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Rape Attitudes and Beliefs: A Replication Study by Rhissa Emily Briones A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Criminology College of Behavioral and Community Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Kathleen M. Heide, Ph.D. Christopher J. Sullivan, Ph.D. Shayne Jones, Ph.D. Date of Approval: May 28, 2009 Keywords: rape myths, sexual violence, campus, scales, attitudes Copyright 2009, Rhissa Emily Briones
Dedication This thesis is dedicated to two extraordinary people. First and foremost, this work is dedicated to my friend, my love, and future husband, Timot hy Shawn Robinson. Words could never completely express my gratitude for all the love, encouragement, and patience you have shown me throughout the time that we have shared, and especially during this t ime when I have needed your strength the most. Durin g these past three years I have grown tremendously, both spiritually and in scholarly ways. They have been the best in my life because of you. I could never have accomplished this feat without you by my side. Secondly, I am eternally grateful to my mothe r, Erlinda Cortez Briones. You have given more and sacrificed more for m e than anyone in the world. Wherever I am, I have always had your love and guidance with me. Thank you for pushing me to always do my best for teaching me to never give up on my dr eams, and for believing in me. Thank you both for impacting my life and for fueling my ambition and hopes for the future.
Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the outstanding professors who have taken part as committee members of this thesis. Most importantly I would like to recognize my major professor, Dr. Kathleen M. Heide, for her extraordinary patience and countless hours of advice and direction over the past few years. an d for believing in my work. Also, special thanks go to Dr. Christopher J. Sullivan and Dr. Shayne Jones, who provi ded me with endless support, suggestions and laughs. I will always be grateful to you. W ithout fail, you reminded me that I was capable of doing this work even when I had my doubts.
Table of Contents List of Tables ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... iii Abstract ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. iv Chapter One Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 1 Chapter Two Second Wave Feminism ................................ ................................ .............. 7 Chapter Three Sexual Victimization and Per petration on College Campuses .................. 12 Chapter Four Feminist Theory of Rape ................................ ................................ ........... 15 Chapter Five Defining Rape Myths ................................ ................................ ................. 19 Chapter Six Development o f Rape Myth Acceptance Scales ................................ ........ 23 Chapter Seven The Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale ................................ ........................ 27 Chapter Eight Objectives and Hypotheses ................................ ................................ ........ 30 Chaper Nine Method ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 33 Measurement Scales ................................ ................................ ............................... 33 Rap e Attitudes and Beliefs Scale ................................ ............................... 33 Situ ational Rap e Proclivity Scale ................................ ............................... 34 Sexually Agg ressive History Questionnaire ................................ .............. 34 Procedure ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 35 Demographic Characteristics ................................ ................................ ..... 36 Analyses ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 36 Exploratory Factor Analysis ................................ ................................ ...... 37 Chapter Ten Results ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 40 Preliminary Analyses ................................ ................................ ............................. 42 Descriptives ................................ ................................ ................................ 42 Independent Samples T Tests ................................ ................................ .... 43 Bivariate Analysi s ................................ ................................ ...................... 44 Exploratory Factor Analysis ................................ ................................ ...... 44 Interc orrelations of the Subscales ................................ .............................. 50 i
Chapter Eleven Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 52 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 5 6 Hostilit y Component of Rape Attitudes ................................ ......................... 56 Ambiguity of RABS Items ................................ ................................ ............. 57 Situ ational Factors of the Sample ................................ ................................ .. 58 D irections for Future Research ................................ ................................ .................. 60 References ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 63 Appendices ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 71 Appendix A: Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale ................................ ........................ 72 Appendix B: Introductory Script ................................ ................................ .............. 86 Appendix C: Table of Bivariate Correlations ................................ ........................... 87 Appendix D: Table of All Factor Loadings ................................ .............................. 92 ii
List of Tables Table 1 Landmark Studies Assessing Sexual Aggression on College Campuses in the Last 40 Years ................................ ................................ 5 Table 2 Civilian Labor Force Participation Rates of Women A ged 16 and Older: 1950 to 2005 ................................ ................................ ................ 10 Table 3 Percent of People Aged 25 and Over who Completed 4 or More Years of College, All Races in Selected Years ................................ ....... 1 2 Table 4 Des criptive Statistics of Sample ................................ ............................. 41 Tabl e 5 Preliminary Descriptive Information of Outcome Measures .................. 43 Table 6 Gender Differences for Acceptance of Rape Myt hs ............................... 44 Table 7 Geomin Rotated Factor Loadings from the RABS ................................ 47 Table 8 Intercorrelations of the Subscales and RABS Total ............................... 51 ii i
Rape Attitudes and Beliefs: A Replication Study Rhissa Briones ABSTRACT The phenomena of sexual violence have been studied on college campuses for women in education and the work force since the 1960s, research reveals that the incidence and prevalence rates of date rape have not changed significantly over the years Extant literature indicates that endorsement of rape myths has been found to be asso ciated with sexual aggression by males. A review of existing instruments revealed that current assessments of rape supportive attitudes and beliefs appear outdated in their newly developed instrument, the Rape Supportive Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS) by Gerald H. Burgess (2007) to survey male and female undergraduate students (N=224) with respect to their attitudes and beliefs regarding rape. The male participants were also asked if they had engaged or would consider engaging in forced sexual behavior under a variety of circumstances. The present study was designed to replicate and extend the findings of Burgess. Burgess studied a sample of undergraduate students in a rural university. Participants in this study, in contrast, were from a large metropolitan university with a much more diverse student body. This s iv
research, that there are significant gender differences in endorsement of rape myths between men and women, as measured by a series of t tests. As expected, men scored higher than women on the RABS, meaning greater endorsement of rape myths. In findings, this study did not find that endorsement of rape myths was related to proclivity to sexual violence. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) additionally revealed a factor structure that differed from the original 5 factor structure proposed by Burge ss. The discussion focuses on the meaning of the similarities and differences between the two studies and directions for future research. v
1 Chapter One Introduction Rape is feared by women more than any other crime (Gordon & Riger, 1989). This fear derives not only from its association with other serious offenses such as robbery and homicide. Rather, the act is perceived by women as a severe and brutal form of person al violation (Gordon & Riger, 1989). Media portrayals of sexual violence may contribute, in large part, to this fear that women have. Images of a violent and dangerous man grabbing a woman in a dark alley or a stranger breaking into her home at night are r elatively common in the mainstream media. These are compelling, yet stereotypical descriptions of what women fear. National incidence rates, however, indicate that the fear of rape is not irrational. Tjaden and Thoennes (2000), for example, assert in the ir national study of violent victimization that 1 out of 6 U.S. women have experienced an attempted or completed rape as a child and/or an adult. Stated alternatively, 18% of the women in their survey experienced a completed or attempted rape at some poi nt in their life (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). During the 1980s, studies of other forms of rape emerged and challenged the stereotypical stranger rape scenario (e.g. Koss & Oros, 1982; Koss, Gidycz &Wisniewski, 1987). Attention was being drawn to date and ac quaintance rape, or forced intercourse by someone the victim knows. Investigations of date and acquaintance rape revealed startling incidence and prevalence rates. These findings ran counter to the widespread belief that rapes were committed by strangers
2 Studied extensively on college campuses, the examination of date/acquaintance 56% of the 291 college women experienced coerced sexual activity, and 21% experienced and Parcell (1977) replicated the study design and lent support to the earlier findings. Their replication revealed that 50% of the 282 college women in their sample had experienced att empts at forced sexual activity ranging from kissing to intercourse in the past academic year (Kanin & Parcell, 1977). Shortly thereafter, Koss and Oros (1982) published the Sexual Experiences Survey, a well known and extensively used questionnaire that id entifies victims of coercive sexual experiences. Of the 2000 college women in their sample, 8% reported experiences that met the legal definition of rape and 30% reported having been a victim of forceful sexual activity since the age of 14 years. Five ye ars later, Muehlenhard and Linton (1987) reported similar findings further demonstrating the frequent occurrence of sexually assaultive behavior on college campuses. Sixty five percent of the 341 college aged women in their sample experienced specific inc idents of unwanted sexual activity. sed with/without tongue contact he touched/kissed her breasts through/under her clothes, he touched her genitals through/under her clothes, he forced her to touch his g enitals through/under his clothes, he forced her to perform oral sex on him one percent of the women reported having had sexual intercourse against their will. The most influential, and by far the most frequently cited work, regarding campus se xual violence, however, was the national study conducted by Koss, Gidycz, and
3 Wisniewski (1987). Reported in Ms. Magazin e, a feminist magazine that reports on the pri mary impetus for raising awareness and concern over the sexual victimization of female college students (Adams Curtis & Forbes, 2004). Based on a national sample of 6159 students from 32 colleges and universities, Koss and her associates reported that 9% of the college women reported that they had experiences in the past year that met the legal definition of rape, while a total of 15% reported being raped as early as 14 years of age. In total, Koss and colleagues (1987) reported that 64% of the women in t heir national sample experienced some form of sexual victimization since the age of 14. The influence of this landmark study continues to be far reaching, characterized I Never Called it Rape inve stigation ever undertaken on the subject. It revealed disquieting statistics, including this astonishing fact: 1 in 4 female respondents had an experience that met the legal e official numerous prevention brochures, and chanted in Take Back the Night processions. Funded by the National Institute of Justice, the most recent information on c ampus sexual violence comes from a national survey of 4446 college women conducted by Fisher, Cullen, and Turner (2000). Their findings for the incidence of rape (1.7%) and attempted rape (1.1%) may give the impression that se xual victimization is declini ng, especially given that their data spanned the course of 7 months, while the Koss et al. (1987) data spanned the course of a year. When adjustments are made to accommodate the time difference, the figures are similar, however (Adams Curtis & Forbes, 200 4).
4 Fisher and her colleagues (2000) argued that when the combined victimization rate of 2.8% is calculated for a 1 year period, the data indicated that nearly 5% of college women are victimized. When projected to a 5 year college career, which is now co nsidered to be typical, the victimization rate may reach to one fifth or one quarter of college women. Summarized in Table 1, the above landmark studies indicate that sexual coercion has been a significant problem on college campuses for more than 40 years There are noted differences between the victimization rates, however. The varying percentages may be due, in part, to the wording or phrasing of questions in the various surveys. For example, specific behavioral questions can be found in the Koss et al studies (1982, 1987), the Muehlenhard and Linton study (1987), and the Fisher et al. (2000) study. Addressing particular types of sexually coercive behaviors, these studies differentiated between completed rapes, attempted rapes, and threats of rape. In contrast, the earlier studies conducted by Kirkpatrick and Kanin (1957) and Kanin and Parcell (1977) did not account for these various types of sexual coercion. Although both of the national incidence studies made clear distinctions between sexually coer cive behaviors, their definitions of rape were different (Koss et al., 1987; Fisher et al., 2000; Adams Curtis & Forbes, 2004). The Koss et al. study (1987) based their survey questions on the criminal laws of most jurisdictions in the United States, wher eby sexual activity with someone incapacitated by drugs or alcohol is recognized as a form of rape (Koss, 1993; Muehlenhard, Powch, Phelps, & Guistis, 1992). This definition of rape is not specifically reflected in the Fisher et al. (2000) study, however.
