live in poverty (NCES, 2008). How does difference affect teacher to student relationships? Is the assumption o f power by the teacher equitably distributed to white and black? Are white girls and white boys treated equally? What about equity between black boys and black girls? How is power used between white female teachers and black male students? Are white boys a nd black boys perceived as in equal need of control and discipline? What does the white female teacher envision when she sees a black boy man resistant to her instruction? Perhaps more importantly, what does the black male student see as he watches his whi te woman teacher in front of the class? Does he see an individual who respects his culture and community, or one who lowers her expectations for her black male students? While the "ideal" curriculum, one that truly serves all students, such as Noddings' cu rriculum of CARE (Noddings, 2005; Noddings, 2006), may be beyond imminent implementation, some steps in culturally responsive pedagogy are feasible. Difference is inherent in all societies, cultures, clans, and tribes, even families. Difference within the socioculture of a classroom is not to be eradicated, or perceived as a deficit. Differences between teachers and students are opportunities to learn about other parts of our communities, or in some cases the differences can provide the opportunities to bui ld interest and entry into an other's community. With little or no understanding of other communities, teachers may be unable to establish the parent: teacher: student relationships that can bolster students' school successes. Not all adults find the schoo l settings comfortable ones, and, therefore, they may avoid conferences, back to school nights, school plays, and athletic events. With no understanding of the parents' feelings

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28 about schools, teachers may interpret the parent absences as "not caring." Th is assumption of parent apathy is often, if not nearly always, far from the truth. Often the source of discomfort is the stereotyped teacher concept held by the parents. Parents may perceive the teachers as adults who: want to tell them what they are doin g wrong with their children, know all the right answers, are un approachable, make them feel inferior, criticize their children based on socioculture factors, or want to pick up where their own childhood teachers stopped. Noddings suggests meeting with par ents in their students' homes or on "neutral" territory, such as a community library (Noddings, 2005). Often the clothes teachers wear build a barrier between them and their students' parents. While philosophies differ vastly on the attributes of "proper" teacher dress (Wong & Wong, 1998), often teachers establish an invisible socioeconomic class barrier by dressing in styles too far from the realms of possibilities of their students and their parents. Using Noddings's (2005) guidelines, teachers should att empt to build bridges of communication rather than barriers of difference. It is essential, too, that teachers develop awareness of their own prejudices. Only through awareness and confrontation of the prejudices can teachers ensure that they are providing equal opportunities and equal expectations for all their students. Within a Freirean model, teachers advocate for their students, resolving rather than creating

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29 problems. Solutions should be novel ones, if necessary, rather than perpetuating established s olutions that either do not apply or do not satisfy the needs (Freire, 2005). Perhaps most importantly, students, regardless of socioculture, must have the perceptions that their teachers are consistent in giving all students equal opportunities. The Inter nship and Efficacy The internship practice is often limited by the school, the university supervisor, the assigned supervising teacher and/or the classroom students. In example, a Title I school's leadership is likely to hold different classroom practices as mandatory when compared with the priorities of other schools. Dealings with human nature and a mercurial education policy also may deny preservice teachers sufficient application of their university training. Further compounding the identification of e ssential elements in professional development of preservice teachers is an ever changing body of students. Today's teachers need high self efficacy in teaching a diverse population with broadly different backgrounds and needs in literacy. Preservice teach ers should have opportunities to develop their efficacy with cultures other than their own. In Bandura's studies of the impact of teachers' beliefs on their students' achievement, self efficacy was identified as the quality of a person knowing that he or s he can create the requisite changes important to that specific area to which the self efficacy applies. In example, if an education major has mastered and practiced the appropriate skills, and has witnessed teaching procedures modeled in a particular field then that student most likely will believe that s/he will be able to teach that specific coursework (Bandura, 1995). Pajares (1992), however, finds that teacher beliefs, or self efficacy, can actually work to the

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30 contrary. In Pajares's review of beliefs, he found that teachers are former students who successfully negotiated the in place pedagogical practices and that preservice teachers are: . insiders. They need not redefine their situation. The classrooms of colleges of education and the people and practices in them, differ little from classrooms and people they have known for years. These students have commitments to prior beliefs, and efforts to accommodate new information and adjust existing beliefs can be nearly impossibleStudents become teach ers unable, and subconsciously unwilling to affect a system in need of reform (p. 323). Pajares (1992) makes clear that preservice teachers too often maintain the status quo of an education system in need of revision. While the preservice teachers are lik ely to have strong self efficacy about their abilities, by duplicating the defunct practices, many of their own students will fail to achieve to their potentials, despite the preservice teachers' self efficacy. Grant (2006) warns that we, as a nation, "hav e failed to align our practices with our democratic ideals" (p. 170); he further advises that without action we allow "society (to) breed stronger intergroup hostility, the fault line between democratic ideals and practice will become larger, and the natio n's public interest will not be served" (p. 171). Building Efficacy with Social Justice Teaching Cases Studying teaching cases in a seminar setting enables preservice teachers to go beyond knowledge acquisition; teaching cases can be used to develop self efficacy through developing preservice teachers' critical analysis skills and problem solving

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31 situations that do not have easy answers (Cooper & McNergney, 1995). "If preservice teachers are given opportunities for addressing such dilemmas in a learning c ommunity, they can begin to develop schemata for dealing with them before they enter the classroom, and thus have an edge on getting started as teachers" (Radencich, Barksdale Ladd, Oropallo, King & Draper, 1997, p. 14). The teaching case process, as a bas is for discussion, can provide windows for understanding another's perspective and potential consequences to the dilemmas, as well as possible solutions. The discussion of teaching cases can also create the physiological change that facilitates comprehensi on. Carefully selected teaching cases may assist preservice teachers in understanding how a classroom climate can change, for better or worse, when issues of difference are addressed. Teaching case differences may include gender related issues, poverty, ad ult influences, and ability variabilities among other issues embedded within these. Using teaching cases with culturally relevant foci may further assist in the transfer of learning from the university classroom to the field based class. This qualitative s tudy examined the use of teaching cases focused on social justice issues to enhance self efficacy in preservice teachers. A panel of experts determined the issues and selected the cases to be used. Data included weekly journals re written as "hero's journe ys", interviews, responses to three specific teaching cases, and pre tests and posttests on self efficacy. Purpose of the Study As politicians repeat their mantra "We want No Child Left Behind," one might ponder what kind of bus is transporting those chil dren and where the riders are sitting, if,

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32 indeed, they are granted any seats; are they in the back of the bus again? In his address to the Assembly on Literature for Adolescents of the National Council of Teachers of English, Chris Crutcher (2007) stated his perspective on NCLB, "They (the politicians) don't need to worry about any child being left behind because none of them are going anywhere." If schools are to educate all students, then curricula must be culturally relevant to all of the students and t he teachers must have efficacy in teaching it to them. Cultural relevance reaches beyond multicultural training; it is education designed to facilitate understanding among different cultures so that students will be better prepared to take part in democrac y. Rather, culturally relevant teaching requires teachers to examine individual identities instead of cultural stereotypes, evaluate individual abilities rather than racial deficiencies, and serve individual needs rather than preconceived group requisites. Culturally relevant pedagogy requires social justice. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) (Tolerance, 2007) identified the following issues as ones that often lead to bullying: race, religion, sexual orientation, disability, and appearance (p. 1). The SPLC further impresses the necessity of a new curriculum, one that addresses social justice issues: Every day at least eight African American, three whites, three gays, three Jews and one Latino become hate crime victims. Every week a cross is burned. The greatest growth in hate crimes in recent years is against Asian Americans and the gay and lesbian community.

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33 Once considered a Southern phenomenon, today most hate crimes are reported in the North and West (p. 1). Decades of disparity in education demons trate that equity does not just develop itself; likewise, social justice must be taught, taught well, and taught recursively. Because African American males and the poor of all races incur the greatest risk of school failure, this study focused mostly on t hem (Kozol, 2005). This study examined the use of teaching cases to vicariously develop experience in culturally relevant issues and, ultimately, to increase preservice teachers' self efficacy in teaching literacy to diverse populations, diverse students. Background Politicians continue their debates over what is important in education. While the teaching of reading skills is fundamental to nearly all content areas, reading skills' tested results, under the pressures of current education policy, now also in fluence district funding, school resources, teacher pay, classroom curricula, and students' future access to education. With so much at stake it is imperative that our new teachers be prepared to the greatest extent possible to serve their future students' literacy needs. U.S. Census results predict a marked change in the balance of minority to majority numbers. Present forecasters inform us that the U.S. population will be over 25% Latino, 25% African American and the European Caucasian population of the U nited States will lose its majority standing to less than 50% by 2010 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Prior to U.S. involvement in Iraq, metropolitan populations increased in Asian descent Americans but Middle Eastern languages were not as common as during the present ongoing wartime.

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34 Multicultural teachers in previous decades tended towards focusing on African American, Native American, and Latino heritages. Such limited foci no longer suffice as, at present, the Southern Poverty Law Center (Tolerance, 2007) r eports that the Asian population and the gay and lesbian members of our society are increasing in the number of hate crime violations they incur. Are preservice teachers ready for the potential bias issues that may arise in their assigned classrooms? Is th eir self efficacy sufficient to succeed? Bandura (1995) attributes to self efficacy the influence on choices made, effort expended, and perseverance in the face of obstacles. Recent research supports the relationship between teachers' self efficacy to teac h, and the success of their students in attaining and developing essential literacy skills. The current research focuses on a method commonly used in medical training, science, psychiatry, business, and other fields, but less commonly within professional d evelopment of teachers: the use of teaching cases. Research on effective classroom teaching calls for self constructed meaning making, more specifically talking towards meaning (Cambourne, 1995). Can using teaching cases focused on social justice issues pr ovide the vehicle to reach that point of talking towards meaning, the fulcrum for exposure to an issue becoming inculcation? Teaching cases can provide the methods identified as contributing to the development of self efficacy: mastery experience allows f or the practice of new skills; vicarious experience allows learning from others modeling the skills needed;

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35 verbal persuasion can be garnered from peers responding to teaching case interaction; physiological states may develop positively within the safety of a seminar practice (Pajares, 1997). The term literacy is no longer constricted to reading and writing at a functional level; its meaning now encompasses a broader field that includes the multiliteracies, many communication methods, multimedia, and both cultural and linguistic differences resulting from globalization (Elliott, Woloshyn, Bajovic, Ratkovi & Akseer, 2007). For the purpose of this study, a specific application of the term literacy will be used. Giroux (2005), building on Freire (2005), define s literacy as the place where languages and cultures struggle to be accepted and understood. Although Giroux's definition initially seems narrow, to the contrary, it expands the definition to include all the results of the interstitial interaction. Perhaps the greatest hindrance of developing culturally relevant curricula is the intrinsic nature of education: it is a viable, ever evolving, individualistic discipline (Berliner, 2002; Clark & Lampert, 1986). As Giroux (2005) further points out, education is n ot a "monolithic, and ironclad system of rules and regulations, but(is) a cultural terrain characterized by the production of experiences and subjectivities amid varying degrees of accommodation, contestation, and resistance" (p. 162). Even on a local com munity basis, creating curricula to serve all teachers and their students within one specific school simply does not work. Learning occurs as a result of many variables and their interactions among them (Braunger & Lewis, 2006; Clark, 1988). Literacy is ta ught and assessed according to the selections made by the classroom teachers, school

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36 administration, and various governing agencies. Literacy, therefore, is a concept that builds on some sociocultural practices as it excludes others (Freebody, Luke & Gilbe rt, 1991). While common curricula would be counterproductive to serving the needs of varying communities, some aspects of teacher education may prove effective across curricula and of benefit to the diversity found among today's classroom students. Teacher s' many daily decisions and changes in plans based on complex factors may appear simplistic to their own students but may likely be quite complex (Clark & Lampert, 1986). Experienced teachers develop their repertoires of classroom management over the years by experimenting with various options and reflecting on their results (Clark & Lampert, 1986); eventually their experiences can make decision making seem almost intuitive. Many dilemmas demanding "triage," or prioritizing, at critical times are not often included in teacher education. Preservice teachers can vicariously develop those types of teaching behaviors when teachers' dilemmas are presented in teaching cases. Questions remain on how to best serve our teacher candidates so that they are prepared to serve their imminent students without waiting to develop the best practices of experienced and successful teachers. Critical analysis of the often nebulous nature of teaching, when seen through teaching cases, can provide the necessary impetus for preservi ce teachers to construct meaning of observed dilemmas (Giroux, 1988). Using teaching cases allows preservice teachers to experience multiple ways of knowing, learning from their own experiences and observations. In effect, teaching cases based on interns' observations of classroom situations can provide windows into the complex

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37 decision making of experienced teachers (Radencich, Barksdale Ladd, Oropallo, King & Draper, 1997). The theoretical may become applicable. While education leaders agree that we do no t have enough teachers, of the new ones already in classrooms, about half resign within their first five years of teaching, often citing inadequate preparation (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). Among the most frequently cited reasons for beginning teachers to leave teaching are: "high stress that leads to self doubt about abilities and lowers self esteem, inability to meet demands, communicating with parents, and disciplining students" (Patton & Kritsonis, 2006, pp. 2 3). Additionally and despite their satisfying the nation's demands for "highly qualified teachers," the exiting teachers also often state that they were not prepared for the reality of the classrooms they faced and were ill prepared for the specific elements essential to public school students acquiring successful reading skills (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). Before endorsing teachers and sending them into their own classrooms, teacher educators must ensure that prospective teachers demonstrate culturally responsive teaching in their internships. In the 2006 sta tistics regarding Hillsborough County teachers 3,438 were white females, 1,918 were Latina, and 1,581 were African American women. White males constituted 676, African American males were 355 and Latinos were 700 of the total teacher population of 8, 770 ( Florida Department of Education, 2007). In the 2006 2007 school year, more than 50% of the county's students were taught by teachers from races different from their own (Florida Department of Education, 2007). To teach in a culturally responsive way incorp orates Nel Noddings's (2005) stance of "caring" as central to relevant teaching, and it facilitates serving all students according to their

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38 individual interests, experiences and abilities while promoting social justice throughout curricula. This study desc ribes selected preservice teachers' perspectives on the use of teaching cases. To better understand the role of teaching cases, this research examined the use of teaching cases to increase self efficacy in preservice teachers, specifically in the realm of social justice discourses or issues. The use of teaching cases may empower preservice teachers by preparing them, in advance and within the safety of the seminar, for the incidents faced by classroom teachers. It is this end product, the classrooms' realit ies and preservice teachers' responses to them, that this research examined. Research Questions Foundational to the study were the following questions: 1. How does the preservice education student respond to teaching cases focused on social justice issues in the education of African American male students and students from low socioeconomic levels, as evidenced in their responses to teaching cases? 2. Does developing vicarious experiences through the use of teaching cases build teacher efficacy, as measured by th e Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES)? 3. How do preservice education students represent their understandings of social justice issues in their writings of their hero's journeys? The questions were examined through the lenses of a constructivist framed by critical theory. As a constructivist, and through the use of teaching cases, the researcher examined preservice teachers negotiating their pedagogical stances and experiences,

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39 synthesized their responses to the cases, and reflected on the potential impa ct the use of teaching cases may have on self efficacy. Constructivism interfaced with critical theory after the critical theory deconstructed the curricula. The curricula's remnants were handed to the constructivist who then asked, "How can we use these t o best serve students?" Critical theory colored the collection of teaching cases and the foci of discussions. Bakhtin (1983) referred to the interstitial space of dialogics as the place in which transformation occurs. It is within the interstices that the physiological changes contributing to knowledge retention occur (Luck, 1999). While the conflict within the interstitial space can be uncomfortable, it is seen as essential for real change to occur (Bakhtin, 1983). Cambourne (1995) also focused on discussi on. More pragmatically he identified a cycle of change, one in which discussions provide opportunities of hearing and seeing what others think and do, causing intellectual discomfort leading to an increased likelihood of eventual transformation. Social jus tice awareness can be developed when given the opportunity; as a participant observer the researcher witnessed the change brought forward from the interstices within the seminars addressing the research questions, while the preservice teachers actively eng aged in their own meaning making. Limitations The greatest limitation of this study was the potential for researcher influence. The sample was one of convenience, the researcher's own students. In an attempt to reduce the potential for bias or misrepresent ation of data, the researcher used expert panel developed interview questions and the panel's selected teaching cases. A research

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40 journal focused on the potential of influence, along with any new accommodations put in place to further safeguard the study, was maintained. The potential for grade influence was negligible if any at all existed; preservice teachers enrolled in the class on a pass/fail basis. As long as the students complied with the syllabus, and earned passing grades from their field based cla ssroom teachers, they knew they passed the class; all students, regardless of participation passed the class. Another researcher bias in need of bracketing was that "whatever is being done can be done better." This Pollyanna inspired personal belief held t he potential for overlooking some data and too heavily weighting other data. The last attempt to control for personal influence was that a third party conducted the interviews. Problematizing pedagogy was intrinsic to the study. The researcher acknowledges the bias inherent in the stance. Many, if not most, of education majors are young white women; their idealism often rules their actions. Raised on the white Anglo Saxon Protestant tenet that if one works hard then one is rewarded, many of them believe the y just need to work hard and then they will be rewarded with students who succeed and love them. To some it is a "given" that their students' desks will be in neat rows all facing the front of the classroom with a brilliantly cleaned window to the students left sides. Their students will be clean and all sit up straight as they listen with baited breath to their teacher's instructions. To burst such bubbles of belief may seem cruel, but research has demonstrated that "general teaching efficacy declines dur ing student teaching suggesting that the optimism of young teachers may be somewhat tarnished when confronted with the realities and complexities of the teaching task" (Tschannen

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41 Moran, Woolfolk Hoy & Hoy, 1998, p. 213). It seems that reality better serves all involved. Idealism and realism do not have to be mutually exclusive terms, rather, one can bolster the other. Problematizing of pedagogy was another inherent researcher influenced limitation. It was accommodated by keeping both idealism and realism in tandem and at the forefront in seminars. A second limitation was that there was no certainty that changes, if any, were attributable to the use of teaching cases. Just as in early reading research, when comprehension was thought to be dependent on eye mov ements, when the causality was that eye movements were dependent on text difficulty (Stanovich, 1986), changes in self efficacy may be dependent on increased awareness drawn from field based experiences, additional coursework, personal maturation, or other unnamed factors. Additionally, the researcher's control group was too small in sample size to warrant its inclusion in the final analysis. While the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale measured efficacy at the beginning and ending of the study period its re sults cannot point to causality by the teaching case use. A third limitation was that the studied group was small. While the small sample size afforded a deeper understanding of the participants, it does not lend itself to extrapolation to any other settin gs. The sample studied was a group (n = 22) of elementary education majors in a southeast university's college of education, in a culturally diverse city.

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42 Assumptions A rudimentary assumption for this study was its embedded definition of literacy. As use d in this research, literacy was defined as pedagogy based on practices that include explicit teaching to identify biases, encourage critique, support the use of various cultural stances, and teach students to identify power sources within social justice i ssues, including but not limited to race, gender, class, size, ability, sexual orientation, and religion. In a critical literacy curriculum students are taught to question and respond to social justice issues. This study acknowledges the invaluable work of critical theorists, including Freire, McLaren, Giroux, hooks, Noddings, and others. Our nation's continued oppression of minorities and renewed dehumanization of new immigrants were accepted as truths. Also accepted was the theory that bringing to the for efront the hidden issues is essential to stopping the practices from continuing. While the critical theorists' work was given only cursory address, it was with the study's plan to reveal "differences," not as deficits but as strengths on which to build, an d using teaching cases, reflection and discourse to discover authentic solutions, that the study proceeded. The study also proceeded on the assumption that participants would accurately reflect their positions on the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTE S), interview responses, and teaching case responses and interactions. While this limitation could not be eliminated, honest responses were encouraged by ensuring all participants that their frank responses would assist in more fully developing the effects of teaching case use within this study's application of the tool. Additionally, participants submitted their data

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43 by using a birthday month and day code. The code was recorded on the first day of meeting with the participants and the code interpretation w as kept in a locked filing cabinet in the researcher's office. Delimitations Artifacts collected from January 2008 to May 2008 comprised the data. The participants were elementary education Level II, intermediate, interns during the Spring semester of 2008 The data was analyzed from February 2008 to February 2009. Definitions of Terms To ensure accuracy of the research and its findings, the following terms' definitions as used are provided: 1. Conscientization the act of becoming more conscious of critical t heory issues; a process in which prevailing beliefs are questioned, oppression is examined with the practitioner assuming the role of the object/subject being oppressed. Conscientization is fundamental to global social justice. 2. Cognitivist perspective a th eoretical perspective on school failure that claims that all students attain literacy in the same fundamental ways and that failure is due to children not mastering the essential skills (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005, p. 10) 3. Cooperating teacher the class room teacher who partners with the university intern supervisor to ensure the preservice teacher's experiences are fulfilling expectations

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44 4. Critical literacy the four interrelated areas of critical literacy are that the status quo is disrupted, multiple vie wpoints are examined, sociopolitical issues are focused on, and actions to support social justice are advanced. 5. Critical literacy curriculum curriculum that includes the explicit teaching of identifying biases, that encourages critique, supports the use of varying perspectives, disrupts the ordinary, and teaches students to identify power sources within social justice issues, including but not limited to race, gender, class, size, ability, sexual orientation and religion. In a critical literacy curriculum s tudents are taught to question and respond to social justice issues. 6. Dialogics dialogue in which both sides listen, reflect, and are willing to change. Dialogics recognizes the equality among listeners, students and teachers. 7. Literacy elements normally def ined as reading and writing practices but in critical theory, literacy is the place where languages and cultures struggle to be accepted and understood (Giroux, 2005); it is not only the curriculum, but also how it is taught and who does the teaching. 8. Macr ostructuralist perspective a theoretical perspective on school failure that essentially charges the historical and legal processes as failing to provide the equity guaranteed to all sociocultures (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005, p. 10) 9. Multiliteracies the various forms of communication that include technology and the development of critical thinking in students so that they may be better

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45 prepared to both assess and participate in the communications of a global community; the field of multiliteracies acknow ledges the needs of the global community's cultural and linguistic diversities (Elliott et al, 2007). 10. OSTES Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale is an efficacy measuring instrument that is further discussed in Chapter Three. 11. Praxis the practical application o f one's enacted theory. Praxis includes choice of action, creativity, and intentional planning. Praxis is the deliberate move to liberation. 12. Preservice teacher an education major interning in an actual classroom under the supervision of a university superv isor and the classroom's teacher; as used in this research, the preservice teacher is in his/her midlevel internship. 13. Self efficacy: the belief that oneself is capable of effecting necessary results from a targeted group (i.e. a teacher's self efficacy in successfully teaching a specific skill or strategy to her class of students). Self efficacy encompasses the accepted belief that a person has within her/his locus of control the abilities to affect desired changes or to achieve desired outcomes. 14. Sociocult uralist perspective a theoretical perspective on school failure that focuses on language and literacy, and cultural and historical differences. This perspective sees education as a sociocultural activity (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005, p. 10).

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46 15. Talking to ward meaning the process of discovering meaning through reflexive dialogics. 16. Title I Federal funding for schools with high populations of "disadvantaged" students. Generally the classification is based on the number of students receiving free or reduced me als based on family income. Title I schools are often densely populated with minority students. 17. Title X similar to the Title I program, the Title X program funds schools based on the number of students whose families' home addresses have changed more than once in a year; this funding was designated to alleviate some of the problems inherent in the homeless population. Significance of the Study Because of the human element no one, so far, has created one size fits all curricula for teacher preparation. The m edical field anticipates "exceptions to the rules" by using "teaching cases": likewise practitioners of the law, business educators, and some fields of science. The research reporting on the use of teaching cases, however, is relatively sparse within the f ield of teacher education (Epanchin & Colucci, 2001). At the close of the last century the Carnegie Report called for teacher education colleges to employ teaching cases reflecting various teaching problems (Epanchin & Colucci, 2001). While teaching cases used for teacher development were introduced as long ago as the 1920s (Merseth, 1991), their use has been sporadic. There was resurgence in the early 1980s, and again in the early 1990s, when some teacher education textbooks included teaching cases.

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47 A tea ching case is a narrative describing an authentic particular circumstance (Clearinghouse, 2007). As qualitative tools, teaching cases can bring authentic incidents out of the field based classrooms and into the university's teachers' seminars where the spe cific circumstances of the teachers, students, school administrators and/or parents may be examined, questioned, discussed, and "re written." Bringing the field based classroom's challenges into the seminar class affords education students the opportunitie s to access authentic experiences, culturally relevant ones, that link theory to practice. Using teaching cases extends the experiences of the preservice teachers; they can learn effectively from others' challenges. In essence, using teaching cases extends the field based experience itself (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). A further advantage is that teaching case studies tap the creative and critical thinking resources of the students studying them (Wasserman, 1994). As teaching tools, the teaching cases are develo ped similarly to other literacy practices. The central issue must first be identified and clarified. While teacher generated teaching cases would likely be of greatest benefit to the author, the writing abilities of teachers is called into question in Shul man who states "pessimists argue that teachers are unsuitable as authors because they cannot write narratives complex and compelling enough to be used for teaching purposes" (Shulman, 1992, p 132). Shulman concedes, however, that with support and guidance from other educators or teacher educators the literacy practice can create the desired learning tools (Shulman, 1992). While discussions of teaching cases may end with a solution, the stated dilemmas should require more than one simple resolution. Preser vice teachers thereby learn that

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48 classroom teaching includes many ambiguities, a realization that may help prospective teachers examine their own pedagogical propensities before the classroom door closes on them to face their students alone for the first t ime. Teaching cases may be vital tools in linking theory to practice (Sykes & Bird, 1992) and underscoring that teaching is a process and not a technology where one practice, or one strategy, serves all (Moje & Wade, 1997). Clark and Lampert (1986) describ e successful teaching as necessarily being "hypothetical and probabilistic. The knowledge they use is tentative, subject to change, and transitive rather than fixed, objective and unchanging" (p. 29). The decision making can be brought to light through st udies of teaching cases. Cambourne's (1995) data supports transformation occurring as a result of discussion when the discourse includes "exchange and interchange of interpretations, constructed meanings, and understandings" (p. 188). Teaching cases provid e all four of Cambourne's requisites to "talk(ing) one's way to meaning" (p. 188). Through questioning potential future stressors in a "safe" environment, one distant from the originating setting, preservice teachers are empowered to respond from a manager ial position rather than react from the stance of a complicit participant/victim. This willingness can lead to opportunities for peers to self examine and re think their own possible actions in similar instances (Henson, 1996). The inherent vulnerability a nd/or humility also allows for the open and honest dialogue found to be intrinsic to the dialogical processes rudimentary to positive change (Freire, 2005). Ultimately this study's significance is that it may lead to a better method of teacher preparation in developing teacher efficacy in working with populations of students very different from most of our education majors. The use of teaching cases may

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49 provide the vicarious, verbal, physiological, and mastery experiences that will carry university prepara tion into the field based practice. Conceptual Framework At the epicenter of this study is critical theory, more specifically two elements of critical theory pertaining to teacher education: whatever is being done must be done better, and social justice w ill not be common until it is explicitly addressed in classrooms. Social justice in education is not a goal; it is a requirement of a fully functioning society. Reflecting on Dewey's (1889) contributions to pedagogical theory, for society to continue it mu st educate its participants. Continuing with Dewey, all people must be educated, not only those who deem themselves the purveyors of society's standards. Critical theory also scaffolded the examination of the study's findings in chapter five. Critical theo rists point out the disparity in education from plant operations to grammar, literature, history, standardized testing, and to nearly all other areas of public school life, and especially the teachers and school administrators trained and set in place by t he EuroAmerican hegemony (Kozol, 2005; Sleeter, 2005). By using teaching cases addressing the sociopolitical issues of language, preservice teachers had the opportunity to interact with multiple viewpoints, thereby vicariously experiencing the extraordinar y obstacles that are commonplace, or ordinary, to some others. Critical theory also was used in examining the school to prison pipeline (Wald & Losen, 2003) built by societal powers. Because success and failure are often dependent on school performance, ex amining the end result of many African American males failing the present day school curricula provides an opportunity to realize how vital social

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50 justice curricula in teacher education really is. On New Year's Eve, at the turn of the millennium, over two million men and women sat in American jails and prisons; approximately one in every 109 "men and one in every 1695 women were incarcerated" (National Institute for Literacy, 2007, p.1). According to the U.S. Department of Justice (2000), the number of impr isoned African Americans nearly doubled and the number of whites increased by about 66% (p. 2). Within U.S. prisons 19% of adult inmates are illiterate, and up to 60% are functionally illiterate (Karpowitz & Kenner, 2003). Defining literacy and citing its elements are difficult tasks. For the purposes of this study, critical theory shaped the term "literacy." Reaching behind the more obvious description of a literate person being one who can read and write effectively enough to take part in society, critic al theory examines who society is, who is granted entrance into it, who teaches the writing, and which books are chosen to read. From an American of African descent's perspective, literacy is riddled with narratives from slavery days. A part of slavery's l egacy, though perhaps a clandestine one, is that the dominant powers are they who determine what is learned and how it is taught. Bye Bye Blackbird, a Personal Narrative My own interests in social justice began when I was five years old and living in Ft. D ix, New Jersey. My family, of white European descent, was assigned temporary quarters between two families of African descent. My brother and I played with our neighbor friends at every opportunity. When snack time arrived our mothers made sure there were sufficient snacks for everyone. However, sometimes scarcity required our sharing, even when it came to consuming popsicles. I have no memory of any racism

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51 existing, and although I was too young to remember with clarity, I believe that any racism would hav e been retained by me at least emotionally. That a white family lived adjacent to black ones was nothing unusual in the military. The unusual element did not develop for another seven years when my parents kept me from playing with an "enlisted man's daugh ter" on Killeen Atomic Research Base, Texas. While I was not forbidden, the discouragement developed questions for which I still seek answers. My first memory of skin color difference never mattered despite the rare occurrence that an officer's family was living between two enlisted men's families. What had changed during those seven years? My Latina friend was of Mexican descent. Anyone living on the Research Base was subjected to intense scrutiny before entry was allowed; my friend's family, by deduction, had to be "good" people. Did the proximity to Mexico discount their perceived worth in my parents' eyes? During my father's assignment in Texas, Civil Rights were being fought for with Texas's favorite son, Lyndon Baines Johnson, at the lead. Riots explod ed in Selma and Birmingham, Alabama. My father's troops were deployed overnight to quell the riots and, ostensibly, to protect the African American marchers. A few nights later my father returned with narratives of the events he observed. One in particular never left me: as the marchers moved down a main street, a white storeowner placed loudspeakers outside his building and played "Bye Bye Blackbird" repeatedly until all march participants passed from hearing. Within a few years chanters of "Make love, no t war" linked the nation from border to border. Millions of voices proclaimed the end of enmity among America's

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52 races when they stated those words; too few meant them. Breaking through the chants were women, and a few men, raising bras high over their head s as they demanded equal rights for women. I was again confused. Did the first movement forget to add the disclaimer that we were to love only those of the same skin tone? The second group's message surprised me since I never knew women lacked equal rights I do not believe I have ever understood the basics of racism and classism; they simply make no sense to me but I now realize that I am in a minority and that, as a teacher, I have unwittingly perpetuated some of those traits of hatred through the curricu la I selected, classroom management methods I enforced, grades I assigned, and expectations I pronounced. My conceptual framework demanded a more critical observation of classrooms' constituents so that they can be well served for a life of choice rather t han one chosen for them. Organization of the Study This study built on the strengths of qualitative research methods. The interpretive method was used to identify both the perceptions and the changes preservice teachers undergo, possibly as a result of the phenomena of using teaching cases, to develop self efficacy in teaching classrooms of diveristy. Data consisted of a self efficacy scale's results from both the beginning of and the end of the study period; this quantitative data was used to determ ine potential benefits of using teaching cases to build teacher efficacy in addressing social justice issues. Further data consisted of interviews, metareflections, and responses to in print teaching cases, all of which were examined for common themes. As a culminating document, the study participants wrote their own teacher cases.

