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Fenwick, Melissa E.
h [electronic resource] :
b representations of adult male prisons by the film industry /
by Melissa E. Fenwick.
[Tampa, Fla.] :
University of South Florida,
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 227 pages.
Dissertation (Ph.D.)--University of South Florida, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic dissertation) in PDF format.
ABSTRACT: Research on the criminal justice system, punishment, and media continue to generate academic interest, particularly in the realm of social constructionism. The social construction perspective provides insight into the process through which media-controlled images are translated into social definitions of crime and justice. One new area of interest is the representations of prisons and penal culture by the entertainment media, namely the film industry. In this study, the author contributes to the area of social constructionist literature by administering a content analysis of eleven feature films on male prisons produced between 1979 and 2001. The author examines the frequency and context of several constructs of penal culture: drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence, and gang affiliation. This research examines whether the representations of these issues in recent motion pictures are consistent with extant academic correctional literature.The present study found that within prison films the amount of portrayal of drug use and trafficking, and rape and sexual assault is consistent with the academic literature. Overall, when compared to the academic literature, prison movies under represent gang affiliation but within movies that portray gang affiliation, that portrayal is similar to the academic literature. Notably, heroin was the drug of choice depicted within prison films while academic correctional research in prisons shows marijuana as the drug of choice. The most significant finding was that the amount and type of violence, specifically murder, was overrepresented in prison films compared to the amount and type of violence reported within current academic research.The over emphasis on violence and killing within prison films and the representation of heroin as the major drug consumed and trafficked could lead to public misunderstanding about the realities of prison life and living conditions of the prison institution. This study provides not only noteworthy information concerning the representations of prison life and penal culture by the film industry but also insight into the inconsistencies between the information presented on film and that within academic correctional literature that are transferred via this medium to the general public.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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Co-Advisor: Michael J. Lynch, Ph.D.
Co-Advisor: Wilson R. Palacios, Ph.D.
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Reel Images: Representations of Adult Male Prisons by the Film Industry by Melissa E. Fenwick A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Criminology College of Behavi oral and Community Sciences University of South Florida Co Major Professor: Michael J. Lynch, Ph.D. Co Major Professor: Wilson R. Palacios, Ph.D. Lorie Fridell Ph.D. Jennifer Friedman, Ph.D. Date of Approval: July 15 2009 Keywords: incarcerati on, social constructionism, movies, media, propaganda, newsmaking criminology Copyright 2009, Melissa E. Fenwick
Dedication I dedicate this manuscript to my mother, Corinn e F. Fenwick. You instilled in me a lov e of reading and of education. You ar e my light and you always help me to remember to let my life speak. I miss you wit h all of my heart and my soul. I love you very much and without you none of this would have been possible. Thank you for everything.
Acknowledgements T his dissertation represents so much of my life that it is so hard to acknowledge everyone who have helped make it a reality. I would like to recognize all of the people who have helped me throughout the years. I would especially like to thank my committe e members; Dr. M ichael J. Lynch, Dr. Wilson R. Palacios, Dr. Jennifer Friedman and Dr. Lorie A. Fridell for without them none of this would have been possible. Mike: Thank you so much for helping me truly find my voice throughout this manuscript. This manuscript has ch anged significantly throughout the course of the past three years and your influence is evident. You are an excellent mentor. Thank you for your humor, patience and leadership. Wilson: Thank you for all of your help throughout the years. You have help ed guide me through the graduate school process and I am better for all of your advice and friendship. Jenny: Thank you for being so supportive throughout the long dissertation process. You were always there with an encouraging word and a smile that cou ld reach across the miles. Dr. Fridell: Thank you for joining my committee at such a late date and for answering all of my graduate school questions. I appreciate all of the help. I would also like to thank my family and friends. I never would have finished this extremely challenging experience without their help, patience and support. Dad: Thank you for everything. Words cannot begin to express the amount of gratitude and respect
that I have for you. Thank you for all the times that you helped me. You are an inspiration and an example. Because of you, I know not to take life too seriously, to laugh often and to be a good friend to many. I love you. Sarah: A girl could not ask for a better life long friend. Who else would help drive a Honda full of junk and a sixteen pound cat from Florida to Connecticut? I can always count on you in a crisis and for that I am forever grateful. We have been friends for twenty years and I know we will be friends for at least twenty more growing old togethe r in Florida! Thanks for being my sister. You know how much I love you. Jen: Thank you for putting up with all of my graduate school and dissertation talk for the past ten years. You never gave up on me when sometimes I thought I would. A woman could never have a better friend, roommate and confidante. I love you. Michael: Thank for you your support in these past few months. Listening to me talk about my work, bringing me coffee and just letting me lean on your shoulders are worth more to me than y ou could ever know. I love you very much. Finally, I would like to acknowledge my colleagues at Western Connecticut State University, specifically Dr. Harold Schramm, Dr. Michael O. Foley, Luigi Marcone and tuitous that we became officemates. In the past two years you have become my mentor, friend, colleague, counselor, and guru. Written words cannot express my gratitude. The office is a lonely place without you. You have taught me to become a better educ ator. Thank you for all of your help, laugher and ongoing mentoring. Mike: Thank you for all of your support over the past two years
as Department Chair. Thank you for listening to the new voices in the department Luigi: Thank you for your pressurin g, support of this dissertation and mostly for your belief in me. I truly appreciate that you let me work a flexible schedule and hired me as a University Assistant. You are a fair, tough and honest boss and I would work for you again in a second. Ray: Your expertise in computing is unparalleled. Thank you so much for all of your help. You are able to answer any question that I have from video analysis software to deleting viruses from my computer. You truly are an asset to Western Connecticut State University. It is my sincere hope that this dissertation will serve to shed a little light onto the media conglomerates that are operating in the United States today. The First Amendment ngress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or the press, or the right of the people peaceable to assemble, and to petition the Government for redress of gr generation of crime scholars and activists to exercise our first Amendment rights by organizing and supporting independent media organizations. R emember the poignant words of John Mayer (2006) in his song Waiting on the Wor ld to Change they own the information, oh th
i Table of Contents List of Tables ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... v i Abstract ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... v i ii Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 1 Aims of the Current Study ................................ ................................ ...................... 7 Organization of the Dissertation Chapters ................................ .............................. 9 Chapter One: Incarc eration as Crime Control ................................ ................................ ... 11 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 11 Incarceration in the United States ................................ ................................ .......... 11 Causes of Mass Imprisonment ................................ ................................ ............... 1 3 Waging a War on Drugs ................................ ................................ ........................ 14 Consequences of the Mass Imprisonment Trend ................................ ................... 18 Prisons as Industry and the Prison Industrial Complex ................................ ......... 21 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 2 7
ii Chapter Two : Learning, the Mass Media Industry, and Social Construction ................... 30 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 30 Learning about Crime and Justice ................................ ................................ .......... 30 Historical Changes in the Mass Media Industry ................................ .................... 34 The Mass Media Oligopoly in the United States ................................ ................... 35 The Motion Picture Industry ................................ ................................ .................. 41 Social Construction ist Perspective ................................ ................................ ......... 42 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 47 Chapter Three: Measures of Penal Culture ................................ ................................ ........ 49 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 49 Drug Use Behind Bars ................................ ................................ ........................... 50 Rape Prevalence Rates ................................ ................................ ........................... 5 4 Predictors of Rape ................................ ................................ ...................... 57 Violence ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 59 Predictors of Violence ................................ ................................ ................ 61 Gang Affiliation ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 62 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 6 6 Chapter Four: The Constructed View: Prison Film s ................................ .......................... 69 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 69 Shots in the Mirror ................................ ................................ ................... 69 P lot and T heme ................................ ................................ .......................... 71
iii Rebellion ................................ ................................ ........................ 71 Control ................................ ................................ ........................... 72 Appearance versus reality ................................ .............................. 72 Prison Films and Authenticity ................................ ................................ ............... 74 The Current Study ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 76 Penal Culture Themes in the Current Study ................................ ............. 76 Chapter Five: Methodology ................................ ................................ ............................... 7 8 Research Objective ................................ ................................ ................................ 7 8 Sampl ing ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 78 Sampl ing Procedure ................................ ................................ ................... 79 Exclusion Criteria ................................ ................................ ..................... 81 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ................................ 86 Drug Use and Trafficking Behind Bars ................................ .................... 87 Rape and Sexual Assault ................................ ................................ ............ 87 Violence ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 87 Gang Affiliation ................................ ................................ ........................ 88 Da ta Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 88 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 88 Procedure ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 91 Va riable Construction and Measurem ent ................................ ............................... 94 Drug Use and Trafficking ................................ ................................ .......... 94
iv Rape and Sexual Assault ................................ ................................ ............ 95 Violence and Gang Affiliation ................................ ................................ ... 96 Demographic Variables ................................ ................................ ............. 98 Study L imitations ................................ ................................ ................................ 100 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 101 Chapter Six : Re sults ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 103 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 103 Drug Use and Trafficking ................................ ................................ ................... 103 Rape and Sexual Assault ................................ ................................ ...................... 109 Violence ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 118 Gang Affiliation ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 129 Summary of Results ................................ ................................ ............................. 136 Chapter Seven : Discussion ................................ ................................ .............................. 138 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 138 Summary of Findings ................................ ................................ ........................... 139 Drug Use and Drug Trafficking ................................ ................................ ........... 139 Rap e and Sexual Assault ................................ ................................ ..................... 145 Violence ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 147 Gang Affiliation ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 149 Limitations of the Study ................................ ................................ ...................... 151 Social Constructionism ................................ ................................ ........................ 153
v The Propaganda Model and the Entertainment Industry ................................ ..... 157 Political Images of Crime Control and Crime Control Policy ............................. 160 Prison Industrial C omplex ................................ ................................ .................. 162 Diverting Attention from other Inmate Issues ................................ ..................... 163 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 166 Chapter Eight : Conclusion ................................ ................................ ............................... 167 V iolence and Censorship ................................ ................................ ..................... 168 R eproduction of the C rime C ontrol I deology ................................ ...................... 170 C ommodification of the P rison ................................ ................................ ............ 174 T eaching C ritical M edia V iewing ................................ ................................ ........ 176 Popu lar Criminology as a Criminological Discourse ................................ .......... 179 Endnotes ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 182 References ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 183 Appendi ces ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 19 5 Appendix A: Table of Top Ten Prison Gangs ................................ ..................... 196 Appendix B: Sampling Tables ................................ ................................ ............. 199 Appendix C: Coding Form and Codebook ................................ .......................... 207 Appendix D: Comparisons between Prison Films and Correctional Literature .. 22 5 About the Author ................................ ................................ ................................ ... End Page
vi List of Tables Table 1 : Sample Exclusion Criterion s ................................ ................................ ............... 81 Table 2 : Film Sample 1979 2001 ................................ ................................ ...................... 85 Table 3 : Intercoder Reliability ................................ ................................ .......................... 9 2 Table 4 : Frequency of Drugs in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ ................ 10 4 Table 5 : Pattern of Drugs within Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ .............. 106 Table 6 : Frequency of Rape in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ ................. 110 Table 7 : Frequency of Sexual Assault in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ 11 1 Table 8 : Frequency of Violence in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ ........... 119 Table 9 : Pattern of Violence in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................................ ................ 121 Table 10: Victim Offender Pairings of Violence in Prison Films 1979 2001 ................. 126 Table 11 : Frequency of Gang Affiliation in Prison Films 1979 200 1 ............................. 129 Table A1 : Top Ten Prison and Street Gangs ................................ ................................ .. 196 Table B1 : T otal Original Filmography Sample ................................ .............................. 199 Table B2 : Excluded Made for TV Films ................................ ................................ ........ 204 Table B3 : Excluded Films due to Lack of Representation of Penal Culture .................. 204
vii Table B4 : Excluded Films Representing International Prisons ................................ ...... 20 5 Table B5 : Excluded Films due to Ot her Reasons ................................ ........................... 2 06 Table D1: Comparisons between Prison Films and Correctional Literature ................... 2 2 5
viii Reel Images: Representations of Adult Male Prisons by the Film Industry Melissa E. Fenwick ABSTRACT Research on the criminal justice system, punishment, and media continue to generate academic interest, particularly in the realm of social constructionism. The social construction perspective provides insight into the process through which media controlled images are translated into social definitions of crime a nd justice. One new area of interest is the representations of prisons and penal culture by the entertainment media, namely the film industry. In this study, the author contributes to the area of social constructionist literature by administering a content analysis of eleven feature films on male prisons produced between 1979 and 2001. The author examines the frequency and context of seve ral constructs of penal culture: drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence, and gang affiliation. This research examines whether the representations of these issues in recent motion pictures are consistent with extant academic correctional literature. The present study found that within prison films the amount of portrayal of drug use and trafficking, and rape and sexual assault is consistent with the academic literature.