5 Even though it is well documented in the literature that alcohol and drugs play an important role in the sexual assaults that occur on college campuses, these figures are not represented in the Fisher et al. (2000) study. This is a significant limitatio n and it should be noted, therefore, that estimates produced by their data may be incomplete (Adams Curtis & Forbes, 2004). Nonetheless, sexual violence remains a common occurrence among college ent and the work done by universities to reduce victimization. This study is designed to assess acceptance of rape myths and their effects among college students, with additional attention focusing on male behavior. Many cultural changes have taken place particularly in the last 40 to 50 years. Yet, have these cultural changes impacted the acceptance of rape myths among college students? This thesis reviews cultural changes especially in the context of second wave feminism. Sexual assault in the contex t of gender socialization is then examined from a feminist theoretical perspective, with an examination of rape myths following. Thereafter, instruments measuring rape myths among college students are examined. Their development over the years is consider ed. Attention then focuses on an instrument recently developed by Gerald H. Burgess (2007) that assesses rape myths and associated behavior, the Rape Attitudes and
6 Table 1 Landmark Studies Assessing Sexual Aggression on College Campuses in the Last 40 Years (N=6) Study Forced Sexual Activity Attempted Rape Rape Kickpatrick & Kanin (1957) N=291college women 56% 21% Kanin & Parcell (1977) N=282 college women 50% 26% and attempted intercourse Koss & Oros (1982) N=2016 college women 30% physical force to try to make you engage in 18% to try to get you to have sex with him when you 8% want to because he used some degree of p hysical force (twisting your arm, holding you down) if you Muehlenhard & Linton (1987) N=341 college women 64% (examples include) kissed with tongue contact, touched her genitals under her clothes, forced her to touch his genitals under 21% Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski (1987) N=3187 college women 13% 15% some degree of physical force, but intercourse did not 9% want to because a man threatened or used some degree Fisher, Cullen, & Turner (2000) N=4446 college women 1.9% 1.1% 1.7%
7 Chapter Two Second Wave Feminism The resurgence of feminist activism that arose during the 1960s and lasted until World War II and the displacement of women in the workplace, sec ond wave feminists were concerned with the inequalities of the law and other social institutions (Freedman, 2003). During this era, the way of life was shifting for women in important ways, namely in the workplace and in higher education. In this period o f revolutionary thought, the challenged (Davis, 1999). Feminists were asserting that cultural and political inequalities were interconnected. Indeed, it was declared that 1970). Women were encouraged to recognize that certain aspects of their personal lives were impacted, such as the politicization of employment and education. By 1960, there were women who were well educated, yet many more women were becoming part of the work force (Davis, 1999). Educational attainment certainly housewife no longer seemed such a safe choice (Davis, 1999). Captured in Betty The Feminist Mystique (1963), many women were conflicted seemed to
8 complicate the cultural expectations of wife and mother. After receiving an education, many women felt that adherence to gendered stereotypes often led to dissatisfaction with their lives (Davis, 1999). In other words, many women whom Friedan i nterviewed were regretful that they had not put their education to serious use (Friedan, 1963). Following the publication of The Feminist Mystique the National Organization of Women (NOW) was founded in 1966. Thus, the second wave of feminism was solidly or ganized collective like NOW, women began to feel that it was legitimate to fight the inequalities that continued to persist in their lives (Davis, 1999). nearly 40% of all American wo men over age 16 were employed (Davis, 1999). Most were locked into low paying jobs that were considered appropriate for a woman, such as secretaries, sales clerks, nurses, and teachers. The protective labor laws, for the time being, limited the number of hours that women could work and prevented them from holding supervisory positions (Davis, 1999). The premise behind these labor laws suggested that women in the work force were bound to become pregnant and quit their jobs. Furthermore, most people duri ng the time period absorbed the cultural belief system that men had families to support and had the right to the better jobs and higher pay (Davis, 1999). However, in the late 1960s, NOW was particularly effective in
9 challenging these protective labor law s. NOW activists, with legal backing, were able to convince labor leaders and appellate courts that the labor laws were in violation of Title VII of the Equal Pay Act of 1963, which prohibits employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin ( 42 U.S.C. § 2000e participation in the labor force has steadily grown. Beginning with 1950, percentages of women who joined the labor force over the decades are displayed below in Table 2. Table 2 Civilian Labor Force Participation Rates of Women Aged 16 and O lder: 1950 to 2005 Year Women in the Labor Force (%) 1950 33.9 1960 37.7 1970 43.3 1980 51.5 1990 57.5 1998 59.8 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics, As cited by H. N. Fullerton in Labor Force Participation: 75 Years of Change, 1950 1998 and 1998 2025, p.4, 1999) In the early to mid faced a turning point. New factions developed and each began to focus on specific issues, such as ra pe, domestic violence, or equality in education. The organization differed from the original social movement that tackled a broad spectrum of issues collectively (Davis, 1999). The splintering resulted in the creation of a barrage of other movements, suc rape movement, for instance. As separate entities, alliances drew on specific populations of activists. It was during this metamorphosis that violence against women coalitions had come into their own (Davi s, 1999). Through their consciousness raising efforts, feminists of these particular coalitions brought awareness to sexual harassment, domestic violence, and
10 rape. Their activism decried patriarchal power structures that were seemingly the cause of viol ence against women within our culture. becoming an accepted part of the political scene in Washington. Organizations such as of Women Voters, and the American Association of University Women (AAUW) joined forces and began to work on specific pieces of legislation (Davis, 1999). These activists lobbied for social and political changes that would give women all things to which m en were entitled: economic independence and equal access to education and jobs (Davis, 1999). Known by some as Specifically, it was during this time that two important educat ion bills were passed in Enacted into law in 1974 to promote educational equity for girls and women, the WEEA provides funding to help educational agencies and institutions r emain in compliance with Title IX ( 20 U.S.C. § 1866 of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activi ty receiving Federal financial Since the passage of the WEEA and Title IX, women in the U.S. have made significant gains in higher education at all levels (Sapiro, 1994). Until recently women had substantially trailed men in the percentage completing college. Table 3 displays the
11 (or more) si nce the 1940s, narrowing the gap between rates for men and women. Table 3 Percent of People Aged 25 and Over who Completed 4 or More Years of College, All Races in Selected Years Year Males (%) Females (%) 1940 5.5 3.8 1950 7.3 5.2 1959 10.3 6.0 1970 14.1 8.2 1980 20.9 13.6 1990 24.4 18.4 2000 27.8 23.6 2008 30.1 28.8 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census (2007) http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/educ attn.html The status of women continues to evolve in light of the achievements made by second wave feminists for the higher education of women, for equal rights, and for the traditiona l role, primarily as mother and wife, appear to be declining with the escalating numbers of women in higher education and the work force.
12 Chapter Three Sexual Victimization and Perpetration on College Campuses College provides more than just an education to young women and men; it also students embark on their exploration of new experiences. There is also a dangerous side to college life, however, as a novice in an unfamiliar environment would attest. In this setting, education and scholarship are often mixed with sex and aggression. As reported by Finn (1995), rape is the most common violent crime on American college campus es today. life. It is initially typified, however, with trials and uncertainties for many students. While still forming a stable identity, the freshman student is often placed in a permissive campus environment that includes increased sexual expectations, peer pressures for sexual activity, and frequent consumption of drugs and alcohol. Amidst these situational at greater risk for rape and other forms of sexual assault than women in the general population or in a mentioned, Mary Koss revealed alarming statistics indicating that, sinc e the age of 14 years, 15% of college women reported experiencing, and 7.7% of college men reported perpetrating, an act that met the legal definition of rape (Koss, Gidycz & Wisniewski,
13 1987). Subsequent research has continually replicated these earlier findings that sexual victimization on college campuses occurs at alarming rates (e.g. Muelenhard & Linton, 1987; Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Likewise, in their work on sexual perpetration, Holcomb and colleagues (1988) ege years coincide with the period of their greatest likelihood of committing sexual assault. Interestingly, most college men are similarly Relatively few, however, re spond with sexual perpetration (Adams Curtis & Forbes, 2004; Lisak & Miller, 2002). Lisak and Miller (2002) reported that this small number of college males is, in fact, responsible for a disproportionate amount of interpersonal crime, resulting in multip le rape and abuse victimizations. Thus, campus sexual violence cannot be substantially reduced until we are better able to identify these perpetrators, their attitudes and beliefs, and the circumstances under which they are sexually coercive (Adams Curtis & Forbes, 2004). As previously stated above, although most college men are similarly exposed to these social pressure s, few are sexually coercive. Bohner Reinhard, Ru tz, Sturm, Kerschbaum, and Effler (1998) and Malamuth (1981) suggested that reported pr oclivity to commit rape and reported history of sexual aggression positively correlate with the endorsement of rape tolerant or rape supportive views. A number of studies have affirmed the association of rape myth acceptance and sexual coercion among colle ge men (e.g. Byers & Eno, 1991; Christopher, Owens, & Stecker, 1993; Gold & Clegg, 1990; Hersh & Gray Little, 1998; Koss & Dinero, 1988; Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros,
14 1985; Lisak & Roth, 1990; Malamuth, 1986; 1989; Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, & Acker 1995; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987). Some argue that rape myth acceptance, in addition to factors within the university environment, encourage sexual violence (e.g. Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991). Armstrong, Hamiliton, and Sweeney (2006) report that b ecause drinking is not allowed in university dorm rooms, the social scene is often taken over by the Greek fraternities. I n their narrowed views of masculinity, fraternities typically espouse traditional male roles such as athleticism, power, money, dominance, and an ability to consume alcohol Consequently, sexual violence may be amplified in this setting (Boeringer et al. 1991 ; Sanday, 1990 ). I dentification of sexual perpetrators whether fraternity members or not, might appropriately begin with a n assessment of their rape supportive att itudes and belief in rape myths.
15 Chapter Four Feminist Theory of Rape Feminist scholars associate the incidence and prevalence of campus sexual violence to endorsement of rape supportive attitudes among students (Burt, 1980; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; 1995). Since the second wave of feminism, activists have proclaimed tha t rape supportive attitudes and beliefs and subsequent aggression towards women are the products of the sociocultural context of patriarchy (Brownmiller, 1975; Smith, 1990; Davis, 1999). According to Koss, Goodman, Browne, Fitzgerald, Keita, & Russo (1994 concepts, habits, skills, instruments, art, morals, laws, customs, institutions, and any other capabilities acquired by human beings as members of a society (p.4). As a powerful social and cult within these structures and institutions (Smith, 1990). Feminist theorists claim that men are provided a higher status than women in our American culture, resulting in the male assump tion of domination over and control of women (Brownmiller, 1975; Smith 1990). Recognizing that masculinist ideals are upheld and create an imbalance of power between the genders, feminist sociocultural models posit that aggression towards women is the cons equence. Aggressive behavior is seen by many as a means for men to maintain the status quo of male dominance and female subordination (Schwartz & DeKeseredy, 1997; Scully, 1995; Smith 1990).
16 Most major criminological theories fall short in their explanat ions for the gendered nature of crimes perpetrated against women such as domestic and sexual violence. The contribution of feminist theory, however, reconciles this dilemma. The development of feminist theory to explain rape grew from second wave feminism most rape movement. She viewed rape as an inevitable consequence of a repressive and exploitative patriarchal culture. Importantly, feminist theoretical discourse also asserts that men and women are socialized to operate within rigid gender roles. Differing from biological sex of either re to their socially constructed, gendered selves lest they be punished with name calling or exclusion, or worse yet, hate crimes. The social expectation is to behave according to the assigned gender and to learn the appropriate and acceptable behaviors a s defined by the normative, cultural standards of patriarchy. Individuals learn the appropriate gendered behavior from a variety of social forces, including, but not limited to, our parents, siblings, peers, teachers, coaches, church leaders, and from pop ular media such as beauty magazines, television, and the internet. Specifically, these social forces inform us that men are expected to be the stronger, more intelligent, and dispassionate breadwinner, whereas women are, in contrast, the weaker, demure, e motional, and passive sex. From this viewpoint it is assumed also that men are the sexual aggressors, obtaining sex through whatever means necessary, whereas women are the gatekeepers of
17 their sexuality (Armstrong, Hamilton, & Sweeney, 2006). Kept at ba sexuality is an indication of her virtue as her reputation is consequently upheld. Adherence to this gendered script, however, allows for the perpetration of sexual coercion. In the context of university living where partying and drinking al cohol is culturally expected, women are predictably left vulnerable to sexual assault. As reported t, and Stereotypical beliefs of rape, for example, assert that men are at the mercy of their sexual d when the opportunity makes itself available. The perpetuation of rape myths creates a climate conducive to rape, and makes it especially difficult for victims because sexual c oercion is seen by those who adhere to them as normal and acceptable behavior (Frese, Moya & Megias, 2004). In the aftermath, the subsequent confusion, guilt and blame that is felt by victims is further reinforced by the reactions of friends or family thr ough the questioning of the choices that the victim made, like drinking or going back to the victims have relied for support are, therefore, not immune to blaming the victi m (Massaro, 1985). Because of the endorsement of these rape myths, the perceptions of rape victims and their experiences are distorted. Accordingly, sexual assault is handled and dealt with unlike any other crime in our culture. Beliefs that victims are to blame, in
18 whole or in part, for the crime that happens to them is pervasive (Ryan, 1976). Many believe that perhaps the rape victim brought it upon herself. Because of her unwise conduct before the assault, she is not worthy of the kind of credibilit y required to hold the and deserve what they get (Lerner, 1980). When the reasoning is applied to a rape victim, others assume that it happened to her because she is a promiscuous person who dressed provocatively, and in turn, they could never be raped because they are not like her and do not irresponsibly behave in this way (Torrey, 1990). Ultimately, this belief ity from predators to victims In summary, the feminist theory of rape has called much attention to the patriarchal social structures that support sexual violence against women and have been instrumental in identifying factors that hav These social forces remain operative on college campuses. As a result, women have continued to be sexually victimized for at least the past 40 years. Its frequency appears to be unchanged as study after study t hroughout the decades has found similar results (Kilpatrick & Kanin, 1957; Kanin & Parcell, 1977; Koss et al. 1982; 1987; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987; DeKeseredy & Kelly, 1993; Fisher et al., 2000).