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53 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERA TURE In this chapter the literature leading to the study's focus is examined. The literature predominantly consists of qualitative studies rela ted to the use of teaching cases. The first section begins with the historical perspective of teaching case usage leading to the current research on their applications within the professional development of teachers. Included within this section is researc h of teacher preparation leading to the use of teaching cases specifically. Because this study also hinged on the importance of self efficacy in teacher development, research on the concept's development is reviewed, albeit narrowly. Self efficacy has been found to be conducive to many desired behavior outcomes. However, for the purpose of this study, only research centered on preservice teachers was included. Seminal studies of Albert Bandura and self efficacy, as well as the impact self efficacy may have on teacher preparation, are presented along with the current research in the teacher development of self efficacy, critical literacy, and social justice issues in the classroom. The third facet of this study is the nature of efficacy on social justice re lated incidents. While multicultural education is common to school districts across the nation, culturally relevant teaching is still the exception rather than the rule. With new teachers facing increasingly more diverse classrooms it seems incumbent upon teacher educators

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54 to provide preservice teachers with more experience in responding to various social justice issues. The social justice issues are addressed within the section on critical pedagogy; critical pedagogy is defined as including critical litera cy. This chapter concludes with a rationale for using teaching cases in teacher education courses as a means of providing opportunities for preservice teachers to vicariously expand their experiences through reading, predicting, clarifying, questioning, s ummarizing, and discussing authentic published teaching cases. Developing their experiences within the confines of a seminar may increase the preservice teachers' self efficacy when they are engaged with teaching students from backgrounds foreign to the pr eservice teachers themselves. The Roots of Case Based Instruction Teaching cases are widely used in education: education of medical professionals, psychologists, marketers, lawyers, and other business fields, but they are not as widely used in teacher educ ation. In 1676, a journal encompassing mineral water, salts, hemp and astronomy, also reviewed a French author's book written about cases of women with "uncommon diseases" whose cases were presented for any medical professionals. The book reviewer warned a gainst the practices and declared them: not conformable to ancient received Maxima; they judging withal, that the New Observations, which it doth contain, will serve to increase an emulation, for the future, towards a more diligent search of the truth of things less known (Busschos, H. & van Roonhuyse, H., 1676 p. 622).

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55 A rare early education application of teaching cases in education lies in the parameters of exceptional education, an area in which exceptional education teacher educators continue to s pearhead the use of teaching cases. In one doctor's advice to a potential teacher to mute and/or deaf students, the writer recounts his own cases in order to teach potentially successful strategies to the enquirer back in 1698 London. In his letter Dr. Wal lis (1698) closes: I have taken the pains to draw up this method, (which is what I have pursued my self in the like case) as apprehending it may be of use to some others when I am dead. And I am not desirous it should die with me. And I have done it as pla inly as I could, that it may be the better understood (p. 7). In 1841, 215 Irish "loan funds," a euphemism covering various loan venues, including pawnshops, were reduced to typical cases and used as the basis to decide the feasibility of establishing cert ain funding types in England (Porter, 1841, p. 209). In the subsequent months, a British physician reporting on the Scottish treatment of its poor, warned his readers that statistics alone were insufficient and that experience must be coupled with observat ion, a careful identification of like cases, before attempts for remedy were made (Alison, 1841). London's various professional societies continued their dominance in the use of teaching cases until the middle of the 19 th century when cases reflecting dive rse African American languages were published in a compendium rife with stereotyping. In 1851 the American Law Register (1852) began compiling various case findings for publication. The history of judiciaries determining cases based on precedents

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56 continued The subject of law, whether business, criminal, torte, or civil, is still taught on the basis of cases, usually cases upon which precedents have been established. Case precedence is weighted to the extent that cases do not move forward through the variou s court levels unless there is a violation to precedent. James B. Conant, the Harvard president in the late 1940's, extrapolated case study use by the Harvard Business School to assist in teaching science history. Conant found the method to be successful within his parameters. However, he did not use teaching cases in other applications, limiting their use to only the history of scientific development. For Conant, the lecture was still the core method of teaching. Sharing the same time period and field of study, Joseph Schwab, at the University of Chicago, employed teaching cases for broader purposes. Schwab, like Conant, wanted his students to examine the methods in scientific discovery, but Schwab saw the cases as instruments for discussions. Schwab used the cases as the bases for two levels of discourse: the objective level in which the facts of the case are identified, and the reflexive in which students develop their own meanings. Schwab acknowledged the opportunities for students to "alternate between cognition and metacognition, between addressing the case and analyzing their own processes of analysis and review" (Shulman, 1992, p. 15) based on the facts of the cases. Pedagogical Teaching Cases The history of teaching cases in pedagogical development will commence this section. Research comparing case based teacher education with traditional lecture and textbook methods is virtually nonexistent (Shulman, 1992), but some research does exist.

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57 West (2002) compared two sections of undergraduate, predomina ntly special education, preservice teachers. One section, an evening class, used teaching cases as a basis for class discussion. The other section, a morning class, read available literature and discussed it. The investigator's intent was to measure the de gree of moral reasoning to determine if one strategy had a greater impact than the other. West used The Defining Issues Test to measure the development of moral reasoning. Also used as data sources were journal reflections, case discussion logs, and studen t interviews. While no significant difference was found between the two samples, the case based students demonstrated significant gains between the semester's beginning and ending. The study brings to light some of the issues that future research could exa mine, including the differences between morning class students and evening students. While the study does not lend strong support for using teaching cases, it does establish that their use can be as viable as traditional textbook use. A further potential p roblem for the study is the idea of moral reasoning. As Noddings (2005) points out, moral reasoning theory assumes that to know moral reasoning is to practice it. The inference is that if a person does not demonstrate moral reasoning, then it is because s/ he does not know it, has not had the opportunity to learn it. This is a fallacious stand because moral behavior is context based and may change as quickly as the circumstance. Teaching Cases in Education Administration A position paper on the use of case s tudies to teach school administrators how to more effectively interact with students', teachers', families', and communities' social justice issues was recently published (Marshall & Parker, 2003). While the tenets are of

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58 value to administrators, there are distinct differences in the roles of teachers and their administrators. Teachers are often the only adults within their classrooms. Decisions sometimes have to be made immediately while maintaining academic focus. Administrators, however, are in more "con trolled" environments when they work through social justice issues. Typically an administrator has some advance notice of a dilemma in need of address. Sitting in her/his own office with adult staff in the area is simply not the same context as what is mor e typical for a teacher. While the subject of administrators' use of teaching cases to reduce prejudice or to become more culturally responsive is certainly of value, it cannot supplant research on teachers learning the same lessons. Teaching Cases in Tea cher Education Dr. Wallis's (1698) development of teaching cases based on hearing or speech impaired students marks it as one of the oldest, if not the single oldest, teaching case used in the education field. While it is construed to be for the purpose of education, Dr. Wallis's lens was, nevertheless, that of a medical practitioner. The transition from medical to educational was beginning, however. Lee .5Shulman's (1992) research on case pedagogy is founded on the inadequacy of lectures and textbooks as t he foundation for teacher preparation. Teaching cases employ critical thinking skills affording education majors the opportunities to connect theory with practice. Attributing benefits of precedent usage in both business and law, Shulman supports case usag e in teacher education for the opportunities that cases can provide for discussions of moral and ethical issues. While Shulman provides broad purposes served by a pedagogy of case use, one "benefit" may not be advantageous at all:

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59 teaching cases may provid e preservice teachers with the responses of experienced teachers; the status quo is thereby perpetuated. In instances of social justice and/or multicultural education, preservice teachers may, in fact, have more training than their inservice counterparts. Regardless of training, new ideas are proscribed when only the "experienced" teacher's response is applied. An alternative to the case studies that provide the "right answer" is the use of teaching cases that create the problem without providing the soluti on, problematizing that which is too frequently the status quo. Concerns Based Adoption Model Frances F. Fuller's (1969) seminal research on teacher education examined possible reasons for the low interest in and poor retention of education coursework at t he University of Texas. Fuller deduced that two explanations were likely: either the education courses were worthless or students were not prepared to benefit from education courses as they are now taught" (p. 208). Rejecting the first premise, the researc her proceeded on the likelihood that students were not motivated to learn what they found irrelevant, or simply not prepared yet to learn from the lessons. Fuller's research purpose was to analyze previous research about teachers' concerns, to meet the con cerns addressed in the previous research, and to develop a means to examine both the concerns and possible means of redress in a more systematic approach. In examining previous student teacher concerns based research, Fuller consistently identified both th e same reportings by the participants themselves, as well as the same missing elements, those that the participants failed to address. The researcher's literature analyses included data from colleges of education in both England and the

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60 United States, and included both elementary and secondary education majors in both general and specific content areas. Fuller concluded that either the participants' needs were not being met or the student teachers and new teachers were not admitting to problems to which the y believed they were expected to know the answers. To better understand both the stated and un stated concerns of teachers, Fuller altered one of her college's student teaching semester's coursework to include two hours each week of group counseling sessi ons between a psychologist and six student teachers. The following semester the same procedure was used but with eight participants and two psychologists. The following semester a third group was studied. All participants were guaranteed confidentiality an d were encouraged to discuss all of their concerns. Fuller's findings were consistent with previous research. However, the researcher later collected written data in the form of surveys administered bi weekly. The surveys were categorized into early concer ns and late concerns. Early concerns included responses to: Where do I stand? How adequate am I? How do others think I'm doing? Problem behavior of of pupils/class control: why do they do that? ( p. 214). Late concerns were responses to "Are pupils lea rning? How does what I do affect their gain?" (p. 214). Fuller's findings again were consistent with previous researchers' that early concerns were typically about the student teachers themselves and rarely expressed as concern with pupils.

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61 From her earli er research Fuller developed the "Concerns of Learners" (Fuller, 1974, p. 117) framework indicating the foci of concerns experienced by preservice teachers, referred to in her work as "prospective teachers" (p. 112), and the requisite processes experienced typically. The model suggests that students in their early education coursework are primarily concerned about themselves. As their knowledge bases and classroom experiences increase, growth is predictably experienced in preservice teachers "concern about teaching task" (p. 113). While some prospective and experienced teachers progress to the "concerns about impact" point, Fuller's research acknowledged that "concerns about benefits to pupils are rare among neophyte teachers and not common even among experi enced ones" (p. 113). Fuller's framework ultimately identified 48 intersecting points at which prospective teachers' and their teacher educators', as well as other members' of the learning environments, awareness of requisite task related information is i lluminated. Perhaps of greater importance, however, is the structure provided for problematizing the teaching processes at times conducive to their accommodations by the preservice teachers. While Fuller developed teacher education procedures successful i n her own college of education, the program, the Personalized Teacher Education Program, has at its core a smaller supervisor: student teacher ratio than many other teacher colleges. Accommodating each preservice teacher's concerns and unmet needs is an id eal that is impractical, if not impossible, in many teacher education programs. Thirty years after Fuller's seminal work, van den Berg and Ros (1999) published their research whose foundation was Fuller's Concerns Based Adoption model (CBAM).

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62 The researche rs conducted a cross sectional, longitudinal study of teacher attitudes toward innovation; more specifically, whether or not teacher attitudes toward change varied according to the concern phase dominant in their lives at the time of the changes. Van den B erg and Ros conceptualized "concern" as "the personal experiences that teachers have when they are involved in a changethe questions, uncertainties, and possible resistance that teachers may have in response to new situations and/or changing demands" (pp. 882 883). The researchers compared their teacher participants' questionnaire responses with their personal statements of concern. Van den Berg and Ros's findings supported Fuller's on an international scale but with inservice teachers specifically. The re searchers also identified delineations among primary, secondary and vocational teachers in their Netherlands' study. Essentially, the study reinforced the generally accepted principle that for innovations to be fully realized, all participants need their c oncerns met and participants must understand the new policy or procedure and its relevance to them. Self efficacy This section traces the history of self efficacy in education since the term's coinage by Albert Bandura. The literature review presents resea rch of self efficacy's relationship to teacher effectiveness in the classroom. This study builds on the work of Bandura's self efficacy and teacher efficacy, and ends with the literature on self efficacy research on teacher preparation centered on self eff icacy.

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63 One of the few teacher characteristics identified by the RAND Corporation as relating to student achievement, teacher efficacy is attributed with motivation, instruction, classroom management, and even teacher retention (Woolfolk Hoy, 2000). The vit al nature of efficacy places it at the center of teacher education. Teacher efficacy relates to teachers' abilities to motivate, teach, and manage their students. Efficacy also aids teachers in accepting new ideas or methods of teaching. Teachers exhibitin g high efficacy tend to be more committed to teaching, enjoy their work, and remain within the teaching community. Students of teachers with high efficacy are less likely to be referred for special education testing for behavior (Tschannen Moran, Woolfolk Hoy & Hoy, 1998). While many factors impact self efficacy and teacher efficacy within the context of schools and community, this study predominantly focuses on preservice teachers. The development of self efficacy in teachers will continue through the deve lopment of self efficacy related to social justice issues in the classroom. Because preservice teachers' attitudes toward children are linked to self efficacy and teacher efficacy, it is a vital construct underpinning teacher education programs. Research h as identified self efficacy's resistance to change, and, therefore the importance of addressing efficacy in teacher education. The question, then, may be where or in what coursework might teacher efficacy be best developed? Tschannen Moran, Woolfolk Hoy an d Hoy (1998) found that: general teaching efficacy beliefsare more likely to change when students are exposed to vicarious learning experiences or social persuasion, such as college course work while actual teaching experienced during student teaching pr actice

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64 have a greater impact on personal teaching efficacy. General teaching efficacy has also shown a decline during student teaching suggesting that the optimism of young teachers may be somewhat tarnished when confronted with the realities and complexit ies of the teaching task (p. 213). In 1977, when Bandura first coined the term "self efficacy," he did so within a behavioral context. Within a decade the term was generalized to use in social cognitive theories of behavior with the role of influence becom ing more focused. During that time period, educational researchers Cooper and Burger (1980) conducted three separate but sequential studies to identify student success or failure. In the first, they studied thirty nine graduate education students all of wh om had at least one year of teaching experience and a mean of 5.9 years for the sample. Participants assigned percentages to the influences of academic ability, physical and emotional ability, previous experience, habits, attitudes, self perceptions, matur ity, typical effort, effort in preparation, attention, directions, instruction, task, mood, family, other students and miscellaneous. The second study used those attributes' details in order "to uncover a possible teacher efficacy dimension. This dimension involves the teacher's perceived influence over the performance outcome" (p. 100). For the second study, sixty two education students were asked to respond to four different questions about the perceived responsibility of teacher and student in success or failure. The responses indicated that teacher efficacy was responsible for successes, and failures were attributed to students. Additional results indicated that the education majors believed that "Teachers' intent to work more with the student proved inf luenced by causes only in the failure condition" (p. 105). More

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65 importantly "if the teacher saw a failure as potentially avoidable through personal intervention, both altered and more intensive behavior intentions resulted" (p. 105). Of particular signifi cance is that the findings established that the education majors were acutely aware of their efficacy in producing desired results from students. Cooper and Burger's third study involved the first study's sample of teachers. For this study, the teachers we re asked two questions: Do attribution patterns differ for high and low expectancy students? Do unexpected events, that is, high expectancy failure and low expectancy success, lead to less stable attributions than expected events? (pp. 105 106). The study 's findings confirmed their previous research: Teachers attributed the cause of the performance to effort in preparation more often for bright than slow students. the task and typical effort were seen as responsible for slow students' performance more oft en than for bright students' performance. Teachers attributed successful performances more often to previous experience than they did for unsuccessful performances. teachers attributed student failures more often to effort in preparation and attention tha n they did for student success. Teachers saw the cause of performance as student ability more often for the bright student's success and slow student's failure than in the other two conditions.

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66 Teachers attributed the cause of performance to themselves sig nificantly more often in the slow student's success and bright student's failure conditions than in the other two conditions (pp. 106 107). Within two decades of Bandura's acknowledgment of self efficacy, it was tested in many fields and accepted as impact ing areas as diverse as phobias and sports performance. By the 1990's researchers examined the role of self efficacy pertaining to education (Pajares, 1997). For the purpose of this study, research centered on self efficacy beliefs of teachers related to t heir students' successes is presented. In Grabowski, Call and Mortimer's (2001) study on self efficacy's role in educational attainment, 1000 adolescents were studied. The six year longitudinal study of St. Paul, Minnesota public school students confirmed previous findings that demonstrated the powerful role that self efficacy plays in success, or failure, in specific areas. The study examined the variables of socioeconomic background, high school grade point average and work experiences and their relations hips to global and economic self efficacy. Global self efficacy indicated the overall locus of control in which individuals expressed self efficacy. The economic self efficacy was domain specific. Some causality was identified in parent income, parent educ ation, family composition and racial minority status. This could be significant if it generalized to teacher education. If the findings held true, we would expect the low minority teacher population to remain relatively constant, and our marginalized stude nt populations would likely continue in their marginalized states. Diverging from Bandura's more recent emphasis on self efficacy's development as one in the cognitive processes, the researchers keep self efficacy in a mainly

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67 sociocultural context. Grabows ki et al found that some aspects of self efficacy are developed within the individual at certain ages. At other age levels, self efficacy is developed as a result of the actions or assessments of others who are respected or valued. Pajares's (1997) metanal ysis on self efficacy supports most of Bandura's findings. Pajares's studies support the identification of the importance of self reflection so that individuals can examine and evaluate their personal experiences and beliefs. The researcher's studies found that teachers were effective in impacting their own students' outcomes if they, the teachers, believed in their ability to do so. Bandura warned, however, that belief alone would not create the desired outcomes; belief with experiences and skills could. Self perceptions of capability determine what individuals do with the knowledge and skills they haveself efficacy beliefs are critical determinants of how well knowledge and skill are acquired in the first place" (p. 2). Sources for beliefs about one's ow n self efficacy include: mastery experience examine successes as a basis for establishing self efficacy; in example, create successful outcomes for students and they will believe in their self efficacies to be successful in future similar experiences; base d upon one's own mastery, self efficacy over future similar situations will be higher vicarious experience from observing another's successful response to a situation, one's self efficacy is higher by believing that the success modeled can be imitated

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68 verb al persuasions authentic praise from a respected source and based on demonstrated success can increase an individual's self efficacy physiological states both positive and negative emotions' physiological states can predict self efficacy at that point in t ime Self efficacy effects: choices individuals tend to self select tasks in which they have previously been successful effort if one believes success is eventual, one will likely try longer resilience if self efficacy is sufficiently high, then adverse res ults are less likely to deter the individual from attempting the same task at another time stress and anxiety both stress and anxiety are normally lower before and during an effort if self efficacy is high enough (in example, despite challenges faced, if o ne has achieved the same task's success previously, then the present and looming task will be met with less anxiety and stress) Pajares's study also determined that self efficacy's effect on an outcome can be task specific or generalized to novel situation s. Pajares further notes that most empirical studies of self efficacy are based on novel task performance. Tschannen Moran, Woolfolk Hoy and Hoy (1998) question whether teacher efficacy is situated within a specific context, or, if it is generalized to mos t classroom actions. Their study reviewed all available research from 1974 1997 that used the keywords "teacher and efficacy"; most were empirical studies. The researchers dichotomized the studies into the categories of teachers who believe they are themse lves

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69 sufficiently efficacious to affect change in their students (internal and now labeled personal teaching efficacy, PTE), and those who believe that the environment ultimately has a stronger impact on student outcomes than the teachers (external and now labeled general teaching efficacy, GTE). A third category, referring to teacher efficacy in general, is termed teacher efficacy (TE) and relates to student motivation and teaching methods, among other teacher routines. Whereas self efficacy reflects self perceptions of positive outcomes, the researchers stress that the levels of competence may not match. Overestimation of one's ability to affect change is always a condition that may impact choices of actions, ultimately leading to a negative consequence. T schannen Moran et al reviewed available tests for efficacy. One scale, the Ashton Vignettes, tests for context specific teaching responses. In using the vignettes participants assessed classroom situations according to how they would act in the same situat ion, and then assessed other teachers' responses in similar classroom incidents, Tschannen Moran et al's research examined the efficacy of preservice teachers and their efficacies' impact in the classroom. Findings uncovered undergraduates with low teacher efficacy (TE) as focusing on classroom control and strict management, even punishment, to "motivate" students to work. Preservice teachers with higher TE and personal TE (PTE) leaned towards humanistic classroom management and were assessed as higher perf orming preservice teachers in reference to classroom management and questioning than their counterparts (Tschannen Moran, Woolfolk Hoy & Hoy, 1998, 2001).

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70 Accepting the research substantiating the important role of self efficacy in teachers, why is there a dearth of research on how to develop the attribute? By definition, self efficacy is developed by the individual. Teacher preparation provides opportunities for developing self efficacy by including the building blocks of self efficacy that are typical in most education classes. Mastery experience, personal performance accomplishment, is developed in the university setting as well as in the field based classroom. As education majors pursue their coursework in colleges of education, each class successfully completed should assist in developing self efficacy in either teaching the coursework based on content classes, or in classroom management abilities subsequent to completing educational psychology, comprehension, assessment, and other classes teaching the many skills required of teachers (Bandura, 1995). This path to self efficacy development builds on intrinsic motivation and continues to develop as theory successfully meets practice within field based classes (Grabowski et al, 2001). Vicarious experience can be attained through seminar discussions of other preservice teachers' experiences. Emulating idealized models contributes to the vicarious experience development of self efficacy. Teaching cases also provide the venues for developing experience vicario usly. One is not required to make a mistake; rather, learning from the mistakes, or choices, of others can expedite performance excellence. As Shulman (1992) wrote: Our challenge as educators will be to devise that judicious blend of the economy of exposit ory teaching with the complementary power of families of well crafted,

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71 compensating cases. In the dialectic between principle and parable, we are likely to discover wisdom (p. 28). Verbal persuasions are gathered in grades earned for coursework and praise received on either classwork or field based performances. University classes that provide multiple opportunities for students to build upon success in reciprocal teaching or cooperative learning groupings also provide opportunities for preservice teachers to receive the praise that contributes to developing their self efficacy (Pajares & Bengston, 1995). The praise may be identified as an extrinsic motivation to efficacy development (Grabowski et al, 2001). Physiological states may develop as the result of positive and/or negative emotions (Pajares, 1997). Even in a negative situation, in example a conflict between two children, successful resolution by the preservice teacher will likely assist in the development of self efficacy in resolving future conflic ts. The emotional charge triggering a change in the physiological change of preservice teachers can anchor the event to contribute in self efficacy development. Generally, the lower the level of stress, the more likely the source is to build self efficacy (Grabowski et al, 2001). Critical Literacy We read the world to the extent that we understand and interpret it (Freire, 2005). Answering the call for a critical pedagogy, in this section an expansion of the term critical literacy will be developed chronolo gically. Research will operationalize the term, applications will describe its stance.

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72 In this southwest Florida region, many classrooms have at least one student whose parents migrated here within the past decade; in 2004, it was estimated that over 76,00 0 people moved to the region. In 2006, nearly one half million Latinos (12.42%) were living in the area; within that populace, approximately 30% were Mexican, 28% Puerto Rican, 13% Cuban, and 28% were classified as "other Hispanic." Asians comprised a 2% minority and African Americans were counted as approximately 11%. The white population was approximately 81% (Tampa Bay, 2007). In over 20% of the homes a language other than English is spoken; of that group, 16% speak Spanish (Hillsborough County, 2007). One area in which half of this study's participants interned, is known as "Suitcase City" due to the transient nature of many of its inhabitants. Regardless of community identity, approximately 47% to one half of the county's students were taught by teach ers from the European white race, a race not their own. The cultural differences were predominantly Latino and African American (Florida Department of Education, 2007). Poverty prevails in many of the region's schools. In 2006, over 25% of Tampa Bay reside nts had annual incomes of less than $25,000. Approximately 30% had incomes between $25,000 and $50,000. Nearly 56% of all households' incomes totaled less than $50,000. The median income per household was $44,000 and the mean income per household was $60,0 00. The average size of a household was 2.33 (Tampa Bay, 2007). Of Hillsborough County's student population of 193,480 in the 2006 2007 school year, 94,283, almost half of the total enrolled student population, received free or reduced school meals based o n their family's income. African Americans were twice as likely as

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73 their white classmates to be eligible for the subsidy (Florida Department of Education, 2007). During the 2002 2003 year, 83,431 public school students were white, 40,432 were black and 40, 682 were Latino. Retentions, dropouts and school discipline instances also reflect the disproportionate numbers of black and Latino students compared to whites. Students were retained almost evenly across the three racial categories (4280 white, 4186 black 4029 Latino). However, based on total enrollment of students, according to race, the disproportionate number of Latinos and African Americans retained in their present grade levels is apparent. During the same time period, 9,254 white, 8,915 African Amer ican and 5,779 Latino students were assigned in school suspensions. Out of school suspensions were assigned to 4,871 white, 6,345 black and 3,180 Latino students (Weitzel & Shockley, 2004). In this section the research is presented chronologically to esta blish trends in identifying and implementing both the need and the development of critical pedagogies. As Freire is generally credited with the term "pedagogy of the oppressed" the review will begin with him. Historical Development of Critical Pedagogy Wh en Paulo Freire published Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2005), he impressed upon his book's readers the realization that while education should be liberating, it is often, if not nearly always, used to deny liberation. In accord with the macrostructural persp ective (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005), Freire believed that for all of the populace to have equity in education then educational policy must be changed. Paulo

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74 Freire fathered the concepts of school, learning and teaching that drive many liberal educator s to continue his work. If Dewey's perception of education's purpose, to educate the populace for democratized participation in a shared society, is the one accepted by the majority of this nation, then why is it that our education system continues the cr ippling practices still in place? Is it the purpose of our schools to control our students, especially the African American males? "Literacy, for Freire, was an introduction to a particular way of life, a way of living and caring for others" (McLaren, 2000 p. 3). Freire's introduction to a particular way of life assumed free choice. Freire advanced the idea that learning is an act of cultural freedom, one that reversed the culture of silence in which the oppressed accepted in silence the conditions placed on them because of social injustice. To Freire, teacher and student were equal, both learning from each other. He did not believe that education was ever to be used to dominate, to oppress. Do we still rationalize EuroAmerican domination as essential in th e care for and control of blacks? A treatise from 1858 reads as shocking, and yet its sentiments are the unspoken ones dictating our present day school curricula: so debased is their (moral) condition generally, that their humanity has been even doubtedT he negro race is habitually indolent and indisposed to exertionThe negro is not malicious. His disposition is to forgive injuries, and to forget the past. His gratitude is sometimes enduring, and his fidelity often remarkable. His passions and affections are seldom very strong, and are never very lasting. The dance will allay his most poignant grief, and a few days blot out

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75 the memory of his most bitter bereavement. The negro is naturally mendacious, and as a concomitant, thievishLust is his strongest pas sion; and hence, rape is an offence of too frequent occurrence (Davis, 2000, p. 143) It is not the rape alone that fuels some white European American men and women's firm grip on curricula; rather it is the belief that black men want to rape white women. The myth probably found its roots in white men's ubiquitous rapes of black women during the American slavery period; as all actions have consequences, however eventual, it may be assumed that guilt pushes a social conscience into acknowledging that vengean ce is predictable: white men raped their black women without reproof, therefore, black men want to rape the white men's white women. In researching hundreds of lynchings of African Americans during a single decade, born into slavery activist Ida B. Wells c oncluded that it was not the black men who were the rapists, it was the white men, and that some white women were enticing black men (Giddings, 1992). Nearly one third of the lynchings were committed because of the alleged rapes of white women by black me n, thus justifying the murders by white men claiming the necessity of the deaths in order to protect their white women (Whitted, 2004). Wells does not attempt to "blame the victim"; rather, she disaggregates the data to determine that not all White women's sexual encounters with black men were in fact rapes. And yet the myth endures. Contemporary literature also is frequented by the black man white woman rape myth, often presented as the false allegations purported by Wells (Giddings, 1992). So pervasive is the myth that in the most recent U.S. Presidential election, the Republican Party's candidate for Vice President was accused of being the white woman who yells,

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76 That black man raped me!' in a crowd to get the whites to kill the black man?" in an intern et blog (kayinmaine, 2008). In the early 1920s a Florida town called Rosewood was the scene of lynchings and other killings as the result of such a cry; nearly seventy years passed before the events could be openly discussed, such was the trauma to the sur vivors (D'Orso, M. 1996). The Rosewood event culminated in the total annihilation of the homes and lifestyles of the 342 black Rosewood citizens, in addition to an unknown number of deaths, both white and black. However, the event was not an isolated one; within the previous three years, five other black males were lynched for the alleged rapes of white women in the same Florida region (D'Orso, 1996). Fear has been the driving force to these nadirs in American history. Acknowledging and confronting the myth ical rape context is essential before any real change can occur. At present the preponderance of teachers are white women; do they carry forth the myth subconsciously? Racism still prevails. Whether due to phobic fears of black men's potential to rape whi te women, simple ignorance of others' cultures, guilt, or even envy, or any other unnamed prejudices, our society will not eradicate the social condition until it is confronted and corrected; this is occurring with neither the ease nor speed hoped for when in 1950 Black wrote: If we want to ameliorate racial prejudice we must first understand it; if we want to understand it we much have an open mind; if we want an open mind we must take off our personal and cultural value spectacles and see only what impres ses itself on our sensorium. This will give us verifiable facts and a storehouse of knowledge; and knowledge will enable us in the art of wisdom. This is a hard

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77 order but it is worth trying, for on it rests further progress in the social sciences and in ev eryday human relations (158). It is the controlling European American hegemony that selects and parses out the curriculum, and it is their offspring to whom the keys that unlock the curriculum are given. Racism continues through laws, policies, and institu tions over which the white majority rule. White culture "operates to help determine which ideas and practices are valued in that culture and which can be identified as threats subject to the use of coercion or force (Nunn, 2000, p. 432). Freire makes plain that the practice of denying or limiting education opportunities is as prevalent in modern times as it was in the times of this nation's time of slave holding; our schools are seen as founded for the purpose of spreading white ideology (Nunn, 2000). When the slaves received their papers to freedom, they were unschooled in the necessary skill of reading to make sense of those "emancipation" documents. Although most citizens of the United States can now read, the level of reading comprehension often falls sh ort of the literacy demands that allow access into a higher standard of living. The result is the same; the oppressed remain oppressed. Building on Freire's work, Peter McLaren advanced critical pedagogy by bringing it into his college classrooms. McLaren (2005) brings to the forefront some of Freire's identified tools of the hegemony: mystification, inculcated political stance, and powerless minorities. Mystification describes the processes used to keep racist, or other oppressive, agendas hidden. By disgu ising the truth, or simply not teaching the literacies needed to