ix Overall, when compared to the academic literature, prison movies under represent gang affiliation but within movies that portray gang affiliation, that portrayal is similar to the academic literature. Notably, heroin was the drug of choice depicted within prison films while academic correctional research in prisons shows marijuana as the drug of choice. The most significant finding was that the amount and type of violence, specifically murd er, was overrepresented in prison films compared to the amount and type of violence reported wit hin current academic research. The over emphasis on violence and killing within prison films and the representation of heroin as the major drug consumed and tr afficked could lead to public misunderstanding about the realities of prison life and living conditions of the prison institution. This study provides not only noteworthy information concerning the representations of prison life and penal culture by the fi lm industry but also insight into the inconsistencies between the information presented on film and that within academic correctional literature that are transferred via this medium to the general public.
1 Introduction The United States now has th e large st prison system in the world. Today, a pproximately 2.3 million people are in prison and jail facilities in the United States of America (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007). The combined inmate population in jails and prisons has grown five fold fr om 333,000 inmates in 1974 to 2.1 million inmates in 2004 (The Sentencing Project, 2005). According to the recent PEW study (2007), b etween 1987 and 2007 the United States pri son population nearly tripled. In 2005, more than three percent of all U.S. adult residents were under some form of correctional control ( Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005 ). T his incarceration trend does not seem to be waning Given the large numbers of individuals under some form of correctional control in the United States, i nterest in penal institutions and the daily life of the people who live and work in these institutions has created a massive body of literature, within both academic and popular literature This literature addresses the causes of incarceration, the management and operations of penal institutions, the sociology and psychology of correctional officials and inmates and the consequences of incarceration Individuals, families and whole communities of people are affected by the recent widespread use of i ncarceration as crime control in America In the United States this
2 incarceration trend produces substantial costs that can be classified as social economic, medical, sociological and psychological The rise in the number of individuals housed in correctional facilit ies in the US has increased the number of individuals who must contend with daily life as an inmate. The daily living conditions of inmates and the exper iences that occur during day to day living behind bars, such as interaction betwee n inmates, guards, vi sitors, and so on, can be defined as penal cultur e. R esearch has shown that regardless of custodial level, inmates must contend with similar hardships due to their incarceration experience such as h ealth conditions, poor food, violence, an d sexual assault (Ross, 2008). Penal culture and the specific indicators of this culture have been addressed by academics and the mass media. The p ortrayal of incarceration by mass media industries helps to reinforce to the public that incarceration is a useful means of c rime control in the United States. Historically, popular culture has had a long interest in the lives of the individuals who re side in carceral institutions. The mass media industries, including film, literature television, newspapers and now the I nternet have all presented cultural images of pri son to the public. The film industry has been producing films focusing on inca rceration for almost 100 years. P rison Time produced in 1910 is reported ly the first prison movie ever filmed (IMBD, 2009) There are close to 300 films with prison as their primary plot setting. F ascination with the everyday lives of those incarcerated has long been a theme in Pit and the
3 Pendulum written in 184 2 to the more recent example of collection of prison letters In the Belly of the Beast (Abbott, 1981) In fact, p rison Consolation of Philosophy in 524 AD (Boethius, 1902) References to imprisonment are made in both the Old Testament and the New Testament of the Bible. However, what makes the work of Boethius so influential is that it is the first known account of imprisonment and torture that appealed to both P agans and Christians. Recently television has joined the growing media and public attention to incarceration Two well known television programs about prison in the United States are OZ and Prison Break O Z a television series aired on HBO ran from 1997 until 20 03. This television show highlighted the daily life of the inmates of the Oswald Maximum Security Penitentiary. O Z centered on the gang and racial tension experienced in prison institutions and portrayed violence throughout the series. The characters in th is television series were divided into eight groups: Brotherhood, Irish, Others, Homeboys, Latinos, Muslims, Italians, and Gays (HBO.com, 2009) HBO states that OZ is its first and longest running drama series p. 1). In addition, OZ has won several awards. It was nominated for two primetime Emmys and has won eleven times for various awards such as the ALMA and Cable ACE awards and has garnered 29 nominat ions for various other awards (IMBD.com, 2009) Similarly, Prison Break has recei ved several industry accolades. Prison Break and was nominated for 21 other awards
4 including two Golden Globe awards (IMBD.com, 2009) Prison Break is about Michae l Scofield a man who purposely gets arrested and imprisoned in the same prison where his brother is on death row. Once on the inside he develops a plan so that the two of them can escape the prison together. Prison Break includes the formulaic prison the me of the innocent victim of injustice that can be found in other genres such as film (Rafter, 2006), In Prison Break brother, one of the lead characters, is incarcerated for a crime that he did not commit. Prison Break premiered in 2005 by the Fox Broadcasting Company and was terminated in 2 009 When Prison Break premiered the Nielsen ratings ranked it fi fth nationally among the top 10 new broadcast series in the US among viewers age d between 25 and 54 and th ird nationally among the top 10 new broadcast series in the US among viewers between the ages of 18 and 34 (Nielsen Media Research, 2005) Prison Break is a very popular show. This is evident by the W eb site devoted to the show on the Fox Television W eb page 1 a nd even by show merchandise that is sold online on the same site 2 At this W eb site t he public can b u y T shirts, mouse pads, water bottles, DVDs of the television show and a coffee m ug with the penitentiary seal. The description that accompanies the coffe e mug is particular poignant as it beckons to the [s] (Foxshop. com, 2009, p. 1 ). Fox Broadcasting does an excellent j ob of merchandising this program. W hile there are only two television shows about prison and prison life in the US a s of the writing of this dissertation, clearly these telev i sion shows have garnered public acclaim, and this is evident in their ratings and in the popular award s given to these
5 shows by au dience appeal ( IMBD.com, 2009; Nielsen Media Research, 2005 ). For example, pcavote.com and the ALMA Award use s among the American pop ulation (ALMA Awards 2008, 2009; People's Choice Awards, 2009). The media reflect the Americ an cultural fascination in concern for, and interest in prison, prison life and the people who live behind the razor wire Research has shown that often the only e xposure that the general public has to the criminal experience and the prison population is gained through the representations and constructions p erpetuated by the media industry ( Bennett, 2006; Brown, 2003; Cheatwood, 1998 ; Wykes, 2001 ). T he media is crit the people who live in these institutions (Wilson and O'Sullivan, 2004) While it is true that historically forms of mass media such as literature, t elevision, newspapers, and the I nternet, have examined prison life, r esearch has found that the motion picture is the foremost source of public information about prisons ( Bennett, 2006 ; Cheatwood, 1998; Freeman, 1998 ; Root, 1982 ). The film as a medium, through the use of visual ima gery, is able to reach a large audience that is not limited by geography and literacy constraints Television, too, h as the potential for this reach. A s previously discussed, as many as three hundred prison movies have been produced in the United States, b ut only two television programs have been produced in the United States that have f ocused solely on prison life. M otion pictures have become the foremost interpretive framework through which the
6 construction of cultural meaning and knowledge concerning pri son life and incarceration is transmitted to t he public. Accordingly, research has shown that public perception is influenced by the cultural constructions that are perpetuated by popular media ; because the most influential media depiction of incarceration by the mass media to date is represented within prison films, it is crucial that criminologists examine the presentation of correctional institutions by the motion picture i ndustry. Further, it is important to acknowledge the owners of the mass media in the United States because these corporations are responsible for the construction of crime and punishment The mass media industry in the United States has become an oligopoly as eight large conglomerates are responsible for the majority of all media infl uence ( Freepress, 2006 ) Within the motion picture industry only six large corporations own the majority of production ( Standard and Poor 2006) Research shows that the media is the medium through which Americans learn about social issues ( Barak, 1994; Chermak, 1994; Muraskin and Domash, 2007; Potter and Kappeler, 1998 ; Surette, 1984; Sacco and Trotman, 1990 ; Welc h Fenwick and Roberts, 1998) Therefore, constructions and representations of crime and incarceration presented by the media are extremely imp ortant. The material produced by the motion picture industry serves to reproduce the dominant ideology set forth by its corporate owners ( Herman and Chomsky, 2002 ) Consequently, the film industry, which is owned by a few corporate conglomerates helps to decide what is socially thinkable about crime and incarceration in the United States.