19 Chapter Five Defining Rape Myths The concept of rape myths was introduced in the 1970s by sociologists (Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974) and feminist activists (e.g. Brownmiller, 1975). When it was initially studied, rape myths seemed to be connected with other constructs blaming the victim. These newly developed constructs appeared to logically fit with one another and seemed to be operating together (Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). From these novel concepts, Martha Burt (1980) was the first social scientist to develop scales to assess rape myth acceptance. This effort prompted successive evaluations of the association between sexist attitudes and sexual assault, which reflected stro ngly the feminist sociocultural perspective of sexual coercion. The use of her Rape Myth Acceptance Scale remains particularly influential, as modified versions of the original scale continue to be used. Below are examples of common rape myths, which argu ably, continue to be firmly held misconceptions. 1. A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man on their first date implies that she is willing to have sex. 2. One reason that women falsely report a rape is that they frequently have a need to call atten tion to themselves. 3. Any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she wants to. 4. Women who go braless or wear short skirts and tight tops are asking for trouble. 5. In most rapes the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation. 6. If a girl engages in n ecking or petting and she lets things get out of hand, it is her own fault if her partner forces sex on her.
20 7. Women who get raped while hitchhiking get what they deserve. 8. A woman who is stuck up and thinks she is too good to talk to men on the street deserv es to be taught a lesson. 9. Many women have an unconscious wish to be raped and may unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be attacked. 10. there, she should be considered fair game to other males at the party who want to have sex with her too, whether she wants to or not. 11. Many women who report rapes are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse. (As adapted by Sapiro in Women in Ame 3 rd ed. p.329, 1994). Associations have been drawn between male endorsement of rape myths and their likelihood of perpetrating sexual assault, as well as their likelihood of having victim blaming attitud es. Burt (1980) further suggested that the endorsement of the above rape behavior whe n they us e force in sexual interactions (Burt, 1980; Bohner, Reinhard, Rutz, Sturm, Kerschbaum, & Effler; 1998). Correlational studies have tested the link between rape myth acceptance and rape proclivity. Using samples of non convicted men, these correl ational studies indicate a significant relationship between the two variables (e.g., Malamuth, 1981; Malamuth & Check, 1985; Quackenbush, 1989; Murnen, Wright, & Kaluzny, 2002). Burt pointed out that the rape myths adopted by our society maintain a rape culture in which women are responsible for their own victimization, rape is not common, and rapists are not responsible for their own actions. These ideas became influential in the 1980s following second wave feminism, as scholars focused their attention on the pervasiveness of sexual assault and the social forces that enable it.
21 A more recent definition of rape myths, however, is provided by Lonsway and widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression means for a sexual perpetrator to maintain his assaultive behavior (Burgess, 2007). Creation within the traditions of psychology, sociology, anthropology, and philosophy. Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999) noted three central elements that are theorized to constitute the concept of myth: 1) false or apocryphal beliefs that 2) explain some cultural phenomenon and 3) whose importance lies in maintaining existing cultural arrangements (p.29). The notion of myth, as appli ed by Payne et al. (1999), is similar to that of lies not in their ability to truthfully characterize any particular instance of sexual violence; rather, the significa nce of cultural rape myths is in their overgeneralized and Snyder and Miene (1994) previously argued that stereotypes provide us a function and logical motivations, which include 1) maintaining cognitive economy by simplifying incoming information; 2) protecting self esteem with downward comparison and the derogation of others; and 3) helping people fit in and identify with social and cultural gro dismiss, ignore, or otherwise detach themselves from the targets of these attitudes and
22 functions to deny the wid espread prevalence of sexual victimization (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994).
23 Chapter Six Development of Rape Myth Acceptance Scales Based on the definitions and identified functions of rape myths, tools have been Scale (RMAS, 1980), additional scales include the Attitudes Towards Women Scale (AWS) by Spence and Helmreich (1972), the Rape Attitudes and Perceptions Questionnaire (RAP) developed by Holcomb, Holcomb, Sondag and Williams (1988), and the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) developed by Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999). Although the measures are nearly 30 and 40 years old, respectively, and have been tested on non college populations, the RMAS (Burt, 1980) and the AWS (Spence & Helmreich, 1972) continue to be widely used in current research (Burgess, 2007). In light of the cha nges in society over the last four decades, using instruments (Burgess, 2007). Moreover, these particular assessments use colloquial phrases that tend to be outdated (Payne, et al., 1999). For example in the RMA Scale, Burt uses phrases students who are currently in college (Payne, et al., 1999). Items from the AWS that are also problematic
24 taken from t (Holcomb et al., 1988). Because these phrases and statements appear to be outdated, they may have little or no meaning for college students currently (Payne et al., 1999, Burgess 2007). In addition, these assessments do not reflect the experiences of the current college environment. There is no mention of condom use, fraternities, and dormitory living, for example, in the RMAS and AWS (Burgess, 2007). According to Burgess (2 007), these are critical factors that should be included and taken into consideration when examining the rape supportive attitudes of college men. To address these challenges, Burgess (2007) developed a new measure, specifically intended for use with coll ege men: the Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS). The scale proposes to measure rape supportive attitudes and their association to rape proclivity, and the sexual assault histories of college men. The RABS differs from former assessments by avoiding u se of colloquialisms that have made other scales seem outdated (Burgess, 2007; Payne et al., 1999). Additionally, contexts particular to college students, such as dorm rooms, condom use, and sex and alcohol were incorporated in the RABS. Developed from t he feminist understandings of sexual violence, the new instrument is designed to measure the level of rape myth acceptance as it relates to rape proclivity and sexual violence. Burgess used this instrument to measure rape myth acceptance and its relation ship to sexual violence in a southeastern university setting. Results suggested the value of the
25 instrument. Despite its promise, no study has replicated the validity of this new measure. According to Finifter (1975), replication studies are beneficial in a number of ways by strengthening the results of previous work, by correcting limitations, and by potentially protecting the community against errors. Thus, replication of Burgess study is a critical step in order to establish the credibility of the in strument before it is further implemented in college studies of rape and is among the aims of this thesis Rape supportive beliefs alone, however, cannot explain the prevalence of sexual assault. Although a relationship between rape myth acceptance and sexual assault supports the propositions of feminist theory, other researchers claim that it is difficult to identify clearly what the RMAS actually measures. According to Lonsway and ttitudes towards women, which alone cannot adequately explain a subsequent linkage to sexual offending. Adams Curtis, et al. (2004) have argued further that it is a negative affect about and towards women, and not a set of specific cognitive beliefs per s e, that is most closely related with consequent sexual perpetration. Stated alternatively, simply holding rape supportive attitudes in the absence of this affective component of hostility may not necessarily contribute to rape proclivity (Adams Curtis et al., 2004). Measurements should, therefore, be equipped to assess this combination of rape supportive attitudes and a negative affect towards women in order to properly predict sexual proclivity and/or sexual violence. Burgess addresses this limitation b y including items located in the Misogyny subscale of the RABS. These items specifically measure acceptance of
26 violence against women and negative, hostile attitudes towards women. A detailed description of this new instrument follows.
27 Chapter Seven The Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale Development of the RABS entailed identifying from the current sexual violence literature those rape myths that positively correlated with measures of sexual aggression and used male college student s (Burgess, 2007). From this search of the literature, Burgess (2007) initially identified eight domains: (a) denial that acquaintance rape is real and causes trauma to the victim, called Not Rape (taken from Rapaport, Burkhart, 1984; White & Humphrey, 19 identified as Women Cause (using e.g. Briere & Malamuth; 1983; Scully & Marola; 1984); (c) problematic attitudes and beliefs about mixing alcohol use and sexual activity, or Alcohol (e.g. Abbey, 1991; Richardson & Hammock, 1991); (d) problematic attitudes and beliefs about the male sex role, called Sex Role (used e.g. Bunting & Reeves, 1983; Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988); (e) dislike of the feminine and the intermingling of sex and violence, which he identified as Misogyny (e.g. Malamuth, Koss, Tanaka & Sockloskie, 1991; Stevens, 2001); (f) acceptance of traditional male and female gender roles, called Gender Role (taken from e.g. Malamuth, 1981; Martin & Hummer, 1989); (g) acceptance of sexual coerci on as a legitimate means to acquire sex, or Coercion ; (e.g. Muehlenhard & Schrag, 1991; Tyler, Hoyt & Whitbeck, 1998); sexual intent, he called Misinterpretation (from e.g. Abbey, 1987; Shotland & Craig, 1988).
28 Burgess (2007) refined the RABS based on the conceptualizations derived from the literature and from his experience in working with college men in sexual assault education programming. Eight items were formulated for each of the eight domains, resulting in 64 item s in total. (The version of the RABS that Burgess used included 59 items, however. Certain statements were omitted that seemed to confuse respondents based on their inconsistent endorsements). Also included in the measure was the Situational Rape Procliv ity Scale (SRPS), a 7 reported proclivity to rape in a variety of scenarios. To assess whether the participants had a sexually aggressive past, Burgess also utilized a 2 item questionnaire, the Sexually Agg ressive History Questionnaire (SAHQ). A copy of these scales can be found in Appendix A. The RABS, SRPS, and SAHQ were then administered to 368 university males and 359 university females in introductory business and psychology classes in a medium sized un iversity located in a small city in the southeast. The university from which these data were drawn had a 12% African American community and a 5% other minority community. The majority of the respondents in this study were Caucasian/White. Burgess (2007) be positively correlated to their reports of rape proclivity and/or history of sexual would be significantly In his initial stage of the analysis, Burgess conducted an exploratory factor analysis (principal components extraction) on the remaining 59 items, using only the
29 ion of eight domains, were retained. Nine items that did not meet criteria were then eliminated from the scale. His final version of the RABS totaled 50 items with five subscales. The RABS as a single measure accounted for 35.5% of the variance and had a subscales were found to be significantly related to one another and to the RABS total score, p<.01 (Burgess, 2007). Burgess (2007) then tested the second set of his hypotheses by examining gender differences relating to sexua l aggression and the endorsement of rape supportive attitudes and beliefs. Independent t subscales were significantly
30 Chapter Eight Objectives and Hypotheses The aim of the present study is to assess gender differences regarding rape myth Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS). The current study, a replication study of Burgess women since the 1960s, one might question whether there are still gender differences r egarding attitudes towards rape. Will cultural influences of second wave feminism be as far Nearly 40 years have passed since the revolutionary era of the 1960s. American culture today is vastly different than the sexually repressive period of the 1960s. It is have had any lasting impact, especially on male college students. Developmen t of new measures that are valid is necessary in order to identify those college males who perpetrate sexual violence, a population that has continually been shown in the literature to warrant our attention (e.g., Koss et al., 1987; Lisak & Miller, 2002; D eKeseredy & Kelly, 1993). Furthermore, scales that are currently being used to assess rape myth acceptance are outdated and have not been tested on college
31 be replic ated and if the new measure is valid. To strengthen the external validity of the RABS, it is important to consider utilizing a sample that is characteristically different from the original. The present study attempts such an analysis, using approximately 225 undergraduate students from a major research university in the southeast. The locale of the university as well as its student body is quite diverse, with 34.5% undergraduate minority students (13.0% African American, 0.5% American Indian, 6.4% Asian/ Pacific Islander, and 14.6% Hispanic). Located in a metropolitan area, with a population of approximately one million people, the university offers a multicultural sample. The setting in the current study is very different from the rural and conservative sample. Therefore, current study will provide indications of the generalizability of findings from the previous RABS study. This investigation has two main objectives. The primary objective is to examine gender differences regarding rape supportive attitudes and beliefs among college students using a sample from a metropolitan area. In accordance with previous literature, (e.g. Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 199 4; Holcomb, Holcomb, Sondag, & Williams, 1988), it is expected that men will endorse rape supportive attitudes more than women. The secondary objective is to assess the validity of the new instrument, the RABS. Construct validity and criterion related va lidity are assessed via the outcome measures, the Situational Rape Proclivity Scale (SRPS) and the Sexual Assault History
32 Questionnaire (SAHQ), as they relate to rape myth acceptance. It is expected that men who endorse rape myths will also have associate d behaviors and proclivities that are findings is also examined using the sample from a large university located in the southeast study, the following hypotheses will be tested using the updated rape myth acceptance scale: RABS. H2: Women will score lower than men (meaning less endorsement of rape myths). H3: Scores on the RABS will positively correlate to self report measures sexual proclivity and sexual aggression among men. H4: The factor structure identified from current d 5 factor structure.