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78 critically see and analyze those practices, the oppression can continue. An example is the focus of the media on sports and celebrities that keeps citizens looking in those directions while n ew policies or laws are created and old ones are continued. The inculcated political stance employs the canon of beliefs accepted as truths for generations. In Macedo's (2000) words, the inculcated political stance legitimizes: the creation of an ideolo gically coded language that serves at least two functions: On the one hand, this language veils the racism that characterizes U.S. society, and on the other hand, it insidiously perpetuates both ethnic and racial stereotypes that devalue identities of resi stance and struggle (p, 15). When we accept the need for patronizing minorities, due to the perpetuation of myths claiming race inherent proclivities toward mendacity, indolence, and nearly uncontrollable sexual drive, then laws that cripple their full exe rcising of freedoms appear both essential and rational. In times of high population influx, responses are often enacted in the form of immigration policies. By identifying the white hegemony's practices and beliefs, McLaren (2005) teaches students and read ers to examine the problems, identify their strengths and weaknesses, and develop counter, or oppositional, strategies. In the area of mystification, McLaren teaches that prevailing sign systems are the productions of the oppressive society and must be und erstood and, to the extent that they can be, challenged. What is significant is deemed so by the white EuroAmerican socioculture and, as such, the cultural icons are set to serve them, and not their oppressed. Through his analyses, McLaren promotes the ima gination, and ultimately the creation, of alternative political systems. McLaren emphasizes that what exists now need not be

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79 perpetuated if it does not serve well its citizens. Minorities are given loud voice in McLaren's writings and teachings. Promised e quality, critical theory directs the marginalized in how to claim their rights. McLaren's goals perpetuate those of Freire's, as he promotes an international end to capitalism, and those conditions he attributes to its political structure: "racism, sexism patriarchy, and imperialism" (p. 117). Henry Giroux's (2005) critical pedagogy work was intuitive rather than theoretical until he read Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed Following the book's reading, Giroux became both friend and collaborator with Fre ire. Giroux's (2007) contributions to critical pedagogy are focused on the specifics of educational policy and the missing essential reflection practices leading to the development of questions about education's driving forces; those questions include the professional development of teachers (skilled vs. deskilled), education policy's imposition of models that are irrelevant to education (why, how, social agency, social injustice, gap, global democracy. "Education confuses education with training schools ( are) rewarded for draconian kinds of discipline measurescookie cutter curriculums, deskilling of teachers(and now we have) Every Child Left Behind" (Giroux, 2007). bell hooks (2006) contributed to theory on self efficacy in her studies on critical thinki ng. Because, according to hooks, critical thinking is the essential core of transformation, those who develop critical thinking abilities enjoy a greater sense of agency over their lives. Presumably, when they "know" they are capable of, and empowered to, determining their own futures then they have created the self efficacy required for their purposes. hooks also engages Freire's "conscientization" to examine the

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80 politics of difference that subtly empower discrimination based on race, gender, and class. Fa lling into the shared perspective of both the socioculturalist and the macrostructuralist (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005), hooks sees the literacy practices of African Americans largely unrecognized. By not recognizing community, according to hooks, too often our minorities are seen as in need of only survival tool education, an education perpetuating oppression leaving few opportunities to enter the mainstream society of the white EuroAmericans. To better understand the classroom reality, Fecho and Allen (2003) studied teachers studying themselves by employing action research to seek solutions, or at least attain a greater understanding of power dynamics and other social justice issues. The ethnography revealed classrooms permeated by social justice issue s reflecting society in general and the immediate communities specifically. In the teachers' action research, the research team found the teachers bringing into the open the problems blocking community building within the classes; the teachers saw more cle arly the pervasive social justice issues that, prior to their studies, they had believed to be isolated or occasional problems. Despite the limitations of action research, in particular the objectivity of the observers, it is a viable way to examine the cl assroom communities in a relatively unobtrusive way. In this case, the action research was not employed primarily to resolve problems, rather the research sought to identify problems. This study further impresses the need for critical literacy, the languag e and communication of social justice, or in Fecho and Allen's words:

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81 know(ing) more about the ways classroom discourses can silence or encourage students, the ways silence can be both disabling and enabling, the ways perceptions of discouragement can shi ft, and the ways all of this is connected to asymmetrical power relations (p. 237). Some of the more general reasons Grantham et al's (2003) research discovered for African Americans' omissions from gifted programs are addressed in culturally responsive an d socially just curricula. Grantham et al's study specifically argued, however, that "few efforts, designed to improve gifted black students' achievement and social emotional well being, will be successful until educators focus specifically on their racial identity" (p. 18). Although identity is generally acknowledged as important, the researchers further explained the importance of identifying the varying levels of racial identity, and how those levels impact the inculcating of various majority held educat ional values. Culturally Relevant Teaching A culturally relevant teacher is more effective in teaching classes of diversity than one lacking cultural relevance trainings and facing diverse populations' issues (Ladson Billings, 1994; Noddings, 2005). Train ing is key to success within the classroom in which social justice is an expectation and not merely a goal. Self efficacy in effecting social justice is the prelude to its classroom implementation but its development requires understanding one's beliefs an d changing them if necessary while developing one's ability to teach. Critical theory demands that diversity not be seen as just a different culture, but rather as marginalized populations for whom little of value is ascribed. Belief

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82 systems are likely to require adaptation when the new reality and its causes contrast with previous experiences (Cambourne, 1995). In example if a student schooled in a private school of predominantly upper middle class students becomes a teacher in a predominantly low socioeco nomic school, despite a possibly excellent palette of pedagogical abilities, he or she may not be able to teach effectively until cultural relevance is attained. Social justice requires that the teacher also understands how the difference was developed, an d by whom. Previous beliefs about abilities and deficits of minorities are debunked as the new teacher's understanding approaches conscientization (Freire, 2005). Once that fair and unbiased understanding of the school population is developed, and its need s served, then the preservice teacher's skills can lead to higher self efficacy. When researching teacher effectiveness in the classroom, there is a glut of research available. Often at odds with others' specific parameters in defining effectiveness, one f actor maintains its prominence: teacher training. Training, too, is broadly defined but research identifies the impact teacher self efficacy has on the teachers' classroom students' achievements. The question then becomes "How do we develop self efficacy i n teachers?" or more specifically "How can self efficacy in relation to social justice problems be developed?" In Cambourne's (1995) seminal research on the essential elements of engagement rudimentary to the teaching of literacy, the constructs of immersi on, demonstration, expectations, responsibility, employment, approximations, and responses, while not specifying the use of teaching cases, create a sound basis for their use.

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83 Accepting that training is the key to creating both effective and affective cla ssroom teachers, it becomes essential for colleges of education to identify the elements and nature of teaching those elements. Substantial research supports the constructivist approach to teaching. That we "learn by doing" is now a commonly held tenet. Bu t what is the "doing"? Evidence suggests that a change in the hearts and minds of the doers, an abandonment of stereotypes and prejudices, is rudimentary. And for whom is the "doing" learned? Who is "doing"? The doers are predominantly white female classro om teachers. According to Cochran Smith, Davis and Fries (2005), the majority of this country's college and university teacher preparation programs are white. In 2000 40% of public school students were of color with approximately 20% of all students living in homes where English is a second language (U.S. Census, 2000). As our culture increases in diversity and further marginalizes millions of individuals based on race, culture and socioeconomic statuses, so, too, our needs for culturally relevant teachers increase. Despite field based experiences, the university seminar can still augment transfer of knowledge through the use of teaching cases, teaching cases with social justice and/or culturally relevant themes. It was the researcher's anticipation that usi ng teaching cases, based on social justice or culturally relevant issues, within the "safety" of a teaching seminar, would increase self efficacy in teaching literacy in culturally diverse classrooms. Constructivism This study was built on these predominan tly constructivist beliefs: Education must be relevant for lasting change to develop. (Noddings, 2005).

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84 Cultural and historical "differences" are to be employed rather than diminished (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005). Participant involvement adds to authe nticity and, therefore, leads to relevance. The more experiences, whether personal or vicarious, that a preservice teacher has, the greater her/his self efficacy will be. Using teaching cases written by others develops "experience." Noddings (2005) stresse s the vital nature of relevance as a motivator for learning. Once motivated, students engage in learning. For material to be perceived by students as relevant, then the curriculum should be built on, or connected with students' past experiences and be seen as beneficial to their futures. If students are not learning then there is most likely a disconnect between the student and the education setting, including the teacher or other students. In Dressman et al's (2005) study of failing students, the students either were unable to learn or felt alienated, excluded from the classroom setting. Noddings's curriculum of care suggests that curricula should be centered on the concept "care" (p. 70). Centers could focus on care of animals, care for plants, care for sp ecific religions, care for strangers, and so on. Centers would be chosen by students who felt some sense of connection with the focus, and the curriculum would count, would be relevant, and, therefore, the students would learn. While the idea may initially seem impractical, the potential is without limit. In such a school, students could construct their own relevance. Teachers would assume more of a Freirean (2005) model of teaching, that of a facilitator or guide. The status quo could nearly disappear, and democracy could be realized.

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85 Constructivist Approach to Learning The constructivist paradigm is based on individuals creating their own meaning in learning situations. Cambourne (1995) identified eight components of a constructivist pedagogy: Immersion C omplete surrounding of the participant with the potential learning Demonstration Similar to observation except that all the senses are engaged in learning the body of knowledge Engagement Learners must be attending to the immersion and demonstration for le arning processes to engage. Engagement normally requires motivation in some form. Without engagement, learning is unlikely to occur Expectations Implicit or explicit messages sent to the learner from an individual of significance Responsibility The learn er's microselection of what is important to learn and/or retain. Approximations Initial attempts may not precisely meet hoped for goals but they will be steps toward the goals. Employment essentially providing opportunities to apply new learning Response f eedback from others (185 186).

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86 Cambourne's (1995) study on engagement found that it occurred when non anxious learners believe there is value to them in what is demonstrated, and who are capable of learning or performing, if they trust, respect or like th e demonstrator. In Dressman, Wilder and Connor's (2005) ethnographic research of struggling students, the researchers found that the students fell into two categories: those who were unable to read and those who believed they were alienated from the school settings' practices. If teachers used relevant materials and methods, demonstrated respect to their students, and earned their students' trust, then as Cambourne outlined, students who could learn, would learn (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005). Although F echo and Allen (2003) studied only experienced classroom teachers, crediting them with more thorough knowledge of their students' needs than university classroom instructors could offer, the use of teaching cases in the university classroom melds the two c enters for learning, the college of education classroom and its complement, the field based classroom. Dressman, Wilder and Connor (2005) identified three theories on failure that underpin much of literacy research: the cognitivist perspective, the socioc ultural perspective and the macrostructuralist perspective. Cognitivist theory on failure finds the fault in the student's inability to acquire reading skills, mostly at the microprocessing level of phonemic awareness; in culturally relevant teaching pedag ogies, this cognitivist theory equates to "blaming the victim." While the sociocultural perspective also recognizes that students' failures are mostly due to linguistic and/or literacy activities, this perspective theorizes that the failures are situated w ithin the historical, social,

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87 economic, and environmental contexts, and in variance according to gender, ethnicity and economic level. This constructivist view sees literacy acquisition as a cognitive activity but further pinpoints the literacy as being de pendent on sociocultural development of semiotics prior to literacy gaining importance as a tool in making one's own meaning (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005). In essence, students begin to construct their own meaning once the value and interpretation of t hose meaning making activities is set into place when they have developed their specific sociocultural semiotics systems. Gay's (2000) research found that "African American students feel less compelled to sabotage or camouflage their academic achievement to avoid compromising their cultural and ethnic integrity or relationships with peers from ethnic groups that are not as successful" (p. 25) when culturally relevant teaching practices are engaged. Macrostructuralists and socioculturalists largely concur e xcept that the macrostructuralists argue that literacy is denied to cultures outside the mainstream. To the macrostructuralists like Freire, hooks, McLaren, Giroux, and Ladson Billings, educational policy is designed to deny full access to society to the n on majority population. It is their argument that true equity in education will only be realized as a result of legal redress, legal redress that is actualized (Dressman, Wilder & Connor, 2005; Freire, 2005; Giroux, 2005; hooks, 2006; Ladson Billings, 1994 ; McLaren, 1994). Despite the small number of participants in Dressman, Wilder and Connor's study, the ethnographic research demonstrated that no one single perspective would resolve the problem of literacy failure. Explanations, however, were found to som e degree in each of the theoretical perspectives. A study of the motivation of African American students found that competition can be counterproductive and that

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88 setting relevant task goals is more motivating than ego goals (Kaplan & Maehr, 1999). Banks ca lls for "systematic, holistic, comprehensive, and particularistic reform interventions, simultaneously" (Gay, 2000, p. xiii) in order to address the achievement gap. No one single approach will cure aliteracy but restricting redress to only one perspectiv e will hamper, if not obliterate, possibilities of success for minority students. Defining Literacy The commonly accepted definition of literacy is the ability to read and write with some degree of competence. However, in our global and technology based wo rld, "literacy" encompasses non text venues including semiotics, race and gender issues (Fecho & Allen, 2003) and oral discourses. Literacy is further expanded to include the ability to critically analyze text (Elliott, Woloshyn, Bajovic, Ratkovi & Akseer, 2007). In critical theory, literacy is the place where languages and cultures struggle to be accepted and understood (Giroux, 2005); it is not only the curriculum, but also how it is taught and who does the teaching, the venue itself. Attributes of Teachi ng Cases Teaching cases are narratives that reflect a specific and real classroom occurrence. The situated problems or incidents are related by the observer in short (one paragraph) to long (up to fifty pages) narratives that convey the essential facts of the events. Silverman, Welty and Lyon (1992) published Case Studies for Teacher Problem Solving. The title would have been more accurate if "Teaching" had preceded the Case. Teaching cases are often confused with case studies as the terms have been mistake nly used interchangeably. However, a teaching case is not the result of research, rather it is a single case of a

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89 classroom incident used for a specific purpose. Teaching cases may be used to provide examples of "a case of," (Shulman, 1992, p. 21), as opp ortunities to see issues from other perspectives, to develop critical analyses, and/or to develop self efficacy from vicarious experiences (Merseth, 1994). While Shulman (1992) requires teaching cases to reflect events that can be generalized due to thei r relatively frequent occurrences, other pedagogies of teaching cases do not place that stricture on teaching cases. Cooper and McNergney (1995) further remind teacher educators that the writing of, and teaching of, case studies is not limited to an exact template but rather a reflective and critical analysis of the classroom event depicted, leading to questions and possible alternative solutions (1995). In a study by Barksdale Ladd, Draper, King, Oropallo and Radencich (2001), the researchers identified th e criteria of a good teaching case as one that "reflected a genuine dilemma which contained details, support, and reflection" (p.2). In Cooper's collection of teaching cases, as well as in other teaching case collections, questions and pertinent resources and references are included. In short, a teaching case that may be used as a "case of" (Shulman, 1992, p. 21) would typify genuine dilemmas common to classroom teachers in narratives from one paragraph to fifty pages in which the writers demonstrate refle ctive and critical analysis of the event, and offer opportunities to critically analyze the dilemma by including questions, references, and resources (Barskdale Ladd et al, 2000; Cooper & McNergney, 1995).

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90 For this study the panel of experts determined th at the teaching cases should be relatively short, about one page in length. Generalizability of social justice issues was used as an additional criterion. The experts selected cases whose dilemmas they believed would be readily identified by new teachers o r preservice teachers who could, therefore, use their responses to engage in discussions with others. It was important to the study that the process of discussing the dilemmas be supported; choosing authentic but straightforward social justice teaching cas es ensured that occurrence. In short it was less a matter of complexity of the teaching cases as it was a matter of complexity in the participants' processes used to interpret and extend the findings. Goals of Teacher Education and Self efficacy A broad sp ectrum of curricula comprises what teachers' colleges designate as essential to teacher preparation. The requisite curricula for elementary level education majors focuses on pedagogy and methods with only a constricted exposure to the content areas (Monk & Brent, 1996). In essence, the goal of teacher education is to train students to become teachers. The process requires the future teachers to be reflective thinkers, question askers rather than just answer keepers (Fisher, Fox and Paille, 1996). Moje and W ade (1997) found that in studying teaching cases a majority of preservice teachers in their study identified more with their roles as students than as teachers; the significance may be that preservice teachers need more development in their teacher prepara tion before the chasm between student and teacher can close, when the preservice student becomes the inservice teacher. Providing experiences for the education students to explore their own belief systems, and the sometimes opposing realities of classrooms

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91 also provides students opportunities to adjust or develop their belief systems (Fisher, Fox and Paille, 1996). Additionally, using teaching cases extends the experiences of the preservice teachers; they can learn effectively from others' challenges; the cases, in essence, extend the on the job training (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). Bandura's (1995) four methods of attaining self efficacy make the tool of teaching cases a reasonable choice in that presevice teachers can vicariously experience others' dilemmas, d evelop mastery experience, receive verbal persuasion from their peers, and experience some of the positive physiological states that can develop in discussing the critical issues presented in the teaching cases. The role teacher self efficacy (Schunk, 1987 ) plays in the success of her/his students is research supported (Christensen, 1996; Brophy & Evertson, 1976; Van Hecke & Tracy, 1987) but development of the requisite self efficacy remains a source of inquiry. Building on Bandura's definition of self effi cacy as the "belief in one's capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to manage prospective situations" (1995, p. 2) it seems reasonable to use methods that provide opportunities for preservice teachers to develop their abilities to respond in critical incidents. One method, the use of teaching cases, requires participants to share with their peers what might be their own mistakes in their current field based classrooms. In the review of the literature, some of the research was p erformed in the previous decade. While the age may not negate its applicability to this study, more recent research, especially since the implementation of the No Child Left Behind Act, may reveal additional data.

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92 Self assessment through the OSTES, respons es to teaching cases, a narrative metareflection of the intern experience, participant authored teaching cases, and interviews constituted the data for this study. Teaching Cultural Relevance Researchers Rogers, Marshall and Tyson (2006) argue that for t eachers to become more culturally aware and culturally prepared, they need opportunities to develop the skills. The opportunities can be provided by immersing the preservice teachers in community based environments. The researchers found that the preservic e teachers' own professional identities were developed and identified through discourses in seminars. The authors' research supports preservice teachers deepening their "understandings of, and approaches to, language and literacy education in relation to i ssues of cultural diversity and social justice" (p. 203) through community based environments and specific dialogic opportunities. Rogers, Marshall and Tyson (2006) discovered that within their three universities, University of British Columbia, University of Maryland and Ohio State University, respectively, many of their education majors proclaimed interests in developing social justice by becoming teachers. However, the researchers also found that assumptions about social issues and literacy practices wer e often simplified, lacking understanding of underlying problems. In order to remedy the deficiencies, Marshall et al made both school and university experiential adjustments for preservice teachers that included:

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93 specific multicultural education classes studies of the communities in which the preservice teachers would be working, book clubs based on social justice/multicultural issues, dialogues based on the preservice teachers' personal witnessing of social inequities, and then writing assignments based on their gleanings of the issues read and discussed. Results also supported using strategies that seemed to broaden the students' understandings of the various issues. However, they did not significantly impact the students' beliefs on the teaching of "literacy in the diverse settings" (p. 205). Because of the limitations of the aforementioned strategies, the authors added further dimension to the preservice teachers' experiences by "adding a community based internship" (p. 205) and using community c enters rather than university classrooms as "the backdrop against whichstudents engaged in a dialog of their own and others' narratives about language, literacy, and schooling" (p. 205). Rogers et al (2006) primarily used Bakhtin's (1983) theories on disc ourse to analyze the relationships between students' "self authored narratives" and "other living dialogues" (p. 206). Bakhtin's concepts of "utterances, ideological becoming" (p. 205) and that "each utterance has echoes of others" were the bases for the r esearchers examining "the moment to moment construction of professional identities in the context of dialogic narratives within a unique teacher preparation program" (p. 206). Rogers, Marshall and Tyson anticipated preservice teachers developing their prof essional

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94 identities as literacy teachers while they engaged in dialogue, absorbing the echoes of others' utterances. By examining when, and in which direction, the utterances formed, the researchers concluded that, given the opportunities, preservice teach ers' facility in working in populations different from their own, could be enhanced through engaging in meaningful discourses addressing social justice issues. Cambourne (1995) explicitly characterizes relevant curricula as having: internal consistency, ec ological validity, theory into practice congruence, pragmatic coherency, transferability, and a high success rate. To be internally consistent, literacy learning success and non success should be explicable. If ecologically valid, the curricula's value mus t be applicable to both school and community. Theory into practice refers to the curricula being the foundation for instruction, methods chosen, activities included, and pace of implementation. Theory into practice provides the opportunities to apply the u niversity classroom theory to the field based or real world setting. Pragmatic coherency demands that the facet of education must be possible and not simply rhetorical. Transferability is the quality that the curricula will teach beyond the one specific ar ea; it is generalizable to other contexts. The high success rate is essential for students to be motivated to even attempt the curricula. Noddings (2005) points to the heart of the matter demanding that curriculum be based on the needs of students specific ally and, more generally, the needs of the community. When their needs are not met, students become disabled; their discourses are silenced rather than encouraged, and the asymmetrical power relations are strengthened (Fecho & Allen, 2003).

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95 Teaching Pres ervice Teachers to Write Cases Aligning with the constructivist approach to teaching, Barksdale Ladd et al taught preservice elementary school teachers to author their own teaching cases. In their qualitative study, the four researchers discovered the deve lopment of reflective thinking processes, and observed the preservice teachers making sense of the classroom setting where very little is clearly delineated, a situation uncomfortable and unexpected for many. Barksdale et al further chronicled the processe s of their students making meaning through writing. Through the drafting and revising stages, their students developed their teacher beliefs. One finding of the study was that teaching cases written by authors unknown to the students received harsher criti cism (Barksdale Ladd et al, 2001); seen as a potential negative, the freedom to critique more deeply may indicate a greater benefit for preservice teachers to use already published teaching cases rather than developing their own, a process Shulman deems in tensive (Shulman, 1992). While garnering more understanding about the methodology of teaching case writing, the study's focus is primarily on the professors' teaching of writing processes rather than on the effect of the teaching case development on the st udents themselves; the study is more about process than content (Barksdale Ladd et al., 2001). The connection between writing and reading is well established. Tomkiewicz (1991) found that preservice teachers train to think of themselves in the various rol es of science and literacy professionals but they actually become more objective, incorporating written reflections in developing their overall abilities in learning to teach. In his ethnographic study of thirty one preservice teachers, Tomkiewicz asked pa rticipants to

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96 envision themselves as scientists, readers, and writers. The researcher's framework was based on three areas: reflective teaching, writing to learn, and conceptual change. As part of his data, Tomkiewicz used students' written reflections to demonstrate the education students evolving into the role of thoughtful and reflective almost inservice teachers. The participants' reflections identified their own paradigm growth from students' to teachers'. Because Tomkiewicz's study incorporated a work shop setting and highly structured, field based experiences, it is difficult to determine that the reflections alone created the desired, and attained, change. However, his findings support the "hands on" benefits of the field based experiences, in additio n to the potential benefits of "forced" reflections in teacher education. Using six elementary teacher education classes' students, Barksdale Ladd et al (2001) found that writing teaching cases developed increased understanding of teaching practices while developing writing abilities. Shulman (1992) found that with scaffolding from peers or teacher educators, both preservice and inservice teachers developed in their writing accomplishments by writing teaching cases. Lee's (1987) study commenced with writing anxious preservice teachers. After consistent writing requirements were met, the participants departed the course confident in their self efficacy as teachers of literacy, thus confirming the long held tenet that "the more one writes, the better one write s." Shulman's (1992) studies identified writing elements essential to the creation of effective teaching cases: drafting, revising, clarifying, explication of inferences and rationales, and the expansion of details. The development of teaching cases reflec ts the scientifically based reading research strategy of reciprocal teaching: predicting, questioning, clarifying,

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97 and summarizing (Oczkus, 2006). Additionally, the student teacher benefits in the interim period of development by experiencing opportunities to be successful but still challenged (Henson, 1996) in their self assessments or critical analyses of observed classroom challenges, the teaching cases. Summary Teaching cases, whether published or written by preservice teachers, have demonstrated the viability of using them as training tools for preservice teachers (Moje & Wade, 1997). Using teaching cases within the field based seminar, as a focal point for discussion, can be seen as a sociocultural act that empowers participants to use "cultural and symbolic tools such as language, texts, and experiences to develop understandings of the subject under study" (p. 692). The very tools teaching case participants use, in example reading, analyzing, discussing, applying experience and theory, and synthesiz ing, are the same tools that they will expect their students to use within their own future classrooms. Successful experiences, or "mastery experiences," are the strongest methods to developing efficacy (Pajares, 1997). Within seminars in which authentic t eaching cases are utilized, preservice teachers have the opportunities to successfully maneuver their ways through difficult dilemmas but within the safe confines of a seminar; repeated successes will ultimately develop teacher efficacy. Vicarious experien ces also develop efficacy through allowing the viewer to see skills modeled correctly. With teaching cases, preservice teachers have the opportunities to learn "best practices." A third way that teaching cases develop efficacy is verbal persuasion. When au thentic praise is received

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98 for teaching case responses, the recipient of the praise increases in efficacy. Changes in physiological states provide a fourth method to efficacy development. Positive changes, such as elation, can develop efficacy because the state is one that satisfies and wants to be repeated (Pajares, 1998). The third element of this study is critical theory and social justice. Teaching cases can develop critical thinking skills (Moje & Wade, 1997). Today's teachers require efficacy in teach ing classrooms of students who are often diverse from both their classmates and their teacher. Issues of poverty, health, racism, gender bias, sexual orientation prejudices, latchkey homes, language differences, and disparities in educational opportunities all contribute to the public school system. Through learning to analyze teaching cases, preservice teachers can also learn to think critically about their choices in curriculum, teaching methods, codes or registers accepted, discipline, other classroom ma nagement issues, parent: teacher meeting formats and venues, classroom library selections, grading standards and the countless other aspects of classrooms today (Noddings, 2005; Kozol, 2005). The third element, the influence teaching cases may have on deve loping either internal or external literacy in teaching in a culturally diverse classroom, supported this study using predominantly qualitative research methods. An anticipated finding, based on the current research on both teaching cases and self efficacy was that participants in the study would demonstrate increased efficacy in social justice issues learned through the use of teaching cases. Regardless of results, the lived experiences of interacting with

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99 other participants and the teaching cases' socia l justice issues were brought to light, the purpose for this study.

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100 CHAPTER III METHOD This chapter explains the purpose of the study and how that purpose influenced decisions in choosing methods to best pursue that purpose. The rationale for selecting the interpretive design stemmed from the study's questions and their development by a panel of experts. The section on the expert panel describes the members' demographics, experiences and their contributions to this study. The researcher's role is explai ned before introducing the participants and the study's setting. Artifacts or tools used to collect or form the data, the procedures for data collection, and the managing and recording of the data follow. The chapter closes with a brief summary. In previou s chapters some of the disparities in education were addressed. Also introduced were Paulo Freire and other theorists whose works point to education as the gate that either welcomes or excludes students from a more democratized life. If the theories remain applicable, then it is the teachers who are themselves the hinge on which the gate swings. As a teacher educator, the researcher felt compelled to find ways to better teach the teachers to be the importance of including social justice issues in their lite racy practices. Literature addressing the increasing diversity in public schools in this southwest Florida region, made urgent the need for a better way to teach preservice teachers how to accommodate the issues of social justice that can arise in school c lassrooms. Concurrently, having read and experienced the potential power inherent in

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101 teaching cases, the researcher wondered if using teaching cases to address social justice issues might bring the talking to learning element to teacher education. Teaching cases seemed a reasonable means of developing efficacy in preservice teachers' abilities to teach students whose lives are vastly different from their own. When and how would changes occur? Would changes be sequential or cyclical? From the critical perspe ctive, it seemed urgent that preservice teachers become more aware of the social inequalities, but would awareness necessarily mean changes would follow? Rationale and Assumptions for the Interpretive Design Assumptions The study is underpinned with the a ssumptions that if the participants identified social justice issues and were given opportunities to rehearse new strategies to address the social justice issues, then they, the participants, would develop the teacher efficacy in teaching in classrooms of diversity. The ontological assumption for interpretive design is that one's reality is a product of social construction and is demonstrated through both actions and discourses (Andrade, 2009; Holstein & Gubrium, in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). When paired wi th the previous statement, the epistemological assumption becomes that the participants' actions and discourses can reflect their social reality even as the actions and discourses confirm and/or alter that reality; additionally, "consciousness constructs a s much as it perceives the world" (Holstein & Gubrium, in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 485). The "reality" can interrupt another's, evolve, or perpetuate. Acknowledging that theory would

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102 likely develop from the data collected during the study period favored the interpretive research design. Design The intepretive approach was chosen because of its qualities of making use of both existing and developing data. Additionally, the interpretive paradigm lends itself to searching for embedded meanings or themes with in discourses, narratives and interviews, thereby generating theory as new meaning, new data is developed. The interpretive stance also acknowledges that "It is through contextualization that practical meaning is derived. The circumstances that provide mea ningful contexts are themselves self generating" (Holstein & Gubrium, in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 487). As in other qualitative research it was important that the researcher wanted to made explicit any researcher influence on the findings, but also to bring to light the lived experiences of participants during the study period. As the researcher interacted with the participants, their reactions to the teaching cases and the participants' complex emotions as they vicariously experienced situations new to them, or from a new perspective, interwove. Their lived experiences as they interacted with each other and with teaching cases were captured. Employing this qualitative process also assisted in capturing the nuances of change as they occurred while examin ing the data for changes. Rationale While most of the nation's teachers are white, minorities comprise nearly 40% of the student population (Banks, 2006). Teaching cases based on social justice issues may bridge that chasm of difference. This study's purpo se was to understand preservice

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103 teachers' perspectives on teaching cases and how those cases could influence preservice teachers' self efficacy when they are engaged in teaching students from backgrounds significantly different from their own. Research The interpretive design recognizes that knowledge is built on experiences but that those experiences brought into memory and then reflected upon are the experiences chosen to constitute the experiences upon which individuals base their actions (Barber, 2006; Holstein & Gubrium, 2005). The interpretive approach brought to light the emotions and beliefs experienced by the participants as they interacted with the phenomena of teaching cases, as well as with each other while talking their ways through the cases. A n interpretive design acknowledges that there is an active relationship between one's perceptions and the phenomena to which one responds (Holstein & Gubrium, 2005). It is through the interpretive study that the consciousness of those perceptions can be de veloped and revealed. Schutz theorized that an individual first selects an experience from conscious awareness and then interprets it before committing the experience to the bank of experiences upon which the individual relies (Barber, 2006). The purpose o f this study was to examine the phenomena of teaching cases as they were used in intermediate level preservice teachers' seminars. Using interpretation participants' responses to the phenomena of teaching cases were documented. New data was continuously ex amined and compared to identify similar or newer responses, allowing the data to capture the experiences of the preservice teacher participants.

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104 In order to identify preservice teachers' beliefs at the starting point to the study, participants completed a self efficacy scale. Additionally interviews helped document the stated experiences of the participating preservice teachers. During the research period, participants read and responded to teaching cases already in print; these responses contributed to the body of research data. The remaining data sources consist of the self efficacy posttest (OSTES), a metareflection of the internship, the "Hero's Journey," and a preservice teacher authored teaching case. Research Questions 1. How does the preservice educatio n student respond to teaching cases focused on social justice issues in the education of African American male students and students from low socioeconomic levels, as evidenced in their responses to teaching cases? 2. Does developing vicarious experiences thr ough the use of teaching cases build teacher efficacy, as measured by the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES)? 3. How do preservice education students represent their understandings of social justice issues in their writings of their hero's journeys? De veloping the Study In this section the expert panel, as well as the members' guidance of the study's purpose, questions, social justice issues foci, and the selection of the teaching cases to be used are addressed. Panel members determined how to frame que stions concerning perceptions of self efficacy in a culturally diverse classroom, and on which social justice areas to focus.