7 Aims of the Current Study As the following literature review will show, there is a need to better understand the relationship between the iconography illustrated within recent prison films and that presented in the e xtant correctional literature. It is well established within the perception of crime and justice ( Muraskin and Domash, 2007; Surette, 1984). Additionally, research has extablished that the media are responsible for the production and reproduction of cultural images of crime and punishment and the construction of t he social reality of crime that effects perceptions of cri me and justice ( Garofalo, 1981; Muraskin and Domash, 2007 ; Surette, 1992 ). Accordingly, it is important to elucidat e the relationship between the images presented within recent prison films and the information contained within the current correctional lite rature ure are virtually nonexistent and w ithin the criminological literature there are very few studies that have attempted to examine prison films (Cheatwood 1998; Crowther, 1989; Brown, 2003; Eigenberg and Baro, 2003 ; Leitch, 2002; Mason, 1998a, 1998b, 2003; Nellis 1988; Nellis and Hale, 1982; Wilson and However, th ese few studies provide a frame work for t he current diss ertation study. The extant correctional literature explores the definition of a prison film, the issue of authenticity in prison films the hi storical and theoretical analyse s of prison films, and the depictions of rape and sexual assault and analyzes them es among
8 prison films (Cheatwood, 1989; Brown, 2003; Eigenberg and Baro, 2003 ; Raf ter, 2006; Th is dissertation study explores the relationship between the iconography of the prison film and the presentation of the information contained with the extant correctional litera ture. The two main purposes of the study are: (1) to examine the nature of film coverage of drug use and drug trafficking rape and sexual violence, violence and gang affiliation in adult male prison institutio ns and (2) to determine if this media coverage is consistent with the current scholarly literature on these issue s The four interrelated penal construct measures related to h ealth conditions are examined. These constructs are drug use and trafficking, rap e and sexual assault, viol ence and gang affiliation These constructs are identified as noteworthy concerns for all inmates regardless of custody level (Ross, 2008). T he current study seeks to add to the area of social constructionist literature by conduc ting a content analysis of 11 feature length Hollywood films on male prisons produced between 19 79 and 200 1 Th is study will provide significant knowledge concerning the representations of penal culture by the film industry The findings are expected to ha ve important criminological impl ications. The current study is the first known study to utilize a theoretical sampling design to conduct a content analysis of the representation of drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affil iation in adult male prison movies in the United States. Further, t he importance of the representations of penal cultural within the context of the dominant ideology will be
9 discussed. This study seeks to contribute to the criminological literature on peno logy as well as the social constructionist literature which is concerned with the impact of the media on public opinion. Organization of the Dissertation Chapters Now that the goals of the current study have been presented the structure of the dissertati on will be expla ined. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the corrections industry in the United States including a discussion of the causes of mass imprisonment a nd the consequences of the mass imprisonment trend. Furthermore, chapter 1 also presents priso ns as industry and describes the prison industrial complex. Chapter 2 presents a discussion of models of how the public learns about crime and justice It provides a n overview of the media industry in the United States with a specific focus on the motion pictu re industry. This chapter also explores the historical cha nges in the mass media industry, the mass media oligopoly in the United States, the motion picture industry as a subsid iary of the mass media industry, and a discuss ion of social constructioni sm. Chapter 3 presents a thorough discussion of life inside a correctional institution. Four substantive integrative aspects o f penal culture are discussed. These parts of penal culture are drug use and trafficking rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation. Chapter 4 offers a revie w of prison film literature, and a discussion of the authenticity of prison films
10 Chapter 5 pres ents the data and methodology of this study. This chapter explore s the data collection technique and discusses cont ent analysis as the chosen methodology and the benefits and the limitations of the study. T he research questions are presented in this chapter, also. Chapter 6 provides a presentation of the results followed by a discussion of the results in Chapter 7 Th e conclusion and recommendations for future researc h are presented in Chapter 8.
11 Chapter One: Incarceration as Crime Control Introduction For the past 30 years the United States has been relying on incarceration as its predom inant form of crime co ntrol. During this period, the US has built the largest prison system. According to Mauer and Chesney Lind (2002) this social policy can only be des cribed as mass imprisonment (2002), while Austin and Irwin ( 2001 ) refer t binge The sheer numbers of prisoners behind bars is more significant than any period of time in our nation's history and as such the impact of this situation is noteworthy The United States has become a nation divided among those who live beh ind bars and those who do not. There are now more persons residing in carceral institutions than working on farms and studying in institutions of higher education (Elsner, 2004 ). Incarceration in the United States Since the 1980s the United States has experienced an exponential growth i n its correctional population. According to a recent report by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2005), at yearend 2004 there were more than 7 million people under some form of correctional supervision including probation, in jail or prison, or on parole in the United
12 States. Over three percent of all U.S. adult residents or one in every thirty one adults was under some form of correctional control ( Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005 ). The combined inmate population in jails and priso ns has grown five fold from 333,000 inmates in 1974 to 2.1 million inmates in 2004 ( The Sentencing Project, 2005). In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that this number had grown to 2.3 million jail and prison inmates (Bureau of Justice Stati stics, 2007) As of July 2008, 2,310,984 inmates were housed in Unites States federal or state prisons or in local jails (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2009). This number represents an increase of 0.8% from yearend 2007 According to a recently released r eport by the PEW Center on States (2 008), the United States has become the leader in incarceration throughout the world surpassing China. After three decades of growth, more than one in every 100 adults resides in a prison or jail institution in the Unite d States (PEW Cente r on the States, 2008). Moreover, the numbers for some specific groups of indivi duals are particularly notable. Black males have been effecte d by this incarceration binge. One out of every 15 black male s over the age of 18 in the US is b ehind bars compared to one in 106 white men for th e same age group (PE W Center on the States, 2008). Furthermore, while men are still 10 times more likely to be inca rcerated than women, the female population of inmates is growing. Spec ifically, one in eve ry 100 black women between the ages of 35 and 39 in the United States is incarcerated compared to one in 355 for white women and one in 297 for Hispanic women (PEW Center on the States, 2008).
13 Causes of Mass Imprisonment Researchers have attempted to e xplain what has accounted for the growth in the incarcerated population in the United States According to Mauer (2001) the rise in the incarcerated population can be attributed to the complex relationship between politics and sentencing practice s. Penolo gists James Austin and John Irwin also note the connection between politics and the rising rates of incarceration (Austin and Irwin, 2001). In addition, policy choices such as three strikes laws and sentencing enhancements have resulted in longer sentences (PEW Center on the States, 2008) Furthermore, Welch (2003) elucidates the importance of the market economic forces that fuel the American corrections industry and concludes predicated on expansion and consumption, whose dynamics, produce greater construction coupled with higher in The reasons for prison growth in the United State are a complex phenomenon that has been addressed at length elsewhere However, for the purpose o f this discussion the author will address a few of the most salient factors (see Lynch, 2007 ; and Austin and Irwin, 2001 for a more in depth discussion). Austin and Irwin (2001) state that the most influential effect on the growth of prisons in the Unite d States is the perception of a growing crime rate rather than the actual crime rate. Election campaigns throughout the 1980s helped to elevate the fear of crime and drug use (Austin and Irwin, 2001). The focus on street crime became a maj or issue as well as the focus on the crime
14 the drug user as the criminal. Waging a War on Drugs Arguably the single greatest polic y change that affected the increase in the numbers of individuals behind bars was the waging of the "War on Drugs." Since the enactment in 1973 of New York drug laws, harsh penalties have been enacted for the possession and selling of small amounts of narcotics. New York's law has called for a 15 year prison sentence for anyone convicted of selling or possessing two to four ounces of narcotics regardless of prior c riminal history (Mauer, 2001). Determinate sentencing and sentencing guideline s became popular in the 1980s. Consequently, these polices in effect, tied the hands of the judicial system. Judges were no longer allowed to take into account mitigating and aggravating circumstanc es with regard to drug crimes. Th e drug war gained momentum in the 19 80s. By 1989, f ederal funding for the drug war was $6.6 billion significantly up from $1.5 billion in 1981 ( The White House, 1992) T here is no significant evidence that this war on drugs seems to be waning. The Nationa l Drug Control Budget in 2005 was $12.6 billion (The White House, 2004) This is almost double the budget that was represented only 12 years earlier. Law enforcement attention to drug crime also increase d dramatically during this period. There was a doubli ng of drug arres ts in the 1980s (Mauer, 2001). The combination of drug arrests and strict penalties had a devastating effect o n the
15 correctional population. This is especially true among the fe deral correctional population. The Anti Drug Abuse acts of 1986 and 1988 imposed harsh federal penalties for posses sion of controlled substances. For example, possession of as little of five grams of crack cocaine would net a five ye ar mandatory minimum sentence. According to The Sentencing Project (2005) "nowhere ha s the adoption of tougher sentencing rules and release policies been more evident than in the federal system where mandatory minimums, sentencing guidelines, and the abolition of parole have combined to create an extremely punitive system" ( p. 1). Crimino logists and sociologists have concluded that the impact of the war on drugs has been a major factor in the increase in the incarcerated population since the 1970s (Lynch, 2007 ; Prashad, 2003; Welch, 2003) The impact of legislation and of law enforcement h as far outweighed any other public policy initiatives that could account for such a dramatic ef fect on the imprisonment rate. Mandatory prison terms and truth in sentencin g employed across the nation have accounted for the extension of the length of time t hat prisoners are spending behind bars (Austin and Irwin, 2001) Most inmates are now spending a significantly longer part o f their sentence behind bars than ever before. Criminologists have also address ed this issue by examining the effect of economic fo rces in a capitalist society on punishment According to Welch (2003), economic marginalization restricts access to legitimate opportunity which allows for unlawful industries, such as the ill icit drug trade, to flourish. M arket economic forces within the illicit drug industry contribute to the production of prisoners in a ca pitalistic