33 Chapter Nine Method Following collected from undergraduates attending the main campus of a large university in the southeast. All of the students were recruited from an introductory Criminology class (N=224). Measure m ent Scales R ape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (R ABS ) final version of the RABS included 50 items, which is the measure used in the current analysis. From his findings, the RABS is composed of five subscales: 1) Justifications includes 10 items th at provide as sexually provocative; 2) Blame ity is Status is comprised of 13 items that reflects the link between sexual aggression and social status that men are pressured to attain from their peers; 4) Tactics includes 8 items related to the approval of coercive methods that involve alcohol to gain sexual compliance from a woman; and 5) Gender has 10 items that reflect an adherence to traditional gender roles and a tendency to dislike things feminine. Responses to the 50 items in the RABS were coded as S trongly Agree=4, Mildly Agree=3, Mildly Disagree=2, and Strongly Disagree=1. Four items in the
34 Rape can occur between two college students even if they seem to be a normal couple who are often seen together at A woman can dress as she wants to, drink if she wants to, and not hold a ny Mixing sex and alcohol is dangerous business and I believe that women can be whatever they want to be, whether it be president or housewife. Situational Rape Proclivity Scale (SRPS) The seven items included in this point scale, as either 1=Not at all likely, 2=Possible, but not likely, 3=Fairly likely, and 4=Very likely. Higher scores indicate a greater proclivity to rape. Sexual ly Aggressive History Questionnaire (SAHQ) The SAHQ has 2 items inquiring whether college men had sexually aggressive pasts. Once again, from the guidance of Koss & Oros (1982), the words rape or sexual assault were not used in this measure also. A sexu ally aggressive past is operationally defined as forced sex without freely given consent not mutually interested in sexual intercourse with you but you went ahead and engaged in sexual intercourse with her These items were co ded as Never=1, Once=2, Twice=3, and More than twice=4.
35 Procedure The procedure in the present study carefully followed the approach originally taken by Burgess (2007). Thus, participants were asked during their class period to an literature (i.e. Koss & Oros, 1982), the words rape or sexual assault were not used when introducing the instrument. Further, the survey packet was entitled Sexual Attitudes Survey as done by Burgess (2007). When the survey was introduced to the students, it was explained that many of them would find the questions interesting, and that some would find them personal and may not want to answer them. The students were told th at if they began participation and decided to stop, then they could do so without penalty. However, if they decided not to participate, it was requested that they fill out the first two pages of the packet that asks for demographic information only. Confi dentiality was ensured as no names or other forms of identifying information (e.g., student ID numbers) were asked to be written on the survey. Next, the students were instructed on how to respond to the survey items. The men in the class were informed t hat they had 12 additional items to answer. The SRPS and SAHQ were placed at the end of the packet. It was further clarified that these last items were more personal in nature, but confidentiality was again reassured. Before the surveys were distributed, the students were informed that the survey would take approximately 20 minutes to complete. They were then instructed to place
36 their surveys in a large, sealed box when they were finished. The surveys remained in the sealed boxes until all data were collected and the class was dismissed. The full introductory script can be found in Appendix B. Demographic characteristics Several demographic questions were asked of participants. Data on age, gender, year in school, rac e, Hispanic ethnicity, marital status, and current living situation were assessed. Analyses Based on the hypotheses and aims of the current study, data analyses were carried out in several steps. First, descriptive analyses were completed to illustrate the similarities and/or differences in findings between the present study and those of Burgess (2007). Next, a series of independent t tests of the RABS subscales were SPS S 17.0 was used in this first phase of analyses to determine the descriptive information and differences in means between the genders. In the sec (2007) methodology was replicated te correlations were conducted to ascertain significant associations between the items. Significant associations among the items allowed for use of exploratory factor analysis (EFA). Bivariate correlations among the items within the RABS, including corre lations within each of the subscales, and EFA were conducted using MPlus 5.2 (Muthn & Muthn 1998 2008). The purpose of EFA in the current examination is to demonstrate whether constituent items load similarly onto those factors noted in the Burgess stud y. Similarities and/or differences between the factor structures of the present study and that
37 of Burgess was assessed. Lastly, the RABS total score was correlated with sexual assault proclivity scores, sexual assault history scores, and the subscales ex tracted from responses in the current sample. Exploratory Factor Analysis According to Kim & Mueller (1978), factor analysis common objective is to represent a set o f variables in terms of a smaller number of of observed variables are associated and are tapping into the same underlying construct (Byrne, 2001). In EFA the numbe r of latent factors to be extracted and the items that are reflective of each factor are not specified beforehand. Thus, there are no real hypotheses established about the factor structure. The first and important step of factor analysis involves an exa mination of the bivariate correlations. If there are no significant correlations found or there are low magnitudes among the items, then there is no basis for moving forward with factor analysis. However, if there are significant associations found betwe en the items, then this is suggestive of substantively relevant relationships and EFA is appropriate. During extraction, the number of underlying factors that can adequately explain the observed indicators is identified. The variance that accounts for ea ch factor extracted of thumb guidelines that are commonly used and seem to yield the best results: eigenvalues greater than 1 (Kaiser Rule) and the graphical results of the scree plot. Sho wing the descending values of
38 variance explained by each factor extracted, the scree plot reveals the number of factors that should be accepted (Kim & Mueller, 1978). Kim and Mueller (1978) suggest additional formal tests when the number of factors is in question, namely: 1) significance tests associated with the maximum likelihood and least squares solutions, 2) the criterion of substantive importance, and 3) the criterion of interpretability and invariance. The best practice is to utilize a combination of these various criteria to lend further support to the final solution (Kim & Mueller, 1978) In the present study, the number of factors retained was based on eigenvalues that exceeded 1.0, examination of the scree plot and the use of prior theory and substantive knowledge. These criteria may seem somewhat elusive, but the current data lack a sample large enough to appropriately assess tests of significance. Determination of which indicators to retain in each factor depends on the assessment of the relationships between the observed variable and the latent factor. This loadings of at least .30 to .40 are generally accepted. Reliance on theory and substantive knowle dge is also required to make suitable judgments of the acceptable loadings, however. Factor loadings within this range and greater than .40 indicate that an observed highe r the factor loading, the better the observed variable is explained by the latent factor. In the current study, the criterion level for factor loadings was conservatively set at .40.
39 Findings from the EFA in the present study will be compared to the fact or structure elucidated in the previous study. A similar factor structure would enhance the validity of the RABS, whereas a differing factor structure would indicate that the RABS may not be a valid instrument. A definitive factor structure, thus, has ye t to be determined.
40 Chapter Ten Results Demographic information about the current sample is provided in Table 4. Participant ages ranged from 16 to 57 years (M=20.3 years, SD=3.5, Mode=19.0). The class composition was comprised of freshmen/first year students (30.8%), sophomores/second year stu dents (28.6%), juniors/third year students (23.2%), and seniors/fourth year or more students (16.5%). Females accounted for 53% of the class. The majority of students were White (62.5%), followed by African Americans (16.5%), Asians (4.9%), and those who w and less than1% were divorced (0.9%). Almost 35% lived on campus, either in a dorm (32.1%) or in Greek housing (2.7%). Currently, the university has a 13.0% undergraduate African American community, and a 14.6% undergraduate Hispanic community. Females account for 59% of the undergr aduate students. The locale of the university, as well as its student body is quite diverse, as stated earlier, with 34.5% of undergraduate minority students. Student response rate was 97%. The responses from four female students were not included in the survey due to incomplete answering, and two males chose not to
41 participate and submitted only demographic information. This resulted in the final sample size of 224 undergraduate students. Table 4 Descriptive Statistics of Sample (N=224) Sample N Percentage Age (in years) < 18 5 2.2 18 42 18.8 19 67 29.9 20 38 17.0 21 27 12.1 22 19 8.5 > 22 26 11.4 M = 20.3 SD = 3.5 Gender Male 105 46.9 Female 119 53.1 Year in School Freshman (First year) 69 30.8 Sophomore (Second year) 64 28.6 Junior (Third year) 52 23.2 Senior (Fourth year) 37 16.5 Race Asian 11 4.9 Black or African American 37 16.5 White 140 62.5 Other 31 13.8 Missing 5 2.2 Hispanic Yes 50 22.3 No 156 69.6 Marital Status Single, never married 211 94.2 Married or living with partner 11 4.9 Divorced 2 0.9 Current Living Situation Campus dorm 72 32.1 Greek housing 6 2.7 Off campus 144 64.3 Missing 2 0.9
42 Preliminary Analyses Descriptives responses (N=105) revealed similarities to those of Burgess (2007). For example, 8.6% of male respondents admitted to at least one incident of sexually aggressive behavior in their past, as measured by the SAHQ. Similarly, Burgess (2007) initially found 13% of males who admitted to a sexually aggressive past in his study. More than a third of male respondents (36.2%) penalty or consequence, as measured by the SRPS. This finding is substantial, yet less than the 48% found in the Burgess study (2007) While 14.3% in the present study in at least one of the situations with the same assurances that there would be no penalty or consequences, Burgess (2007) reported 19% in his study. Further, in the Burgess study (2007), t he item in the RABS that obtained the most endorsements n who you have been dancing with and kissing at a party. She is somewhat incoherent due to being drunk, but you suspect that she wanted to have sexual intercourse with you. You decide to use a condom to protect her against In the current study, t his item also obtained the most endorsements (3 6.2%), along with another item that read, the percentages are much lower, however, in the current sample (see Table 5).
43 Table 5 Preliminary Descriptive Information of Outcome Measures (N=105) Findings Present (%) Burgess (%) Reported at least one incident of sexual aggression in the past 8.6 13.0 Reported some likelihood (i.e. woman 36.2 48.0 of forcing sex on a woman 14.3 19.0 Independent samples t tests tested using several independent samples t e 6. As expected, the analyses revealed that males. Significant group differences were found in each of the subscales, and the RABS total score (p<.01). These findings sugge sted that there was support for the hypothesis initially made and for the extant literature that men would score higher on the rape myth acceptance scales than women. When comparing gender differences and rape myth acceptance for the current sample of stu dents, the results provide further evidence that that the RABS is a valid instrument for assessing rape myth acceptance among college populations.