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105 The Panel of Experts In August of 2007, a panel of experts met. The panel members were all graduate students in the College of Edu cation. All sixteen participants were educators with classroom experiences varying from one to 18 years. Their teaching assignments varied from exceptional student education (three), high school foreign language, high school at risk, and middle school at r isk, with the remaining ten in mainstream elementary classrooms. Three students were women of African descent and the remaining eleven women and two men were of European descent. Two members were in their twenties, three in their thirties, seven in their f orties, and four were in their mid fifties. They were all pursuing Master's degrees in Reading. Participants took part in both analyzing teaching cases and discussing potential solutions to the cases. In addition, the panel made recommendations for interv iew questions, social justice issues to be studied, and they discussed the feasibility and/or benefits of teaching preservice teachers to write their own teaching cases. Social Justice Issues There was discussion concerning one issue that the experts agre ed was the most pressing need of students in their classroom, the lack of parental support. The panel, however, did not agree on its qualifications as a social justice issue. In order to reflect the panel's chosen concerns, however, it was decided to allow the identified issue to remain as one of their contributions to this study. The other issues identified as most crucial were: racism/prejudice (to include English Language as a Second Language students), poverty, domestic violence,

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106 alcoholism, bullying, chemical and/or drug abuse, and community violence. The three teaching cases selected for this study were social justice issues that the panel identified as common in public school classrooms throughout the research district's schools. In discussing the va rious teaching cases, the expert panel decided that because it was in the nuances of social injustice that the seeds of marginalization are planted, then it was with the nuances that this research should begin. While the dilemmas were straightforward, lack ing the layers or even more subtle nuances requiring deconstruction (Foss, 2002), the panel determined that it was the process that was of greater importance; that for all participants to engage in that process, then the case dilemmas were appropriate for the education level of the participants. Teaching Cases Using the social justice terms chosen by the expert panel, the literature was researched to find relevant teaching cases. The panel suggested that any teaching cases used should be relatively brief, n o more than two pages of reading. Initially the panel and the researcher thought that the one semester study period would afford twelve teaching cases. In November of 2007, the panel selected twelve teaching cases from a collection of thirty. They were cho sen based on the relevance of their central problems and the clarity used to describe the social justice issues addressed. The twelve cases were to be the core of the research. After examining the various requirements of the Level II internship program, ho wever, and under advisement of the researcher's committee, it was decided that twelve cases would be more than the interns could work through effectively. The twelve teaching cases were prioritized according to their perceived impact or frequency

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107 of occurr ence by the panel of experts; ultimately, however, only the first three cases were used for the study. The group unanimously supported the efficacy of using teaching cases for several reasons. With no prior teaching case experience, each participant found teaching cases to be powerful tools, ones which created both a catalytic and cathartic effect on the reader. The panel concluded what the literature supported, but also that readers could learn from situations similar to their own experiences in which they were reluctant to seek help. The experts described situations in which they did not wish anyone else to know of their possible competence, or incompetence, levels so they simply declined seeking assistance. Through using the teaching cases, participants c ould discuss "someone else's problem" from the third person point of view, thereby potentially resolving their own dilemmas, as well as acknowledging that such dilemmas are not uncommon. Expert panel participants reiterated that teachers are assumed to "kn ow everything" and that to seek help can make them feel incompetent; therefore within the safety of teaching case discussions, teachers can build their own self efficacy in resolving an issue with which they previously did not feel comfortable. The panel o f experts also expressed the perceived value of teaching preservice teachers how to write their own teaching cases. It was unanimously agreed, however, that the activity would require explicit instructions and a detailed rubric for the case to be of value to other readers. The strategy is well supported by the literature and the concept of writing to learn (Barksdale Ladd et al, 2001; Shulman, 1992; Tomkiewicz, 1991). The panel, however, stressed that the teaching cases should not have resolutions to their

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108 problems for two specific reasons. By avoiding an "ending" the writers may be more willing to share incidents in which they experienced self doubt or discomfort. "Problematizing" (Leistyna, 1999, p. 225) also creates opportunities for critical analysis, an d it can foster the understanding that "easy answers" may not always best serve their constituents. Investigator's Role Sir John Lubbock observed, "What we see depends on what we look for" (Martin & Loomis, 2007, p. 1). As the participants' intern supervi sor it was vital that researcher biases be bracketed. It was the opportunity to "see" through their eyes and experiencethrough their perceptions that was sought. To have done otherwise would have different value to research. For this study it was necessary for the researcher to suspend her own belief system, in order to vicariously participate in the preservice teachers' lived experiences, seeing as they saw, feeling as they felt (Joyce & Tutela, 2006). It was the participants' lived experiences as they int eracted with their peers, field based experiences and the teaching cases that constituted this study. In order to address the potential problem of the researcher's role as a supervisor influencing the participants' responses, several safeguards were in pla ce. Initially the data would all be from archives. Secondly, from the standpoint of the participants, the researcher's influence on their grades was negligible because the basis for evaluation of an intern's success or failure, the only two results from th e internship, was objective and fully within the control of the intern/participant. Another safeguard was that the course syllabus disclosed all requirements for the semester regardless of participation in the

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109 research; furthermore, interns were free to wi thdraw during the week in which the syllabus was disseminated. Participants Participants were from a class of thirty preservice teachers in an intermediate level internship course. Most of the interns had already completed a substantial portion of their c hildhood education coursework. All of them had finished the entry level internship term, Level I. Participants' previous experiences and training varied. About one third of the interns were parents. At least another third had teaching experiences in dayca re/preschool or Y.M.C.A. facilities. Four participants also had experiences as coaches, Boy Scout or Girl Scout leaders, Sunday School teachers and/or tutors. Typically, as part of the Level I internship, the preservice teachers spend at least twelve full days in assigned field based elementary school class rooms. Usually the interns develop their classroom experiences by observing the inservice teachers and either tutoring or teaching small groups. By the end of their first internships, preservice teachers are able to develop lesson plans and implement those plans. To pass the Level I internship, the preservice teachers must have also demonstrated mastery in four of the Florida Department of Education's "Accomplished Practices": the role of the teacher; a ppropriate communication between or among teachers, teachers and students, teachers and parents, and teachers and school administrators;

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110 the importance of the classroom and its various arrangements; and what it means to be ethical. The Level II Interns hip In this section the rudiments of the Level II, intermediate level, internship are described. The professional development and its goals, time requirements and seminar expectations are discussed. The last segment addresses the additional expectations of Level II participants. All of the cohort of Level II interns received the same syllabus (see Attachment Q). Professional Development The Level II internship is vital in the development of teachers. During the internship semester, preservice teachers devel op stamina to maintain academic focus throughout a school day, learn and apply classroom management skills, and develop their professional comportment. While they are still in a malleable stage, they require appropriate support to undergird their developin g experiences. The school district contributes a site, the classroom, and a cooperating/supervising teacher. The university supplies the intern supervisor. That role requires a visit to each intern's classroom each week. Both the cooperating teacher and t he university intern supervisor are responsible for formal evaluations of the preservice teacher during the semester. In order to successfully complete the Level II internship, participants must earn at least a "three" for each of the twelve Florida's Acco mplished Practices (Florida Education Standards Commission, no date available). A rating of "three" indicates an average competence level for a beginning teacher in that specific Accomplished Practice.

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111 The scale is from "one" (unsatisfactory) to "five" (ty pical of an inservice teacher's performance). Level II interns are expected to fulfill the requirements of the following Accomplished Practices: Assessment Communication Continuous improvement Critical thinking Diversity Ethics Human development and learni ng Knowledge of subject matter Learning environments Planning Role of the teacher Technology General Requirements Level II Interns are in their field based classrooms two full days per week for their internship semester. In addition to the field based perf ormance, the interns are required to submit lesson plans, demonstrate the Accomplished Practices, show facility with technology, maintain a journal, and participate in weekly seminars. The interns in this section also wrote authentic teaching cases and syn thesized their journals into a metareflection, the Hero's Journey. Additionally, interns responded privately to three

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112 teaching cases. For the purpose of this study, the use of teaching cases replaced the standard weekly reflections that focused on the afor ementioned Accomplished Practices. Using the teaching cases for a foundation synthesized the weekly reflections and Accomplished Practices with authentic classroom dilemmas based on social justice issues. The following Accomplished Practices were addresse d in the selected teaching cases: communication, continuous improvement, critical thinking, diversity, ethics, human development and learning, learning environments, planning, and the role of the teacher. The remaining three Accomplished Practices were add ressed in other seminar work. In order to foster the benefits attributed to writing teaching cases, as described in Chapter Two, preservice teachers learned how to write authentic teaching cases. Time was allocated in three of the weekly seminars to accomm odate the writing process. A rubric, based on teaching case writing and recommendations from the panel of experts, was included in the syllabus (Appendix A). The agenda for the seminar meetings detailed the structure for each of the dates. As previously ad dressed, teaching triads were concentrated on in nine of the seminars. Each teaching case was initially responded to individually prior to meeting in seminars. Interns used their private responses as foundations for their initial discussions in triads duri ng seminars. Subsequent seminars built on the initial teaching case responses (Appendix B). In example, teaching case one was addressed individually by each intern. In the following seminar these individual responses were discussed in triads. The two follo wing seminars built from the previous seminar discussions on the same case. The

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113 next seminar continued the procedure until all three teaching cases were recursively addressed. A critical assignment is one that must be completed and posted to a specified el ectronic portfolio in order to pass the class. The usual critical assignment for Level II interns is to either write about a critical incident or to reflect back on the internship experience. For this internship section the two assignments combined into on e, the "Hero's Journey." Based on classical literature's epic, a rubric was developed to assist interns in reflecting on their own journeys' experiences, obstacles, successes, setbacks, and final victories (Appendix C). The Level II interns were required t o journal after every day in the field based assignment. This final document, the Hero's Journey, became a metareflection of each intern's entire internship placement. Time Requirements As part of the field based experience, the preservice teachers interne d at their schools on Tuesdays and Thursdays. The interns maintained teachers' hours, 7:20 a.m. to 3:20 p.m. Some school days were extended if there were faculty meetings, parent conferences or special trainings. Usually the preservice teachers left at 2:1 5 on seminar dates. Both the field based classroom participation and seminars were required. Seminars The Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (Woolfolk Hoy, 2000) was given as a pretest at the semester's beginning. During the last seminar of the semester, t he Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) was administered again as posttest.

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114 In typical Level II seminars, all of the accomplished practices and their attributes or evidence are discussed. Additionally, interns are given the opportunity to "de brief," to discuss their observations or experiences from the previous week. In this study's seminars, students also worked in triads to discuss their responses to the week's posted teaching case. In the triads, one student recorded the other two's responses; posi tions rotated until all recorded and all discussed responses with each other. This activity is vital to the interpretive design. Holstein and Gubrium (in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005) wrote that it is the social interaction in which knowledge of events, phenomen a, are interpreted, articulated, and added into the knowledge bank of experiences. Additional Internship Requirements Due to the importance of the reflective process, interns were required to maintain a journal about their level II internships. It is often through writing that we gain understanding. The journals also were the basis for writing the "Hero's Journey" when the internship semester concluded. Every fourth week, interns responded to one of three Blackboard posted teaching cases. Their responses we re emailed to the researcher but the interns also used their copies at the weekly seminar. The responses were used in the seminars for the triad work. A final additional requirement was the critical assignment, an assignment that interns were required to p ost online to Chalk and Wire in order to pass the class. The assignment was called "The Hero's Journey" and the interns' journal entries were the basis on which the metareflection narrative was written and graded using the provided rubric (see Appendix C).

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115 Setting In this southwest Florida region, many classrooms have at least one student whose parents migrated here within the past decade; in 2004, it was estimated that over 76,000 people moved to the region. In 2006, nearly one half million Latinos (12.42 %) were living in the area; within that populace, approximately 30% were Mexican, 28% Puerto Rican, 13% Cuban, and 28% were classified as "other Hispanic." Asians comprised a 2% minority and African Americans were counted as approximately 11%. The white po pulation was approximately 81% (Tampa Bay, 2007). In over 20% of the homes in this area, a language other than English is spoken; of that group, 16% speak Spanish (Hillsborough County, 2007). One area in which half of this study's participants interned, i s known as "Suitcase City" due to the transient nature of many of its inhabitants. Regardless of community identity, approximately 47%, nearly half, of the county's students were taught by teachers from the European white race, a race not their own. The cu ltural differences occurred primarily between Latino and African American students (Florida Department of Education, 2007). During the 2002 2003 year, 83,431 public school students were white, 40,432 were black and 40,682 were Latino. Retentions, dropouts and school discipline instances also reflect the disproportionate numbers of African American and Latino students compared to whites. Students were retained almost evenly across the three racial categories (4280 white, 4186 African American, 4029 Latino). However, based on total enrollment of students, according to race, the disproportionate number of Latinos and African Americans retained in their present grade levels is apparent. During the same

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116 time period, 9,254 white, 8,915 African American and 5,779 L atino students were assigned in school suspensions. Out of school suspensions were assigned to 4,871 white, 6,345 African American and 3,180 Latino students (Weitzel & Shockley, 2004). For this study, participants were divided between and placed in two el ementary schools. The first was a Title One school with a nearly total student population reliant on free breakfasts and lunches. Fewer than five percent of the students were white; most students were African American, with a large percentage of Latino stu dents. The other school was not a Title One facility; its student body was predominantly upper middle class and racially EuroAmerican. Poverty prevails in many of the region's schools. In 2006, over 25% of Tampa Bay residents had annual incomes of less tha n $25,000. Approximately 30% had incomes between $25,000 and $50,000. Nearly 56% of all households' incomes totaled less than $50,000. The median income per household was $44,000 and the mean income per household was $60,000. The average size of a househol d was 2.33 (Tampa Bay, 2007). Of Hillsborough County's student population of 193,480 in the 2006 2007 school year, 94,283, almost half of the total enrolled student population, received free or reduced school meals based on their family's income. African A mericans were twice as likely as their white classmates to receive the subsidy (Florida Department of Education, 2007). The location for half of the interns' field based assignments was a Title I elementary school in an urban setting within a city of broad diversity. The school had over 1200 students, most of whom were African Americans, followed by Latinos, and very few white students. Slightly over half of the faculty was white, mostly women.

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117 Because the lives of their students reflected the transient nat ure of the community itself, this school was chosen for a research site. The community is labeled "Suitcase City" because many of the students come from families who frequently change addresses, and are in the lowest rungs of the socioeconomic classificati ons; nearly every student qualified for free breakfasts and lunches. Of the 353 schools in the district, this school was one of only twenty three in which qualified teachers received bonus pay of $7,000 to $9,000 per year for teaching in schools where pove rty affects at least 90% of its students (Ave, 2005). The second location was a school at the other end of the public school spectrum. Located in a new and still developing upper middle class neighborhood, this school served close to 800 students, the vas t majority white. Less than 10% received free or reduced lunches. African American students constituted approximately 5% of the student body. Nearly all of the teachers were white women. While sharply contrasting in some ways, both schools were home to so me excellent teachers; likewise, both had white female principals held in high regard by their respective faculties. Both facilities required portable classrooms to accommodate burgeoning student populations. At this point, however, the differences become what Jonathan Kozol (2000) would describe as "egregious." The non Title I school labeled their portables "cabins," with each cabin and its teacher's name engraved on a sign posted to the exterior. The cabins were new, clean, air conditioned, had working pl umbing in their bathrooms, and were connected to one another, and to the remainder of the school, via metal ramps, elevated as bridges for a substantial portion. The Title One

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118 school, on the other hand, had twenty three portables strewn together with irreg ular concrete sidewalks, inconveniently placed for about half of its users. Teachers' names and their portables' numbers were paper signs taped in the classroom windows; at least one fourth had no signs at all. The portables were the worst classroom enviro nments this researcher had seen. Decrepit exteriors matched decrepit interiors. Some had roofs that leaked, several had no working bathrooms, several of the portable classrooms had insect problems. The only teacher identified advantage to a portable assign ment at the Title One school was that the air conditioning usually worked, a frequent problem for their counterparts. The majority of students at the Title One school were African American children. The Latino population, primarily Mexican, was growing in their ratio to the student majority population. Students who appeared to be biracial, most likely African American and white, were also common. White and Asian children comprised a small fraction of the student body. This particular location also hosted fa milies who were "illegal immigrants," a social justice issue that bears its own deleterious effects upon both parents and their children. In the academic year preceding this study's period, in one of the school's classrooms, a social studies lesson require d using a children's news magazine. The week's cover story was the fence or wall being built along the U.S. border to Mexico. One girl, Lisa (pseudonym), raised her hand and asked, "Mrs. Wyman (pseudonym), why do they (the U.S.) want to do that?" Mrs. Wyma n shook her head to indicate that she could not understand the action either. Lisa removed her glasses to wipe away her tears.

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119 When she could speak again she explained, "I never know when I go home if my mama will be there. When I was little I went home on e dayshe was gone. She could not come back for a long time. Mama doesn't have the right paper to stay here." The class silently contemplated Lisa's words. Within days of hearing Lisa's dilemma, a local radio talk show addressed another dilemma illegal im migrants face: the loss of voice when they are victimized. When illegal immigrants are robbed, raped, or denied fair wages, to whom do they report their abuses? At what cost to themselves and their families? The region's news reports and the Title One stu dents' voices describe lives at odds with the ideal upon which this nation was founded. While children sat in class trying to learn, at least one child was hampered by fears that her parent would be "gone," deported, when she returned home in the afternoon Their parents sometimes arrived home from work on Fridays with very little money to show for a week's work, not because they gambled with it or "drank it" but because they were paid below minimum wages by employers aware of the precarious position the il legal immigrants hold in this society. A mother or sister may be severely beaten by a stranger who knows her/his victim is powerless to report the crime. In short, the students of this school lived lives vastly dissimilar to the majority of the preservice teachers who worked with them. Data The data for this study was divided into two categories: quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative data were the participants' pretest and posttest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (Tschannen Moran Woolfolk Hoy & Hoy, 1998). The qualitative data included transcripts from interviews with the participants, Hero's

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120 Journeys texts and teaching cases written by the participants, and their responses to teaching cases, both individually, and as part of tri ads in seminars. Procedures for Data Collection While it is intrinsic to this research design that the researcher is also a participant in the researched (Purcell Gates, 2004), a portion of the study's data was archival and was not subject to potential re searcher influence. The researcher, however, was present with the interns in their classrooms, seminar sites and, through the virtual presence of email. Some data sources, teaching case initial responses, Hero's Journey, and participant authored teaching c ases were individually submitted as paper copies to the researcher. Most of the data however, derived from the sociocultural teaching case response triads in seminars. The notes from the triads that recorded the teaching case discussions were also collect ed by the researcher. Triangulation Multiple sources for data were employed. The Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) constituted baseline information about the self efficacy of the preservice teachers. The OSTES is a scale developed by Anita Woolfolk Hoy. While the OSTES is available in a short form as well as a long one, it was the latter, the long form, that this study used to maximize the information collected. The teaching case responses were submitted both online and in paper copy at seminars. Ex amination of participants' responses in seminars helped identify patterns of discovery as they occurred within the sociocultural context facilitated by the triad design.

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121 All participants wrote their own teaching cases. The researcher explicity taught teach ing case writing, as advised by the panel of experts. Students collaborated to mentor one another in their rough drafts and then again before submitting final drafts. Participants used a rubric (Appendix D) generated from this study but also based on input from several sources including the panel of experts (Richards & Gipe; Richards & McKenna, 2003; Shulman, 1992; Silverman, Welty & Lyon, 1992). Interviews between a researcher and the participants were conducted face to face in the seminars. The interviews in this study were recorded by Kim Thomas (nŽe Shea), a female African American doctoral candidate. The recordings were analyzed for themes by two trained response raters. The final artifacts were the participants' metareflections of their internship expe riences, the Hero's Journeys. The meta reflection centered on the role teaching cases played in interns' development of their experience banks and multicultural efficacy. This culminating document, "The Hero's Journey," was based upon the internship journa ls that all interns were required to maintain. Within the essay, interns reflected on the challenges, epiphanies, and successes of their lived experiences for the semester. The documents were entered into a computer via Atlas/TI software and encoded by the same two trained response raters used for the interview themes analyses. Managing and Recording Data All data was encoded to ensure confidentiality for the participants. Data that had been entered into a secure and password protected computer was printed and stored in a locked cabinet in the researcher's office. When the study was completed, all computer

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122 files were purged. All other hard copy data was stored in the same cabinet in the researcher's office. Any documents submitted through the internet were d ownloaded, printed and stored in the same cabinet. A research log tracked data collected, identified missing data and catalogued locations for data. Methods for Verification and Reliability Two trained raters encoded the data using Atlas /TI software. Find ings were tested for interrater reliability by cross checking assignments of themes in narrative texts. Consistent theme identification from both encoders increased the reliability of the results with an interrater reliability coefficient of .96. An outlie r was contacted for clarification of intended meanings. Atlas/TI Atlas/TI is a software program used in qualitative research. The program facilitates both categorization and collation of narrative data. Two specific features of the software are that it all ows for multiple codes of the same data, and it easily identifies interrater reliability when it synthesizes the two coders' entries. This second feature was of particular value as the coders and the researcher were able to address difference in a timely m anner. A third feature of Atlas/TI is that multiple data sources can be examined for themes as one document. Atlas T/I entered data for this study was examined both separately from each other, partitioned according to school assignment, and then examined a s one data source for generalized themes. The software was used to analyze participant authored teaching cases and their metareflections, the Hero's Journeys.

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123 Data Analysis Procedures for the Study Initially each data source was examined chronologically. The Ohio State Teachers' Efficacy Scale (OSTES) pretest scores defined the parameters of the participants in the study and measured change when used as a posttest. There were three teaching cases with which the participants interacted. Each week participa nts' individual responses to these teaching cases, along with their group interactions in seminars, were used to further develop an understanding of the participants' experiences as a result of the teaching case phenomenon. After examining case based respo nses among other participants using the same case, data were collated for each participant in order to examine potential change documented in the responses over the study time period. The data were subjected to analysis in which new data were compared with previous data in order to capture the nuances of change (Creswell, 1998). During the study interviews with all participants were conducted by a doctoral candidate from the same university as the researcher. The interview questions (Appendix E) saturated t he various themes and categories so that alternative themes could be found. Creswell (1998) describes the "zigzag" (p. 57) of returning to the participants for more information, in order to better form the theory, the "constant comparative method of data a nalysis" (p. 57). Creswell details the data analysis process in the approach as including the following horizonalization steps: original protocols are divided into statements units are transformed into clusters of meanings

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124 transformations are tied together to make a general description of the experience: experiences are texturally described (pp. 54 55). The Interpretive Report The study culminated in an understanding of the "essential, invariant structure (or essence) of the experience" (Creswell, 1998, p. 55) of using teaching cases to develop awareness of social justice issues. Shared experiences, or the unifying theme, were reported as well as single subject experiences that reflected unique perspectives or experiences. The final product, the gleanings un covered, created a narrative, one that included the authentic discourses of the participants. Limitations of an Interpretive Study The bracketing of the researcher's experiences must be consciously maintained and separated from the experiences of a study's participants. While one can attempt to keep biases bracketed, at some point the researcher must make explicit her or his own personal experiences and the ways they potentially influenced the results. While it was essential for the researcher to be within the sociocultural context of the interns, it also was essential to be especially careful that it was the interns' responses that were recorded and not the researcher's. Another limitation is the potential for inaccurate sensitizing of theories (Andrade, 20 09). Every researcher brings prior learning experiences to her or his research. Revisiting the literature review regularly may be vital in retaining objectivity in both collecting and analyzing the data, and repeating the cycle as deemed necessary.

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125 While t he researcher's role as the Level II Intern supervisor may be construed as automatically influencing the study's results, in this context the risk was negligible if existing at all. The basis for evaluation of an intern's success or failure, the only two r esults from the internship, was objective and fully within the control of the intern/participant. The course syllabus (Appendix A) disclosed all requirements for the semester regardless of participation in research; furthermore, interns and/or participants were free to withdraw during the week in which the syllabus was disseminated. As a further precaution the researcher explained to the cohort that any participation was free and voluntary and that the prospective participants could withdraw at any time dur ing the study. Summary The focus of this study was to examine the phenomenon of using social justice based teaching cases to increase awareness of social justice issues and to increase teacher efficacy. The phenomenon was chronicled through written respons es, both public and private, to social justice focused teaching cases, interview transcripts, participant authored teaching cases, and participants' metareflections written as Hero's Journeys. Change in teacher efficacy was measured by pretest and posttest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale using Statistical Analysis Software (SAS). Participants were volunteers from a cohort of thirty Level II, intermediate, interns under the researcher's supervision for the Spring 2008 semester. It was made clear to all students that any who did not want their data used could withdraw from the study at any

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126 point during the study period. Each participant was identified by birth month and day, thereby providing a reasonable measure of anonymity and/or confident iality. In January of 2008 the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES)(Woolfolk Hoy, 2000) was taken as a pretest by all interns. The results established the baseline criteria for the study. During the internship semester, participants read three online teaching cases posted on Blackboard, the university's website; a response rubric guided students' answers. Students emailed their responses to the instructor prior to seminars; they also brought a copy of their responses to the subsequent seminar where the teaching case responses comprised part of the curricula for nine of the meetings. During each seminar, students worked in triads, discussing that week's case in pairs while the third person silently recorded responses from the first two. After five minute s the roles changed until each person recorded once and each person discussed responses with the other two. The last recorder from each group reported to the whole class the group's responses. Each of the three teaching cases was addressed recursively dur ing three seminars. Written responses were retained by the researcher. Kim Thomas, an African American, female doctoral candidate from the University of South Florida, conducted and recorded the interviews of each participant regarding the use of teaching cases and their perceptions of social justice issues. The general interview questions were: What is a typical day like in your school? What do you find most interesting here (the intern's assigned school)?

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127 What has been your greatest challenge? What else can you tell me? What does the term social justice mean to you? What can you tell me about your experiences with using teaching cases? The panel of experts developed the questions as intentionally broad so that the participants might address their broader experiences. Embedded within their responses were each participant's interpretation of social justice and how it was implemented within her or his own field based experience, an expression of what it felt like being a part of an other's world for just that season, one semester. The interview data is described in Chapter IV of this study. After the three teaching cases were discussed recursively, students self reflected on their experiences by writing their own "Hero's Journey." In the Hero's Journey partici pants provided narrative data documenting their experiences during the internship period. The provided rubric (Appendix C) suggested starting points such as thoughts, perceptions, fears, and hopes, and then a journey continuing through or around obstacles, and ending points articulating any new learning experiences. The hero's homecoming was used with other data to identify change. Most of the participants were assigned to classrooms filled with many students significantly different, socioculturally, from t he preservice teachers. The following items constituted the data sources for this study on the use of teaching cases to increase teacher efficacy in teaching in classrooms of diversity:

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128 Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (Woolfolk Hoy, 2000) pretest and pos ttest results Responses to specific teaching cases, both private and public Interviews of participants Participant authored teaching cases Hero's Journey, a metareflection based on journals Triangulation was employed to better ensure reliability and valida tion of the data. The final product is in narrative form and constitutes Chapter Five of this paper. An epilogue follows Chapter Five. The epilogue reflects field notes, journal entries and other impressions from the research.

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129 CHAPTER IV RESULTS Revie w of Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was: (1) to describe the effects, if any, of using teaching cases focused on social justice issues, related to the education of African American male students and students from low socioeconomic levels, o n Level Two childhood education interns, (2) to determine if developing vicarious experiences through the use of teaching cases developed teacher efficacy as measured by the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES), and (3) to examine the preservice educa tion students' understandings of social justice issues, as represented in their writing assignments. The interpretive research method was the primary basis for the study. A timeline accommodating the study was developed and maintained (Appendix F). The mo del engaged the following components: (1) the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) used both as pretests and posttests to measure the participants' sense of teacher efficacy, (2) teaching cases and their responses, (3) interviews of participants, (4) metareflections of the internship written as a "Hero's Journey," and (5) preservice teacher authored teaching cases. Statistical Data Analysis The following section contains a report of the data analyses for the hypotheses tested.

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130 Null Hypothesis There wi ll be no significant difference in scores from the pretest to the posttest as measured by the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale of preservice teachers who participated in level two internship seminars centered on social justice focused teaching cases. Data Tracking and Cataloguing A research log was maintained to identify data, data collection, and data storage. Dates for transcriptions, interrater reliability discussions, and panel of experts meetings were also recorded. The log further assisted in identif ying missing data sources, contacts with an outlier, and the failures to respond of specific participants. The quantitative data, the OSTES pretests and the OSTES posttests (Woolfolk Hoy, 2000), were entered into a password protected computer using Statis tical Analysis Software (SAS) immediately following their collections. Prior to data storage, the data were catalogued and then stored in a locked file cabinet in my office. The teaching cases' responses, participants' interviews, the Hero's Journeys, and the preservice teacher authored teaching cases were analyzed using Atlas T/I software on a password protected computer. The Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) Data The OSTES (Woolfolk Hoy, 2000) is a self assessment instrument developed by Anita Wo olfolk Hoy. While the OSTES is available in a short form as well as a long form, it is the latter, the long form, this study used so that maximum information would be collected. The OSTES long version has twenty four questions that are responded to

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131 using a Likert Scale. The twenty four questions fall into three major categories: efficacy in student engagement (items 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 12, 14, and 22), efficacy in instructional strategies (items 7, 10, 11, 17, 18, 20, 23, and 24), and efficacy in classroom manag ement (items 3, 5, 8, 13, 15, 16, 19, and 21). The OSTES was administered as a pretest by the researcher to 28 preservice teachers on January 10, 2008, the second seminar of the intern cohort. Each participant was advised that the information was both volu ntary and confidential and that the data would be used for research purposes. The data were collated and stored on a password protected computer. The forms were stored in a locked file cabinet in the researcher's office. As a posttest the OSTES was adminis tered to the same participants on April 22, 2008 at the final seminar, with 22 participants responding. The data were collated and stored on a password protected computer. The forms were stored in a locked file cabinet in my office. The six initial respond ents who did not complete the posttest OSTES data were deleted from the analyses, including their pretest scores. Descriptive Statistics For each of the tests a stem and leaf and a box plot display determined the normality of each group. For the pre test, the visual display appeared to have a slightly positive skewness and an almost equally slightly leptokurtic distribution value of 0.647. The visual displays for the posttest scores also appear normal with values of skewness and kurtosis slightly negative.

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132 Table 1 Descriptive Statistics Variables Mean Standard Deviation Skewness Kurtosis Pre 169.09 19.85 0.031 0.647 Post 182.77 12.92 0.260 0.254 Difference 13.68 19.40 .938 1.210 Inferential Statistics To suggest that differences would be found in th e population, other factors must be ruled out as plausible explanations for the observed sample differences. To assess the tenability of a chance explanation, an ANOVA was conducted with the alpha set to .05. The degree to which the Type I error rates are actually controlled to the specified alpha depends on how adequately the data met the assumptions of independence, normality and equal variances. Mean Scores across the two trials are displayed in Table 2. Results were analyzed using one way analysis of v ariance (ANOVA), repeated measures design revealing a significant effect (effect size, d=.71) for the treatment, F(1, 22) = 10.94, and p<.05. This result indicates that there was a significant change between the pretest of the OSTES and the posttest of the OSTES.