16 society The d rug market operates on a supply and demand basis. Harsher sentences for drug distribution and possession increase the risk of selling drugs. This increased ris k leads to an increased demand in the market and therefore the criminal activity is more ri sky yet financially rewarding. Like legitimate businesses, the illicit drug trade operates according to principles similar to those in the free world market. Consequ ently limiting the supply of drugs drives up the price and the associated risk of trafficking attracting mor e individuals to the business. The costs associated with the illegal drug trade are reflective of the risk associated with doing business rather th an the actual cost of the production of the drug itself. These economic forces create an almost limitless supply of economically disadvantag ed drug dealers (Welch, 2003). When these drug dealers are processed through the system they become raw material fo r the corrections industry and thus contribute to its proliferation (Welch, 2003). These limitless supplies of drug dealers who have been processed through the system have been a major contributing factor to the recent increase in incar ceration in the Unit ed States. T his war on drugs has focused on crack cocaine. This is significant because crack is sold and used in the inner city community by a disproportionally high number of African American and Hispanic individuals (Austin and Irwin, 2001) Exacerbatin g the issue is the 1 quantity disparity affecting sentencing for powder cocaine and crack cocaine trafficking/possession instituted in 1986. For example, u nder the applicable sentencing guidelines, trafficking 100 times as much powder cocaine (500 grams) as crack cocaine (5 grams) resulted in the same mandatory five year sentence under federal
17 law (U S Sentencing Comission, 2002) Since crack cocaine possession was more prevalent among minority populations and powdered cocaine possession more like ly among white populations and because 5 grams of crack were likely to be possessed by users rather than sellers, the federal sentencing guidelines contributed to extensi ve racial disparity for cocaine related offenses (U S Sentencing Commission 2002). I n addition to this disparity, the federal penalties for crack cocaine are more severe when compared to other drugs ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) The U.S. Sentencing Commission has investigated this disparity in sentencing and submitted three reports to Congress in 1997, 2002 and 2007 that have recommended reforms. As a result of these reports, new sentencing guidelines went into effect in November 2007 B ecause this guideline was ma de retroactive an estimated 19, 500 prisoners will be able to apply f or a reduced sentence subject to judicial review ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) Changes in crack cocaine sentencing guidelines have alleviated some of the racial and ethnic disparity in sentencing long evident f or this crime. For example, w hile histo rically the majority of crack coca ine offenders have been African American the proportion of African Americans among crack cocaine offenders has decline d from 91.4 percent in 1992 to 81.8 percent in 2006 ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) Furthermore, ch anges in federal sentencing guidelines have also impacted Hispanic representation among those sentenced for cocaine related offenses. As a result, the proportion of crack cocaine offenders who are Hispanic experienced a decline over time from 9 percent in 2000 to 8.4 percent in 2006 ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) It
18 should be noted that while these two groups are both on the decline of crack cocaine use, in 2006 together they accounted for 90.2% of federal cra ck cocaine offenders ( U.S. Sentencing Commi ssion, 2007) Not surprisingly, while the proportion of minority crack cocaine offenders has declined, the proportion of white crack cocaine offenders has increased slightly from 3.2% in 1992 to 8.8% in 2006 ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) In contrast to crack cocaine sentencing patterns stands the data on powdered cocaine. Powder ed cocaine use has remained relatively stable over the same period (1992 on) with one exception: Hispanic offenders now account for the majority of powder e d cocaine offenders I n recent years the proportion of Hispanics sentenced for powdered cocaine offenses has increas ed from 39.8% in 1992 to 50.8% in 2000 and 57.5% in 2006 ( U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2007) Thus, the small decline in minority over representation among sente nced crack cocaine offenders has been offset by the relatively large i ncrease among Hispanic powdered cocaine offenders. Consequences of the Mass Imprisonment Trend Research indicates that t he consequences of this mass imprisonment have taken a significant toll on African American communities (Rose and Clear, 1998) The correctional literature in this area focuses on minorities and ethnic populations and does not extensively address the white community. According to the Bureau of Justice of Statistics at ye arend 2004 in th e United States, there were more than 3 000 black male sentenced prison inmates per 100,000 compared to just over 1,200 Hispanic males per
19 100,000 and 463 white males per 100,000 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2005) According to Mauer a nd Chesney Lind (2002), African American males ages 25 to 34 are the most vulnerable to incarceration and it is significant that they are behind bars at a time when tey would otherwise be s tarting families and careers. Unfortunately, due to the rapid influx of African American males into prisons, the African American community has experienced a great loss in its community. The loss of the young African American male has had a tremendous impact on the fa mily unit in these communities. "For many young black men prison is their college. Serving their first stretch has become a rite of passage some even look forwar d to and welcome" (Elsner, 2004, p. 13). This is significant because as y oung African American men move into prisons they experience a loss of politica l power (Christie, 2000) The greatest impact that criminal justice policies have had on the African America n community as a result of this mass incarceration is political disenf ranchisement. An estimated 1.4 million African American males are not able to vote due to felony disenfra nchisement laws (Mauer, 2002). While seemingly innocent on the surface, these laws can have a tremendous impac t on the outcome of elections. A c ase in point is the 2000 U S presidential election in Florida, where several hundred thousand ex felons, disproportionately African American, were barred from voting (Palast, 2004) Across the country during the 2000 presidential election 13% of the m ale African American population was unable to vote due to ex felon disenfranchise ment la ws (Elsner 2004). Political pundits believe that this action alone greatly impacted the outcome of this election (C hesney Lind and Mauer,
20 2002). Disenfranchisement laws have a tremendous political impact. The forced absence of these votes can potentially have an impact on the out come of the political process. According to Christie (2000), it is extremely easy to lose your right to vote as most state disenfranchisement laws only use the requirement of a felony conviction as a basis for termination of voting rights and it is extremely hard to restore these civil rights upon release. Moreover, communities of color have traditionally experienced the loss of their young males R ecently these communities have also experienced the magnification of their problems through the lo ss of their female companions. The rate of growth of female inmates in prison has been nearly double that for men over the past t wo decades (Richie, 2002). The impact of the war on drugs has had a significant impact on the increasing numbers of women behind bars ( Mauer and Chesney Lind, 2002). As a result, in the African American community there is a significant portion of children who are growing up with one, if not both, of their parents under some for m of correctional supervision. Accordin g to La Vigne, Davies and Brazell (2008), African American children are approximately nine times more likely to have a parent in prison than a white child is. Rose and Clear (1998) contend that this increase in incarceration has unintended consequences th at makes the c riminal an asset to the state. Before incarceration the ommunity through the family and neighborhood. His or her economic activities are localized in the course of legitimate and illegitim ate activity in which they p articipate in their community. However, after
21 incarceration, their economic value is transferred into penal capital (Rose and Clear, 1998 p. 461 ). Money must now be spent to house, feed, clothe and guard the inmate. The money that would have been spent in the home community of the offender is now being transferred into the community where the offender will now be incarc erated (Rose and Clear, 1998). Hence, prisoners have become commodities. Rose and Clear (1998) give the exampl e of a re sident of Bedford Stuyvesant, New York who is arrested and convicted moving from a $12,000 resource to a $30,000 one in an upstate village where he is incarcerated. Prisons as Industry and the Prison Industrial Complex Today's prison boom is v ested in the larger socio political economy of America. P risons expansion has become big business generating income from prison construction, the leasing of prison space and prison systems, and the provision of services that have become privatized The co rporatization of the American correctional system coupled with citizens' political conservatism has helped propel prison expansion (Christie, 2000; Lynch, 2007). Some s tudies have concluded that trends in imprisonment are controlled by economic forces rath er crime rates (Carlson and Michalowski, 1997; Dunaway, Cullen, Burton, and Evans, 2000; Lynch, 2007; Lynch, Hogan, and Stretesky, 1999; Welch, 2003). Dyer (2000) The rise of t he prison industry as an economic enhancement has become known as the prison industrial complex (Davis 1997). Expenditure s on prison
22 construction and ope ration costs has reached an all time high. According to the recently released PEW study (PEW Center on the States, 2008) between fiscal years 1987 and 2007, total state general fund spending on corrections rose 315% from $10.62 billion in 1987 to $44.06 billion in 2007 Furthermore, by 2011 state correction al expenditures including bonds and federal con tribution s, are expected to add an additional $25 billion to the total, bring ing the projected costs to states to more than $69 billion (PEW Center on the States, 2008) The building of prisons bring with it jobs for local towns people as correctional offic ers; clerks in restaurants, hotels and retail establishments needed to support incoming visitors ; construction companies ; and contractors such as telephone companies and food service industry employees that fight for co ntracts with the new facility. It is exactly this economic fervor that reproduces the cycle of building that is evidenced by the recent growing e xpansion of the prison system. The corporatization of the prison system has perpetuated the building of larger and greater numbers of prisons ; thes e institutions are consistent with the conservative ideology, touted by the media, of both politicians and citizens. With 2.3 million clients in the U .S. correctional system, structures must be built to house these individuals (Bureau of Justice Statistics 2007) The details such as where, when and how much money is spent on this construction process is richly debat ed among policymakers. State and local officials often present prison construction as one remedy for struggling economies, especially in rura l communities (Hooks, Mosher,