44 Table 6 Gender Differences for Acceptance of Rape Myths (N=224) M en Women Scale Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev. Df t JUST 16.8 14.6 12.0 2.8 222 3.6* BLAM 31.6 16.6 22.4 5.5 222 5.7* STAT 35.2 16.8 28.7 15.5 222 3.0* TACT 17.8 9.9 12.7 9.9 222 3.8* GEND 27.1 16.7 19.6 9.6 222 4.1* RABS 123.2 42.2 92.4 10.2 222 6.5* *p< .01 Note: JUST=Justifications subscale; BLAM=Blame subscale; STAT=Status subscale; TACT=Tactics subscale; GEND=Gender subscale; RABS=Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale total Bivariate Analyses For EFA, bivariate correlations were initially conducted among the 50 items that Burgess included in his final version of the RABS. Just as in the previous study, items used in this phase of the analyses were taken from the men only. Items in the RABS are ordered polytomous, (ordinal data) thus, polychoric co rrelations were conducted using MPlus 5.2 (Muthn & Muthn 1998 2008). (Because the inter items correlations matrix is rather large and unwieldy, it is not shown in the text. The table can be found in Appendix C.) Significant correlations at the p<.05 le vel were found conducted. The current analysis was strictly exploratory, thus, no expectations or determinations regarding the number of factors were set beforehand. Howe ver, it was Exploratory Factor Analysis An exploratory factor analysis of the 50 item RABS was conducted in MPlus 5.2 (Muthn & Muthn 1998 2008), using the responses from the me n only. Maximum likelihood estimation, Geomin (oblique) rotation, and 30 random starts were the default parameters in the current analysis. The limits on the number of factors to extract was set from 1 (lower limit) to 14 (upper limit). Due to non
45 conve rgence problems on factors 9 14, new starting values were tried at 1000 and 10,000. No solutions were attained, however, for 9 or more factors. These preliminary results led to the decision to examine an 8 factor structure. Examination of the scree plot further supported the decision to examine the 8 factors that were extracted. As mentioned previously, the criterion level for acceptable factor loadings was conservatively set at .40. Any indicators that loaded below .40 were eliminated, resulting in an examination of remaining 36 indicators across the 8 factors. A number of these items loaded highly onto multiple factors, and it was difficult to determine placement of certain items for proper formulation of distinct factors. Due to the large number o f items that cross loaded into multiple factors, it was decided to place any item in question into the factor where it had the highest loading. A table displaying all of preliminary factors and the multiple factor loadings can be found in Appendix D. Aft er each of the 3 6 items were placed into their respective factors, examination of the 8 factors subsequently led to the decision to retain only 7. One the factors contained 5 distinct indicators that did not seem theoretically consistent with one another a nd was eliminated. Additionally, placement of the highest loadings in their respective factors left 2 factors containing only 2 indicators each. These 2 factors were subsequently removed. Thus, the final structure of 5 factors with 3 6 items was retained. Although Burgess also concluded with a final 5 factor solution for the RABS (2007), the current structure differs due to the items contained in each of the new factors. The factors extracted in the current analysis contain a mixture of the items from the 5 subscales previously established by Burgess. There are some similarities, however.
46 In the current analysis, factor indicators loaded onto one large factor and four smaller factors. The largest factor, herein now called Misinterpretation, is comprise d of n on that she intends to have sex with him. The second dimension, herein referred to as Not Rape, contains 5 indicators where sexual violence and victimization is minimized or al agent because it relaxes both people involved, frees them from inhibitions, and enhances the Coercion, is comprised of 7 indicators that jointly refer to the acceptance of the use of force to acqui re sex. Items in whether she wants sex, it is OK for a man to persist until she f domain, herein referred to as Gender Role, is made up of 7 indicators that similarly independent, adventurous, and tough are still charac Sexual
47 Power contains 6 indicators that repr among his peers would be enhanced if he had sex with a woman who was a known t men be knowledgeable and experienced in sexual Of the new domains, Gender Role and Sexual Power seem to be the most similar to Gender subscale are presently grouped in the new dimension Gender Role Four of the items in Status subscale are presently grouped in the new dimension Sexual Power However, the other domains in the current analysis are comprised of an assortment of items from the various subscales in the Burgess study. Table 7 presents the final five factors and their relevant loadings. Table 7 Geomin Rotated Factor Loadings from the RABS (N=105) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI SEXP Rape can occur between two college students even if they seem to be a normal couple who are often seen together at parties. .48 a A lot of people, especially women, are too likely to label a sexual .53 a Alcohol is a good sexual agent because it relaxes both people involved, frees them from inhibitions, and enhances the sexual experiences. .49 a In many cases, if a woman is raped by an acquaintance, she has to take some responsibility for what happened to her. .50 a Women who commonly frequenct such as bars or fraternity parties are seemingly advertising their sexual availability. .55 a
48 Table 7 Geomin Rotated Factor Loadings from the RABS (N=105) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI SEXP If a woman allows a man to pick up all the expenses for a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. .68 a It is acceptable for men to falsely profess love (or commitment) in order to get what they want from a woman sexually. .48 a If a woman is unsure about whether she wants sex, it is OK .52 a If a woman asks a man out on a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. .74 a Being sexually active is a measure of manhood. .66 a in college. .70 a If a woman leads a man on by dressing up, dancing with him close, and kissing him the man is somewhat justified to have .51 a Being independent, adventurous, and tough are still characteristics that define true masculinity. .41 a what the feminist movement is trying to do. .56 a It is unwise for men to show their emotions. .45 a I believe that a woman can be whatever they want to be, whether it be president or housewife. .47 a feminine. .48 a The judicial system is too harsh on men in cases of alleged behavior or responsibility. .56 a guilty about having sex, or they want to get back at a man. .56 a Certain women are more likely to be raped due to their flirting, teasing, or promiscuous behavior. .54 a If a man and woman are engaged in consensual sexual intercourse it is OK for the man to ignore this and go ahead, especially if he uses a condom. .64 a Women who lead men on deserve less sympathy if they are raped. .50 a It is an unspoken rule that if a woman willingly goes with a room), that she intends to have sex with him. .44 a sex that got a little rough. .63 a A man is somewhat justified to have sex with a woman and 2) she is known to have sex with many men before. .66 a Even today, it is more appropriate for men (rather than women) to hold jobs such as manager, CEO, or president. .59 a A woman who was forced to have sex with a male acquaintance would probably get over it easier than is she were mugged or beaten up by a stranger. .67 a Using coercion or physical restraint is a legitimate way to acquire sex from a certain type of woman. .42 a If a man wants to increase his chances of having sex with a woman, he should get her drunk. .54 a
49 Table 7 Geomin Rotated Factor Loadings from the RABS (N=105) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI SEXP For college men, there is a constant pressure or expectation to have sex. .56 a Even today, college men should select a major that will lead to a job in which they can make a lot of money. .40 a A .65 a If a man does not have sex while he is in college, people including women will think that he is gay. .46 a Women often make through agree to have sex with them. .54 a It is of utmost importance that men be knowledgeable and experienced in sexual matters. .44 a Note: NOTR=Not Rape subscal e; COER=Coercion subscale; GEND=Gender Role subscale; MISI =Misinterpretation subscale; SEXP=Sexual Power subscale a. Salient variables for that factor. alpha. Reflecting the correlation between the estimated and true factor scores, factor determinacy establishes how well factors are measured (Bollen, 1989). Alternatively, Cron unidimensional construct (MPlus Discussion, 2008). Given the indeterminate nature of factor scores, it is possible to arrive at an infinite number of acceptable factor scores set s (Bollen, 1989; Grice, 2001). According to Muthn (MPlus Discussion, 2008), given Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), the real question is how small the standard errors for structural coefficients can be as a function of good indicators (high determinacy ) for the factor. Values for the coefficient range from 0 to 1, with larger values indicating better measurement of the factor by the observed indicators. Factor score determinacies for the current analysis are: Not Rape (FSdeterminacy=.90), Coercion (FS determinacy=.93), Gender Role (FSdeterminacy=.89), Misinterpretation (FSdeterminacy=.94), and Sexual Power (FSdeterminacy=.93).
50 Intercorrelations of the Subscales Table 8 displays the correlations that were conducted to assess the relationships of the new subscales to each other, to rape proclivity, and a history of sexual assault. Each of the subscales was positively correlated with the Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale total score with moderate to strong magnitudes: Not Rape (r=.71, p<.01), Coercion (r=. 35, p<.01), Gender Role (r=.55, p<.01), Misinterpretation (r=.69, p<.01), and Sexual Power (r=.29, p<.01). The subscales, however, were minimally related to one another. Those with positive and significant relationships are as follows: Not Rape was asso ciated with the Gender Role subscale with moderate strength (r=.31, p<.01), and strongly related to the Misinterpretation subscale (r=.74, p<.01). The Coercion subscale was related to Sexual Power subscale with weak magnitude (r=.25, p<.01). Although it is a weak relationship, the Coercion subscale is the only dimension in the current analysis that is associated with sexual proclivity (r=.20, p<.05). The lack of intercorrelations among the subscales suggests that the RABS may not be a unidimensional m easure, but is rather, a series of independent scales assessing different constructs. As demonstrated by the exploratory factor analysis above, the RABS does, indeed, have at least 5 separate dimensions. However, elucidation of a factor structure that di its subscales may not generalize to the population of male college students. A definitive factor structure of the RABS has yet to be established. Of particular importance, the Situtational R ape Proclivity Scale (SRPS) and the Sexual Assault History Questionnaire (SAHQ) generally were not found to be related to
51 the RABS total score using the present sample of college men. The lack of intercorrelations brings into question whether the RABS is a valid instrument to assess rape myth acceptance as predictive of and/or contributing to acts of sexual violence. There are a number of reasons why this may have occurred. These points are addressed further in the Discussion section below. Table 8 Inter c orrelations of the Subscales and the RABS Total (N=105) NOTR COER GEN D MISI SEXP SRPS S AHQ RABS NOTR .15 .31** .74** .07 .01 .03 .71** COER .12 .08 .25** .20* .03 .35** GENR .03 .03 .10 .01 .55** MIS I .03 .03 .08 .69** SEXP .06 .05 .29** SRPS .06 .12 SAHQ .07 RABS Note: NOTR=Not Rape subscal e; COER=Coercion subscale; GEND=Gender Role subscale; MISI =Misinterpretation subscale; SEXP=Sexual Power subscale; SRPS=Situational Rape Proclivity Scale total; SAHQ=Sexual Assault History Questionnaire total; RABS=Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale total. **p<.01 *p<.05
52 Chapter Eleven Discussion For decades, the feminist movement has been an influential force in bringing college students have become increasingly more aware of rape as a social problem. In spi te of this awareness, the frequency of sexual victimization on college campuses has remained relatively unchanged in the last 40 years. This dilemma indicates that there is still more to learn about the causes of sexual violence. This study focused specifi cally on the rape supportive attitudes and beliefs predominant within our culture that may serve to facilitate continued acts of sexual violence against women. The extant literature regarding rape myth acceptance and sexual perpetration have repeatedly s hown a significant association between these two variables (e.g. Byers & Eno, 1991; Christopher et al., 1993; Gold & Clegg, 1990; Hersch & Gray Little, 1998; Koss & Dinero, 1988; Koss et al., 1985; Lisak & Roth, 1990; Malamuth, 1986; 1989; Malamuth et al., 1995; Muelenhard & Linton, 1987). However, current instruments that are used to measure rape myth acceptance were developed in the 1970s and 80s and may purpose of th is thesis, therefore, was to replicate and extend the findings of Gerald H. Burgess regarding his newly developed instrument, the Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS, 2007). Given the limitations of current rape myth acceptance measures, it was
53 essentia l to attempt replication of the previous study in order to test the internal validity of the new instrument and the external validity o findings. Consistent with design of the original study, the same experimental procedures a nd data analysis were used, but with a characteristically different sample and setting than in the previous study. Data in the present study were collected from a convenience sample of undergraduate students enrolled in a large lecture criminology class at a major research university located in a metropolitan area. This particular university setting and its diverse body of students was quite different f original study of students attending a mid size university in a rural s etting. Minorities accounted for more than a third of the sample in the current study, whereas only 17% of participants were minorities in the previous study. Thus, the use of a different sample in the second study was necessary in order to ascertain how findings in 2007 would transfer to other samples of undergraduate students. T conclusions and any similarities between the studies was accessed using this heterogeneous sample of college students. Intended s pecifically for use with college men, the items in the RABS (2007) were developed from the sexual violence literature that correlated to measures of sexual aggression. Through exploratory factor analysis (EFA), a final five factor structure within the RABS was identified: Justifications, Blame, Status, Tactics, and Gender Burgess also included the Situational Rape Proclivity Scale (SRPS) and Sexual Assault History Questionnaire (SAHQ) as outcome measures. The final assessment was comprised of the
54 RABS, S RPS, and SAHQ. Thus, the instrument was unique in its ability to directly test the associations of rape myth acceptance and sexual aggression. Data analyses in the present study adhered to the proced ures undertaken in the Burgess study, which included ind ependent t item correlations of the RABS total score, sexual assault proclivity and history, and the new subscales extracted from respons es in the current sample. Assessment of the independent t tes findings and the RABS, while also confirming the first two hypotheses in the present study: res on the RABS. H2: Women will score lower than men (meaning less endorsement of rape myths). In light of the above hypotheses, the current study replicated the findings by Burgess by clearly establishing significant differences in rape supportive attit udes and beliefs between college men and women. The results of these t tests also contributed to the extant literature on gender differences regarding rape myth acceptance (Feild, 1978; Holcomb, et al., 1988; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Replicating this finding in the current study provides further evidence that women, as a group, are less tolerant of sexual violence and the myths associated with them than are their male counterp arts. Consistent results, greater variance was found in the m myths.