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133 Table 2 Inferential Statistics Source df SS MS F Within Subjects Treatment 1 2059.1136 2059.1136 10.94* Residual 21 3951.3864 188.1613 Total 22 p < .05 Assumptions The assumption for independence was met as each of the student s' scores was independent of the others. Since the normality assumption was robust it was plausible to continue with an ANOVA. A description of the distribution is found above. Sphericity was not violated as the difference variables (Pre and Post) had eq ual variances and did not covary. Findings The treatment (use of teaching cases with Level II interns) did seem to make a difference in the self efficacy of the preservice teacher participants in the study. Limitations The primary limitation of the present design was the lack of a control group. Since all participants received the treatment in this design, there was no comparison that could be made to evaluate if any observed changes were truly the result of the

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134 experimental manipulation. It is therefore qu ite possible that other factors besides the teaching case studies may have contributed to the higher OSTES post test scores, specifically the three months of classroom experience. Other likely factors influencing the results include college of education cl asses taken during the internship period, and individual studies or experiences outside the internship classrooms and seminars. While the OSTES evidence cannot conclusively identify the use of teaching cases as the cause for the significant gains, qualitat ive data provides more insight. Findings from the Teaching Cases' Responses Teaching cases are brief, usually one to three pages in length, scenarios reflecting actual incidents within a classroom. For this study only elementary school classroom teaching c ases were used. A panel of experts initially selected twelve cases that they deemed to be about social justice based issues that were pertinent to this geographic area of southwest Florida. The top three teaching cases were then chosen for this study. The three teaching cases (Appendices F, G, H) were used with the preservice teachers, the Level II interns participating in this study. Participants responded independently to each teaching case and then their responses were used as the foundations for discus sion triads that occurred in seminars during the course of the study. Responses centered on identifying the cases' issues, recommending specific changes, and identifying potential resources. Each case was addressed in three successive seminars. In the disc ussion triads, two participants discussed their own responses to the cases while a third person silently recorded the responses. More responses often developed during the discussions and they, too, were recorded. Participants were not limited in the number of

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135 responses submitted. The recorder position transferred to each of the triads until each person had the opportunity to discuss, and each also had the position of silently recording the discussions. In the first teaching case (Appendix G), three African American male students played together while the teacher attempted to instruct her class as a whole. Initially almost all of the preservice teachers identified the problems as being entirely the students' fault. During the last discussion the preservice te achers determined that most of the problems were teacher created ones (Appendix J). Participants re interpreted the issues as being under the teacher's locus of control: inconsistent or poor classroom management, ineffective lesson writing, and poor commun ication between the teacher and her students were determined to be the core of the problems. The second teaching case (Appendix H) focused on an individual male student whose behaviors disrupted the class to the extent that the student was spending a larg e amount of time in discipline programs. Consistent with the first teaching case, participants increasingly placed the locus of control on the teacher (Appendix K). Participants determined that lesson plans that included kinesthetics, technology, and incre ased small group work, delivered in a classroom with more consistent discipline, would support increased learning in and more engaged behaviors from the student. Possibly demonstrating greater awareness of potential resources, participants developed an ext ensive list of teacher resources by the third discussion of teaching case two. The third teaching case (Appendix I) focused on dialect and the potential for conflict between home language and classroom language. In this case the student was

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136 directed to pro nounce words one way at home and a different way at school. While the teacher attempted to teach standard English to the student, she risked discounting her student's home language. In their responses to the case (Appendix L), participants demonstrated sig nificant gains in understanding the importance of parent and teacher teamwork. Initially only seven responses to recommended changes included the parents. By the third address, however, twenty four responses included the parents. Responses to the teaching cases indicated developments in the participants' knowledge of resources. This is especially important for new teachers, a group from whom a large number will resign within their first five years in the classroom, often citing their own inadequacies as th e reason for the attrition (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). Resources can offer solutions or a commiseration on the challenges common in classrooms. Increased self efficacy in working with the diverse students may be demonstrated by the assumption of increased teac her locus of control. By eventually recognizing the many teacher controlled solutions, the participants also demonstrated understanding of a broader spectrum of solutions from which they could choose. Also of considerable importance for beginning teachers is the understanding that not all learning conditions are within their control. The teaching case responses corresponded with findings from the participants' interviews, written teaching cases, and metareflections, the Hero's Journeys, to affirm the valu e of using teaching cases to build self efficacy in working with students from diverse populations. The teaching case triad interactions further developed the realization that teachers' loci of control is not all encompassing, no one teacher can serve all populations.

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137 Findings from Participants' Interviews Kim Thomas, an African American doctoral candidate, interviewed participants during the ninth week of the internship. All the participants were white females except for two Caribbean females and two Lat ino males. While the interview questions were general and all were open ended (Appendix E), one of the intentions was to learn if the participants perceived the use of teaching cases as beneficial. The predominant theme of the interviews confirmed the valu e of using teaching cases with the participants (Appendix L). More important, perhaps, than providing teaching cases to students, was the discussion among them about the cases, according to the interview responses. Interviews made clear that as important a s the teaching cases themselves was the way in which they were addressed. The interactions brought to light the nuances of their private interpretations allowing them to evolve into the more specific requisites of a greater social justice (Appendix M). One specific example is the private interpretation and application of cultural diversity compared to the publically evolved one: a move from acceptance to respect to appreciation for differences. "Treating everyone the same" became "appreciating diversity and what it brings to the table." Pertaining to increasing self efficacy for teachers entering into classrooms of diversity, three responses typified the collective interview responses: The ones we used for this class were really real. That stuff does happen. It helps you know what you may have to deal withwhat you may have to do. If we had the teaching cases before going into the classroomMaybe if they got some things in writing to prepare it wouldn't be such a shock when I

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138 got there. Some people that I ta lked to said they haven'tcan't believe the things they heardwhat I sawI had a child who messed his pants but not like students hitting teachers, hitting interns. Maybe if we got a scenario on that we could talk about it in a classroom before we startma ybe it would prepare us moreit wouldn't be like throwing us to the wolves. It's not that bad but you know what I mean? They help you see what may be happening in another classroom. Even if it's not your own situation, it helps you see what might happen la ter. You cannot experience every situation in a 4 month internship. These teaching cases help you build experiences. More sample interview responses concerning the participants' use of teaching cases can be found in Appendices L and M. Findings from Partic ipants' Self authored Teaching Cases The participant authored teaching cases were analyzed using Atlas/TI software for qualitative data. Atlas/TI software assists in analyzing, evaluating and systemizing narrative data. Two data coders were selected based on their facility in the semiotics of the English language. The university's Institutional Review Board exempted this study from review so confidentiality was not an issue, however, the two coders signed agreements to maintain confidentiality. Because inf erence often reveals more meaning, or different meanings, than explicit language, the two coders were trained by the researcher to recognize possible nuances of social justice themes. While researcher bias may have been introduced in the

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139 training, it, neve rtheless, seemed reasonable to conclude that any analysis would be incomplete without the purposeful search for hidden meanings. Atlas/TI software allows for multiple codes for data. The coders were instructed to use alternative or additional codes when th ey were uncertain. The coders and the researcher then encoded the first three teaching cases independently and reviewed them together to test for interrater reliability, interpretation of codes, and application of codes. Disparities occurred in interpretin g "critical race theory elements" and "blame the students for success or failure." Following clarification of both categories, interrater reliability (.96) was consistent for the remaining teaching cases with nine exceptions: two in "blame the students," t wo in "cultural identity," and five in "critical race theory," a total of nine exceptions in a total of 246 items. Upon completion of all cases being encoded, consensus followed discussion of the nine disparities. The participant authored teaching cases' e ncoding was then considered reliable. Because the constructs represent the phenomenon of teaching cases in working with this group of participants, the results are valid to that extent. However, the results cannot be generalized to other populations. The p henomenon of using teaching cases to develop self efficacy in preservice teachers was confirmed as worthwhile in the participants' writings of their own teaching cases (Appendix O). One student stated that she gained methods of how to "deal with certain si tuations in a regular classroom," while another expressed the vicarious growth or knowledge as "you can learn what can really happens in the classroom" before experiencing it firsthand. One acknowledged "Igained an understanding of the importance of beco ming culturally aware. This will be an ongoing learning process for

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140 me, but it will benefit my students in the long run" Another participant summed up the value of teaching cases by stating, "The transformation from student to teacher is like an exhaustin g, tedious, life long journey. (Teaching cases) provided extra materials highlighting real life experiences" and finally "learning how to respond to studentsis something that is not easily learned from a textbook." Blame statements As another potential in dicator of teacher efficacy, blame statements were captured. Statements that blame the student, parent, or teacher can sometimes be interpreted as self reflective. Often, blaming others, whether parent or student, can infer that the teacher has little cont rol over success or failure for students (Fine, Weis, Centrie & Roberts, 2000). For that reason, to demonstrate perceived teacher self efficacy, blame state ments were captured Of fifty one assignations of blame, twenty two blamed the parents eleven blamed the students, and eighteen centered the blame on teachers. A disproportionate number of Title One assigned participants blamed the parents, sixteen Title One participants versus six non Title One participants. Students were blamed nearly eq ually across the two schools, five in non Title One schools versus six in the Title One schools. Again disproportionately represented, thirteen Title One school participants assumed teacher blame versus only five statements that attributed the blame to tea chers. These findings corroborate the research of Cooper and Burger (1980) who determined that teachers of "bright" students blame themselves when their students fail; they also accept the credit for those bright students who succeed. To the contrary, teac hers of students who are more

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141 likely to show lower learning gains consistently blame the students and, by extension, their parents. In collapsing the data, twenty two Title One school participants' responses assigned blame to the students and their parents versus eleven statements made by the non Title One school participants. These findings regarding blame can be disputed in this specific study, however, when examining the "blame the teachers" statements. Ten of the study's participants' statements, while blaming the teachers, make it clear that it is not they, the future teachers, who are culpable, it is the present population of teachers relegated to the status of blame holders. Some participants from both schools described their experiences in statements including: I watched her make students cry and shut down. there are older teachers just waiting on their retirement checks and just do the bare minimum Her family members called her Hitler when she was growing up. I hated the way I felt in her classroom. Macrostructuralist points are identified through the broad code of "critical race theory elements." Of thirteen non Title One school and eighty five Title One school participants' statements, blame is assigned to factors beyond the purviews of students, p arents or teachers. In describing the homes, communities and school operations, participants were highly critical. Title One school participants described classroom conditions that were nearly unbelievable in our society, lunchrooms patrolled by police off icers, students subjected to seven substitutes within five weeks of a teacher's absence,

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142 students whose only meals may be those consumed at school, and other bleak circumstances. One respondent asked, "How is it that one school can seem so bright and welco ming while the other is so bare?" African American Male Issues One finding in the teaching cases was that nearly every issue, all but two, concerning classroom management focused on African American male students. All concerned students from cultures other than the participants. All were written by white women. In the participants' writings, classroom management issues were the most frequently occurring topic. Writings questioned the validity of including students who demonstrated a lack of respect, or use d "vulgar and sexually explicit" comments, in regular classrooms. In the writings of one preservice teacher placed in a kindergarten classroom, the actions of a student who emulated behaviors possibly viewed at home or on MTV, were depicted: "laying back i n his chair, grabbing his crotch, and moving up and down." Concerns that problem students would lead "good students astray" or "down the wrong road" laced through the participants' teaching cases. Every classroom management focused narrative cited opposit ion to authority or lack of respect; some included statements of fear for either themselves or their students, two included fears for both. All asked for the answer to, "How can we control him (them)?"

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143 Findings from the Participants' "Hero's Journeys" The "Hero's Journey" is a writing formula based on the epic hero of literature. For this abbreviated version of the Hero's Journey, a rubric was provided (Appendix A). Essentially, participants used their weekly journals or reflections to develop a metareflec tion covering the entire internship experience. The assignment required participants to self assess their weaknesses, strengths, gleanings, and the tests or difficulties experienced on the journey from beginning to end. The texts from the Hero's Journeys w ere analyzed using Atlas/TI software for qualitative data. Atlas/TI software assists in analyzing, evaluating and systemizing narrative data. Two data coders were selected based on their fluidity with the semiotics of the English language. The two coders w ere trained by the researcher to recognize possible nuances of social justice themes. Atlas/TI software allows for multiple codes for data. The coders were instructed to use alternative or additional codes when they were uncertain. The coders encoded the H ero's Journeys independently and reviewed their encoded data together to test for interraterer reliability for both the interpretations and applications of codes. The test of their interrater reliability for independent coding yielded a .96 reliability. Di screpancies were resolved after clarification of the definitions of terms or phrases. Consensus was reached on all discrepancies. The Her o's Journey findings (Appendix P ) were consistent with the teaching case interactions, interviews, and participants aut hored teaching cases. The Hero's Journey texts demonstrated that there appeared to be a synergistic effect from synthesizing vicarious experiences based on using teaching cases in seminars, the mastery experience

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144 developed during the internship period, ver bal experiences from interactions, interpretations and applications of the teaching cases, and the physiological changes that can occur at any point. The model on page 137 depicts the research findings. Summary The null hypothesis, that there would be no c hange in pretest and posttest scores in the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) taken by this study's participants, was rejected. There were significant gains made according to OSTES scores. Causality cannot, however, be attributed to the use of teac hing cases. Many variables impacted the efficacy of these teachers and it is not possible to control for all of them. Therefore, similar results cannot be expected from any replication of the study. It was the qualitative data, the teaching case responses as used, the participant authored teaching cases, interviews and the interns' metareflections, that explicated the phenomenon of using teaching cases to develop efficacy. Teaching cases selected for their nuances of social injustice provided the preservice teachers with the opportunities to vicariously live in, and examine from a new perspective, the world of others. Interview responses, participant authored teaching cases and hero's journeys, the metareflections, demonstrated greater awareness of and artic ulation about social injustice. Both in the seminars and in their field based classroom metareflections, students expressed increased comfort levels and efficacy in working with cultures different from their own. Providing the efficacy developing experienc es while preservice teachers are developing in the concern about self phase (Fuller, 1969, 1974; van den Berg & Ros, 1999), however, may further assist in their comprehension and retention of teacher skills.

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145 The conscious awareness and selection of experie nces to retain and assign to the bank of experiences upon which individuals rely (Barber, 2006), may ultimately create increases in teacher efficacy in working within culturally diverse classrooms. No results can be generalized to other populations, howeve r.

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146 Figure 1 Model of Using Teaching Cases to Increase Self efficacy

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147 CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Brief Summary of the Study Despite efforts to decrease the achievement gap within the African American male population, more acco mmodations need to be made within the preservice teacher education programs. Most minority filled classrooms continue to be taught by teachers from cultures different from their students. While that may be a constant for the near future, what can be change d is how the teachers work with their students from other cultures. This study was conducted to examine the use of teaching cases with midlevel interns. Both the quantitative and qualitative data supported the use of social justice focused teaching cases in order to increase efficacy in teaching diverse populations, specifically African American males. Ultimately, however, evidence indicated that at least as important as the teaching cases themselves were the discursive ways in which the cases were used, a nd the phase of concern in which the preservice teachers are located (Cambourne, 1995; Fuller, 1974). Using the teaching cases as the foundation for midlevel preservice teacher discussions, contained within triads, moved students' reactions to the teachin g cases from private to public. A marked increase in social justice awareness ensued from the public discussion. Participants expressed their experiences with identifying social injustice,

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148 often in the nuances of educators' actions, speculating on potentia l damage incurred, and addressing possible solutions as a "first time" experience. Like Fuller (1969) in her initial assessment of her college of education's viability and efficacy for teacher candidates, this researcher presumed that the coursework was oc curring too early in the phase of concern and/or that establishing relevance could remedy the effect. For this sample of midlevel teacher participants, providing them with both private and public interactions with social justice based teaching cases, was i dentified as effective. Preservice teachers, like the population in general, hold fast to their preconceived notions of social justice. Their embedded values developed through family, culture, socioeconomic status, and spiritual orientation are not easily impacted. However, for the majority of our potential teaching population, change must be affected. As long as minority students are taught by majority classroom teachers, teacher efficacy in teaching culturally diverse students needs to be raised and direc ted toward the "school to prison pipeline" (Wald & Losen, 2003). Teachers' self perceived efficacy impacts their expectations of others, both academically and emotionally. Those same expectations can be colored by the color of their students' skin, and may lead to disproportionate representation of minority students, especially African American males, in special education classes (Townsend, 2000). The transfer to special education may be the first stop on the school to prison pipeline as teachers' expectati ons alter (Rolison & Medway, 1985). Avoiding that transfer may rely on something as basic as understanding differences, and realizing that everything pertaining to academic achievement is not wholly any one participant's "fault."

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149 The nebulous nature of e ducation, what works and what fails, or, perhaps, what only marginally progresses or regresses, can be confusing even to veteran teachers. Learning what can be expected, what is possible and how "cultural capital" can impact the lives of our students (Lubi enski, 2003; Finn, 1999), may be attained through the active use of teaching cases in midlevel preservice teacher internship seminars. The midlevel preservice teacher participants were chosen for the sample because, typically at that level, they are still engaged in coursework from the college of education and they are transitioning in their concern phase; this may be key to the acceptance of new experiential learning as well as to their retention of coursework as its relevance is identified by them (Fuller 1969, 1974; van den Berg & Ros, 1999). This study supports the model of using teaching cases to increase teacher self efficacy. The teaching cases alone, however, were not as effective as their use as the foundation for focused discussions in seminars. T his research supports a model of teacher education that synthesizes participants' experiences with the specific use of teaching cases to result in increased teacher efficacy in teaching diverse populations. Results, however, cannot be generalized to other populations. Review of Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to describe the effects, if any, of using teaching cases focused on social justice issues, related to the education of African American male students and students from low socioecono mic levels, on Level Two childhood education interns. The study's purpose was also to determine if developing vicarious experiences through the use of teaching cases built teacher efficacy as measured by the Ohio State

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150 Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES). Furth ermore the study was to examine the preservice education students' understandings of social justice issues, as represented in their writing assignments. The interpretive research method was the primary basis for the study. The design engaged the following data components: (1) the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES) used both as a pretest and a posttest to self identify the participants' sense of teacher efficacy, (2) teaching cases and their responses, (3) interviews of participants, (4) a metareflect ion of this level of internship written as a "Hero's Journey," and (5) a preservice teacher authored teaching case. During the first five years of teaching, teacher attrition is high. Exiting teachers often cite feelings of inadequacy for their departures from the classroom. As our society becomes increasingly global and our classroom students reflect a multitude of customs, mores, dialects, and perspectives, so, too, our need for teachers high in self efficacy for working with diverse populations increases Presently at high risk for failure are our Latino and African American male students. In order to reduce the present "school to prison pipeline," (Wald & Losen, 2000) a term naming the high rate of minority males who dropout of school and later find them selves incarcerated, greater awareness of social justice issues, and higher efficacy in teaching minority and lower socioeconomic status students are critical. To this end, the phenomenon of Level II interns using teaching cases focused on social justice i ssues was studied. Review of Research Questions 1. How does the preservice education student respond to teaching cases focused on social justice issues in the education of African American male students and

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151 students from low socioeconomic levels, as evidenc ed in their responses to teaching cases? 2. Does developing vicarious experiences through the use of teaching cases build teacher efficacy, as measured by the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES)? 3. How do preservice education students represent their unde rstandings of social justice issues in their writings of their hero's journeys? Interpretation of Findings The study's participants, midlevel preservice teachers, did in fact increase in their self efficacies for working with diverse populations. According to the findings of the pretests and posttests using the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale, significant gains in efficacy developed during the one semester study period. The gains cannot be clearly attributed to the use of teaching cases, as it is not poss ible to control for all the potential variables that can assist in the development of efficacy. While the quantitative statistics demonstrate the degree of gains, the qualitative statistics revealed that the phenomenon of using teaching cases was deemed si gnificant by the participants themselves. Many variables contribute to developing teacher efficacy. The preservice teachers arrive at colleges of education with diverse experiences with cultures other than their own. Course requirements and personal experi ences typically render the students concerned about themselves more than their potential students (Fuller, 1969, 1974; van den Berg & Ros, 1999). Their embedded values, the results of family, spiritual, and sociocultural experiences, are presented in their preconceived expectations for others, as well as for themselves and their self efficacy in teaching those others. Additionally,

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152 preservice teachers identify more with their roles as students than as teachers (Moje & Wade, 1997), thereby perpetuating their learnings from both previous and current teachers; in essence the preservice teachers teach according to the substance and methods of their teachers who, in turn, replicate their own teachers, and the pattern continues to replicate the same dominant theme s until when, or if, the cycle is broken. As most teachers in America are white women, it is a white woman teacher's methods and culture that dominate. For this population, for this study, the model afforded a means of disrupting that cycle. Implications f or Social Change As the 20 th Century ended, the Carnegie Report called for teacher education colleges to utilize teaching cases reflecting various teaching problems (Epanchin & Colucci, 2001). The results depicted in Chapter IV confirm the value of using t eaching cases for one specific purpose: increasing teacher efficacy in working with classrooms of diversity, especially African American males. As qualitative tools, teaching cases can bring authentic incidents out of the field based classrooms and into th e university's teachers' seminars where the specific circumstances of the teachers, students, school administrators and/or parents may be examined, questioned, discussed, and "re written." Bringing the field based classroom's challenges into the seminar cl ass affords education students the opportunities to access authentic experiences, culturally relevant ones, linking theory to practice. Using teaching cases extends the experiences of the preservice teachers; they can learn effectively from others' challen ges. In essence, using teaching cases extends the field based experience (Berry & Hirsch, 2005). A further advantage is

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153 that teaching case studies tap the creative and critical thinking resources of the students studying them (Wasserman, 1994). The writin g of their own teaching cases increased the relevance of teaching cases for the participants. Despite Shulman's (1992) acknowledgment that "pessimists argue that teachers are unsuitable as authors because they cannot write narratives complex and compelli ng enough to be used for teaching purposes" (p. 132), the participants' cases reflected awareness of many of the small acts of social injustice, as well as the more obvious larger issues. In their writing, students identified standardized testing as a "sor ter" that often placed students with teachers who demonstrate lower expectations of the test "failures." Classroom conditions, ranging from a lack of student work posted on the classroom walls, to decrepit portables that leaked when it rained were identifi ed as more likely to occur in Title One schools. One participant described the pain on a young student's face when he was "called out" for "special" programs. Another questioned whether a non Title One school would struggle to find substitute teachers, oft en leaving classes attended only by the preservice teacher participant or a teacher's aide. Another participant addressed her non Title One teacher's assertion that the "minority students' parents don't much care" enough to attend conferences. Teaching cas es may be vital tools in linking theory to practice (Sykes & Bird, 1992) and underscore that teaching is a process and not a technology where one practice, or one strategy, serves all (Moje & Wade, 1997). The social injustices were brought to light through the use of teaching cases, especially when examined through the writing process itself.

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154 In writing their own teaching cases, participants addressed classroom management issues more than any other dilemmas. In all but two of the cases, the "problem" stude nt was an African American male. Participants described "vulgar and sexually explicit" language and behaviors witnessed in their classrooms. Writers expressed concerns about their own safety and the safety of their other students when the students were "ou t of control." Two writers from the Title One school addressed police enforced control of students within the cafeteria, and students silently walking in lines with their hands clasped behind their backs, as if in preparation for future incarceration. Cont rol of the African American males was the most common sub theme within the classroom management themes. Cambourne's data supports transformation occurring as a result of discussion when the discourse includes "exchange and interchange of interpretations, constructed meanings, and understandings" (Cambourne, 1995, p. 188). Teaching cases provide all four of Cambourne's requisites to "talk(ing) one's way to meaning" (1995, p. 188). Through questioning potential future stressors in a "safe" environment, one d istant from the originating setting, preservice teachers are empowered to respond from a managerial position rather than react from the stance of a complicit participant/victim. This willingness can lead to opportunities for peers to self examine and re th ink their own possible actions in similar instances (Henson, 1996). The inherent vulnerability and/or humility also allows for the open and honest dialogue found to be intrinsic to the dialogical processes rudimentary to positive change (Freire, 2005).

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155 Ul timately this study's significance is that it may lead to a better method of teacher preparation in developing teacher efficacy in working with populations of students very different from most of our education majors. The use of teaching cases may provide the vicarious, verbal, physiological, and mastery experiences that will carry university preparation into the field based practice. Embedded Values' Resistance to Change In accordance with theories of cognitive dissonance, discomfort experienced when one' s factual knowledge conflicts with one's practices in life, embedded values resist change. This study supports the increase in social justice issue awareness demonstrated by the participants, possibly as the result of the specific teaching cases used in a specific manner. However, the struggle for lasting change to embedded values may indeed last a lifetime (Pajares, 1997). The embedded values themselves may be sufficiently deep that many discourses that confront the issues of address may make only small c hanges. David Noel (in Healey, 2006), a sociologist, studied the development of cultures within cultures. He hypothesized that when two cultures come into contact with each other, and if the three conditions of ethnocentrism, competition and differential i n power exist, then racial or cultural stratification will develop. Further explicating the source or cause of this caste system is the work of sociologist Robert Blauner (in Healey, 2006) who hypothesized that if the initial contact was the result of colo nization, then the lower caste would be subjected to more intense and enduring racism and discrimination than those cultures arriving through immigration. A history of the African American experience seems to

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156 support Noel's and Blauner's studies (Healey, 2 006). If true, then the hypotheses predict a long and slow struggle for equality. An especially resistant belief is one that many white European American men and women hold deeply: black men want to rape white women. The myth probably found its roots in w hite men's ubiquitous rapes of black women during the American slavery period; as all actions have consequences, however eventual, it may be assumed that guilt pushes a social conscience into acknowledging that vengeance is predictable: white men raped the ir black women without reproof, therefore, through projective identification, black men want to rape the white men's white women. In researching hundreds of lynchings of African Americans during a single decade, born into slavery activist Ida B. Wells conc luded that it was not the black men who were the rapists. Rather, it was the white men, and that some white women were enticing black men (Giddings, 1992). Nearly one third of the lynchings were committed because of the alleged rapes of white women by bla ck men, thus justifying the murders by white men claiming the necessity of the deaths in order to protect their white women (Whitted, 2004). Wells does not attempt to "blame the victim"; rather, she disaggregates the evidence to determine that not all Whit e women's sexual encounters with black men were in fact rapes. And yet the myth endures. Following an exhaustive search for research on the myth of the African American male's desire to rape white women, the researcher concluded that the subject matter mig ht itself be subjected to societal taboos, thereby explaining the dearth. Whether because of the sexual nature of the discourse, or the general discomfiture experienced by

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157 some individuals when interracial sexual matters, as well as the violence intrinsic in rape, are addressed, or possibly some other reason, an academic discussion among African American males and females along with their white counterparts in academia could bear results that might affect change still in need in public schools presently Co ntemporary literature also is frequented by the black man white woman rape myth, often presented as the false allegations purported by Wells (Giddings, 1992). So pervasive is the myth that in the most recent U.S. Presidential election, the Republican Party 's candidate for Vice President was accused of being the white woman who yells, That black man raped me!' in a crowd to get the whites to kill the black man?" in an internet blog (kayinmaine, 2008). In the early 1920s a Florida town called Rosewood was the scene of lynchings and other killings as the result of such a cry; nearly seventy years passed before the events could be openly discussed, such was the trauma to the survivors (D'Orso, 1996). The Rosewood event culminated in the total annihilation of the homes and lifestyles of the 342 black Rosewood citizens, in addition to an unknown number of deaths, both white and black. However, the event was not an isolated one; within the previous three years, five other black males were lynched for the alleged rapes of white women in the same Florida region. Fear has been the driving force to these nadirs in American history. Acknowledging and confronting the mythical rape context is essential before any real change can occur. At present the preponderance of tea chers are white women; do they carry forth the myth subconsciously? Is the sentiment expressed in terms of "control" or "management"?

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158 Racism still prevails. Whether due to phobic fears of black men's potential to rape white women, ignorance of others' cult ures, guilt, or even envy, or any other unnamed prejudices, our society will not eradicate the social condition until it is confronted and corrected; this is occurring with neither the ease nor speed hoped for when in 1950 Black wrote: If we want to amelio rate racial prejudice we must first understand it; if we want to understand it we must have an open mind; if we want an open mind we must take off our personal and cultural value spectacles and see only what impresses itself on our sensorium. This will giv e us verifiable facts and a storehouse of knowledge; and knowledge will enable us in the art of wisdom. This is a hard order but it is worth trying, for on it rests further progress in the social sciences and in everyday human relations (Black, 1950). The use of teaching cases may provide the venue for the progress needed. Conclusions Three major conclusions were drawn from this study and for this specific sample. First, at the beginning of the study period, the midlevel preservice teachers did not feel pre pared to work with students from other cultures. Second, the developed model of using teaching cases to increase teacher efficacy is an effective means of developing both awareness of and efficacy with teaching the cultures of others. Third, the participan ts' cycle of private to public responses to teaching cases created facility in the articulation of social justice related issues.