23 Rotolo, and Lobao, 2004) While expensive lobbying campaigns and prison construction advocates share the assumption that prison construction has aided in the expansion of the local economy, a recent study by Hooks, Mosher, Rot olo and Lobao (2004) fou nd no evidence of this effect. In fact, prison construction actually was detrimental to the local economic structure slowing growth in counties where prisons were constructed (Hooks et al., 2004). Dyer has found evidenc e that the perpetuation of the prison machine, or the prison indust rial complex is based upon the war on crime rhetoric first espoused by the media agencies in the 1980s as a means to increa se their ratings (Dyer, 2000). He indicates that while one would believe th at the rising incarceration rates would be related to rising crim e rates, this is not the case. Other researchers have come to similar conclusio ns (Christie, 2000; Lynch, 1999; 2007; Welch, 1999). incarceration vary independently (Welch, 1999, p. 271). In an empirical test of the deterrent effect of imprisonment, Ly nch (1999) found appears to be no statistically significant relationship between imprisonment rates and (p. 347) and that the deterrent effect of i mprisonment has been overstated. In recent years, incarceration rates have incre ased while crime rates have stabilized and even decreased. Th is raises the question, W hy would incarceration rates increase as crime rates decrease? (L ynch, 2007). The answer, at least according to Dyer, is that the war on crime is obviously not rooted in the reality of r ising crime rates but
24 concern over the crime problem (Dyer, 2000 ). According to Christie (20 ( p. 107). T he rise in the public concern over crime is a complex issue that has many facets including but not limited to pol itics, the economy, public policy and the fear of crime. One of the best examples of corrections as industry is the rise of the private prison industry in the United States. Privatization in the corrections industry refers to the process through which par t or all of the responsibilities of the care of offenders is shifted from the pub lic sector to the private one. This can include partial privatization through the use of contract services such as medical, mental health, food laundry and so on, or complet e privatization in which whole correctional institutions ar e run by corporations. In conjunction with the rapid rise in the number of inmates, the use of private prisons has expanded ( Austin and Irwin, 2001; Lynch, 2007). Two companies, Corrections Corpora tion of America (CCA) and GEO (formerly Wackenhut) account for 75% of the world private prison industry (Austin and Irwin, 2001) CCA is the largest corporate owner of privatized correctional facilities in the United States (Corrections Corporation of A merica, 2008) It operate s 65 facilities with a capacity to house 78,000 inmates (Corrections Corporation of America, 2008) CCA (2008) Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP p. 3). In 2007 C CA reported total earnings of $1.5 billion which was an 11.7% increase from the previous year (Corrections Corporation of America, 2008) In addition, the growth
25 potential as well as the is sue of inmates as commodities (beds ) is addressed in CCA recent annual report (2008): CCA houses inmates and detainees from all three federal agencies, and we believe that segment of our business will continue to grow. At year end 2007, the BOP had nearly 200,200 inmates in their system; however, only 11% of their inma tes were p roposed 2009 Federal Budget seeks $50 million in new funds for the BOP to expand prisoner space in contract facilities. Although the BOP currently plans to bring nearly 8,000 beds on line within the n ext three years, their current population projections exceed that new bed development by nearly 7,000 inmates over the same time period. Challenges in finding space to accommodate this growth are compounded by the fact that BOP facilities were already oper ating at 137% of their rated capacity at year end 2007 ( p. 4). The second largest private corrections corporation in the US today is GEO. Like CCA, GEO reported record earnings in 2007 (GEO Group Inc., 2008): Our companywide revenues increased 19 percent and broke through the $1.0 increased 57 percent to $143.2 million, and our pro forma net earnings g rew 59 percent to $51.5 million. ( p. 2) This annual report speaks specifically to the growing issue of the expansion of the number of inmates in the United States (GEO Group Inc., 2008):
26 In February 2008, researchers at the Pew Charitable Trusts reported that more than 2.3 million individuals were incarcerated in the United States at the beginning of 2008, an increase of approximately 1.5 million inmates over the last twenty years, and the outlook over the next five years points toward increasing correctional bed needs for federal and state agencies throughout the country (p. 6) Agai n, private correctional coroporations are interested in the number of beds and keeping a steady supply of clients to fuel their profits. GEO owns a total of 54 institutions in the United States : 14 federal and 40 state facilities that have a total operatin g capacity of 50,621 inmates (GEO Group Inc., 2008) It owns 17 facilities in Texas alone and is responsible for the operation of the migrant operations center in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba (GEO Group Inc., 2008) While there are many legal, moral, ethical, econ omic and political issues to expose when debating the merits and pitfalls of the movement to privatize the correctional system, what remains clear is that there are no signs that the private pris on industry is waning. In fact, CCA and GEO reported record p rofits in 2007 (Corrections Corporation of America, 2008; GEO Group Inc., 2008). Incarceration has become a profit driven industry. While academics have begun to explore the effect s of economics on punishment, they have neglected several critical issue s. F or example, no study has examined the issue of how or whether media images impact and reflect political im ages and crime control policy. In addition, few studies have tackled the issue of assessing the accuracy of media images of criminals, punishment and criminal justice system operations presented by the
27 media. The premise of this dissertation is based upon the idea that the media s pecifically the motion picture industry p resents the pu blic with manufactured images. Since the mass media is a major mechan ism through which Americans learn about social and political issues, the way it presents crime and punishment is extremely important. As will be described furth er later in this dissertation, t he mass media, including the motion picture industry, replicates the dominant ide ology of its corporate owners. Therefore, the mass media industry and a few corporate conglomerates decide what is socially thinkable about the crime and punishment issue in the United States. The study seeks to further the social construc tionist perspective with respec t to the media and punishment. The study is a content analysis of 11 feature films on male prisons produced between 19 7 9 and 200 1 The analysis consist s of an examination of the frequency and context of f our constructs of pen al culture: drug use, sexual coercion, violence and gang affiliation. In addition, the study will examine whether or not the representations of these issues in recent Hollywood motion picture films are reflective of the extant correctional literature and official dat a in their respective areas. Conclusion The United States now incarcerates more individuals in its penal system than a ny other country in the world. For the first time in history, one out of every 100 United States citizens is livi ng in a jail or a prison cell. Changes in law enforcement, public policy initiatives, fear of crime, sentencing practices, economics, and opinion have contributed to this growth i n the incarcerated population. Changes in sentencing such as
28 mandatory prison t erms and tr uth in sentencing have accounted for the extension of the time that priso ners are spending behind bars. Inmates are spending significantly more of their sentence behind bars than ever before. Furthermore, the focus on the war on drugs since the 1980s has c ontributed significantly to the increase i n the incarcerated population. This war on drugs has had an impact on specific groups who have already b een marginalized economically. In addition, t he connection between the increase in the incarcerated population and the corporatization of the correcti ons industry cannot be denied. As evidenced by the private prison industry, CCA and GEO, two of the largest private corrections corporations in the US, re ported record profits in 2007. This growth trend does not show any i ndication of coming to an end. The corporatization of the corrections industry, the prisoner as profit, is based in the larger concern over the crime problem in general which gets translated to the public through the mass media. Few studies have exam ined the issue of the cultural meanings of the images of punishm ent as presented by the media. The motion picture industry presents the public with manufactured images and it is through these images that the public gains knowledg e about punishment in Amer ica. By examining aspects of penal culture in prison movies and comparing what is presented to the extant academic literature, the author hopes to gain an understanding of the manufactured images of modern penal culture that Hollywood presents to the Ameri can public. Chapter 2 expands upon the discussion of the union between economics and the punishment industry in the United States by discussing the economi cs of the mass media
29 industry. Furthermore, a discussion of models of how the public learns about cri me and justice, historical changes in the mass media industry, the oligopolistic structure of the mass media industry, the motion picture industry as a subsidiary of the mass media industry and the social constructionist perspective follows
30 Chapter Two : Learning, the Mass Media Industry, and Social Construction Introduction T o gain a better understand of the economic punishment nexus discussed in the previous chapter, this chapter addresses the mass media industry. Americans are bombarded on a d aily basis by the mass media industry in the form of television, film, magazines, newspapers, books, radio, and most recently the Internet. While some may argue that it is a choice to be exposed to these various forms of media influence, it has become ne arly impossible to isolate oneself fro m its reach The mass media industry and its byproducts are significant because the messages it translates reach a large number of individuals. This c hapter discuss es various models of how the public learns about crime and justice, the recent historical cha nges in the mass media industry, the mass media oligopoly in the United States, the motion picture industry as a subsidiary of this industry, and the significance of this media exposure from a social constructionist p erspective. Learning about Crime and Justice Current research has found that the media ha s the greatest influence on the (Muraskin and Domash, 2007 ; Surette, 1984 ) As Surette (1985 ) points out:
31 P erhaps t he most important effect of the media lies in providing a prime information base for the pub lic concerning justice issues. A relatively small percentage of people deal directly with the justice system, and therefore the e is drawn significantly from the media. The portrayal of crime and justice in the media has been forwarded as also influencing the public agenda for justice by sensetizing the public to particular issues. ( p. 5) Further, the media are responsible for th e production and reproduction of cultural images of crime and justice and the construction of the social reality of crime that affects perceptions of crime and justice ( Garofalo, 1981; Muraskin and Domash, 2007 ; Surette, 1992 ). Many criminologists have stu died the impact of the portrayal of crime in the media on the p ublic (Barak, 1994; Potter and Kappeler, 1998; Sacco and Trotman, 1990). C riminologists have found that the depiction of crime, criminality and the seriousness of crime do not correspond to ac tual crime statistics (Muraskin and Domash, 2007) Various types of media serve as sources of inform ation about crime and justice. Film and televison are important types of media because they are sources of entertainment and utilize audiovisual technology that overcomes the obstacle of literacy that other forms of media have to contend with. In addition, with the advent of videotape technology, film is as readily accessible to home audieces as television. This means that in dividuals can watch these films an d televiso n programs at their leisure in the comfort of their own houses making the mess a ges that a re transmitted through television and film accessible to a large number of people across t he world. In an article referring to th e