55 Further assessment of the construct vali dity of the RABS involved comparisons of the curre previously identified factor structure. Like Burgess, applying conservative decision rules and using substantive knowledge led to a final, five factor solution in the presen t study. There were some similarities with the emergence of two factors in particular: Gender Role and Sexual Power which contained original Gender and Status subscales, respectively. This finding pro vides some support fo hypothesis: H4: The factor structure identified from current data will be simi 5 factor structure. However, the other three factors: Misinterpretation, Coercion and Not Rape contained a original subscales. The original factor structure was not maintained. Furthermore, a number of indicators tended to load highly onto multiple factors, which suggests a high degree of shared variance among the items. This co mplication made it difficult to clearly distinguish between the factors that emerged. Because of this shared variance, a solution with distinct factors was not presently achieved in the current study. This finding suggests the importance of r eplication conclusions were not fully replicated using the current sample and setting. Althou gh there are similarities with two factor s there is no firm conclusion regarding the factor structure of the RABS. The external validity of the RABS becomes questionable when comparing the current factor structure to the pre findings
56 could not be generalized to this diverse sample and presumably to university students in general. Another important finding of this researc h effort is the lack of inter item correlations among the subscales in the present study to the outcome measures of sexual proclivity and history. Burgess found significant associations in all of the components of the RABS in his study. Aside from one si gnificant relationship established between the Coercion subscale and sexual proclivity, the current study did not provide any evidence that endorsement of the items in the RABS is related to measures of sexual violence. Thus, there was only minimal suppor t for the third hypothesis: H3: Scores on the RABS will positively correlate to self report measures sexual proclivity and sexual aggression among men. This result challenges the construct and findings that suggests that the RABS can be used for predicting sexual violence among college men. In light of the results of the EFA and inter item correlations in the current study, it is difficult, therefore, to determine exactly what the RABS proclai ms to measure. Limitations Possible explanations for the lack of support for the RABS in the current study merit discussion: the lack of a direct measure of hostility included among the items in the RABS, the ambiguity of certain items in the RABS, and s ituational factors of the sample. Hostility Component of Rape Attitude s. Among the multiple measures of rape tified as providing the
57 greatest effect sizes of masculinist ideology as it relates to sexual aggression (Murnen et al., 2002). Both measures include components of hostility and aggression towards women, which is an extension of former measures that may o nly measure sexist attitudes. According to Adams Curtis and Forbes (2004), simply holding sexist beliefs or endorsement of rape supportive attitudes is not enough when assessing rape proclivity, or the likelihood of raping among men. The presence of an a ffective component of hostility towards women, in addition to the adherence of a masculinist i deology, is what predictably lea ds to sexual violence (Murnen et al, 2002; Forbes et al, 2004). Perhaps items that are more sensitive to the detection of such ch aracteristics should be included in n up a little so that she masculinity is clearly illustrated. Inclusions of such items that tap into the macho personality and reflect calloused attitudes may enhance the predictive validity of the RABS. Ambiguity of RABS items Upon examination of certain statements, it is difficult to determine what exactly the RABS is attempting to access. In many statements it is clear, at face value, that rape attitudes are asses
58 arguable that many respondents, including those who do not endorse more direct measures of rape myths, may find some truth to a number of the RABS items. For statements and find them to be accurate. Thus, there is some ambiguity among the RABS items about what is being measured. The way that the rape myth construct is operationalized appears to need further development. Situational Factors of the Sample Evidently, study found associations between rape myth acceptance and the outcome of sexual proclivity and/or a histor y of sexual violence. As mentioned above, this result was not found in the present study. The lack of congruent findings may be due to limitations in the experimental procedures and to the peculiarities of the sample. Due to the sensitive nature of the questions in the desirability. The additional questions that followed in the SRPS and SAHQ are even more sensitive than those in the RABS. It stands to reason that the men in t he current sample might have adjusted their responses more than those in the Burgess sample, in order to appear more socially acceptable or politically correct as students enrolled in a criminology course. Furthermore, men in the current sample might have responded differently because they may have some prior knowledge about rape and sexual coercion and might have made the association between the items in the front of the RABS to the more sensitive questions in the SRPS and SAHQ.
59 The phenomena of saying one thing and doing another can also be considered in the current study as a possible reason for the lack of relationships found between rape supportive attitudes and the outcome measures. The reluctance to provide accurate responses in the SRPS and SAHQ viewed favorably, despite the endorsement of rape myths. This form of social falsely told pollsters they would v ote for a black candidate and actually voted for the white candid ate in order to avoid criticism (NPR, 2008). Although there was minimal support for the last two hypotheses in the current study, it is evident from the results of the t tests that rape myt h acceptance continues to exist among college students, notwithstanding the progressive thinking typically found among a diverse student population in a large metropolitan setting. Likewise, despite the ent efforts of sexual assault education on campuses, generally there have been no changes regarding rape attitudes awareness. However, colleges and universities remain dangerou s places for women in spite of these active efforts (Armstrong et al., 2006). While Adams Curtis and Forbes We may need to look beyond the influence of culture.
60 Directions for Future Research The high frequency of sexual victimization on college campuses can be examined in a number of ways to further explicate the problem and to identify potential remedies. For example, examination of the roles that sociobiological factors such as sexual drive s, hormones, and mental health may play in sexual violence may be worth further examination. Arrest data indicate that the majority of both sexual assault offenders and victims are age 35 or less (FBI, 2008). To what extent are biological factors contrib uting to sexual assault? Additionally, in terms of causal relationships, it is not enough to examine associations between holding rape supportive attitudes and sexual offending. Rather than examine a direct cause, it may be preferable to identify the m echanisms underlying the observed relationship between criterion and predictor variables. Mediating factors, such as an underlying anger towards women, an underlying need to control women or sexual frustration may further explain the relation between cert ain attitudes or motivations and sexual perpetration (Lisak & Roth, 1988). Alternatively, there may be internal and external inhibitors such as morality, empathy, and fear of the consequences of the criminal justice system, which may inhibit sexual offend ing even among those who hold rape myth attitudes. These factors should be considered in future research that seeks to clarify the nature of relationship between rape supportive attitudes and sexually aggressive behaviors. Future research should also in vestigate alternative instrumentation and means of survey administration. In an attempt to efficiently obtain data, collection in the present
61 study occurred on one day in a large lecture hall. If students were allowed to take the instrument home and prov ide responses in more privacy, there may be more potential for truthful answers. Reliance on technology, such as internet surveys, may likely provide more accurate results should respondents feel ill at ease answering questionnaires containing sensitive m aterial in a public forum. Additionally, a deconstruction of towards women and a re administration may result in findings more in line with theoretical predictions. Moreover, inclusion of other forms of interpersonal violence outcomes such as child physical and sexual abuse, and battery of an adult may likely yield interesting results of the multiple ways that sexual perpetrators offend known victims (Lisak & Miller, 2002). In addition, it would be favorable to also assess the attitudes of men convicted of sexual offenses in order to draw comparisons to the college student population. Are they more likely to accept rape myths and/or have more hostility toward women? There is a current body of evidence suggesting that negative and stereotypical attitudes toward women are commonplace among men in community samples and are not specific to sex offenders alone (Stermac, Segal, & Gillis, 1990; Epps, Haworth, & Swaffer, 19 93). Finally, the data presented here carry implications for educative sexual assault programs on college campuses. Education should continue to be included, but the emphasis should shift from women to educating both men and women. Educational efforts t hat target men in particular could provide to them broader perspectives regarding sexual attitudes, including identification of coercive behaviors and victim blaming.
62 i mportant to also provide risk reduction strategies to women in order to keep them safer (Sampson, 2003). The use of realistic scenarios to illustrate common risky situations where women may find themselves vulnerable, in addition to an emphasis of the freq uent occurrence of acquaintance rape, should be included in prevention programming for women (Sampson, 2003). Furthermore, preventative efforts should not be limited to incoming, first year students only. Rather, education should continue throughout the college career (Armstrong et al., 2006). In accordance with Sampson (2003), the author advises that colleges and universities spend their prevention funds for multiple educational efforts at various time points to extend beyond students. Adm inistrators, campus judicial officers, campus police, fraternities, sororities, and athletes should be included. The university has a responsibility to protect its students, and must make reasonable efforts to prevent sexual violence and its damaging after math for victims. Prevention initiatives such as cameras in the parking garages, telephones throughout campuses, and late night escort or shuttle services for women, do not directly address acquaintance rape, and have not been shown to prevent campus sexu al violence (Sampson, 2003). The cost of these initiatives far exceeds the cost of preventative education (Sampson, 2003).
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70 Stermac, L. E., Segal, Z. V., & Gillis, R. (1990). Social and Cultural Factors on Sexual Assault. In W. L. Marshall, D. R. Laws, and H. E. Barbaree (Eds.), Handbook of Se xual Assault: Issues, Theories, and Treatment of the Offender. London: Plenum. Stevens, M. (2001). Confusion of Sex and Violence: Counseling Process and Programming Consideration for College Men, In G. R. Brooks & G. E. Good (Eds ), The New Handbook Of Ps ychotherapy and Counseling with Men: San Francisco, Jossey Bass. Tjaden, P. & Thoennes, N. (2000). Full Report of the Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence against Women. Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Torrey, M. (1990). When Will We Be Believed? Rape Myths and the Idea of a Fair Trial in Rape Prosecutions. U.C. Davis Law Review 24, 1013 1071. Tyler, K., Hoyt, D., & Whitbeck, L. (1998). Coercive Sexual Strategies. Violence and Victims 13, 47 61. Title VII 42 U.S.C. § 2000e (1963). Retrieved March, 2009 from http://www law.cornell.edu/uscode/42/2000e 2.html Title IX 20 U. S.C. § 1681 (1972). Retrieved March, 2009 from http:// www. law. cornell.edu /usc ode/20/1681.html United States Bureau of the Census (2007). Historical Tables from the Current Population Survey. Table A 1. Years of School Completed by People 25 Years and Over, by Age and Sex: Selected Years 1940 to 2008. Retrieved March, 2009 from http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/ educ attn.html Warshaw, R. (1988). I Never Called it Rape. New York: Harper & Row. A cquaintance Rape. In A. Parrot & L. Bechhofer (Eds ), Acquaintance Rape: The Hidden Crime. New York: John Wiley.