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159 The initial conclusion is primarily based on the participants' pretest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (Tsch annen Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 1998). Additionally, however, their private responses to the initial teaching case, their subsequent interviews, and their public teaching case responses also iterated participants' lack of preparation for working with cultures diverse from their own. The lack of preparation may be reinterpreted as a lack of retention of essential coursework due to the lack of relevance perceived by the participants when initially presented the material (Fuller, 1969), rather than a failure by th e college of education to adequately prepare its preservice teachers. According to Fuller's (1974) framework, there may be a specific phase of concern during which prospective teachers are more receptive to new ideas, new coursework. This study offers the possibility that the phase of concern may be progressed though the use of teaching cases as represented in the model. Regardless of the cause or its potential solution, the study's participants reflected low efficacy on their OSTES pretests and significant gains on their posttests. Regarding the second conclusion, the developed model of using social justice focused teaching cases, as used in this study, did increase this specific sample's teacher efficacy in working with students from different cultures. Th e participants' posttest scores from the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (Tschannen Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 1998) demonstrated significant gains in the sample's sense of teacher efficacy. While there was no control group to temper conclusions, the qualitat ive data from the preservice teachers' interviews, both their private and public responses to teaching cases, their

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1 60 metareflections, and their own written teaching cases fully support the model's efficacy for this population. The final conclusion is that p racticing the public responses to social justice issues in the teaching cases facilitated both the recognition of other social justice elements as well as the development of new responses to those expressed in the selected teaching cases (Cambourne, 1995). The public responses in seminars were an intrinsic part of the model. In comparing private responses, the initial response to each teaching case, with their public counterparts during seminars, participants moved from judgmental private responses to willi ngness to consider other perspectives as the discussion triads progressed. Private responses to the first case were more blame centered than private responses to two; private responses to three were the least judgmental. This progression, bolstered by the participants' interview responses and metareflections, may indicate not only gains in teacher efficacy, but also increases in social justice awareness. Participants described in both their written and verbal responses that the teaching cases extended their field based experiences (Berry & Hirsch, 2005); confusing occurrences in their assigned classrooms "made more sense" (see Appendices M, N, O) after discussing teaching cases and various responses that could be made. Limitations Gender and race bias or r elevance was not balanced in selecting the three teaching cases. All teachers in the teaching cases were white females, although the students with whom the challenges occurred varied in race and gender. While African American participants did not indicate any lack of relevance by the selection of white female

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161 teachers, one white male indicated that none of the cases pertained to male teachers and the problems that he could foresee occurring in his own classrooms. The Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES ) pretests' scores were high for midlevel preservice teachers when compared to their qualitative data, specifically their metareflections and teaching case responses. Because the anomaly may be a result of several different factors, including a long break between classroom placements, unrealistic expectations, and/or self affirmations, the OSTES's results are not reliable in this study. Any future studies may wish to consider administering the instrument at the end of the initial preservice teacher seminar. A third limitation occurred when half of the participants were placed at a non Title One school. While teaching case discussions may have been enhanced as a result of the variance, the participants' lived experiences also varied greatly. This variance ul timately led to greater emphasis being placed on the narrative data rather than using the quantitative piece in tandem with its complement. Further diminishing the reliability of the OSTES results was the decreased posttest responses by participants. The o riginal research questions focused on the use of teaching cases to build teacher efficacy in working with student populations diverse from their own. While there were significant gains in the posttest, the gains cannot be attributed solely, if at all, to t he use of teaching cases. The participants' internship classroom experiences, coursework, family lives, and countless other variables were not controlled. The pretest itself also may have contributed to the variance. Did student participants understand th e wording of the instrument, the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy

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162 Scale? Did the participants feel that they were expected to score high, thereby demonstrating a mastery of their coursework? Did participants honestly believe they were as well prepared as they i ndicated in their pretests? If so, were the posttest results skewed as the result of "normalizing"? Does it matter if it was the teaching cases that caused the movement in teacher efficacy in dealing with the "others", or their extracurricular experiences or any of many different variables and their combinations? What does this "efficacy" look like in the classroom? Does it translate to compassion and bending the rules? Or that rigid demand for excellence popularized in trade films, whether in the classro om or on the playing field? Bryant Keith Alexander (2004) described his own experience of self acknowledgment as an "other": When I came to understand self as other, not other as pathology but others as belonging to a different racial and cultural traditio n a different psychological condition in which my very presence did not mark difference but where my thoughts dictated my characterwhere the articulation of my Black experience was not interpreted as some sympathetic revelry, a personal affront, or even a n attack on Whiteness but a coming into my own voice (p. 12). Perhaps it is the facilitating towards finding voice that best defines a teacher's role, not only with minority students but with all students. Implications Teacher educators need to develop te aching methods in order to, ultimately, serve future students in classrooms that are becoming increasingly more diverse. It is vital that

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163 education majors do more than hear and read about social justice issues facing their prospective students; for them to both understand it and retain it, they need deeper interaction with the issues and alternative strategies for resolving them. The model for using teaching cases may enable teacher educators to demonstrate the relevance of their coursework to their midleve l education students, ultimately enhancing learning gains. Of equal importance to their professional development, prospective teachers need to not only be prepared, but to know they are prepared. The model developed from this research may provide the venu e to increasing their teacher efficacy. The model engages all four efficacy building elements (Bandura, 1995). Efficacy is developed verbally as participants discuss possible alternative solutions to the teaching cases. This discussion also affords both ph ysiological development when responses enter Bakhtin's (1983) interstitial spaces, spaces of disagreement, argument, discomfort, and vicarious development of efficacy as students experience the teaching dilemmas of experienced teachers but experiences they realize are likely to be in their own futures. Perhaps the most challenging developer of efficacy through this model is mastery. Mastery can be developed during the "rehearsals" of seminar discussions of teaching cases (Cambourne, 1995), or it may develop within the internship assigned classroom; for some it may require extensive classroom experience to achieve. Today's public school students need teachers with greater efficacy in a culturally responsive pedagogy, especially in accommodating minorities. Pr ospective teachers should demonstrate efficacy in their familiarity with other cultures. An example would include concepts such as progressive cities in Africa, not just bushmen and wild animals,

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164 and that there are significant differences among all African cultures. Multiple perspectives are to be encouraged. Additionally, both weaknesses and strengths of all students must be stressed; human beings are not one sided and neither should our perceptions of others be so. Errors, in fact crimes, perpetuated on o ther races should be acknowledged; the history taught must include not only the war crimes of other nations but also this nation's. Assessments must be fair and relevant; today's high stakes testing practices are not in the interest of many of our minority students; "the use of less biased tests can increase the presence of black students in gifted education" (Grantham, Tarek & Ford, 2003) rather than placing a disproportionate number of them in the other end of the "special education" label (Townsend, 2000 ). The use of teaching cases based on social justice dilemmas in early education core classes should be further studied. Waiting until the internship seminars may have only a limited effect. While the participants expressed their personal benefits of usin g the teaching cases, the nebulous nature of education was identified by them when they asked, "What's the right answer?" Future researchers may wish to explore methods in teacher education that can provide sufficient "other" answers rather than just concl uding the "right" singular response. There is no guarantee that any change is from the use of teaching cases. While the study was successful with this population, its results cannot be generalized to others.

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165 Recommendations for Further Research Other rese archers also may wish to examine or develop new research to answer: What are alternative explanations for development of efficacy in working with diverse populations? Is there a general timeline in using teaching cases that moves vicarious experience into the experience from which preservice teachers can draw and use as a basis for actions? Do colleges of education with male African American professors encounter greater growth in preservice teacher efficacy in working with diverse populations than their co mplement? In summary, this study suggests that colleges of education may benefit by introducing prospective teachers to the use of teaching cases. This study's participants increased in self efficacy in working with diverse cultures through the recursive u se of teaching cases focused on social justice issues. Other researchers may want to investigate the model in an experimental study. The researcher would appreciate the opportunity to assist in further studies.

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166 EPILOGUE Harlem or A Dream Deferred (Hughes, L., 1951) What happens to a dream deferred? Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun? Or fester like a sore -and then run? Does it stink like rotten meat? Or crust and sugar over -like a syrupy sweet? Maybe it just sags like a heavy load. Or does it explode? Langston Hughes proposed several potential responses to his own rhetorical question "What happens to a dream deferred?" In this end piece, I respond to my own twist on Hughes's question "What happens on the way to a d ream attained?" What Hughes and I share is a focus on both the needs and aspirations of African Americans. Additionally, and perhaps selfishly, my own dream of attaining a doctorate degree hinged on my research centered on teaching preservice teachers to b etter serve the needs of their African American elementary school students. While the study as designed appeared logical and comprehensive, it, like Hughes's dream, sometimes "sagged like a heavy load"; some things just went awry. There were three simple q uestions to answer: 1. How does the preservice education student respond to teaching cases focused on social justice issues in the education of African American male students and

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167 students from low socioeconomic levels, as evidenced in their responses to teach ing cases? 2. Does developing vicarious experiences through the use of teaching cases build teacher efficacy, as measured by the Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (OSTES)? 3. How do preservice education students represent their understandings of social justice issues in their writings of their hero's journeys? Under close scrutiny not too many things are really simple. The research questions qualified as some of those not too simple things. The very term "teaching case" was confusing to some who interpreted it a s a case study or, more often, only a teaching dilemma. While most of the students understood the term when introduced to their first case for this study, a few initially, in their individual responses to the first case, were unable to make the connection that the classroom dilemma was to be generalized to possibly one that they might someday experience. The public responses helped all but one of the participants to expand on the described events and to envision themselves in the place of the teachers who w rote the cases. One participant was slow to realize the generalization properties of the teaching cases. One of the two male participants negated any perceivable value in any of them because all the teachers in the three teaching cases were female. My inst ant, thinly veiled response was to ask just how obtuse, truly dense, he could possibly be, and to suggest a different career. I walked away for a few minutes before returning to ask a few clarifying questions, ones that included the possibility that male t eachers experience different classroom management issues from those of their female counterparts. Because the

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168 participant was also a large male, I asked if his size was perceived as advantageous. I was too generous in assuming he might have a plausible exp lanation beyond "All the teachers are female so these things won't happen to me." The third teaching case focused on a child's home language interfering with the teacher instructing her students in the "right" way to pronounce words; this was not a classro om management issue. However, the same intern still persisted that the case was not one he would experience because he was male. His responses indicated to me that he simply wanted to evade the assignment of responding fully to the teaching cases, both in private and in the seminars. What an outlier! At this point I wished for just one more teaching case to be used, one with a male teacher. Would the participant still have found a reason to refuse to identify with the teacher? Another problem with the rese arch questions was the concept of "social justice." I assumed that participants would understand the term and have little, if any, trouble objectifying it. "Assume nothing" quickly became my mantra. To many the term started and stopped with integration In both their private and public addresses to the first two teaching cases, the classroom management ones, the subtleties of racism were overlooked. Not until after their interviews did the potential for race as an issue develop within the participants s tudied. Exacerbating my researcher bias issue that made me want to explicitly teach on social justice issues versus allowing the participants time to discover their own views, was the interview process itself. Anticipating researcher bias if I was the one to interview participants, my committee and I decided another doctoral student might bring forward

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169 underlying issues. Quite the opposite may have resulted from the chosen interviewer, Kim Thomas, being an African American female. Were the two black partic ipants more, or less, comfortable with Kim? What of the other participants, especially the males? While Kim excelled with her probing questions, would a white interviewer have required less probing? Would the answers have been more direct? Were final answe rs really the most forthcoming possible? The interviews did facilitate moving social justice from "integration" to some of its other classroom manifestations. Of particular interest to me were two aspects: standardized testing and pull out programs. A th ird area I hoped to hear about in the interview transcripts never arose: the practice of students selecting their successors in classroom activities. During the semester I observed the participants teaching in their field based classrooms. It is not unusua l for a teacher to call on a student and then that student in turn calls on her/his replacement. After a couple visits to the same non Title One classrooms it became easy for me to predict who would not be selected by one's peers. Perhaps because of the homogeneity of the Title One school's population of a minority majority, or perhaps because of the shared socioeconomic status, the practice was less predictable in that school. However, its counterpart was easily predicted: if a white student was the teac her's initial selection you could depend on the reinstitution of a caste system before the last child was chosen. It could be that I am hypersensitive from days when P.E. teachers let students pick their teams. No one who knew me would pick me if eye/hand coordination was intrinsic to the game to be played.

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170 During interviews some participants seemed eager to discuss the inequities of standardized testing. Whether their points were garnered in coursework or personal experiences was not determined. Their disc ussions, though, included the identification of unequal resources. As one pointed out, "Say, even if one does fail the third grade FCAT, at least in that school (the non Title One school) the parents have the money to get tutoring to make sure it doesn't h appen again." While the sweeping stereotype of non Title One schools' home incomes being so much greater than the Title One schools' may be inaccurate, the idea is certainly substantiated repeatedly by Jonathan Kozol. Another participant complained of her Title One students being limited to drilling of testing skills rather than being provided opportunities for developing lifelong learning behaviors such as inquiry and computer literacy that reach beyond FCAT Explorer, a standardized test practice internet website. Two participants described another matter related by extension to social justice. In their interviews the two spoke of watching the faces of the students' whose names were being called to go to "special" classes or for extra tutoring. Because of t he disproportionate number of African American males relegated to "Special Education," in the non Title One school, it was often the only black child in the classroom who was being called out of it. As one participant summarized it, "The kids aren't stupi d. They know why the kid's called out." Neither participant recommended a better procedure, however. It seems that eventually some students assume the "special" characteristics. On Valentine's Day I assumed my unofficial, albeit regular, end of the day pi cnic table seat

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171 at the Title One school. Two, and sometimes three, African American boys from a self contained Special Education fifth grade class were required to sit there every afternoon until the buses left. A teacher's aide always hovered over them as if waiting for one of them to misbehave. On that particular day the boys were excited about candy and cards they received. One asked me, "Miss, whad'ja get for Valentine's Day?" When I answered, "Nothing," they all appeared stunned. The inquiring stude nt stretched across the table with something in his hand. When he opened his fist I saw a Valentine's game he received, the kind with small metal pellets to be rolled around and seated in specific holes. "Here, Miss. On Valentine's Day everyone's gotta fee l loved." I know it is often easier to get along with students for whom you have neither expectations nor responsibilitieis. However, there must be a way of maintaining the kind and humorous spirits those three boys always showed to me. I never received a sweeter gift than that game. That day is a day I worked to keep at the forefront of my research. Those three boys are exactly the kind to end up in the school to prison pipeline: poor, black, loud, and labeled Special Education. Surely it does not have to be that way. In Nathan McCall's autobiography, he referred to prison as a rite of passage (McCall, 1995). How sad that in the century before my birth, so many blacks risked their lives to escape slavery through the "underground railroad," only today to hav e their descendants back in another tunnel and into another form of slavery, prison.

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172 That day brought to light another issue. I realized that my interns only came to the picnic table before the three boys arrived or after they left. This deeply disturbed m e but I did not know how to ask about it without compromising my attempts to remain neutral. Refraining from direct "instruction" of my own values was not easy. I chose to suspend my belief system and simply "guide" the interns to my way of thinking. In co urtroom practices, it is called "leading the witness." I am seldom one to force my opinions on others. However, when working on social justice issues, it is not my opinion but what best serves the students that is important, even vital when ultimate conseq uences such as the "school to prison pipeline" are considered. Research question two brought to light some potential efficacy dilemmas. After statistically analyzing the participants' OSTES pretest scores, I was surprised that the Level II interns assesse d themselves so high in efficacy at the very beginning of their midlevel internship semester. Did they respond the way they thought they "should" respond, or so that I, as their supervisor, would hold them in higher regard? It would have been interesting t o see if administering the OSTES at the end of the previous internship would have reflected significantly different scores; perhaps the increased anonymity may have led to greater accuracy, or maybe their scores on the pretest are accurate already. Perhap s my greatest frustration was the attrition rate of the level II interns who had a supervisor teaching seminars without the use of teaching cases. From the start of the study I had problems trying to administer the OSTES to the three other cohorts. Two sup ervisors declined altogether after initially agreeing to the pretest and posttest administration. The two supervisors claimed that they would only administer the OSTES

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173 if the school district approved the adminitration of the survey. Their respone to me was surprising, not at all what I had anticipated should they decline. Because the university is a Research I university, our College of Education students occasionally lament their frequent survey requests. The complaint is to the extent that both Kim Thoma s, my research interviewer, and I have heard some students refer to themselves as guinea pigs. Without contemplating the ethical ramifications of that at the time, I was determined to collect data from another cohort. The quantitative piece was important t o me because I wanted to determine more accurately the extent of the influence of teaching case use. I needed at least twenty participants in the "control" group and I received exactly that number of OSTES pretests. Unfortunately, however, that number drop ped to only seven for the posttest. My control group was now obsolete. I took some comfort in learning that even with a control group, there were too many independent variables to be controlled for the quantitative data to be considered valid or generaliza ble. Nevertheless, I wanted it and I did not get it. My quantitative piece, like Langston Hughes's dream, explodedinto nothingness. "Nothingness" might be hyperbole but at various times during the study period I felt as though I were engaged in struggle. One lost battle was to obtain and retain a control group for the quantitative part of the study. I struggled to retain my own perspective of my research, both in methods and direction, but the struggle ended in compromise. Daily challenges to keep data tra cked, recorded and/or analyzed sometimess overwhelmed me. By the end of data collection, I was exhausted from the constant effort

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174 required to conduct the research. It turned out that that period was the easiest one with the fewest obstacles. I began perhap s the greatest struggle in my life once I had the data and its analysis. The "doing" was done. Fighting myself to finish what I had begun seemed pointless. What benefit would my research have for others? More theory, or disregarded practice? Was it worth p ursuing without the quantitative portion? Many more excuses were generated by my mind to justify abandoning the study. While the dissertation journey can be lonely, occasionally even selfish, it also, for me, offered plateaus of comfort on which I found my husband, family, friends, and major professor encouraging me to proceed to the next level. While I hope my research is of value to some, if not many, all in all, in these last days of writing I learned that the hardest part ends with an ainticlimactic sig h of relief and the five little words "It is finished at last."

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175 REFERENCES Alexander, B.K. (2006). Performing black masculinity: Race, culture and queer identity. New York: AltaMira. Alexander, B.K. (2004). Racializing identity: Performance, pedago gy, and regret. Cultural Studies, 4 (1), 12 28. Alexander, F. (1918). Man's supreme inheritance. London: Mouritz. Retrieved December 5, 2007, from: http://www.alexandercenter.com/jd/johndewey ms.html Alexander, F. (1923). Constructive conscious control of the individual. New York: E. P. Dutton. Retrieved December 5, 2007, from: http://www.alexandercenter.com Alison, W. (November 1841). Further illustrations of the practical operation of the Scotch system of management of the poor. London: Statistical Society of London. Retrieved November 7, 2007, from: http://links.jstor.org/ Allington, R. (November 2006). Research, programs, and profits. Nashvi lle: National Council of Teachers of English Conference. Andrade, A.D. (2009). Interpretive research aiming at theory building: Adopting and adapting the case study design. The Qualitative Report, 14 (1). 42 60. Anyon, J. (2005). Radical possibilities: Publ ic policy, urban education, and a new social movement. New York: Routledge.

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178 Christensen, D. (1996). The professional knowledge research base for teacher educa tion. In J. Sikula, T. Buttery & E. Guyton (Eds.). Handbook of research on teacher education, 2 nd ed. (p. 44). New York: Macmillan Library Reference. Clark, C. (1988). Asking the right questions about teacher preparation: Contributions of research on teac her thinking. Educational Researcher, 17 (2), 5 12. Clark, C. & Lampert, M. (1986). The study of teacher thinking: Implications for teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 37 (5), 27 31. Clearinghouse for Special Education Teaching Cases. University of South Florida. Retrieved October 17, 2007, from: http://cases.coedu.usf.edu/about.htm. Cochran Smith, M., Davis, D., & Fries, K. (2005). Multicultural teacher education: Research, policy, and practice. In J.A. Banks & C.A.M. Banks (Eds). Handbook of r esearch on multicultural education, 2 nd ed. (pp. 931 975). San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Comstock Galagan, J. & Brownstein, R. (2006). Stopping the schoolhouse to jailhouse pipeline by enforcing federal special education law. Retrieved November 6, 2007, fro m: www.splcenter.org/images/dynamic/main/SpecialEducationLaw Cooper, H. & Burger, J. (1980). How teachers explain students' academic performance: A categorization of free respo nse academic attributions. American Educational Research Journal, 17 (1), 95 109. Cooper, J.M. & McNergney, R.F. (1995). Introduction: The value of cases in teacher education. In J.M. Cooper, J.M. (Ed.). Teachers' problem solving: A casebook of award winnin g teaching cases (pp. 1 10). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

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180 Elliott, A., Woloshyn, V., Bajovic, M., Ratkovi, S., & Akseer, S. (2007). Promoting teacher candidates'awareness of the role of cri tical literacy in the curriculum: Lunchtime conversations. The Reading Professor, 29 (1), 4 10. Epanchin, B. & Colucci, K. (2001). A consequence of testing all students. Clearinghouse for Special Education Teaching Cases, University of South Florida. Retrie ved May 3, 2007, from: http://cases.coedu.usf.edu Fecho, B. & Allen, J. (2003). Teacher inquiry into literacy, social justice, and power. In J. Flood, B. Lapp, J. Squire & J. Jenson. Handbook of research on teaching the language arts, 2 nd ed. (pp. 232 246). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Fine, M., Weis, L., Centrie, C. & Roberts, R. (2000). Educating beyond the borders of schooling. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 13 (2), 131 151. Finn, P. (1999). Literacy with an attitude: Educating working class children in their own self interest. New York: State University of New York Press. Fisher, C., Fox, D. & Paille, E. (1996). Teacher education research in the English language arts and reading. In J. Sikula, T. Buttery & E. Guyton, (Eds.) Handbook of research on teacher education, 2 nd ed. (pp. 430 431). New York: Macmillan Library Reference. Florida Department of Education (2007). Hillsborough County School District. Retrieved November 28, 2007, from: from: http://www.fldoe.org/eias/flmove/hillsbor.asp?style

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192 Weitzel, S. & Shockley, C. (2004). Florida's children at a glance, 2004. Tampa, FL: Center for the Study of Children's Futures. West, J. D. (2002). Teaching cases and the deve lopment of moral reasoning in teacher *education students. Tampa, FL: University of South Florida. Whitted, Q. (2004). In my flesh shall I see god: Ritual violence and racial redemption in "The Black Christ." African American Review, 38 (3), 379 393. Wong, H. & Wong, R. (1998). The first days of school: How to be an effective teacher. Mountain View, CA: Harry K. Wong Publications, Inc. Woolfolk Hoy, A. (April, 2000). Changes in teacher efficacy during the early years of teaching. New Orleans: American Educa tional Research Association. Wren, S. (2004). Matthew effects in reading. Retrieved on 12/12/07 from: http://www.balancedreading.com/matthew.html. Wright, P.W. & Wright P.D. (2006). What is the Matthew effect? Retrieved November 11, 2006, from: http://www.wrightslaw.com/info/test.matthew.effect.htm Education is simply the soul of a society as it passes from one generation to another (G.K.Chesterton)

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193 Appendix A College of Education Syllab us EDE 4942 003 -Elementary Education Internship, Level II Contact Info: (727)687 1091 or cesams@mail.us.edu Course Prerequisites: EDF 2005, EME 2040, EDF 2701, FLE 4315, RED 4310, EDE 4301, MAE 4310, LAE 4416 Course Description: Students spend two days per week in a supervised internship experience in classroom settings and attend weekly seminars (six semester hours). Course Goals and Objectives: Accomplished Practices for Assessment; Communication; Collaboration; Content and Professional Knowledge; Lea rning Environment; Continuous Improvement; Critical and Creative Thinking; Planning; Knowledge and Presentation of Subject Matter; Planning; Technology; Ethics and Diversity; Role of the Teacher; Student Learning and Development; Reflection; Analysis, and Inquiry; and ESOL Requirements #4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 16, and 18 will be addressed as described in items #1 10: 1. Assist the classroom teacher in instruction by implementing instructional plans for individuals, small groups, and large groups of children. 2. Apply effective teaching methods and new knowledge gained in methods courses when implementing instructional plans. 3. Utilize a variety of instructional materials to teach lessons. 4. Assist the classroom teacher in clerical and routine tasks. 5. Manage student beha vior within the classroom setting. 6. Demonstrate competence in all written and oral communication. 7. Adhere to operational policies and procedures of the school where placed. 8. Demonstrate responsibility in fulfilling professional commitments. 9. Attend all wee kly seminars and fully participate in all assignments.

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194 Appendix A (Continued) 10. Demonstrate professional behaviors as outlined in the Department of Childhood Education. Content Expectations: 1. You must have a NetID for the myUSF portal system, and insure t hat your USF email account is forwarded to your primary email address (if applicable). It is required that you do this before the second seminar in order to remain enrolled in this section of internship. 2. In the school: Successfully complete a minimum of 2 4 full days of internship and demonstrate dependability and punctuality. Notify the school, your teacher, AND your professor in advance (as soon as possible) if you will be absent. This applies for both regularly scheduled days as well as make up days. Pl ease note that failure to do so will result in termination of your placement and an unsatisfactory grade in this internship. Make up all days missed as soon as possible When you are absent or tardy, submit an Absent/Late Report (attached) to the professor at the next seminar. Submit a teacher signed Make Up Report (attached) at the seminar immediately following your make up day. 3. On the final evaluation interns must be rated 3 or higher on Accomplished Practices (AP) # 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 in order to receive a 'Satisfactory' grade for EDE 4942 as evaluated by the university supervisor. If an area of insufficiency is identified by the university supervisor during the semester, the supervisor and the intern will meet to develop a plan of action The plan will identify the area(s) of insufficiency and specific actions that the student must take in order to meet the AP criteria and receive a 'Satisfactory' grade for the internship. 4. In seminar : Demonstrate dependability and punctuality in attenda nce. (You must sign the attendance form before class starts in order to be counted present and on time.) If you miss more than one seminar, you will not have met the requirements for this internship because there is no make up for missed seminars. Being ta rdy three times is counted as an absence. Submit an Absent Report for any seminar you do not attend. Complete all seminar assignments accurately and on time. 5. Participate in four peer coaching sessions (a minimum of two as presenter and two as observer/coa ch), and submit your responses (as observer) and feedback (as presenter) using the peer observation form attached.

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195 Appendix A (Continued) 6. Demonstrate instructional competence and behavior management skills during three observations (at least one must be whole class). Provide typed formal lesson plans (see example) that includes: a. Behavioral objective (must be something you can observe students do) b. Materials required [ everything you need to use for the lesson] c. Procedures [step by step description of what y ou will do] d. Assessment [what you will do to evaluate if students meet the objective] e. Sunshine State Standards f. ESE and ESOL adaptations Lesson plans must be typed (double space) and written in complete sentences (rather than outline). Missing a scheduled o bservation without giving the professor prior notice will result in an unsatisfactory grade. Observations should include the following lessons: (1) a structured reading lesson (such as DRA, DRTA, or LEA), (2) content lesson (math, social studies, science, health, or language arts) in which you introduce new information (not review or skill lesson), and (3) a lesson of your choice. 7. Teaching Cases: a. Read the weekly teaching case and respond to it on Blackboard. b. Print out your response and bring it to that we ek's seminar. c. Due dates are posted in the Blackboard course, and these must be submitted on time in order to successfully complete this course. d. Your response should consist of: i. predicting, clarifying, questioning and summarizing each teaching case "as is" ii. being able to analyze, synthesize, and evaluate what these events could potentially mean to you and how you believe they should be handled iii. "I statements" 8. Create and execute a technology infused lesson plan It may address any curricular area (i.e. Math, Language Arts, Science, etc.). In order to receive full credit the lesson must meet the criteria stated in the rubric. The lesson should last approximately 15 30 minutes (see attachment 1). You will submit your technology lesson plan electronically to jlwelsh@coedu.usf.edu Additional details, assistance and resources are provided at http://fcit.usf.edu/til Due March 18 th 9. Write an original teaching case using the rubric provided.

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196 Appendix A (Continued) 10. Create a portfolio that provides evidence that the twelve Florida Educator Accomplished practices are being met (AP 3, CF 4). During level 2, the expectation is that you will select one artifact (minimum) per accomplishe d practice to document your professional development. Each artifact will be supported by a rationale for its selection and a reflection of your personal growth. The final portfolio will be submitted for review and evaluation during you final internship. 11. M aintain a weekly journal covering your experiences during the internship. At the end of the semester you will re write your journal by transforming it into a Hero's Journey for which a rubric will be provided.

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197 Appendix A (Continued) Schedule of Seminar Meetings DATE TOPICS ASSIGNMENTS DUE Week 1 Tuesday, January 8th 9:00 2:00 EDU 214 Intros Syllabus Student Demographics Anticipation Survey Exit Memo for seminar Thursday, January 10 th 9:00 2:00 EDU 214 Professional expectations Teaching Cases Observ ations School/grade assignment Technology (10:00 12:00) Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale (pretest) Exit Memo for seminar Letter of Introduction DUE Week 2 Tuesday, January 15 th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #1Triads Teaching Case #1 Online Respons e and Hard Copy DUE Exit Memo for seminar Week 3 Tuesday, January 22nd 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #1Triads Exit Memo for seminar Week 4 Tuesday, January 29th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #1Triads Creating an electronic portfolio In basket Week 5 Tuesday, February 5th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #2 Triads Teaching Case #2 Online Response and Hard Copy DUE Week 6 Tuesday, February 12th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #2 Triads Week 7 Tuesday, February 19th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #2 Triads Week 8 Tuesday, February 26 th 3:00 4:50 Teaching Case #3 Triads Teaching Case #3 Online Response and Hard Copy DUE

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198 EDU 214 Week 9 Tuessday, March 4th 10:00 12:00 1:00 3:00 EDU 214 Teaching Case #3 Triads Seminar exit memo Spring Break @US F from March 10 15 Week 10 Tuesday, March 18th 3:00 4:50 EDU 214 Teaching Case #3 Triads TECHNOLOGY INFUSED LESSON DUE Week 11 Tuesday, March 25th 1:00 3:00 EDU 214 Teaching Case Writing EVIDENCE OF PEER OBSERVATIONS DUE Week 12 Tuesday, Apri l 1 st EDU 214 Teaching Case Writing Workshop Rough Draft of Original Teaching Case DUE Week 13 Tuesday, April 8 th EDU 214 Presentation of Teaching Cases first half of cases Exit Memo for seminar Final copy of original teaching case DUE Week 14 Tuesday, April 15 th EDU 214 Presentation of Teaching Cases remaining half Teaching Portfolio "Hero's Journey" Metareflection DUE Week 15 Tuesday, April 22 nd (April 22nd is last day in field based classroom) EDU 214 Ohio State Teacher Efficacy Scale posttest Cour se Evaluation Celebration

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199 Appendix A (Continued) Schedule of Field Experience Expectations Week 1 (1/8) Orientation week Week 1 (1/10) Letter of Introduction Due; First Day of Internship; Observe and assist classroom teacher Week 2 (1/25) Obser ve and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 3 (1/22) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 4 (1/29) O bserve and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 5 (2/5) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 6 (2/12 ) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 7 (2/19) Midterm Progress Report Due; Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations wit h course instructor **FCAT TESTING Week 8 (2/26) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 9 (3/4) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; sched ule observations with course instructor **FCAT TESTING USF Spring Break; no seminar March 10 15 Week 10 (3/18) Reflective Investigation 6; Hillsborough County Spring Break Technology and Grant Writing Workshop -USF College of Education Laptop Lounge, E DU 252 from 10AM 2PM

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200 Appendix A (Continued) Week 11 (3/25) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instruction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 12 (4/1) Observe and assist classroom teacher; plan and implement instru ction; schedule observations with course instructor Week 13 (4/8) Individual Conferences Week 14 (4/15) Reflective Investigation 7; Final progress report due Week 15 (4/22) Last day of internship 4/22; Seminar Celebration 4/22 12. Evaluation of Student O utcomes: Evaluation will be holistic, covering the entire experience. This will include (but is not limited to): university supervisor's observation notes, lesson plans, weekly reflections, seminar assignments, attendance records, teacher interviews, and peer coaching participation. Grading will be S (satisfactory) or U (unsatisfactory). Interns who have not turned in all assignments by the last day of class prior to exam week will receive an I (incomplete ). 11. Chalk and Wire Assignments: Assignments d esignated as Chalk and Wire requirements must be scored 3 or above in order to pass the course. If you turn in an assignment that receives a grade of 1 or 2, you will be required to redo the assignment. When you have successfully completed the assignment your new score will be entered into the chalk and wire system. Your initial grade on the assignment will be used to compute your final grade for the course. Critical Task Assignment for Chalk and Wire: During the course of your internship, you are req uired to keep a reflective log that demonstrates your ability to investigate your own teaching practices and identify areas of growth, strengths, and weaknesses. The log also documents continuous improvement in your professional development. The metarefl ections should be insightful, comprehensive, and connected to classroom experiences and responses to teaching cases during the semester. This metareflection will be entitled "A Hero's Journey" and will be assessed according to the attached rubric. Score 1: Poor -No journal entries are insightful or comprehensive. Journal entries do not document continuous improvement.