32 social impact of televisi on Gerbner, Gross, Morgan and Signorelli (2002 ) state: elevison has become the primary common source of socialization and everyday information (usually cloaked in the form of entertainment) of otherwise heterogen eous populations) ( p. 44). One could a rgue that film could could also be included with television, especially with th e growth of the video industry, which has made movies into home entertainment fare on quic kly released DVDs and over the Internet. Several theories have been posited about the p rocess through which the public learns a bout crime and justice issues. Social learning theory states that individuals learn through the process o f observation (Bandura, 1977). I ndividuals frame conceptual ideas regarding behavior and ultimate ly translate t hese conceptua l models into actual behavior. S ocial learning is a complex process through which behavior is based on the modeling of symbolic verbal cues and observatio nal inputs (Bandura, 1969). The s e obervationally learned inputs can be behavior learned from parents, teachers or rep resentational symbolic events. Significantly, Bandura (1969) refers to representational symbolic events that can be odels presented mainly through televison a p. 215). Gerbner posits cultivation theory to explain the learning process that takes place through the media. While Gerbner conducted his research with the medium of television, researchers have pointed to his theory in reference to the study of film (Dempsey and Reichert, 2001) Gerbner studied the extent to which televison viewing cont r ibuted to viewer s beliefs about gend er, minority and age role stereo types; health; science; the family; educational acheivement and as pirations; politics; religion; the environment; and
33 other topics (Gerbner Gross, Morgan M., and Signorelli, 2001) He also examines the way tha t television viewing contributes to behaviors Cultivation theory is based on the no tion that televison cultivates, or contributes to attitudes and beliefs of audiences over time. T hose who spend more time watching televison are more likely to see the world in relation to the constructed images, depictions, values, mores, and ideologies that are presented on television than those who do not spenda lot of time watching television Regardless of specific theoretical beliefs about how the media impacts perception and of crime in the United States. The production and reproduction of the social reality of crime is pote ntially hazardous if it often distorts t hat reality into a fiction The mass media influence on the social reality of crime was noted by Quinney (2001) in his infamous work The Social Reality of Crime In this work he highlights that rtant agents in the diffusion of criminal conceptions are the media media preoccupation with the topic of crime and notes that conceptions of crime by the public are create d, to a certain extent, by the images presented by the mass media. The mass media is selective in the presentation of images of crime to the public, choosing to present the most sensational aspects of crime (Quinney, 2001). He contends that ime in the mass media, therefore, is not only selective but is a distortion of
34 It is almost i mpossible to isolate oneself from the reach of the mass media and the information it relays The mass med ia industry and its byproducts are significant because the messages that get translated through it reach a large number of individuals. Recently there have been some significant historical changes to the mass media industry that ha ve repercussions in regar d to who controls the production and reproduction of crime and justice i nformation. Historical Changes in the Mass Media Industry Over the past two decades we have seen a dramatic and telling chan ge in the mass media industry. The number and variety of m edia choices available to most Americans has changed significantly (Sterling, 2000) In the late 1970s there were only a few television stations from which to choose and only 20% of the American public had access to paid cable systems comprised of only a dozen more stations (Sterling, 2000) Thre e national television networks ABC, NBC, and CBS dominated prime time viewing a ttracting 90% of the audience. Today television networks have to compete not only with a variety of cable television stations but al so w ith the I nternet for their audience. During the 19 70s, American s typically could choose from between 10 to 15 radio stations. They could also see a movie at a downtown or suburban movie theater. Americans would often read one daily newspaper, although some larger town s and cities had two dail y papers and they could chose from an assortment of magazines that they could buy at a local newsstand or bookstore. Today, the number of daily newspapers continues to decline while television radio stations and magazine outlets continue to
35 expand (Sterling, 2000). These media industries have changed in terms of production but what is more significant is that two decades ago one could speak of these media in dustries as separate entities. Now, h owever, we are seei ng these industries merging both technologically and economically (Sterling, 2000). Since the 1980s the mass media has become subj ect to an emerging phenomenon the global commercial system that is dominated by a small number of extremely powerful corporati ons based in the United States (McChesney, 1997) The Mass Media Oligopoly in the United States For profit corporations control almost all of the mass media in the United States. As an aspect of large scale mergers, fewer and fewer corporations own the m ajority of the mass communications in the country. Furthermore, these controlling corporations have reached into the international market. According to McChesney (1997), changes in the political and economic landscape such as pressures from the Internatio nal Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the U S government to deregulate and privatize the mass media have helped fuel the rise o f the few global media giants. As of 2006, eight media conglomerates control the majority of the mass media industry in the Un ited States Listed in ascending order by 2005 revenues these corporations are: General Electric ($157.2 billion), Time Warner ($43.7 billion), Walt Disney ($31.9 billion), Vivendi Universal ($25.1 billion), News Corporation ($23.9 billion), Bertelsmann ( $22.2 billion), CBS ($14.5 billion), and Viacom ($9.8 billion) (Freepress, 2006) To place these figures in another context, General Electric was the
36 th largest revenue producing company in 2006 according to Fortune magazine The remaining media corporations that were in the top 500 largest corporations in the world in 2006 in terms of revenue include: Time Warner (122 nd ); Walt Disney (180 th ); Vivendi (239 th ); News Corporation (256 th ); Bertelsmann (287 th ); and CBS (468 th ). The only media conglome rate not in the top 500 highest revenue producing companies in the world in 2006 was Viacom. General Electric has holdings in television, publishing, online communications, military production, theme parks, and consumer products as well as various other areas such as the insurance and the finance industry. General Electric controls a significant portion of th e television viewing audience. It owns the NBC Universal Television Stations Division which is made up of 10 NBC television stations in the U S mar ket as well as 15 Telemundo stations and one independen t Spanish speaking station that a (NBC Universal, 2006) In addition to NBC television, General Electric owns several cable chann e ls such as Bravo, and Sci Fi. It is also heavily invested in the production and distribution e nd of the television industry. It produces shows such as Meet the Press and The Today Show General Electric also has significant holdings with in the film industr y. On the production side of the industry, it owns 80% of NBC Universal as well as 100% of the holdings in Universal Pictures, Focus Features, and Rogue Pictures. General Electric also has a significant financial investment in the following companies becau se NBC Universal has production agreements with Imagine Entertainment, Jersey Films, Tribeca Films, Shady
37 Acres, The Kennedy/Marshall Company, Playtone Company, Strike Entertainment, Type A Films, Depth of Field, Stephen Sommers and Working Title Films (E urope) (Freepress, 2006). Second on the list of the top corporat e media giants is Time Warner. While General Electric made twice as much in revenues in 2005, Time Warner is the largest multinational media corporation based on the size of its holdings The y have holdings in television, the Internet, film, publishing, sports, business marketing, and the video gami ng industry (Freepress, 2006). g is its television interests. In addition to owning the new CW net work (formally the WB n etwork ) with CBS television, Time Warner owns : Kid Home Box Office, Inc. (HBO, Cinemax, HBO Sports, HBO Pay Per View, HBO Video, HBO Independent Productions, HBO Multiplexes, HBO on Demand, Cinemax Mul tiplexes, Cinemax on Demand, HBO HD, Cinemax HD, as well as HBO channels around the world); Court TV (50% Time Warner, 50% Liberty Media); TBS; Boomerang; Cartoon Network; Cartoon Network Europe; Cartoon Network Latin America; Car toon Network Studios; Cart oon Network Asia Pacific; Cartoon Network Japan (Turner owns a 70% share in Japan Entertainment Network K.K., the company t hat runs Cartoon Network Japan); NBC/Turner; Williams St. Studio, New Line Television, Turner Classic Movies, TCM Europe, TCM Asia Pa cific, TCM ; C la ssic Hollywood in Latin America; Turner Network Television; Turner South; TNT; TNT HD; TNT Latin America; TNT CNN / US; CNN Airport Network; CNN International; CNN Headline
38 News; CNN.com; CNNStudentNews.com; CNN Headli ne News in Asia Pacifi c; CNN Headline News in Latin America; CNN en Espaol; CNN en Espaol Radio; CNNj; CNN+; CNN Turk; CNN IBN; CNNRadio; CNNfn; CNN International; CNN Mobile; CNN Newsource; CNN Pipeline; CNNMoney.com; CNN to go; CETV (China); n tv ( a German news network of w hich Turner owns interest); and BOING, a family channel in Italy that is a joint venture with Mediaset. (Freepress, 2006, p 1). It also own s sev eral cable television stations and television programming and on demand services. Even though Time Warner has sig nificant fiscal interests in the television industry, it is probably most recognize d for what has been deemed the merger of the century the 2001 unification of Timer Warner and America Online (AOL) The Walt Disney Corporation reported earnings of $31.9 bi llion in 2005 (Freepress, 2006). Known for its movie production studios and theme parks, the Walt Disney Corporation also has significant holdin gs in the television industry. It owns 10 television stations including the ABC Television Network; several ca ble channels including ESPN; The Disney Channel ; a nd Lifetime (Freepress, 2006). In addition, it owns 72 radio stations and music and book publishing companies. The Walt Disney Corporation makes a good deal of their profits from consumer pr oducts such as toys and games. In recent years it has have even expanded its interests into resorts and a cruise line (Freepress, 2006). Fourth on the list is Vivendi Universal which has significant investments in the music indu stry in the United States. It own s 50 U S and international music record
39 labels including Geffen Records, Universal Records and Def Jam Recordings (Freepress, 2006). In addition, Vivendi owns cable television stations in Europe. It also has holdings in telecommunications operations in France and Morocco (Freepress, 2006). Vivendi owns Vivendi Universal Games, including Blizzard Entertainment, Sierra Entertainment, Radical Entertainment, Massive Entertainment, and Swordfish Studios as well as 20% of NB C Universal (Freepress, 2006). In 2005, New ual revenue was $23.9 billion. News Corporation owns Fox Broadcasting and is the partial owner of 25 television networks and 37 American television stations in 28 markets It also has partial ownership in satellite TV in Europe, Latin America, Asia, and the US. \ Also, it produce s news entertainment broadcasting programs such as Special Report with Brit Hume The and Hannity and Colmes (Freepress, 2006). Its print publications include 13 magazines including TVGu ide and newspapers in several markets. It controls 110 new spapers in Australia and Asia, nine in the United Kingdom and two in the United States The New York Post and Nursery World (Freepress, 2006). N ews Corporation owns three book publishing companies: HarperCollins Publishers, ReganBooks an d Zondervan (Freepress, 2006). However, it is perhaps most widely known for its ownership of film distribution and production companies that include 20th Century Fox, Fox Searchlight Pictures and Blue Sky Studios. It also own radio stations and notably online holdings including Fox Interactive Media, a newly formed division of News C orporation (Freepress, 2006).