72 APPENDIX A Please answer the following questions about you and your background: 1. What is your age (as of last birthday)? _______ 2. Sex: (A) Male (B) Female 3. What is your year in school? (A) Freshman/1st year (B) 2nd year (C) 3rd year (D) 4th year or more (E) none of the above 4. Race: (A) American Indian or Alaskan Native (a person having origins in any of the original peoples of North or South America, including Central America, and who maintain tribal affiliation or community attachment). (B) Asian (a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia or the Indian subcontinent, including, for example, Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam). (C) Black or African American (a person having origins in any of the black ra cial groups or Africa. This term includes Haitian or Negro). (D) Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander (a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands). (E) White (a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North America). (F) Other, please list _______________________________________ _____________________ 5. Are of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin? (includes a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican o r South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or race, regardless of race). (A) Yes (B) No
73 APPENDIX A (Continued) 6. Your current marital status is: (A) Single, never married (B) Married or living with an intimate partner (C) Separated (D) Divorced 7. Do you currently participate in any of the following: (A) Team sports, which ones? ______________________________________________ (B) Fraternity (C) Sorority 8. Your current living situation is: (A) I live on campus in a dorm. (B) I live on campus in greek housing. (C) I live off campus. Sexual Attitudes Scale Directions : Please consider the following statements, and mark on your scan tron the response set, A 9. Rape can occur between two college students even if they seem to be a normal couple who are often seen together at parties. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
74 APPENDIX A (Continued) 10. Certain women are more likely to be raped due to their flirting, teasing, or promiscuous behavior. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 11. It is okay for a man to have sex with a female acquaintance who is drunk. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agre e (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 12. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 13. If a woman is going to be raped, she may as well relax and enjoy it. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 14. Being independent, adventurous, and tough are still characteristics that define true masculinity. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 15. It is acceptable for men to falsely profess love (or commitment) in order to get what they want from a woman sexually. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
75 APPENDIX A (Continued) 16. When a woman smiles at, or touches a man she is probably letting him know that she is sexually interested in him. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 17. A woman can dress as she wants to, drink if she wants to and not hold any of the blame if she is raped. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 18. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 19. If a woman allows a man to pick up all the expenses for a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 20. In many cases, if a woman is raped by an acquaintance, she has to take some responsibility for what happened to her. (A ) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 21. Mixing sex and alcohol is dangerous business and should not be done. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
76 APPENDIX A (Continued) 22. For college men, there is a constant pressure or expectation to have sex. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 23. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 24. If a woman is unsure about whether she wants sex, it is okay for a man to persist (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mil dly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 25. A good way for a man to get a woman to agree to have sex with him is by spending a lot of money on her. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 26. A lot of people, e specially women, are too likely to label a sexual encounter as (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 27. The judicial system is too harsh on men in cases of alleged sexual assault, and they do not (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
77 APPENDIX A (Continued) 28. Alcohol is a good sexual agent because it relaxes both people involved, frees them from inhibitions, and enhances the sexual experience. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 29. Women who lead men on deserve less sympathy if they are raped. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) M ildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 30. Even today, college men should select a major that will lead to a job in which they can make a lot of money. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 31. If a man an d woman are engaged in consensual sexual activity, but the woman it is okay for the man to ignore this and go ahead, especially if he uses a condom. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 32. If a woman asks a man out on a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongl y Disagree 33. or they want to get back at the man. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
78 APPENDIX A (Continued) 34. status among his peers would be enhanced if he had sex with a woman (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 35. If a woman willingly gets drunk, then she is raped she is more respons ible for what happened to her than if she had decided not to drink. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 36. Being sexually active is a measure of manhood. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 37. It is unwise for men to show their emotions. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 38. Men may as well try to get (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 39. It is an unspoken rule that if a woman willingly goes with a man to some private or secluded place (such as the man (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
79 APPENDIX A (Continued) 40. Any woman who properly resists can prevent having sex with an acquaintance whom she does not want to have sex with. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 41. such as bars or fraternity parties are seemingly advertising their sexual availabilit y. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 42. If a man does not have sex while he is in college, people including women will think that he is gay. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Dis agree (D) Strongly Disagree 43. through them. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 44. I believe that women can be whatever they want to be, whether it be president or housewife. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 45. If a man wants to increase his chances of having sex with a woman, he should get her drunk. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
80 APPENDIX A (Continued) 46. Most sexual activity is seen by both men and women alike as a prelude to intercourse. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildl y Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 47. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 48. A man is at somewhat justified to have sex with a wo man against her wishes if (1) many men before. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 49. It is of utmost importance that men be knowledgeable and experienced in sexual matters. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 50. Even today, it is more appropriate for men (rather than women) to hold jobs such as manager, CEO, or president. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 51. If a woman leads a man on by dressing up, dancing with him close, and kissing him the man is somewhat justified to have sexual intercourse with her, even if she s (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
81 APPENDIX A (Continued) 52. A woman who was forced to have sex with a male acquaintance would probably get over it easier than if she were mug ged or beaten up by a stranger. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 53. Women need to take responsibility for the attention they attract if they are going to wear sexy clothes. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 54. Women who drink at parties are giving off a signal that they are more sexually willing, and more sexually available, than women who do not drink at parties. (A) St rongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 55. A man who is sexually active has a better reputation, and is more popular with peers, than a man who is not sexually active. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 56. and are harmless. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree 57. ly like men who act in ways that I consider feminine. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree
82 APPENDIX A (Continued) 58. Using coercion or physical restraint is a legitimate way to acquire sex from a certain type of woman. (A) Strongly Agree (B) Mildly Agree (C) Mildly Disagree (D) Strongly Disagree For the women in the class: we value your responses. Thank you for participating. If you are finished, please submit your answers to one o f the sealed boxes. For the men in the class: you are almost done. Below are only twelve additional questions left for you to answer. Again, we appreciate your honesty and assure that your responses will remain anonymous. Note: Four items in the mea students can dress as she wants to, drink if she wants to, and not hold any of the bl
83 APPENDIX A (Continued) FOR MEN ONLY Instructions: Please indicate how likely you may be to have sex with a woman against her wishes (provided that you were assured you could get away with it without penalty or consequence) in the following situations: 59. You are alone with a female acquaintance whom you have known for years. (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely 60. You are walking alone through the woods and come across an attractive woman walking by herself. (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely 61. You are alone with an attractive woman whom you have met at an out of town party, and with whom you are not likely to see again. (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely 62. You are alone with a woman who you met at a party, and who is in your room passed out drunk. (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) N ot at all likely 6 you (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely
84 APPENDIX A (Continued) 6 4. You are (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely 65. You are alone with a woman who you have been dancing with and kissing at a party. She is somewhat incoherent due to b eing drunk, but you suspect that she wanted to have sexual intercourse with you. You decide to use a condom to protect her from disease or pregnancy. (A) Very likely (B) Fairly likely (C) Possible, but not likely (D) Not at all likely 66. Have you not mutually interested in sexual intercourse with you but you went ahead and engaged in sexual intercourse with her anyway? (A) Never (B) Once (C) Twice (D) More than twice 67. Have you ever used threats of any sort (from threatening to end a relationship to threatening the use of force) to gain sexual compliance from a woman? (A) Never (B) Once (C) Twice (D) More than twice 68. How appro ving do you think your friends would be of you if you had sex with many women during the academic year? (A) Very approving (B) Somewhat approving (C) Neutral (D) Somewhat disapproving (E) Very disapproving 69. How approving do you think your friends would be of you if you got a woman drunk or high in order to have sex with her? (A) Very approving (B) Somewhat approving (C) Neutral (D) Somewhat disapproving (E) Very disapproving
85 APPENDIX A (Continued) 70. How approving do you think your friends would be (A) Very approving (B) Somewhat approving (C) Neutral (D) Somewhat disapproving (E) Very disapproving THANK YOU FOR YOUR PARTICIPATION. PLEAS E SUBMIT YOUR SURVEY IN ONE OF THE SEALED COLLECTION BOXES.
86 APPENDIX B Introductory Script: Good afternoon, my name is Rhissa Briones and I am a graduate student working with Dr. Heide. Today we are asking for your participation in a study that looks at dating, sexual relationships, alcohol and dating experiences, and gender roles of college students. Many of you will likely find the questions interesting. Some of you may find the questions personal and may not wan t to answer them. If you begin participating and decide that you do not want to continue, you may stop. I would like to stress that your participation in this survey is completely voluntary and no penalty will come to you if you decide not to participate or complete the survey. Because the topic is sensitive, your confidentiality and anonymity will be ensured. I ask that no names or students numbers be written on the survey, just your honest responses. If you decide to participate, you will see, ther e is no option for a neutral response on the survey. After reading each statement, please answer honestly whether you: (A) Strongly Agree, (B) Mildly Agree, (C) Mildly Disagree, or (D) Strongly Disagree. The men in the class have nine additional items to complete. These items are of a more personal nature than the earlier ones. Once again we assure you of confidentiality and anonymity. We do not want to know which responses belong to whom. I expect to have the surveys analyzed before the end of the s emester. I will share the classes overall responses with you. The survey should take 20 minutes or less if you decide to participate. When you are finished, please place them in the sealed boxes by the exits. Are there any questions? I have pens if anyo ne needs one. We will distribute the surveys now. If you do not want to participate, do not take one. Please feel free to begin when you receive the survey. Again, please do not write any identifying information on these surveys. Thank you for your a ssistance and for taking the time to participate in this important