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201 Appendix A (Continued) Score 2: Limited -Few journal entries are insightful or comprehensive. Journals entires do not document continuous i mprovement. Score 3: Adequate -Most journal entries are insightful and comprehensive. Journal entries document at least one continuous improvement effort. Score 4: Proficient -All journal entries are insightful and comprehensive. Journal entries document a t least two continuous improvement efforts. Score 5: Outstanding -All journal entries are extremely insightful and comprehensive. Journal entries document at least three continuous improvement efforts. 12. Grading Criteria: The following descriptions ar e general guidelines for determining the course outcome of satisfactory / unsatisfactory: Satisfactory: Consistent and thoughtful participation each day in both the classroom and in seminar discussions / activities. Excellent quality and serious thought put into each assignment. Evidence of professional growth, as indicated on the midterm and final evaluation forms and weekly reflections. Unsatisfactory: Inconsistency of participation in the classroom or seminar. Assignments incomplete or poorly done Failure to complete course objectives, requirements, or expectations. The inability to perform in a satisfactory manner in the internship experience (as documented by an unsatisfactory final evaluation form from the university supervisor or the classroo m teacher). 13.Required Materials: a. Email address b. Name badge (available at Marshall Center for $5.00 NO FIRST NAME) c. Chalk and Wire General Information Requirements and Expectations: 1. Perform all tasks assigned by the supervising teacher and professor in a prompt and responsible manner. 2. Reinforce established classroom organization and management strategies with regard to discipline, guidance techniques, rules, routines, transitions, and clerical tasks. 3. Assume regular teaching responsibilities by the second week. At least half your in school time should be spent teaching. (At least two lessons each day must be whole class. Others can be teaching a small group. Some time can be devoted to tutoring individuals.)

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202 Appendix A (Continued) 4. Handle all confidential information in a professional manner. 5. Dress professionally; jeans, shorts, tight fitting, and revealing clothing or any other manner of dressing that might be distracting to the learning environment are not acceptable at any time. 6. Accept feedback from your teacher in a positive manner in order to continue professional growth. 7. Exhibit positive interpersonal relationships in the school and seminar settings. 8. Use standard handwriting for writing on the board and classroom materials and for all written work in the internship and seminar. 9. Turn off all cell phones, beepers, and electronic devices before entering the seminar and internship. 10. Sign in at the beginning of each internship day and be in your classroom ready to work 15 minut es before the children arrive Stay until 15 minutes after all children have been dismissed. (On seminar day, you may leave at the appropriate time to arrive on time for the seminar.) Please note that falsifying attendance records (time in/out) will resul t in immediate termination of the internship. 11. You are required to begin to develop you professional portfolio that provides evidence that the twelve Florida Educator Accomplished practices are being met (AP 3, CF 4). The final portfolio will be submit ted for review and evaluation during you final internship. College of Education Conceptual Framework: The College of Education is dedicated to the ideals of C ollaboration, A cademic E xcellence, R esearch, and E thics/Diversity. These are key tenets in the Conceptual Framework of the College of Education. Competence in these ideals will provide candidates in educator preparation programs with skills, knowledge, and dispositions to be successful in the schools of today and tomorrow. For more information on the Conceptual Framework, visit: www.coedu.usf.edu/main/qualityassurance/ncate_visit_info_materials.htm ADA Statement: Students with disabilities are responsible for registering with the Office of Student Disabilities Services (974 4309) in order to receive special accommodations and services. Please notify the instructor within the first week of classes if a reasonable accommodation for a disability is needed for this course. A letter from the USF Disability Services Office must accompany this request. USF Policy on Religious Observances: All students have a right to expect that the University will reasonably accommodate their religious observances, practices an d beliefs. Students are expected to notify the instructor in writing by the second class if they intend to be absent for a class or announced examination, in accordance with this policy.

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203 Appendix A (Continued) Academic Dishonesty: Plagiarism is defined as "literary theft" and consists of the unattributed quotation of the exact words of a published text, or the unattributed borrowing of original ideas by paraphrase from a published text. On written papers for which the student employs information gather ed from books, articles, or oral sources, each direct quotation, as well as ideas and facts that are not generally known to the public at large must be attributed to its author by means of the appropriate citation procedure. Citations may be made in footn otes or within the body of the text. Plagiarism also consists of passing off as one's own, segments or the total of another person's work. In addition, you may not turn assignments in this course that you have completed as requirements for other courses. Punishment for academic dishonesty will depend on the seriousness of the offense and may include receipt of an "F" with a numerical value of zero on the item submitted, and the "F" shall be used to determine the final course grade. It is the option of t he instructor to assign the student a grade of F or FF (the latter indicating dishonesty) in the course. Detection of Plagiarism: The University of South Florida has an account with an automated plagiarism detection service which allows instructors to su bmit student assignments to be checked for plagiarism. I reserve the right to 1) request that assignments be submitted to me as electronic files and 2) electronically submit assignments to Turnitin.com. Assignments are compared automatically with a huge database of journal articles, web articles, and previously submitted papers. The instructor receives a report showing exactly how a student's paper was plagiarized. For more information, go to www.turnitin.com and h ttp://www.ugs.usf.edu/catalogs/0304/adadap.htm#plagiarism. Goals for Level II Interns Planning Demonstrates ability to implement plans by supervising teacher Plans lessons that incorporate effective instructional strategies Demonstrates ability to plan les sons over extended period of time (more than one day) Management of Student Conduct Plans for and manages transitions between lessons Consistently monitors classroom behavior Provides positive reinforcement of student behavior Maintains academic focus whil e monitoring students' conduct

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204 Appendix A (Continued) Instructional Organization Is organized and prompt Maintains instructional momentum Provides positive reinforcement and feedback for student academic performance Effectively uses a variety of strategie s and activities Effectively uses a variety of visuals, concrete materials, and technology Lesson Presentation Presents subject clearly and accurately Uses lesson introductions to gain attention and motivate students Uses lesson introductions to make conne ctions to prior learning Demonstrates questioning skills Monitors students' learning during lessons Determines when students have reached desired learning outcomes Communication Is proficient in Standard English Expresses ideas clearly, logically, and appr opriately for level of students Gives directions that are clear and appropriate for students and task Professional Behavior Meets requirements for attendance and punctuality Demonstrates professional behavior toward children, teachers, and peers Seeks and accepts suggestions and feedback from supervisors

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205 Appendix A (Continued) Technology Infused Lesson Description of assignment The student will create and execute a technology infused lesson plan. It may address any curricular area (i.e. Math, Language Art s, Science, etc.). In order to receive full credit the lesson must meet the criteria stated in the rubric. The lesson should last approximately 15 30 minutes. TURN IN: 1. Your Lesson Plan (including the parts listed below) 2. Your Reflection on the Less on (addressing the questions listed below) 3. Examples of student products (student work that resulted from the lesson) 1. Lesson plan format a. Standards List the Sunshine State Standards and the National Educational Technology Standards that this lesson will address. b. Student Outcomes What will the students learn or be able to do as a result of this lesson. c. Materials List the materials needed to execute this lesson. Be sure to include the technology elements needed. Examples of technology elements ar e listed here: (1) Some possible technology elements (a) Internet (b) Thought mapping software (Inspiration) (c) Digital camera (d) Video camera

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206 Appendix A (Continued) (e) Word processing software (Word) (f) Spreadsheet software (Excel) d. Procedures Desc ribe the steps necessary to complete this lesson. e. Assessment How will you assess students' learning? Your assessment should relate directly to your Student Outcomes and Standards. Assessment can be formal or informal. f. Reflection Write a one to two p age reflection on the assignment. Be sure to address these questions in your reflection: (1) How did you use technology to plan or prepare for this lesson? (2) In what ways did technology further enhance or extend this lesson? (3) What was your comfort lev el with the technology used in this lesson? (4) What resources did you use to complete this assignment? (people) (5) What problems did you have? (6) How did you deal with the problems? (7) How did the students react to the lesson? (8) What would you do dif ferently if you presented this lesson again? (9) How actively engaged or motivated were students? (10)How did your cooperating teacher support you in the use of technology in your lesson? (11)What other support or resources would have helped you complete t his project?

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207 Appendix A (Continued) g. Student feedback Describe your students' learning processes and levels of engagement in the lesson and how the inclusion of technology affected their learning. Include examples of student work.

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208 Appendix A (Con tinued) ABSENT/LATE REPORT It is the intern's responsibility to complete this form when a day of internship is missed or when the intern is signing in after the designated time. Today's Date:________________ Please circle on e : Absent Late Intern's Name: Date you were absent or late: Reason for absence or tardiness: Name of person contacted: Date and time contacted: Supervising Teacher's Signature:. FOR SCHEDULED OBSERVATION ONLY Date and time supervisor was contacted: ____________________________________ MAKE UP TIME REPORT Intern's Name: Date you were late or absent: Date made up:

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209 Appendix A (Continued) Time: Supervising Teacher's Signature:. Intern's Signature.. Peer Observation Form Person Being Observed: ________________ Observer: __________________________ Date: _________________ To be completed by the observer : 1. List three strengths observed during the lesson. (Use com plete sentences and be specific in your explanation.) 2. List three suggestions for improvement of the lesson. (Use complete sentences and be specific in your explanation.) To be completed by the person being observed : On the back of this sheet, write your reactions to the observation of your lesson. (For example, if you feel the suggestions were helpful, how would you adjust instruction in the future?)

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210 Appendix B Guide for Teaching Case Responses Directions: Use the following questions to gu ide both your written response and your seminar discussions: 1. What is the major problem in the classroom? For whom is it a problem? 2. Do any of the problems seem to be cultural? If so, how? 3. What might happen if the problem continues? 4. What are two questions y ou would ask either the teacher or the student(s)? 5. What are some alternative solutions? Identify the following: Symptoms Problems

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211 Appendix C Rubric for Hero's Journey, a Metareflection Scores Excellent (3) Mediocre (2) Dismal (1) Starting point: Describes thoughts, perceptions, past experiences, fears, hopes, etc. Describes only one or two anticipation feelings Either omitted or Barely evident Locations: Classroom descriptors (3 or more) Classroom descriptors (2) Classroom descriptors (1) School descriptions (3 or more) School descriptions (2) School descriptions (1) Community descriptors (3 or more) Community descriptors (2) Community descriptors (1) Strengths: Preparation (thoughtful and detailed reflection of previous experiences and trainings) Preparation (describes one or two experiences but not in detail) Preparation (none described) Identity (addresses two or more connections between self and school, students or community) Identity (addresses one con nection between self and school, students or community) Identity (makes no connections) Hero's Return Internship journey (addresses five or more events occurring during the journey) Internship journey (addresses three or four events occurring during the j ourney) Internship journey (addresses one or two events occurring during the journey) The Bounty Addresses at least three from the following: changes in attitude, understanding, empathy or ability Addresses two from the following: changes in attitude, und erstanding, empathy or ability Addresses one of the following: changes in attitude, understanding, empathy or ability Points earned:

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212 Appendix D Original Teaching Case Rubric Excellent (3) Acceptable (2) Unacceptable (1) Classroom setting The physical setting is described with at least three descriptors. The physical setting is described. No description is made available. Identifying of dilemma An authentic problem that may be common to other teachers is presented. An authentic problem is pres ented. The dilemma is vague or unrealistic. Dialogue Authentic dialogue is included and helps in telling about the problem. Authentic dialogue is included. No dialogue is included. Internal conflict Writer informs the reader of reasons why the dilemma is a problem to the preservice teacher. The internal conflict is unclear. No information is included. Voice Written in the first person. Written in the third person. Length 1 2 pages in length 1 full page Less than 1 full page in length Writing conventio ns Less than 3 errors in spelling, punctuation, capitalization or sentence structure Between 3 and 9 in spelling, punctuation, capitalization or sentence structure More than 9 errors in spelling, punctuation, capitalization or sentence structure Details This rubric attached to both final copy and rough draft. This rubric attached to the final copy. Only a final copy submitted. Total points earned Date received_________________________

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213 Appendix E ____________code ____________date Interview Questi ons 1. Tell me about a typical day at your school, starting from the minute you drive up to it. 2. When you hear the terms "social justice," "sociocultural," and "diversity," what comes to mind? 3. Think back on your own experiences both as a child and as an adult student. What are some of the issues you witnessed? 4. How were those dilemmas resolved? How did you feel about it? How might you respond in the same circumstances? 5. Do you "find" yourself in any o f the teaching case roles we have used? If so, in what ways? What did that feel like to be reading how another teacher is reacting, or, how you felt like acting? 6. Talk to me about using teaching cases. What issues do you think would best serve other preservice teachers? In what ways are they helpful/not helpful? 7. What are the greatest challenges for you here? What else can you tell me?

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214 Appendix F Timeline August 2007: Expert panel convened to determine feasibility of teaching case use November 2007: Expert panel identified key social issues Expert panel selected twelve teaching cases to address the issues Expert panel developed questions for interviews January 2008: Meet with Spring 2008 cohort of Level II inter ns complete OSTES pretest explain this study and its purpose obtain IRB release forms permitting use of data for any voluntary participants discuss teaching cases in triads, comparing to previously written responses February 2008 A pril 2008: For nine consecutive weeks all students will: read and respond to teaching cases posted online through Blackboard bring copies of their responses to subsequent seminars discuss in pairs their responses and then share with t he whole class (triads in which two participants discuss and the third records and then rotate positions until all three have been recorder/listeners and all three have discussed with the other two participants) write and publish an authentic teachi ng case write a Heros Journey to reflect personal observations during the internship complete OSTES posttest at the last seminar February 2008-February 2009: Analyze data and determine findings and implications. August 2008 Return to the participants for clarification and expansion of collected data.

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215 Appendix G Teaching C ase 1 Richards, J. & Gipe, J. (2000). Elementary literacy lessons: Cases and commentaries from the field. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, p. 42. One, Two, Three, All Eyes on Me By Jennifer Shrable As an elementary education major, I have been fortunate to have had field experiences in different schools. This has helped me recognize that there always is a variety of learning styles and backgrounds among schoolchildren. At this school I teach four African American second grade boys. I have been quite pleased with the work they have done so far. However, I sometimes find it beyond challenging to get them to follow my instructions and become fully engaged in my lessons. When I begin my lessons, I try to find some aspect that will hold my students' attention fo r the duration of our class time. The group always responds to my opening comments, but I begin to lose them about 20 minutes into each lesson. Charles seems to be a kinesthetic learner. He also jumps out of his chair so much that he continually distracts the others. Devin gazes around the room periodically. Chris constantly asks me to go look at his Lego house. Scotty seems to be the only one who pays attention consistently. The most common distractions are,, "May I go to the bathroom?" "Can I show you my Lego house?" and "When can we draw?" I do not want them to have an accident in the classroom, so I usually let them, go to the bathroom, but it seems to be a pattern with them. I have tried to remember to ask them to go to the bathroom at 9:45 am before I begin the day's lesson, so there will be no interruptions, I have had to take away crayons or other objects from the boys so that they will pay attention to the book I am reading or the lesson I am teaching. The boys love to illustrate stories they have written, and I do not mind that.. But here, too, this type of work causes them to get distracted. They talk out and laugh, and grumble when I tell them to stop drawing. Another problem is that if we do get started on an activity or a writing assignment, I cannot seem to explain the goals of the lesson in enough ways so all four boys will understand what they are to do. I do not feel that I am speaking over their heads or introducing something they have never seen before. The problem is that far too often I walk out of the room feeling as though nothing was accomplished and that no effort was made by my students. I strive to find interesting and relevant books for my group, such as books on the Komodo dragon (they told me that they were interested in dragon s). I also share books that portray realistic African American story characters. But it does not seem to work. Are they testing me? Are they bored and I do not know it? Am I really teaching over their heads? I am willing to try anything to get these boys t o participate and make full use of my time and their time.

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216 Appendix H Teaching Case 2 Richards, J. & Gipe, J. (2000). Elementary literacy lessons: Cases and commentaries from the field. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Pages 197 199. Nardarius By Rebecca Clemens There is a little boy in my second grade group named Mark. At first, I thought he was a typical boy curious and into everything. But, as time went on, Mark began to miss quite a few of our sessions because he was in the ISS (in school suspension r oom). I asked him why he got sent to ISS and he answered, "I don't know because I don't do anything bad." Now, he is considered the problem child in the classroom. He will not do anything and he does not listen to anyone. The thing that I can't figure out is what is wrong with Mark. Every time I meet my group of students, I try to talk to him first to give him extra attention. For example, I always ask him, "How are you today, Mark? He rarely answers me, and he often stares off into space. Last week we ha d special adult readers come to class and he didn't pay any attention to them. He made noises and "cut up." He strummed on a rubber band. I told him, "Please pay attention!" I knew that if he acted badly it would reflect on the classroom teacher, because t he reader was an administrator from the school board. When we created our mural, Mark's behavior was intolerable. He did not want to participate in any way. At first I thought that he was afraid to draw but, after thinking about his behavior, I realize th at Mark always acts inappropriately, regardless of the activity. I cannot believe that he acts this way because he is lazy. I do know that he makes my life very hard. I want to include him in our group but no matter what I try, it fails. After we have fini shed reading our story for the day and we have completed our literature and prediction logs, we sometimes read the story aloud as a choral reading activity. Most students really enjoy this, but not Mark. I always ask him, "Do you want to read or tell us ab out your favorite part of the story?" Mark always says, "I don't want to do anything." Then he acts up and disturbs us. I have grown so tired of sending him out of the group. It doesn't work, anyway. Our drama presentation is coming up soon. We have dis cussed it and Mark says that he isn't interested. I am completely at a loss! I have never met a student like him. He finally was back in the group last week after being in ISS the two previous meetings. I noticed that he had a new haircut. I complimented him and said, "Ooh, I like your new haircut. It looks very nice. His answer was, "It looks stupid and I hate it." The problem is that I don't know what to do about Mark. I'm sure that over the years I will teach other students like him. I do know that ISS isn't the answer. What else can a teacher do to help students like Mark?

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217 Appendix I Teaching Case 3 Richards, J. & Gipe, J. (2000). Elementary literacy lessons: Cases and commentaries from the field. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, p. 170. Alicia Uses H er Language by Malinda Cooper There is one girl in my second grade group named Alicia, who speaks and writes with a strong dialect. She pronounces words differently from the other students. I think that sometimes she does this on purpose to get attentio ns, but she also has significant problems pronouncing words. One day she wrote the word sofa in her spelling log. She showed me how she had spelled the word (sofer) and asked, "Is this how you spell sofer?" I said, "That's close," and I wrote the standard spelling next to the word she had written. Then she looked at how I had spelled sofa and said, "That's not how you spell the word sofer. My dad told me." I didn't know how to answer her, so I pointed to what I had written and said emphatically, "This is th e standard English spelling. I don't know anything about Alicia's background, but I want to help her improve her standard English. The other children in the group don't seem to have this problem. They speak standard English. This dilemma with Alicia made me think of the different dialects people have when they speak. I really didn't know what to do about Alicia's use of dialect, so I told her that when she writes something that is informal, meaning that the writing isn't judged by others, she can choose he r own language. However, when she writes something for others to read or something that she is handing in for a grade, she should use standard English spelling. I also told her than when she speaks to others in a formal situation, she should use standard E nglish. I said, "It is okay to talk to friends or relatives the way you choose. Just make sure that they can understand you. If the person doesn't understand what you are saying, you need to use standard English." I emphasized to her that there is a time a nd place for different types of language. She has to realize when to use informal speech, like dialect. I have tried different approaches to help Alicia understand the importance of standard English. I read books that are familiar to her that are written i n standard English. She also observed me writing in standard English. Perhaps the whole language philosophy is a good framework for me to follow in order to teach Alicia standard English. Learning in a holistic way would help her engage in meaningful, deve lopmentally appropriate activities. If students are exposed to material that is relevant to them, they will learn standard English while still being able to use their own dialect in appropriate situations. I will not force Alicia to endure endless, non con textualized phonics lessons to teach her standard English. As you can tell, I am certainly in need of strategies to help Alicia. I haven't been too successful with her, and I certainly need advice.

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218 Appendix J Data from Teaching Case 1 Triad Responses Te aching Case 1 "One, Two, Three, all Eyes on Me" by Jennifer Shrable (Richards & Gipe, 2000, p. 42) First Responses Second Responses Final Responses Identified issues Poor lesson preparation 29 Poor classroom management 9 Poor lesson preparation 28 Po or classroom management 17 Poor lesson preparation 36 Poor classroom management 12 Ineffective communication between teacher and students 6 Recommended change(s) Write more engaging lessons 4 Be consistent with classroom manageemnt 28 Integrate techno logy 3 Assess for prior knowledge and/or ability 1 Allow for free time 3 Write more engaging lessons 13 Be consistent with classroom management 9 Integrate technology 6 Write more engaging lesson 33 Integrate technology 6 Assess for prior knowledge an d/or ability 4 Develop cultural relevance 3 Create student buy in for rule making 3 Identified Potential Resources Students' interest based books 13 Veteran teachers 4 Parents 3 Book: "Teach Like Your Hair's on Fire" 3 Students' interest based books 6 Veteran teachers 14 Students' interest based books 12 Veteran teacher 15 Community volunteers 6 Parents 15

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219 Appendix K Data from Teaching Case 2 Triad Responses Teaching Case 2 "Nardarius" by Rebecca Clemens (Richards & Gipe, 2000, p.p. 197 199) Fir st Responses Second Responses Final Responses Identified issues Student off task, disruptive behaviors 28 Student off task, disruptive behaviors 29 Student off task, disruptive behaviors 18 Poor classroom management 13 Recommended change(s) Discover and build lessons on student's interests 11 Integrate kinesthetics 3 Assess for any underlying learning problems 1 Switch from whole group to small group instruction 2 Start each day fresh 1 Discover and build lessons on student's interests 14 Integrat e kinesthetics 4 Assess for any underlying learning problems 1 Discover and build lessons on student's interests 17 Integrate kinesthetics 6 Switch from whole group to small group instruction Integrate technology 3 Communicate more effectively with student 3 Pair with peer 3 Ignore behavior 6 Move seat 3

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220 Appendix L Data from Teaching Case 3 Triad Responses Teaching Case 3 "Alicia Uses Her Language" by Malinda Cooper (Richards & Gipe, 2000, p. 170) First Responses Second Responses Final Response s Identified issues Conflict between home and classroom language 21 Conflict between home and classroom language 22 Teacher's misunderstan ding of student's language 1 Conflict between home and classroom language 25 Teacher's misunderstan ding of student' s language 3 Recommended change(s) Teach the student the differences between formal and informal English 2 Communicate with parents to establish a plan -6 Learn about student's background 1 Create home fun activities for the student and her parents to wo rk on together 1 Teach the student the differences between formal and informal English 2 Communicate with parents to establish a plan 16 Model standard English and the student will event ually adopt it 1 Use small groups and have students read scripts 1 Communicate with parents to establish a plan 22 Learn about student's background 3 Model standard English and the student will eventual ly adopt it 3 Create home fun activities for the student and her parents to work on together 3

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221 Appendix M Excerpts from Interview Transcripts Kim Thomas, an African American doctoral candidate conducted the interviews on March 20, 2008. Note: all participants are white females ex cept for two African Americans and two Latino. What are the greatest challenges in your school? Social justice, diversity, sociocultural issues? 926 ___ I'm from spring hill, at ___, I have about 20 studenta, 18 black, 2 whites, teacher is black, tooI ha ve never been around black people beforeI've grown up with Caucasians all my life,. I've never experienced diversity before. 0409 ____ is pretty much like a prison. On the walls there's no evidence of the students' work. The kids have to be treated like students, not like prisoners. The kids are just there because they have to be but they just want to make it through the school day without getting their heads knocked in. The teachers just yelled at the teachers. You can tell they clearly do not want to b e there. It was the weirdest thing that one time she (teacher) went up to a child who was playing with a glue bottle when it spilled all over her work. The teacher went up to her and ripped up the paper in front of everyone so the little girl just started crying in front of everyone else. 0501 I'm in ESE and I did not expect to be in it. I asked ColeenI did not expect to like it. It's been a learning experience. I'll probably have ESE kids in my classes and now I'll know how to work with them. The fear's gone. Because of this internship. My greatest challenge will be having the students respect me. Where I'm at the students don't seem to be respectful of her. 1030 I felt like I was at a day care. Studies were only for about a total of an hour each day. These kids tell me what they need to do I love it. They want to learn! I see the kids are spoiled. The parents want to tell us what to do. Everyone of the parents think their children are little Einsteins. 0807 Classroom management what to do when someth ing bizarre happens. Character currency at ___ really works. A random teacher can walk past a class and reward them for their good behavior. It's a school wide activity. The kids at ____, the kids don't need

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222 Appendix M (Continued) you, every need is met b y their parents. It's different at ___ where their home lives might be 5 kids by 3 fathers, poor How has it been different? How will it make you a better teacher? 9/26 ___ It's not a challenge just a new experience. I loved itI wasn't sure at first, I know that it's low socioeconomical level, since the ___ neighborhood is so so the parents involvement isn't like it should be so you feel like you're more responsible for the kidslike their spelling words and when I go home to plan I have to make sure I' m using their time (in class) wisely since I don't know if they'll get any help at home 1212 ____ I have a majority of Caucasian students, a couple of Asian ones, but my biggest challenge is that we have this one little boy who is very socially an outcast and it's hard for him to get involved in the groups because they don't like himno one else in the class likes himgetting him to control his little quirksI mean he's fun and he's happy butthe kids think he's weird so that's our biggest challenge, tryin g to get other kids to participate with him. He's smart, too, that's the weird thing, he's really smart. The worst kids and the cool kids are likeHe's ESE but still, he's really smart. He has no social skills at all. That's our issue in our class (4 th gra de). What kind of issues does he have? 1212 cont'd. He makes like weird clicking noises during class and he'll sit in his chair with his feet on the chair. The kids think he's strange, they don't get his quirks. He just doesn't get it. 428 ___ I have a third grade class and I think greatest challenge I've had this year is that the majority of my class have been retained one or two times. So we have a really wide range of ages, 8 to 11, in my third grade class. The girls who are getting closer to that 5 t h grade age get very mean, they get very cliquey with their fifth grade mentality. And then the 3 rd grade age girls are not like that at all; they still wear Sponge Bob clothes and T shirts to class. It causes a really big gap in our class, at least with t he girls. We only have four so it hasn't been too bad. We only have 16 students total. Getting ready for FCAT was a big challenge because my teacher and I didn't want the kids to be stressed out about FCAT. We didn't want them nervous especially since so m any of them have failed at least once before. Some of them twicethey'll be moved forward this time because you can't retain the same grade more than twice. We wanted them to be confident in themselves, in what they've already learned and still make sure t hey were getting it all. So that was our greatest challenge. 219 ____ My biggest challenge was working with students who don't speak English because one student, only one student who is trying to learn Englishwhen you are

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223 Appendix M (Continued) trying to teach and to incorporate him in a classroom it is hard because he doesn't really want to pay attention, he doesn't really understand exactly what is going on in the classroom unless you sit down with him and say, "You need to be doing this. This is what second graders are doing right now. You need to focus." So then he'll do it for a couple of minutes and then stop again. I guess that's the big challenge for me, getting him to focus on the class when you still have the rest of the class to be focusing on You know you can't be there sitting with him when you have all the others in the classroomjust finding how to incorporate him. Because everybody else can speak English and you don't want to hold them back so you have to give him a different sheet, pass out a different sheet for himso that the rest of the kids don't know that he doesn't knowbut just so that it's easier for him to understand. Let's talk about teaching cases. What issues do you think would best serve other preservice teachers and in what ways are the teaching cases helpful or not helpful? 0807 They definitely do help us because usually it's the case of what not to do. There's one case we just discussed where the boy interrupts constantly so the teacher sends him to ISS (in school suspens ion). I think that's really bad. In my class there's this one kid, I'll call him Jose, who is ELL and in second grade and he can't spell like ks or ms orwell, the education system has definitely failed him. The teacher, when he interrupts, it disrupts the entire classroom. It's just like the teaching case. She would send him to one on one work. It's bad because the kids know that he's low butYeah, the teaching cases do help. They make sense out of what we see there (in the classroom, at the school) 1008 What I want to know is just what to do. When we saw the solutions it helped more. You know learning from the experts. They discuss the various diversity issues. Believe it or not though even though the school has lower SES, the school runs very well. ___ is so much better run than Witter. I don't know why there's the difference. They are only 7 blocks apart but the teachers there get really burned out. 323 ___ The ones we used for this class were really real. That stuff does happen. It helps you know what you may have to deal withwhat you may have to do. 222____ They help you see what may be happening in another classroom. Even if it's not your own situation, it helps you see what might happen later. You cannot experience every situation in a 4 month int ernship. These teaching cases help you build experiences. 42 ___ Like with the standard English. You're not going to get standard English at ___ but it's not working

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224 Appendix M (Continued) 323 ___ I always used to complain about the different levels of internships. You know 1 day or 2 days a week. You cannot get all the experiences in these internships. The teaching cases help fill in some of thatYou can't make a decision on whether or not you want to be a teacher until you experience more. That being said, do you think our program is offering you enough for preparing you for how to teach in those Title One schools? What of multiculturalism, diversity, social justice? 428 ___ I don't think the university really prepares us. My first internship was at W itter and we had a lot of violence in there. Every day in my classroom we had violence, blood. When I asked my classroom management teacher what to do she said she didn't know what to do. 0501 ____No, I just think there should be a class for each issuea lthough each class touches on the subjects, none really answers the questions. I know that it will come down to our own experiences but I think I need more. I just think it would help us if there were one specific class that concentrated on justice and div ersity. 0616 I kind of disagree. I think it just depends on the teacher because I have had some really great teachers. There are really only two who ever touched on those issues but they were really good. 1030 I think so, too. There are some really good teachers who touch on it and there are some who don't touch on anything. 0807 I'm at ___, too. I know when I took Social Foundations, a prerequisite to even get into the program, she did thoroughly cover social justice and integrating the exceptional chil d. My teacher was probably more experienced because she's a special ed./psychologist. 1130 I think you learn more in your internship than anywhere. I learned way more in my internship than in any class no matter how good the teacher was. What part of the issue is, for those of us who have taught at Title One schools, most of us don't end up being classroom professors. Many of us don't have the experience. 428 ___ That's what the instructor said. She said she'd never been in that situation before and that she didn't know. It's frustrating. At the same time if you are assigned to a good teacher in the Title One school, you learn good ways of dealing with the problems.

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225 Appendix M (Continued) 1212 ____ I like the ones that lead to classroom issues but some of themwell, like in one class the case study was on sexual issues. That is not something that relates to me in my everyday classroom. I can see that stuff on the news. I want something that relates to studentslike teaching classroom management, getting that one child to understand. Something to relate to me, the classroom where I'm at, you know. 926. ___ Mix it up a little so it's not always the same group. I don't have an Emily, a Joshua. If they know ahead of time where we will be assigned, they could give us cases that pertain to our schools. Do you think if you received those cases up front you would be more apprehensive? Tell me what you think. 926 ___ Maybe if they got some things in writing to prepareI know for some peopleit wouldn't be such a shock when I got there. Some people that I talked to said they haven'tcan't believe the things they heardwhat I sawI had a child who messed his pants but not like students hitting teachers, hitting interns. Maybe if we got a scenario on that we could talk about it in a classroom before we startmaybe it would prepare us moreit wouldn't be like throwing us to the wolves. It's not that bad but you know what I mean? 428 ___ I think that even if it is not a written case study I think that the first day o n your internship if they know you are going to Title One school maybe someone who was at that school could come in and talk about what to expect. I know my first Ttile 1 day as a Level One intern, I had never heard anything from the mouths of children lik e what I heard. I know that a lot of the girls that I was at that school were like "This is not what I want to do at all." Nobody told us we were going to be in this school. Nobody knew what to expectWe got hit on our day. It was completely unexpected. I knew I wanted a Title I school but I'd never had children say to me things like these kids said to me. I know I would have benefited more if someone from that school came in to talk to us on that first day. That way when we walked in we wouldn't be so shoc ked, so floored. The students see our reactions and say, "Hey, we're not going to listen to her anymore. Look at her reaction to the words I just threw out to her." And then it takes a long time to build that back up. It can be a wasted semester. Do you f ind yourself in any of the teaching case roles we have used in these seminars? In what ways? How did that feel to see how another teacher was acting or how you felt like acting?The teaching cases you've gone over in your seminars, could you put yourself in some of those roles you've been reading about? Did it help you to put yourself in that role and think "Well, I might act this way."