40 Another of the largest media conglomerates is Bertelsmann which possesses major holdings in both Europ e and North America. These holdings include the book publisher Random House, which itsel f owns more than 100 imprints. Bertelsmann also possess es investments in radio and cable television. It has several international film production companies in other cou ntries including Germany, France, the Netherlands, the UK, Belgium, Luxembourg, Croatia, Spain, Hungary, North America, Latin America, Australia and Italy. Most notably, it produce s music under the label Sony BMG Music Entertainment (Freepress, 2006) Prob ably best known for its television holdings, CBS is also on the list of the eigh t largest global media giants. However, the CBS National network is only one of 41 television stations t hat the CBS conglomerate owns. In addition, CBS owns book publisher Simo n and Schus ter as well as Infinity Radio. CBS has some online holding s and Rounding out the big eight media conglomerates is Viacom In 2005 it reported $9.8 billion in revenue (Freepr ess, 2006). Viacom has holdings that include MTV, Nickelodeon, VH1, BET, Comedy Central, Paramount Pictures, Paramount Home Entertainment and the publishing company F amous Music (Freepress, 2006). Viacom owns three radio stations, three music production c ompanies, one magazine, and several onlin e interests (Freepress, 2006). Although these eight large media conglomerates are separate entities they are remarkably similar. Currently they control the majority of the mass media in the United
41 States and they are reachi ng into international domains. T he United States has not always been a country dominated by the corp oratization of the mass media. Expansion of most mass media by c orporate domination is the result of an important change in the relation ship betwe en the government and the media. Recently, Federal Communications Commission ( FCC ) regulations have been relaxed or in some instances eliminated (Sterling, 2000). One of the areas of the media to be effected by these recent historical changes is the motion picture industry. The Motion Picture Industry The motion picture industry is no long er a media entity unto itself. As previously discussed, the movie industry, like other types of mass media including newspa pers, magazines, radio and the I nternet, is con trolled by major corporations that have hold ings in other media interests. There are six film distribution companies that account for almost 70% of all box office revenues in the United States. Listed in ascending order of revenue for 2005 they a re: Time Warner Inc. ($1377 million) ; Fox Entertainment Group Inc. which is primarily owned by News Corp ($1354 million) ; NBC Universal, which is primarily owned by GE ($1010 million) ; Walt Disney Co. ($922 million) ; Sony Pictures Entertainment ($918 million) and Viacom Inc. ($832 million) (Standard and Poor 2006). Several mergers within the motion picture industry took place in 2006. According to the latest industry survey by S tandard and Poor (2006), Disney acquired Pixar for $7.4 billion in stock ; and Par amount Pictures, a division of Viacom, bought DreamWorks
42 SKG. The buyout of DreamWorks SKG was valued at more than $1.61 billion (Standard and Poor 2006). At the same time, other companies slip ped into smaller entities Standard report specul ates that this is perhaps due to concern about antitrust regulations or pressure from investors (Standard and Poor 2006). Viacom for example, separated in to two companies: Viacom and CBS Corporation. The new Viacom Company consists of the Paramount mov ie business, Republic Pictures, DreamWorks, and Paramount Home Entertainment O perations, BET Networks, and MTV networks (Standard and Poor 2006). The motion picture industry is in the midst of a change as a result of recent technological advanc es. In r ecent years, c onsumer spending on home videos has exceed ed movie theater ticket sales. market it must be willing to release its movies onto home video. In fact, some movie distribution companies, such as Disney, never release some titles in the theater, opting instead to release the se features directly to video. To enhance profits to their fullest Hollywood studios rele ase films in a specific order. In this way, the studios can garner as much money as po ssible from each window before that it closes and they move onto the next. The movie is released in this order: theater, home video, pay per view, pay cable, broadcast and basic cable (Compaine and Gomery, 2000) Social Constructionist Perspective It is i mportant to understand th e context in wh ich media images are produced. In order to examine this context further, researchers have begun to examine the ownership
43 of media organizations from a social constructionist perspective (Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes, and Sasson, 1992) This perspective contends that media generated images are used to create meaning about political and social issues (Gamson et al., 1992) The lens through which images are focused are not impartial but are influenced by the political agenda set forth by the privileged f ew who construct these images. Gamson et al. ( 1992) state that the genius of this system is to make the process seem fluid so as to not raise suspicion and to suggest that (p. 374). The oligopolistic structure of the media industry means only eight very wealthy and powerful corporations are controlling the majority o f American media construction. Control of the motion picture industry is even smaller as only six film distr ibution companies account for the majority all box office revenue in the United State s (Standard Bagdikian (2004), a leading researcher in the field of media studies, compares the few media corporations to the Organization of Petroleum E xporting Countries (OPEC) in that while each corporation is technically competing with each other they all share a common cause as OPEC does in its interest in oil. T he lack of diversification results in highly duplicative manufactured media content (Bag dikian, 2004) These repetitive media images account for a lack of represen tation of multiple viewpoints. Sharing ideology and values results in the homogenization of imagery that seamlessly replicates corporate power interests (Gamson et al., 1992). W hile the media industry is not the only oligopolistic industry it is unique because it is in the business of
44 manufacturing images that affect the social and poli tical world (Bagdikian, 2004). In ). The concern is that a few corporations own the majority of the media and are determining what is socially and politically acceptable for the majority of Amer ican consumers (Bagdikian, 2004; Gamson et al., 1992; Welch, 2003). How then does this process a pply to crime and punishment? The media is the platform on which Americans learn abou t social and political issues. Several scholars have examined the mechanism by which crime, the criminal justice system and most r elevant to the current study pu nishment, are chosen among other relevant topics of interest by the media (Kappeler, Blumberg, and Potter, 2000; Merlo and Benekos, 2000; Welch, 2004 ; Welch, Fenwick, and Roberts, 1998) Scholars have outlined a three step process: (1) C rime is chosen from among va rious issues and elevated in status, ( 2) Once selected, t he crime issue is narrowed in scope to street crime and (3) T he solution to the crime problem is seen as one that can be addressed by investing more money into the criminal justice system (Kappeler, Blumberg, and Potter, 2000; Merlo and Benekos, 2000; Welch, 2003 ; Welch, 2004 ). According to Welch (2003 ): [ U ] nderscoring the role of the media and politics in producing popular images of crime, news organizations and governmental leaders together determ (p. 229) This argument can be extended to encompass not just news media but al so the entertainment industry. In this way the media in all of its forms serves a particular
45 function -to generate propaganda for th and Chomsky, 2002). According to Herman and Chomsky (2002): [T] he mass media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to t he general populace. It is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, an d to i nculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. In a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interests, to fulfill this role requ ires systematic propaganda ( p. 1) Other scholars have added to this dis course on the media and crime. In 1988, Barak's landmark theoretical article in Justice Quarterly introduced the concept and practice of news making criminology (Barak, 1988) Newsmak ing criminology refers to the process through which criminologists use mass communication to interpret, inform and alter images of crime, criminals and victims (Barak, 2001) Barak (1988 ) defined news making criminology as: attempts to demystify images of crime and punishment by locating the mass media portrayals of incidents of "serious" crimes in the context of all illegal and harmful activities; strives to affect public attitudes, thoughts, and discourses about crime and justice so as to facilitate a pu blic policy of "crime control" based on structural and historical analyses of institutional development; allows criminologists to come forth with their knowledge and to establish themselves as credible voices in the mass mediated arena of policy formation; and asks of
46 criminologists that they develop popularly based languages and technically based skills of communication for the purposes of participating the mass consume d ideology of crime and justice (p. 566) Barak's news making criminology primarily focu ses on such mass communications such as newspapers, magazines and television. His work serves as a call to arms as he advises criminologists to redefine and realign the focus that is perpetuated in the media (for a more lengthy discussion of news making c riminology see Fox and Levin, 1993 and Barak, 1994) One way that criminologists can counter the perpetuation of the media bias is to alert the public to the realities of crime and the processes that take place withi n the criminal justice system. However, first researchers must be able to speak to the biases that are being perpet uated by the media to the public. To do this, academics must assess whether or not it reflect s reality. Th is study, a co ntent analysis of 11 feature films on male prisons produced between 19 7 9 and 200 1 will add to the social constructionist literatur e on the media and punishment. Th is study examine s the frequency and context of f our constructs of penal culture: drug use, s exual coercion, violence and gang affiliation It also analyze s whether or not the representations of these issues in recent motion picture films are consistent with the extant correctional l iterature and official data.
47 Conclusion It has become nearly i mpossible to isolate oneself from the overreaching influen ce of the mass media industry. Television, film, magazines, newspapers, books, radio, and most recently th e Internet surround Americans. Research has shown that the public relies upon t he mass med ia for information. T h e media are responsible for the production and reproduction of cultural images of crime and justice and the construction of the social reality of crime that effects per ceptions of crime and justice. T he depiction s of crime, criminalit y and the seriousness of crime are not true to actual crime statistics. Re searchers have started to study the owners of the mass media in the United States because these corporations are responsible for the construction o f the social reality of crime. In recent years the mass media ind ustry has become an oligopoly. Eight large conglomerates own the majority of all media influence in the US. In addition, only six corporations are responsible for the ownership of the majority o f the motion picture industry This shift in media ownership likely has a major influence on the information that i s being relayed to the public. Unless the American public seeks alternative media outlets it is left without much choice but to accept the information that is presented to it by the mainstream media. As the media is the stage on which Americans learn about social and political issues, the way crime and punishment are presented by the me dia is extremely important. The media, including the motion picture industry, serves to reproduce the dominant ideology set forth by its corporate owners. In this way, the mass media industry and a few
48 corporate conglomerates decide what is socially acceptable about crime and, more important punishment in the United States. The notion that p unishment and incarceration are pervasive issues in the United States today has been addressed in previous chapters. Chapter 3 will present the extant correctional research literature concerning p unishment in the United States. Specifically, four subst a n tive features of p enal culture will be examined. The se particular aspects of prison life will be discussed because they represent aspects of the daily living conditions that all inmates experience as a result of being incarcerated. The four areas that are discussed are drug use and trafficking rape and sexual assault violence and gang affiliation in adult male prisons in the United States.
49 Chapter Three : Measures of Penal Culture Introduction The micro level operations of the correctional institu tion are the daily life of the inmate as represented by the inmate subculture and penal culture in general As a consequence of their incarceration, inmates live their lives very differently from free citizens. Goffman (1961) described this closed, single sex, physically separate environ ment as a total institution All inhabitants of a total institution have each and every one of their decsions made for them and, because of their confinement they share all of their daily life with other inmates who are ho used within the institution. One unique aspect of this inmate subculture is that all prison inmates experience similar aspects of penal cult ure. Because of the exponential growth in the number of individuals incarcerated today, the inmate subculture or pe nal culture has become a part of life for a significant portion of Americans today and there is no indication that this incarceration trend is slowing. The inmate culture is characterized by the language, norms, values, and mores and a common hierarchi cal structure that is p resent in prison institutions. The culture of the inmate is characterized by a set of social interactions and communication s that are
50 distinctive. institution i (Wilson and O'Sullivan, 2004 p. 13). In 1970, Irwin noted that inmates adher e to a strict convict code of coduct that is part of the norms of the inmate culture. According to Terry (2003) a convict turned criminologist, the longer individu al s spend in prison, the more likely it is that they will become part of the inmate culture a nd call themselves a convict The inmate culture is also characterized by the everyday living condi tions that inmates experience. Research has shown that while spe cific living conditions can vary across institutions, there are several salient issues that all inmates are concerned with regardless of the institution in which they are housed. Poor h ea l th conditions, poor food, violence, and sexual assault have all been identified as significant issues fo inmate (Ross, 2008). The current study focuse s on health conditions specifically drug use and drug trafficking and rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation as various dimensions of penal culture. A review of the current literature of these four aspects of these living conditions and penal cultural indicators follows. Drug Use Behind Bars There is a consensus among criminal justice practitioners and researchers that drug trafficking and drug use a re widespread in correctional institutions throughout the United States (CASA, 2002; Inciardi, Lockwood, and Quinlan, 1993 ; Mumola, 1999; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005) Surveys suggest that somewhere between 50% and 75% of prisoners have used d rugs while incarcerated (Simpler and