87 APPENDIX C Table 1 Polychoric Correlations of RABS Items (N=105) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 1 .09 .19 .20 .32 .11 .25* .44* .13 .32* .10 .42* .16 .21 .34* .31* .14 .47* .14 .35* 2 .31* .30* .16 .39 .26 .24* .23 .32 .39 .40 .32 .18 .09 .25 .20 .32 .46 .43 3 .23 .19 .36 .45 .05 .02 .38 .25 .20 .51 .01 .22 .51 .40 .29 .27 .37 4 .16 .27 .29 .44 .25 .28 .57 .33 .06 .38 .12 .50 .19 .23 .08 .28 5 .13 .30 .23 .31 .14 .26 .31 .08 .05 .32 .12 .13 .13 .21 .21 6 .43 .26 .20 .32 .25 .01 .26 .26 .15 .34 .13 .31 .38 .44 7 .18 .05 .35 .27 .13 .26 .30 .21 .51 .34 .24 .12 .42 8 .42 .44 .37 .49 .11 .16 .18 .32 .04 .32 .17 .32 9 .28 .32 .43 .12 .18 .15 .16 .11 .27 .31 .10 10 .28 .48 .47 .21 .33 .45 .23 .39 .32 .52 11 .37 .08 .07 .13 .43 .22 .30 .27 .16 12 .15 .13 .18 .23 .23 .38 .34 .27 13 .01 .12 .27 .19 .16 .17 .39 14 .16 .39 .25 .31 .19 .20 15 .29 .09 .27 .39 .10 16 .50 .43 .30 .40 17 .33 .03 .21 18 .50 .45 19 .33 20 *p<.05
88 APPENDIX C (Continued) Table 1 *p<.05 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 1 .13 .05 .28* .06 .36* .13 .14 .15 .02 .16 .18 .25 .32 .16 .13 .11 .09 .08 .03 .09 2 .40 .24 .47 .30 .48 .21 .26 .31 .12 .26 .35 .04 .31 .31 .49 19 .56 .40 .39 .46 3 .04 .17 .25 .34 .30 .26 .10 .35 .25 .29 .08 .25 .24 .23 .30 .35 .49 .36 .26 .09 4 .19 .05 .44 .52 .18 .23 .25 .41 .17 .52 .38 .38 .30 .52 .26 .28 .18 .02 .22 .47 5 .47 .09 .34 .23 .20 .31 .23 .15 .03 .25 .46 .19 .27 .28 .14 .43 .42 .02 .21 .39 6 .11 .24 .15 .31 .27 .27 .01 .42 .31 .40 .27 .08 .18 .26 .36 .32 .21 .26 .14 .10 7 .14 .32 .29 .27 .20 .12 .08 .40 .50 .58 .22 .20 .07 .26 .27 .58 .39 .11 .01 .09 8 .22 .11 .45 .31 .42 .44 .31 .34 .09 .42 .41 .20 .54 .41 .22 .19 .27 .23 .19 .41 9 .45 .05 .29 .23 .20 .10 .32 .13 .02 .14 .30 .30 .30 .19 .31 .27 .01 .21 .18 .33 10 .18 .02 .32 .26 .40 .32 .14 .34 .07 .32 .22 .12 .35 .40 .35 .34 .31 .20 .19 .07 11 .50 .03 .57 .64 .20 .21 .27 .41 .22 .53 .41 .22 .44 .40 .21 .37 .34 .08 .42 .54 12 .48 .06 .59 .38 .47 .17 .48 .18 .06 .19 .32 .26 .48 .28 .30 .30 .43 .07 .42 .33 13 .20 .05 .13 .20 .24 .25 06 .25 .02 .29 .10 .01 .19 .15 .20 .20 .41 .33 .06 .02 14 .13 .12 .41 .17 .11 .42 24 .49 .33 .40 .19 .15 .12 .47 .46 .25 .11 .14 .20 .36 15 .14 .05 .03 .06 .26 .07 .33 .15 .13 .11 .19 .10 .13 .02 .05 .53 .25 .13 .10 .04 16 .21 .02 .52 .36 .36 .34 .28 .43 .28 .49 .35 .24 .46 .41 .37 .48 .39 .15 .30 .48 17 .28 .06 .51 .32 .25 .27 .18 .37 .08 .33 .17 .06 .29 .19 .33 .24 .38 .26 .14 .31 18 .29 .12 .43 .13 .56 .28 .15 .39 .22 .30 .16 .21 .41 .35 .41 .32 .15 .02 .33 .34 19 .25 .02 .25 .23 .51 .27 .32 .29 .42 .09 .26 .04 .40 .28 .26 .35 .20 .16 .38 .29 20 .08 .10 .42 .24 .51 .29 .09 .21 .14 .33 .20 .18 .33 .27 .32 .33 .37 .26 .24 .20 21 .03 .50 .38 .20 .02 .40 .18 .02 .15 .42 .14 .47 .19 .18 .32 .30 .10 .39 .46 22 .18 .14 .02 .23 .04 .33 .34 .39 .20 .11 .01 .20 .20 .02 .17 .32 .01 .10 23 .54 .40 .30 .37 .33 .38 .51 .49 .32 .53 .40 .42 .47 .44 .07 .58 .66 24 .36 .31 .36 .57 .16 .63 .48 .25 .34 .30 .15 .32 .24 .21 .43 .48 25 .37 .31 .29 .17 .26 .35 .06 .50 .20 .35 .30 .36 .22 .44 .43
89 APPENDIX C (Continued) Table 1 *p<.05 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 1 .09 .09 .20 .16 .11 .20 .15 .25* .20 .06 2 .25* .48* .24* .58* .13 .34* .12 .30* .17 .30* 3 .41 .11* .07 .18 .28 .28* .25* .29* .18 .34* 4 .06 .42* .58* .43* .16 .20 .21* .26* .22* .22 5 .03 .21 .37* .26 .19 .11 .05 .07 .18 .40* 6 .26* .50* .16 .25* .32* .23* .26* .38* .34* .14 7 .19 .33* .20 .14 .11 .02 .28* .22* .29* .16 8 .17 .39* .43* .53* .34* .34* .48* .33* .32* .15 9 .09 .18 .36* .50* .53* .34* .18 .23* .09 .03 10 .25* .38* .44* .31* .42* .25* .27* .30* .34* .08 11 .07 .44* .49* .44* .25 .29 .05 .32* .18 .18 12 .15 .36* .37* .57* .32* .36* .07 .22* .17 .26* 13 .26* .32* .04 .04 .02 .04 .12 .08 .15 .12 14 .31* .22* .34* .41* .25* .24* .50* .34* .41* .12 15 .26* .28* .15 .15 .40* .18 .07 .15 .32* .06 16 .20 .53 .51 .42 .23 .42 .30 .42 .31 .26 17 .31 .25 .33 .28 .16 .39 .21 .28 .08 .16 18 .14 .50 .27 .54 .38 .20 .21 .37 .18 .17 19 .10 .44 .21 .39 .46 .26 .15 .34 .34 .09 20 .24 .50 .20 .39 .23 .16 .21 .14 .31 .06 21 .12 .26 .37 .55 .37 .34 .11 .27 .03 .26 22 .21 .12 .01 .09 .06 .19 .31 .21 .25 .15 23 .32 .49 .57 .56 .29 .41 .17 .47 .21 .52 24 .30 .42 .53 .32 .24 .47 .34 .35 .10 .23 25 .19 .53 .37 .46 .42 .48 .32 .40 .24 .23
90 APPENDIX C (Continued) Table 4 *p<.05 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 26 .16 .55* .13 .36 .31 .25 .39 .40 .46 .07 .10 .42 .21 .25 .43 .23 .33 .26 .22 27 .28 .09 .14 .46 .15 .40 .15 .11 .23 .26 .02 .42 .47 .27 .24 .36 .38 .37 28 .43 .68 .36 .28 .27 .61 .44 .31 .22 .32 .22 .39 .24 .45 .34 .30 .18 29 .25 .17 .15 .02 .31 .27 .35 .11 .05 .22 .28 .11 .19 .32 .20 .16 30 .32 .23 .22 .46 .39 .41 .40 .26 .17 .46 .28 .46 .31 .32 .21 31 .17 .49 .24 .27 .33 .21 .09 .31 .56 .27 .31 .56 .40 .36 32 .12 .26 .30 .13 .03 .05 .26 .12 .21 .14 .11 .12 2 1 33 .19 .23 .20 .36 .14 .35 .50 .12 .43 .54 .45 .46 34 .45 .06 .18 .20 .31 .28 .20 .41 .24 .37 .30 35 .04 .17 .26 .28 .39 .40 .34 .39 .45 .15 36 .36 .13 .26 .47 .12 .55 .37 .37 .37 37 .35 .47 .30 .10 .41 .18 .33 .16 38 .18 .07 .26 .08 .16 .20 .01 39 .57 .22 .36 .44 .56 .43 40 .21 .59 .64 .73 .21 41 .22 .29 .29 .22 42 .41 .63 .38 43 .57 .38 44 .47 45 46 47 48 49 50
91 APPENDIX C (Continued) Table 1 *p<.05 46 47 48 49 50 26 .39* .57* .43* .29* .18 27 .55* .26* .20* .21 .25* 28 .43* .51* .49* .35* .13 29 .05 .22* .26* .40* .23 30 .21* .49* .42* .32* .27* 31 .43 .30 .37 .26 .38 32 .19 .20 .20 .01 .37 33 .58 .32 .25 .11 .19 34 .20 .39 .38 .41 .16 35 .29 .32 .52 .26 .32 36 .21 .15 .19 .31 .24 37 .28 .18 .22 .28 .40 38 .22 .48 .24 .19 .03 39 .40 .24 .38 .14 .56 40 .43 .19 .42 .09 .40 41 .21 .36 .27 .27 .05 42 .40 .24 .42 .33 .26 43 .37 .32 .31 .31 .31 44 .36 .32 .43 .30 .27 45 .43 .34 .29 .32 .12 46 .46 .37 .14 .15 47 .47 .46 .28 48 .32 .45 49 .09 50
92 APPENDIX D Table 2 Geomin Rotated Factor Loadings from the RABS (N=105) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI/MISO SEXP WOBE ALCO Rape can occur between two college students even if they seem to be a normal couple who are often seen together at parties. .48 a A lot of people, especially women, are too likely to .53 a .43 a .48 a feeling guilty about having sex, or they want to get back at a man. .49 a .56 a .33 In many cases, if a woman is raped by an acquaintance, she has to take some responsibility for what happened to her. .50 a .49 a .34 such as bars or fraternity parties are seemingly advertising their sexual availability. .55 a .50 a .47 a It is OK for a man to have sex with a female acquaintance who is drunk. .41 a .32 .62 a It is acceptable for men to falsely profess love (or commitment) in order to get what they want from a woman sexually. .48 a .43 a If a woman is unsure about whether she wants sex, it .36 .52 a .33 .49 a If a man and woman are engaged in consensual to have sexual intercourse it is OK for the man to ignore this and go ahead, especially if he uses a condom. .51 a .64 a A good way for a man to get a woman to agree to have sex with him is by spending a lot of money on her. .3 5 a .39 a If a woman leads a man on by dressing up, dancing with him close, and kissing him the man is somewhat justified to have sexual intercourse with her, even if she says .31 .51 a .49 a
93 APPENDIX D (Continued) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI/MISO SEXP WOBE ALCO Being independent, adventurous, and tough are still characteristics that define true masculinity. .33 .41 a .37 feminist movement is trying to do. .56 a It is unwise for men to show their emotions. .34 .45 a .32 I believe that a woman can be whatever they want to be, whether it be president or housewife. .44 a .47 a .31 act in ways that I consider feminine. .48 a .37 initiators. .34 .33 .62 a .32 .34 .39 a Certain women are more likely to be raped due to their flirting, teasing, or promiscuous behavior. .54 a When a woman smiles at, or touches a man she is probably letting him know that she is sexually interested in him. .30 a If a woman allows a man to pick up all the expenses for a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. .68 a .49 a Women who lead men on deserve less sympathy if they are raped. .50 a .36 If a woman asks a man out on a date, she is probably willing to have sex with him. .74 a .42 a .40 a It is an unspoken rule that if a woman willingly goes with a man to some private or secluded place (such him. .37 .44 a .40 a
94 APPENDIX D (Continued) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI/MISO SEXP WOBE ALCO such as bars or fraternity parties are seemingly advertising their sexual availability. .50 a If a woman is going to be raped, she may as well relax and enjoy it. .36 a The judicial system is too harsh on men in cases of alleged sexual assault, and they do not look enough .56 a .44 a got a little rough. .63 a .31 A man is somewhat justified to have sex with a woman against her wishes if 1) she willingly entered with many men before. .41 a .66 a Even today, it is more appropriate for men (rather than women) to hold jobs such as manager, CEO, or president. .38 .46 a .38 .59 a A woman who was forced to have sex with a male acquaintance would probably get over it easier than is she were mugged or beaten up by a stranger. .31 .67 a Using coercion or physical restraint is a legitimate way to acquire sex from a certain type of woman. .42 a For college men, there is a constant pressure or expectation to have sex. .35 .56 a Even today, college men should select a major that will lead to a job in which they can make a lot of money. .39 a if he had sex with a woman who was a known .37 .35 .65 a .61 a Being sexually active is a measure of manhood. .66 a .36 .60 a Men may as well try to get all the sex they can while .70 a .36 .40 a
95 APPENDIX D (Continued) Items NOTR COER GEND MISI/MISO SEXP WOBE ALCO If a man does not have sex while he is in college, people including women will think that he is gay. .32 .45 a .33 .46 a through order to agree to have sex with them. .43 a .54 a It is of utmost importance that men be knowledgeable and experienced in sexual matters. .44 a A man who is sexually active has a better reputation, and is more popular with peers, than a man who is not sexually active. .67 a .30 innuendoes are only for fun and are harmless. .37 .43 a .48 a A woman can dress if she wants to, drink if she wants to and not hold any of the blame if she is raped. .31 a Women need to take responsibility for the attention they attract if they are going to wear sexy clothes. .39 .43 a .31 .45 a Women who drink at parties are giving off a signal that they are more sexually willing, and more sexually available, than women who do not drink at parties. .43 a .38 .65 a Mixing sex and alcohol is dangerous business and should not be done. .48 a Alcohol is a good sexual agent because it relaxes both people involved, frees them from inhibitions, and enhances the sexual experiences. .49 a .30 .42 a .32 a If a man wants to increase his chances of having sex with a woman, he should get her drunk. .54 a .41 a Most sexual activity is seen by both men and women alike as a prelude to intercourse. .46 a .41 a Note: NOTR=Not Rape subscal e; COER=Coercion subscale; GEND=Gender Role subscale; MISI/MISO =Misinterpretation /Misogyny subscale; SEXP=Sexual Power subscale ALCO=Alcohol subscale (Based on decision rules, the WOBE and ALCO subscales were removed). a. Salient variables for that factor.
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Briones, Rhissa Emily.
Rape attitudes and beliefs :
b a replication study
h [electronic resource] /
by Rhissa Emily Briones.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 95 pages.
Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
ABSTRACT: The phenomena of sexual violence have been studied on college campuses for over 50 years. Despite changes in society's attitudes towards women and gains made by women in education and the work force since the 1960s, research reveals that the incidence and prevalence rates of date rape have not changed significantly over the years. Extant literature indicates that endorsement of rape myths has been found to be associated with sexual aggression by males. A review of existing instruments revealed that current assessments of rape supportive attitudes and beliefs appear outdated in their language and may not be geared for today's college population. This study used a newly developed instrument, the Rape Supportive Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS), by Gerald H. Burgess (2007) to survey male and female undergraduate students (N=224) with respect to their attitudes and beliefs regarding rape.The male participants were also asked if they had engaged or would consider engaging in forced sexual behavior under a variety of circumstances. The present study was designed to replicate and extend the findings of Burgess. Burgess studied a sample of undergraduate students in a rural university. Participants in this study, in contrast, were from a large metropolitan university with a much more diverse student body. This study found, similar to Burgess' research, that there are significant gender differences in endorsement of rape myths between men and women, as measured by a series of t-tests. As expected, men scored higher than women on the RABS, meaning greater endorsement of rape myths. In contrast to Burgess' findings, this study did not find that endorsement of rape myths was related to proclivity to sexual violence. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) additionally revealed a factor structure that differed from the original 5-factor structure proposed by Burgess.The discussion focuses on the meaning of the similarities and differences between the two studies and directions for future research.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.
Advisor: Kathleen M. Heide, Ph.D.
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.