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226 Appendix M (Continued) 1212 ____ Not really because they are all female teachers. I don't have any perspective on how male teachers would encounter these issues, if they would encounter them. I'm just likea minority. 219 ____ I would say they're helpful because when you find yourself in that role then for instance with religion in the classrooms, I read about a case dealing with Christmas. We don't really think about it. We get excited, the students get excited. They get to open presents. You know you want to decorate your classroom. You don't think that okay this may offend some parents who are Jewish or something else. So when you read a case that tells how another teacher confronted itit's good to know what to say and to be able to open up and learn about other religions besides your own and everything. In your own experiences as a child and as a student what issues, soc ial justice issues, did you encounter that dealt with diversity? ___ As a child in school k 8 it was not diverse at all. Coming down here for high school was like Wow there were a lot of different people. And then here at ___ everything is about big diffe rence. Not issues though. 1011 ___ I agree that diversity wasn't there until I reached high school and things got diverse. It wasn't like people took sides. You couldn't get enough people together for teams though. A lot of Spanish and blacks. 219 ____ when I went to school we had a lot of people from Cuba and lots of black students. I didn't think about it but diversity was expected. I went through all our grades together. We had no problem with participation. 428 ___ Well, when I went to school, I g rew up in Tampa in all the public school systems schools that bused students all over so we did grow up with diversity. I saw a lot of multicultural experiences in my classrooms. 1123 ___ You know it's there but it didn't seem like a big deal where I'm f rom (Jamaica). I think our problem at home is economics. It was hard coming here and seeing race a big deal. Going home is a comfort. 323 ___ I skipped through one of my grades by doing the higher grade's work. Kids didn't care about it. I think FCAT's wh at made the difference here. In high school. In middle school we learned a lot more because we didn't focus on the test. In high school, do you know how it feels if you don't pass that test? Kids are burned out. Kids want to drop out when they fail the tes t. Giving students a certificate of completion, it's wrong.

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227 Appendix M (Continued) 0409 Like you normally think like diversity, learning styles, I haven't had any of that held against me but I do remember in elementary school having teachers like say thei r grades out loud, like call not even by code, especially in a computer class she would just call out the test grades and I think that's really cruel. Like everyone has their own style, I meanmaybe the teacher's style didn't click with them and they faile d. She did it the whole year, the whole entire year. 626 I feel I had a lot of experiences with it. I started out in Catholic school but I went home crying every day so my mom put me into public school. I experienced a lot more and so I was introduced int o a lot of different cultures, diversity. I went to school In New Jersey. I went to USFI almost feel like there were a lot more cultures there than when I came down here where everything is more commercialized. Like foods. In a multicultural class when th e teacher tells you to bring a food from your culture, there'd be a lot more different kinds there. It's just commercialized here. Up there you could see a lot different people. Unk. I can see where you're coming from because I come from Ohio but in the c ountry. But I think there are still many here but they're more apart. Like Tarpon Springs is a Greek culture but they're all separate from the other cities or towns. I've never been exposed to any public schools before USF. It was a big different culture shock coming here. Even seeing in the elementary schools all the different kinds of kids, it's really great. There's such a diversity of homes. 0409 Would you want to teach in public school or private? Unk. It doesn't bother me. I'd teach in either kind. It really doesn't matter ro me. When I was in elementary school, one teacher used to call out "SLD kids it's your time to go." She'd also say "ELP kids it's your time to go." That's really bad. 0807 That just happened to me Tuesday. This guy came in, I guess he's a speech therapist who came in and said, "Hey I need ___ and ___." The teacher did it, too. I felt so embarrassed for them. At 25 my brother still identifies himself as the SLD one, the dumb one. He'd been in SLD since 4 th grade. I really think it hindered him. He stopped trying. 0807 I know this boy, when he was in elementary and middle school he was at the top of his class. When he got to high school he played sports and realized his teachers would just pass him regardless of his work. Now he says he wished it would have been different

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228 Appendix M (Continued) because he came from being a good student. He'd be little more accomplished now. It's his fault but the teachers let him down. That's injustice. 1030 That happened with a friend of min e. Now he plays for the Eagles. When I was in high school with him one of my teachers would tell us to just let him copy from our midterms and final exams. So can the FCAT be seen as a social justice issue" 323 ___ Of course it can. 1123 ___ Sure becau se the more money you have the more money you can put into tutors to make sure the test is passed. If you're poor, where you going to get that help? You won't even have books in the house. They should just worry about doing their best and showing improvem ent. It shouldn't matter so much. We didn't have such stress when I was in school. 323 ___ At ___ we were told that if a student fails the FCAT he can submit a portfolio to be used for promotion to fourth grade. A lot of parents don't know that. If they can't afford a newspaper that tells them about it, or can't understand what's in the news, then their kids will fail the test and stay in the same grade. It's just not right. That's something they need to tell the parents. They can't just say You don't pas s, too bad." 42 ___ They need to tell all the parents 323 ___ That test should be used to just tell the teachers where to focus on more than other 222 ____ Let's measure progress. 323 ___ Exactly that's what we need to do. 42 ___ When they're already doing bad..when they fail the testyou can't just say you fail this grade. It already sucks for themIt's putting too much pressure on them. They're going to give up instead of trying harder. 222 ____ If you're stuck in the same class a second year, it's boring. All you're learning is what's going to be on the FCAT. All I'd feel is the teacher stress about failing FCAT.

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229 Appendix M (Continued) Were there any problems due to busing? 428 ___ Yeah, on Thursdays, if you were white you walked close to the wal l because people would whip you with towels. But I don't remember it being so big (laughter) or so horrible. I don't know how to explain. I remember there being some things that when I'd tell my mom she'd go "Oh, my Godwhat are you talking about!" I don' t remember anything being so bad but I was twelveto me it was just part of the school. If you were a teacher how would you have handled it? 428 ___ Well, my thing is respect in the community so that would be part of respect in the classroom. If you had g ood classroom management you wouldn't have that to begin with because they would know they need to be respecting their peers. If you gain their confidence by telling them you respect them and the way to get respect is to respect their peers. They're all go od people. It might happen in another classroom and you could say, "We don't do that." 1212 ____ My dad's job moves us around in the state. When I was in fifth grade I remember this one kid, he was black and all the rest of us were white, when I got into 6 th grade I went to Eisenhower which is over here. And is 90% Hispanic and 9% African American and 1% white. I remember being kind of an outcast and I got into a couple of fights with Hispanic kids. It wasn't a good situation. I know white kids, all my fri ends are white. It was a huge issue in my life trying to deal with "Hey, I'm going to get beat up a coupla' times." It was a bad situation. How do you think that the people in the majority felt about the situation? 1212 ____ Hmm, it was like who is this white kid? Where did he come from? I think part of the problem is that we don't know how to put ourselves in others' situations. We don't know how to empathize. 1212 ____ Right! They'd think "Like who is this white kid and who does he think he is? Wher e'd he come from? We'll take him down a couple of notches." Is there anything else you want to tell me? Why or is diversity important? 1212 ____ We have to understand about each others' cultures. In my experience, I didn't know about other cultures. I k new where Mexico was and I know Mexican food but I didn't know any more. I assumed all Hispanics were Mexican. I didn't know about Puerto Rico and all those other things, you know. You need to make sure kids know about each others' cultures. You treat ever yone the same. Respect other cultures. Treat

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230 Appendix M (Continued) them all the same no matter what their skin color is. You have to really ingrain it. It's something I had to learn. 428 ___ These kids are in the school even if their parents don't like it. The kids have to go there because their parents can't get them to a different school. You live in a neighborhood with people similar to yourself. It's just the way it ends up happening. It's important to teach others about ourselves. Tell me about a typical day at your school starting with the minute you drive up. 0203 ___ I get there and scrounge for a parking space. I sign in and then go to my classroom. Most of the time the teacher's there but if not I stand and wait for her. I'm there around 715 in the morning. She's usually at a computer 830 ___ Well when I first pull up, well, I was not accustomed to the students that I was working with. They intimidated me at first. Then I established that I was the teacher and then it was all right. So what I 've noticed is that the rules don't match the level the kids are at. Like the rules are for 4 th graders but some of these kids are the same age as 6 th graders. They need rules that match their age. We had a couple of kids who were stealing things. One boy called me some pretty foul namesthey would get into fights over "yo' mama jokes."It's emotionally and physically draining. 1208 ___ We had a kid 5 years old stealing things. They stole the teacher's stamps. I was not expecting it at all. She was missing candy one day and then she went to get the day stamper in her desk drawer and found lots of stickers missing. I would never imagineone of my other students snaps easily. Like one day she was told to move her card and, uh, then last week I was told she to tally trashed the room. The adult chairs were thrown, tables knocked overI missed it but she was kicking and screaming and running through the classroom. What is so hard is that you never know what you're walking into. Two days are never the same. 523 __ I went in on a non interning day, for a tutoring and someone pulled the fire alarm during breakfast so breakfast had to be totally different. Had to do it by class like each class had to go in separate. And then after school there was a car burning on fi re outside the school. And I said "Like what? How does that even happen?" It parked outside and just went on fire. It was where the buses come in. ____ I have a young boy who can't get away from his mother. (Kindergarten) I think it's more that his mothe r can't get away from him. She just shows up for lunch. He's not ready for that emotionally. He can't just have her come and eat lunch with him and then leave. I had an instance where she said she was going to go pick up a tray so that she could sneak away from him. He stayed during recess crying and waiting for her to come

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231 Appendix M (Continued) back. He started screaming and crying for her. Then he saw her car leaving and he started screaming and running after her. I had to grab him, bear hug him to kee p him from running away. It was the only way I could keep him. I was uncomfortable about holding him like that. I've seen the kind of behavior in my Level I internships that they are describing. I feel very spoiled here but we have problems, too. 1129 ___ When I go to my classroom I'm scared because we have a kid who snaps, too. I'm not used to that. CalmIt seems to be on a typical school day we do lessons, 219 ____ It's very warm, welcoming by students, teachers. At first I was intimidated and scared w hen I found out I'd be in a kindergarten. And in a portable. And 27 students. And 2 teachers. But I love them. They handle the class very well and now I'm bonded with the teachers and I'm bonded with all 27 of the kindergartners so 27 now seems like a nor mal number to me. Whereas I know that most of the other kindergarten classes are much smaller, this is okay. I love it. My teachers are great. I love it. By the end of the dayI'm still getting used to the bus schedules. The kids scare me because I'm so ov erprotective of them. They know where they're going so they start runningIt's scary. 1208 ___ We've had so many problems. Our first portable had no bathroom. With kindergarteners. And then we got fleas. They moved us to another portable. Can you imagine, though? We were way out there in a portable full of kindergarteners and no bathroom. They had to walk a long way to go the bathroom and they're kindergarteners! In the "new" portable the bathroom had problems, but, still 1011 ____ My day's good. Like th ey said, I'm in a portable but mine's big. I was scared at first because half my kids were bigger than me and they're in fifth grade. I like it now. The kids are really good and I like it a lotexcept for math and science. I hate math and science but it's been a good experience. 1123 ___ I'm also in a fifth grade class. I absolutely love my teacher because he's so good with the kids we have. Most of our kids are ESE or some kind of behavior problem. And someI want to say 4 or 5 are maybe 13 so they're hu ge. A couple of weeks ago two of my biggest kids got into a fight. We were just going along and then one ducked under my arm and I was terrified. They just started going at it. But it's interesting and fun and I'm learning a lot about how to deal with the behavior problems. Fighting is fairly typical. 830 ___ I've worked with kids before for four years in an afterschool program. The difference is that I'm used to a different kind, I guess you'd say a different economic or social level of students. Seems li ke they're rich, I don't want to say bratty but they're spoiled and they know that their parents will fight their battles for them. Whereas the kids I have now have to fight their own battles If you say to them I'm going to call your Mom

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232 Appendix M (Conti nued) and they'll say I don't care because they know nothing's going to happen to them, Mom may not even come home. But one day a mom did show up. She spoke to her child outside the classroom and we don't know what happened but she ended up taking him with her. It was justI've seen some very interesting things. Some of them don't understand why they need an education. So I have to tell them "Look if you go to get a job and you don't have a high school diploma but the next guy does, he's going to get it. An d then if you don't have a college degree but the next guy does, he's going to beat you out of it, too. They say, "Hey, I'm smart, I'll get a job." They just don't get it. Or if you tell them don't steal or you'll go to jail, they'll say they want to go to jail. If you say behave or you'll get a lunch detention, they'll say they want a lunch detention. So then you ask them if they know what it's like to have lunch detentionthey just don't get it. It's such a different group. I would like to work at a schoo l like the one I'm at now but I'd be afraid of every day being so tough. One day I started crying on my way to the car. 930 ___ My teacher has been out for five weeks. She tried to do bell work in the morning and then she would do circle time and then th ey'll do a story, go to lunch, come back and then usually do math and some kind of science and then she'll let them go to recess. The last five weeks it's been a lot of subs so I've been doing most of the things. Every day is different. Sometimes she leave s worksheets (for them). Sometimes there are enough and sometimes there are not enough. Sometimes I had to call her and see if she had plans. If she didn't have plans then I would make them up. There are a few who have some problems. One takes medication a nd sometimes she doesn't take it. 3/23 ___ I think all the classes have kids who take medication. I mean, in my class we have a boy who has ADD and the thing with him is he doesn't throw tantrums unless he's unhappy. I mean if he's upset he will blow up. He's on medication. There are two others who aren't on medication and miss a lot. Like they missed two whole weeks. As a teacher how are we supposed to make up that time. 930 ___ It doesn't help if they're in the office all day either. And then a lot of t hem come real late. 323 ___ And then some of them leave early. Or just plain leave to go to another school but come back. There's this girl who went to another school and then came back a month later. She's lost. You know obviously schools don't do the sa me things. When you hear the terms social justice, cultural relevancywhat comes to mindsocial cultural and diversity what comes to mind? 830 ___ First thing I thought of when I heard social justice was consequences for social behavior. The first thing that comes to mind with diversity is accepting others. Not just accepting their differences but appreciating diversity and what it brings to the table.

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233 Appendix M (Continued) 1011 When I think of diversity I think of ESOL students. Because that's all we t alk about in our other classes. And um how to modify lesson plans for them In my internship I really don't have any. Except for one. But she's barely that. Oh and different cultural groups. 0202 ____ I have a bunch of different kids in my class. I have As ians, a girl from India, a girl from Pakistan. When I was coming back from recess one day I heard one say, "Oh, you're Pakistani." The other said, "You're Indian." It's like they get it. They all mix well. When we had a Chinese student come in the mother c ame in and talked about the Chinese culture with the class (Kindergarten). It's like they all understand each other. They get along very well. It might be the environment. It's like they don't see color. They don't see differences. They just see each other as "You're my friend." 0409 ___ When I hear the term diversity I think it means like different backgrounds different experiences and then social justice when you bring them all together it should be the same. It should be there for all. 0501 ___ Diver sity in my class is not just cultural. It's also about their learning experiences and how they learn. All my kids are LD so they all learn differently. To be fair to all of them I have to make sure I teach at each one's level and how he learns. 0323 ___ W ell, all schools are different. Like in our school, ___, we don't have groupings except for in reading. But when it comes to high groups or low groups we don't have any. There's this one student in my class, that it never fails, if I ask "Does anyone not u nderstand this" he is going to raise his hand. As a teacher I want to be able to focus just on him. You take three ESOL classes. Does that teach you about diversity? 1208 My class varies. We don't have any ESOL students but we're diverse. We have a lot of difference in socioeconomic levels. When it comes to diversity, what does it do to children when you group them into those high groups, low groups? 0323 ___ They know. That's why I don't get them into groups. This one boy, he was always getting 50s a nd 60s 40s. The other day he got a 90 and he was so proud. I think you have to keep away from groups. Just work with the individual students who need extra help in some areas. 222 ____ The trick is you don't say high group or low group

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234 Appendix M (Contin ued) Multiple voices interrupt essentially with the message that students are not stupid, they know which group they are and they either use it or feel abused by it. They talk about it with each other. They know. 222 ____ The teacher can make it lesshmmm well good teachers, you know when they teach they don't think like well this group is lower. It's like with FCAT. You just know what to teach them. Our mindset, if we just look at them as needs groupsmaybe one group has higher needs than another but 32 3 ___ Of course you can say that to them but it still effects the students. 1031 ___ Students call it AGP, the gifted program same teacher who takes out AGP in the morning comes back and takes out the low performing students in the afternoon to go over st rategies more. It's not so obvious. Of course they know but it's the same teacher soI don't think that when they go they are as bad. Can this idea of grouping be considered a social justice issue? A sociocultural issue? A diversity issue? 1126 ___ I th ink in terms of tracking I think potentially, a lot of black kids got trapped in special education. And they got lost in the system I was talking with my friend and she said a lot of kids are trapped according to their last names. Like with kids with the l ast name like Lopez get put into ESOL. It's an injustice to them. Teachers give up. They have no hope. They end up in the prison system. It's easier to teach them and treat them right in the schools. When they're in prison it's just too late. 222 ____ At first I said that justice is the fair treatment of everyone regardless of skin color, race or religion. After having this discussion I went ahead and added abilities also. I think that when we track it may not do justice to the child but we are making effo rts to provide opportunities to save those children are challenged and who need a different instructional level. It's one of the things I like about switching. A homogeneous group allows me to have a more solid lesson plan, less differences to cater too. F ocus on one groupLess differences to cater to, one group with one abilities 323 ___ But that's not what the real world is like. You always have to learn how to deal with it. So what if you have to deal with it! You're trying toLife is not easier. I wi sh I could work at a school like ____. It sounds like it was easier. I'd get all excellents. But in the real world I'm more likely to be at a school like ___. It won't be easierit will be a real world experience. Class is not homogeneous. If you can tell me you can go and teach a class without lesson plans, then you aren't teaching. I see some of these kids who are struggling and it makes me sad. But when they understand it, when

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235 Appendix M (Continued) they pump up to the higher level, it feels so great. Some people say teaching is easy (snorts and laughs from others) like my mother, I was supposed to be a doctor but teaching's where it's at for me 1126 ____ I think it's harder for the kids at ___. They're bringing a lot more problems to school with them Parents don't get all involved like at ____. Their parents may be in jail. A lot of it, it's just so hard. You're still responsible for them to learn and to write. 222 ____ Teachers are set at a higher standard. Not only are they set by the principal but also by the parents. You have more control and probably more fulfilling to be at ___. There's good things and bad things that come with the parents being involved. Parents can come to the class, in a higher SES, the parents will be taking notes and telling the teacher how to do his or her job. 323 ___ It's different. You still have parents who want to tell you what to do. If they pushed it I would just say "Okay, you take over." The seeds of institutionalized social injustice may be as small as discountin g an other's home or community language, grouping/tracking or even mispronunciation of a name. Failing a high stakes test and suffering the consequences only widens the very same achievement gap that the test proponents used as the basis for the new "resea rch driven" test centered curriculum resulting from No Child Left Behind.

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236 Appendix N Excerpts from Interview Transcripts Specific to Teaching Cases and Social Justice Responses to the participants' use of teaching cases include: "The ones we used for th is class were really real. That stuff does happen. It helps you know what you may have to deal withwhat you may have to do." They help you see what may be happening in another classroom. Even if it's not your own situation, it helps you see what might happen later. You cannot experience every situation in a 4 month internship. These teaching cases help you build experiences." Like with the standard English. You're not going to get standard English at ___ but it's not working" "I always used to comp lain about the different levels of internships. You know 1 day or 2 days a week. You cannot get all the experiences in these internships. The teaching cases help fill in some of thatYou can't make a decision on whether or not you want to be a teacher unti l you experience more." I like the ones that lead to classroom issues but some of them I want something that relates to studentslike teaching classroom management, getting that one child to understand. Something to relate to me, the classroom where I' m at" Mix it up a little so it's not always the same group. I don't have an Emily, a Joshua. If they know ahead of time where we will be assigned, they could give us cases that pertain to our schools. "If we had the teaching cases before going into t he classroom)Maybe if they got some things in writing to prepare it wouldn't be such a shock when I got there. Some people that I talked to said they haven'tcan't believe the things they heardwhat I sawI had a child who messed his pants but not like s tudents hitting teachers, hitting interns. Maybe if we got a scenario on that we could talk about it in a classroom before we startmaybe it would prepare us moreit wouldn't be like throwing us to the wolves. It's not that bad but you know what I mean?" "I couldn't identify with the teachers in the teaching cases really because they are all female teachers. I don't have any perspective on how male teachers would encounter these issues, if they would encounter them. I'm just likea minority."

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237 Appendix N (Continued) On issues of cultural diversity the following comments were included: "As a child in school k 8 it was not diverse at all. Coming down here for high school was like Wow there were a lot of different people. And then here at ___ everything is a bout big difference. Not issues though. " I agree that diversity wasn't there until I reached high school and things got diverse. It wasn't like people took sides. You couldn't get enough people together for teams though. A lot of Spanish and blacks." "When I went to school we had a lot of people from Cuba and lots of black students. I didn't think about it but diversity was expected. I went through all our grades together. We had no problem with participation." when I went to school, I grew up in Tampa in all the public school systems schools that bused students all over so we did grow up with diversity. I saw a lot of multicultural experiences in my classrooms." "These kids are in the school even if their parents don't like it. The kids have to g o there because their parents can't get them to a different school. You live in a neighborhood with people similar to yourself. It's just the way it ends up happening. It's important to teach others about ourselves." "M y dad's job moved us around in the s tate. When I was in fifth grade I remember this one kid, he was black and all the rest of us were white, when I got into 6 th grade I went to ___ which is over here. And is 90% Hispanic and 9% African American and 1% white. I remember being kind of an outca st and I got into a couple of fights with Hispanic kids. It wasn't a good situation. I know white kids, all my friends are white. It was a huge issue in my life trying to deal with "Hey, I'm going to get beat up a coupla' times." It was a bad situation. T hey'd think Like who is this white kid and who does he think he is? Where'd he come from? We'll take him down a couple of notches.'" "We have to understand about each others' cultures. In my experience, I didn't know about other cultures. I knew where M exico was and I know Mexican food but I didn't know any more. I assumed all Hispanics were Mexican. I didn't know about Puerto Rico and all those other things, you know. You need to make sure kids know about each others' cultures. You treat everyone the sa me. Respect other cultures. Treat them all the same no matter what their skin color is. You have to really ingrain it. It's something I had to learn."

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238 Appendix N (Continued) "First thing I thought of when I heard social justice was consequences for soc ial behavior. The first thing that comes to mind with diversity is accepting others. Not just accepting their differences but appreciating diversity and what it brings to the table." "When I think of diversity I think of ESOL students. Because that's all we talk about in our other classes. And um how to modify lesson plans for them. In my internship I really don't have any. Except for one. But she's barely that. Oh and different cultural groups." "I have a bunch of different kids in my class. I have Asian s, a girl from India, a girl from Pakistan. When I was coming back from recess one day I heard one say, "Oh, you're Pakistani." The other said, "You're Indian." It's like they get it. They all mix well. When we had a Chinese student come in the mother came in and talked about the Chinese culture with the class (Kindergarten). It's like they all understand each other. They get along very well. It might be the environment. It's like they don't see color. They don't see differences. They just see each other as You're my friend.'" "We have ESOL students in class and so many other students are having issues with it. One boy can read and speak English very well, he's probably a level 4. Some of the other kids see that he doesn't have to do as much and they get mad. Yesterday I was reading to all of them. He was answering questions while I was reading. When we finished he didn't have to do the assessment. The other kids were like, "Hey, he did it too why doesn't he have to do the test?" Personally, as a teacher, I would make certain that all of them had some kind of assignment to do even if it's different work." When I hear the term diversity I think it means like different backgrounds different experiences and then social justice is when you bring them all tog ether it should be the same." You know it's there but it didn't seem like a big deal where I'm from (Jamaica). I think our problem at home is economics. It was hard coming here and seeing race a big deal. Going home is a comfort ." On grouping as a soci al justice issue: "Diversity in my class is not just cultural, it's about abilities, too." "Well, all schools are different. Like in our school, ___ we don't have groupings except for in reading. But when it comes to high groups or low groups we don't ha ve any. There's this one student in my class, that it never fails, if I ask Does anyone not understand this' he is going to raise his hand. As a teacher I want to be able to focus just on him."

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239 Appendix N (Continued) They know. That's why I don't get them into groups. This one boy, he was always getting 50s and 60s 40s. The other day he got a 90 and he was so proud. I think you have to keep away from groups. Just work with the individual students who need extra help in some areas." The trick is you don't say high group or low group" Multiple voices interrupt essentially with the message that students are not stupid, they know which group they are and they either use it or feel abused by it. They talk about it with each other. They know. The tea cher can make it lesshmmmwell good teachers, you know when they teach they don't think like well this group is lower. It's like with FCAT. You just know what to teach them. Our mindset, if we just look at them as needs groupsmaybe one group has higher n eeds than another but" Of course you can say that to them but it still effects the students." Students call it AGP, the gifted program same teacher who takes out AGP in the morning comes back and takes out the low performing students in the afternoo n to go over strategies more. It's not so obvious. Of course they know but it's the same teacher soI don't think that when they go they are as bad." I think in terms of tracking I think potentially, a lot of black kids got trapped in special education. And they got lost in the system I was talking with my friend and she said a lot of kids are trapped according to their last names. Like with kids with the last name like Lopez get put into ESOL. It's an injustice to them. Teachers give up. They have no ho pe. They end up in the prison system. It's easier to teach them and treat them right in the schools. When they're in prison it's just too late." At first I said that justice is the fair treatment of everyone regardless of skin color, race or religion. A fter having this discussion I went ahead and added abilities also. I think that when we track it may not do justice to the child but we are making efforts to provide opportunities to save those children are challenged and who need a different instructional level. It's one of the things I like about switching. A homogeneous group allows me to have a more solid lesson plan, less differences to cater too. Focus on one groupLess differences to cater to, one group with one abilities" But that's not what the real world is like. You always have to learn how to deal with it. So what if you have to deal with it! You're trying toLife is not easier. I wish I could work at a school like ____. It sounds like it was easier. I'd get all excellents. But in the real w orld I'm more likely to be at a school like Shaw. It won't be

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240 Appendix N (Continued) easierit will be a real world experience. Class is not homogeneous. If you can tell me you can go and teach a class without lesson plans, then you aren't teaching. I see some of these kids who are struggling and it makes me sad. But when they understand it, when they pump up to the higher level, it feels so great. Some people say teaching is easy (snorts and laughs from others) like my mother, I was supposed to be a docto r but teaching's where it's at for me" "I think it's harder for the kids at ___. They're bringing a lot more problems to school with them. Parents don't get all involved like at ____. Their parents may be in jail. A lot of it, it's just so hard. You're s till responsible for them to learn and to write." On the Florida Comprehensive Achievement Test (FCAT) as a social justice issue: "Of course the FC AT is a social justice issue!" "Sure because the more money you have the more money you can put into tuto rs to make sure the test is passed. If you're poor, where you going to get that help? You won't even have books in the house." At ___we were told that if a student fails the FCAT he can submit a portfolio to be used for promotion to fourth grade. A lot o f parents don't know that. If they can't afford a newspaper that tells them about it, or can't understand what's in the news, then their kids will fail the test and stay in the same grade. It's just not right. That's something they need to tell the parents They can't just say You don't pass, too bad." When they're already doing badwhen they fail the testyou can't just say you fail this grade. It already sucks for themIt's putting too much pressure on them. They're going to give up instead of trying h arder." If you're stuck in the same class a second year, it's boring. All you're learning is what's going to be on the FCAT. All I'd feel is the teacher stress about failing FCAT."

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241 Appendix O Participant Authored Teaching Cases' Themes Themes Non tit le One School Title One School Total Blame statements of parents for student success or failure 6 16 22 Blame statements of student for success or failure 5 6 11 Blame statements of teachers for student success or failure 5 13 18 Strong community s upport value statements 3 6 9 Social justice issue statements 13 85 98 Cultural identity element stateents 14 23 37 Fear of classroom teacher or students 5 5 10 School plant operations value statements 24 7 31 Teaching case value statements 4 6 10 Cl assroom management statements 5 86 91

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242 Appendix P Hero's Journey Excerpts of Social Justice Awareness Statements "apartments around instead of regular houses" "a lot of old portables in the back of the school" "I never thought the adventure would en d up being a journey to another planet where I was the extraterrestrial." "low socio economic statusa very large African American population in the community." "Some students need to be called out in front of the class while it is better to give other students a whispered direction." "Most of the students came in the class with many problems, school and home related." "The teacher being gone for five week it was a rough time for the students and myself. They had at least seven substitutes" "I hear about the communities in which parents put forth the minimum amount of effort needed to raise their children." "I want to teach my kids things like the planets of the solar system and probability not manners, how to chew your food or to lift up the toilet seat." "Officer____ patrolled the cafeteria and let's be honest would you want to be patrolled while you ate lunch?" "One of the students said to me, "I know you're leaving so why should I listen to you?" He proceeded to say, "I know you wouldn't choose to teach in a place like this." "There are children who do not eat outside of school because their families have little money. There are children who get overlooked and do not succeed because they have no advocate." "Parents just don't care." "Having t o take bathroom trips three to four times a day really impaired the opportunity for our students to learn and to get enough time of instructionit finally resulted in

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243 Appendix P (Continued) moving to another portable after months of not having a working bathroommy teacher and students lost learning time" "I learned about IEPs, STATs, ESOL, ESE, ELP, EH, EMH, LYAs, and a whole bunch more letters. I learned about all the issues related to a Title I school" "Some students come to school grumpy because they stayed up the entire night before listening to their mother and boyfriend argue about drugs and money." "What would our society be like if we did not have to constantly yell at children in order to discipline them?" "The school is overcrowded needin g 26 portables in order to accommodate its student body." "They (the students) must walk in a straight line quietly." "I remember coming home in tears and thinking that these students were not children; they were monsters." "The first thing that struck me was how loud the class seemed. The classroom, being in an older portable, was very dark due to the wood paneling on the walls." "Classrooms atstruck me as bleak. I was in a fifth grade math class and the walls were bare. No student work or art was dis played. There was no classroom library. Students sat individually at desks in rows that faced the front of the room. The teacher's desk was behind them, tucked away in a far corner." "How is it that one school can seem so bright and welcoming while the ot her is so bare?"

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR Coleen E. Daniels Sams completed her Bachelor's degree in Criminal Justice from the University of West Florida in Pensacola. Her Master's degree in Reading was from the University of South Florida in St. Petersbu rg. Sams's doctoral studies in Curriculum and Instruction with a concentration in Literacy Studies and a cognate in Critical Theory were completed at the University of South Florida in Tampa. Her various careers that included a brief period in social work, several years as a law enforcement office, and many years as an educator of secondary "at risk" students provided the background for her research Her experiences in social work and law enforcement led her to conclude that the lives of students are formed more positively by teachers than either of the other professionals. Sams can be contacted at cesams@mac.com and would welcome any suggestions or assistance.