51 Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005) Previous literature notes that ex prisoners reported using a variety of drugs while in prison. In order of frequency they are: cannabis, v alium, amphetamines, LSD, e cstasy, cocaine, and he roin (Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005) A ccording to The U.S. Department of Justice National Drug Intelligence Center (2007), prison gangs are responsible for the majority of drug trafficking within prisons. In addition, the control of the drug trade is oft en related to prison violence. The academic research in this area often speaks of inmate drug use as it relates to institutional prison violence (Bowker, 1980; Hawkins and Alpert, 1989). Inciardi Lockwood, and Quinlan (1993) conducted a compr ehensive study of Delaware inmates in 1992. They found that all of their respondents agreed that drugs were readily available in prison with marijuana, cocaine and alcohol being the most prevalent Similar results were reported in a national study (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1991). LSD, PCP, methamphetamines, the intravenous use of cocaine, and crack cocaine use were also reported though respondents said they used these drugs in smaller amounts than the other drugs (Inciardi et al., 1993). While no off icial estimates of the percentage of inmates involved in drug trafficking exist, a 2003 report by the Inspector General of the U.S. Department of Justice found illegal drugs in almost all 102 federal prison facilities. The majority of drugs were brought in to the prison institution by visitors and staff and through the mail T he trafficking of drugs was done between inmates and between co rrection officers and inmates. According to Inciardi et al. (1993), the price of prison dru gs is inflated compared to the going rate on the street. The
52 cost in prison for drugs is three to five times the cost of a comparable quantity of goods on the street (Inciardi et al., 1993). I nmates use drugs in their cells, in the yard or while on work detail. However, they usually conceal their drugs on their person (Inciardi et al., 1993). This is done because according to the inmates, cells are searched more thoroughly and frequently than inmate body searches which are rare Official information concerning the prevalence of drug use in prison institutions presen ts a somewhat complex picture. Unfortunately from a research perspective, there is no uniform procedure by which prison institutions conduct drugs screenings of inmates. Vigdal and Stadler (1989) report that in a random sa mple of 4,800 inmates in Wisconsin in 1984, 26.9% tested positive for drug use. Again, marijuana proved to be the most prevalent drug found. However, cocaine, opiates, amphetamines, barbiturates and benzodiazepines were also detected (Vigdal and Stadler, 1989) Other researchers have According to the latest available Bureau of Justice Statistics report (19 91) on state prison facilities 3.6% of the tests for cocaine, 1.3% for heroin, 2.0% for methamphetamines, and 6.3% for marijuana were positive In f ederal prisons, 0.4% of the tests for cocaine, 0.4% for heroin, 0.1% for methamphetamines, and 1.1% for marijuana were positive (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1991). While al l f ederal prison facilities conduct drug testing, not all state facilities do so (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1991). In 1991, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (1991)
53 reported that 83% of all state facilities co nducted drug tests of inmates. Some prison i nstitutions only conduct testing when drug use is suspected and some test only once during confinement (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1991). Therefore, it is not surprising that the inm study reported considerably more drug use than It becomes common knowledge when an official drug test is going to take place and in some institutions since the corrections officers are part of the drug trade they are likely to inform the inmates when the drug screening is going to happen (Inciardi et al., 1993). Regardless of state or federal reporting procedures, criminologists and substance abuse researchers consistently indicate that inmates experience a high level of s ubstance use and dependence (CASA, 2002; Inciardi, Lockwood and Quinlan, 1993; Mumola, 1999; Rounds Bryant and Baker, 2007 ; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005). In a 2007 study, Rounds Bryant and Baker found 72% of their sample of 752 inmates met the criteria for a high probab ility of substance dependence. Findings such as these indicate that while a high percentage of inmates are utilizing drugs behind bars some to the point of dependency this presents a potential custo dial issue for administrators. Most certainly the presence of drugs in prison presents issues for the inmate as a component of penal culture with which the inmate will inevitably come into contact Another component of prison life that inmates must contend with is the lack of heterosexu al contact which lack some believe can lead to rape behind bars
54 Rape Prevalence Rates Sex behind bars has always been a taboo topic and the dearth of research literature o \ i n this ar ea is reflective of this fact. Not only have there been very few res earch studies that have examined coercive sexual behavior in male prisons, but the few studies that have been conducted have reported great discrepancies in prevalence rates. Unfortunately, what remains clear after decades of research on this topic is that there is little consensus about exactly how many inmates experie nce coercive sexual contact. Researchers report rates of rape affecting anywhere between 0.3% and 22 % of the male inmate population ( Davis, 1982 ; Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005; Hens ley, Tewksbury, and Castle, 2003; Hensley, 2000 ; Lockwood, 1980 ; Nacci and Kane, 1983 ; Saum, Surratt, Inciardi, and Bennett, 1995; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Struckman Johnson, Struckman Johnson, Rucker, Bumby, and Donaldson, 1996; Wood en and Parker, 1982). Some criminologists have concluded that homosexual r ape in prison is rampant and epidemic ( Davis, 1982; Gilligan; 2000; Weiss and Friar, 1974) The most comprehensive recent study of this issue was conducted by the Bureau of Justice S tatistics (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006) In 2003 the President signed the Prison Rape Elimination Act (P.L. 108 79). As part of this legislature, the Bureau of Justice Statistics was required to develop and implement data collection procedures aimed at the gathering of information concerning the incidence and prevalence of sexual violence in correctional facilities (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006) The Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report, Sexual Violence Reported by Correctional Authoriti es
55 2005 found that allegations of sexual violence were 0.28% in 2005 up from 0.25% in 2004. Of these allegations of sexual violence, only 0.04% w as substantiated (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006) The rates reported by the Bureau are substantially lowe r than those reported by other researchers, even those at the low end of the continuum (Davis, 1982; Hensley, 2000; Lockwood, 1980; Nacci and Kane, 1983; Saum, Surratt, Inciardi and Bennett, 1995; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Struckman Jo hnson, Struckman Johnson, Rucker, Bumby and Donaldson, 1996; Wooden and Parker, 1982). The claim that rape in prisons is epidemic is not substantia ted by the empirical findings. Unfortunately due to the sensitive subject matter, gain ing accurate data is di fficult. One major problem i n conducting this t yp e of research is definitional. Depending upon the research study, the operationalization of sexual aggression, sexual assault , In ciardi and Bennett, 1995). Variations in definitions make it extremely difficult to draw comparisons between rese arch studies. Most of the research on this topic has been conducted using victimization surveys (Eigenberg and Baro, 2003) There have been tw o approache s to sampling this population: (1) R esearchers draw from a pool of inmates who have been identified by prison officials as victims (Wooden and Parker, 1982) or (2) R esearchers ch o ose a random sampling of inmates (Davis, 1968; Hensley, 2000; Nac ci and Kane 1983). There are proble ms with both sampling designs. All research in this area is difficult as sexual
56 assault vic tims are highly likely to underreport rape in general. Sexual assault reported to correctional officers is underreported due to fe ar of revenge or being labeled a snitch or a homosexual (Alarid, 2000; Saum, Surratt, Inciardi and Bennett, 1995; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000). Researchers have tried to combat this problem by conducting anonymous surveys or interviews, which allow for more complete disclosure. In these cases, inmates report higher rates of assault than those reported in studies that rely on official institutional data (Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Struckman Johnson, Rucker, Bumby and Donaldson, 1 996; Wooden and Parker, 1982). Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson (2000) found 7% of their sample of 1 788 inmates in seven m idwestern pri son facilities had been raped. Struckman Johnson et.al. (1996) conducted an anonymous survey and foun d that 12% of 486 men in the Nebraska state prison system in 1994 had been raped. Hensley, Koscheski and Tewskbury (2005) found that 8.5% of the inmates in a s outhern maximum security prison had been the vict im of an inmate sexual assault. However, caution should be used in interpreting these results as they are based on an 18% response rate (Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005) On the high end of the continuum, Wooden and Parker (1982) conducted an anonymous survey in a California prison and found 14% of their sample had been raped while incarcerated Given the host of methodological issues with this research, there is no clear cut answer as to exactly how many inmates experience unwant ed sexual contact behind bars. According to Saum, Surratt, Inciardi and Bennett (1995), the difficulties in discerning the prevalence rate of male rape behind
57 bars is due to methodological issues, definitions of assault, and the types of facilities studied. Predictors of Rape Some research has suggested that certain dem ographic variables predict o likelihood of victimization behind bars. Being white, physically small homosexual or victimization (Dumond, 2000; Dumond, 2003; Lockwood, 1980; Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005; Human Rights Watch, 2001; Nacci and Kane, 1983; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Weiss and Friar, 1 974; Wooden and Parker, 1982). S ome criminologists have also identified the following factors t hat increase the likelihood of victimization: ( 1) mental illness and/ or development disabilities; ( 2) a middle cla ss background and a lack of street wisdom; (3) a lack of gang affiliation; ( 4) conviction for sexual crimes; ( 5) being a snitch and violating the inmate code of silence; ( 6) being disliked by staff and/ or other inmates ; and ( 7) having a previous history of sexual assault (Dumond, 2000; Dumond, 20 03; Human Rights Watch, 2001). Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson (2000) also found that barrack type housing, inadequate security, a large prison population and a high proportion of violent offenders in the facility were all contributing factors. One theme that has clearly emerged from the literature is the racially biased nature of sex ual victimiz ation behind bars. Interestingly, the majority of victims of rape behind bars are white (Davis, 1970; Knowles, 1999; Lockwood, 1980; Human Rights
58 Watch, 2001). Lockwood (1980) found that 83% of the victims in his study were white while 80% o f the perpetrat ors were black. Human Rights Watch (2001) has stated that not much has changed in recent decades, indicating that white inmates are disproportionately ta rgeted for abuse and that black on white abuse is the most common form (Human Rights Watch, 2001). Stru ckman Johnson and Struckma n Johns on (2000) found similar results: 60% of the victims in their sample were white and 74% of the perpetrators were black. Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury (2005), in their study of ma le sexual assault targets in a s outhern m aximun security prison found 73% of the victims in their sample were white and 75% of the perpetrators were black. However, the variable of race was called into question in a case study conducted by Chonco (1989), wherein he found [t he] chances of a weak inmate black or white being victimized are very high when he is young and attractive, a first offender, a first imprisonment offender, belongs to no gangster groups, or is fright ened and greedy. (p. 78) Therefore, he concluded, that it was actually the ch aracteristics thought to be associated with weaknesses rather than race that were predictors of victimization. While rape behind bars is not a frequent occurrence, research has shown that fear of sexual assault is a defining characteri stic of the prison experience. Pe rhaps Smith and Batiuk (1989 ) said it best when they stated: the threat of sexual violence actually dominates the prison environment and structures much of the everyday interacti on that goes on among inmates. In fact,
59 the threat of sexual vi ctimization becomes the dominant metaphor in terms of which almost every oth is interpreted. ( p. 30) This body of literature contends that perception and fear of sexual assaults are more relevant than actual rates of sexual vic timization (Chonco, 1989; Jones and Schmidt, 1989; Smith and Batiuk, 1989; Tewksbur y, 1989). T he fear of sexual assault occurs in a prison environment wherein the inmate feels powerless due to a loss of independence. W hen the inmate arrives in the prison facility, the inmate is faced with an immediate loss of liberty and restriction s on movement that promote a loss of autonomy The prisoner is now subject to a large body of rules and regulations that are designed with custody in mind (Sykes, 1958; Welch, 2 004). Inmates often express this loss of autonomy through the use of violence within the facility. Violen ce To be sure, violence behind bars is a significant issue, but it is not endemic as the public seems to believe (DeLisi, 2003). Although h omicides a nd rape s are relatively rare events prisons are nonetheless dangerous places (DeLisi, 2003). The controlled custodial prison environment does not stop certain inmates from com mitting violent acts. DeLisi (2003) found the following rates of offending per 1 00,000 in a sample of in mates in the southwest ern US: murder 11.1 ; male male rape 14.8; aggravated assault 537.1; arson 107.4; and theft 1 ,155.6. In the general population, the rates for s imilar offenses are: murder 5.7 (48.7% less); aggravated assau lt 287.5 (46.5% less); arson 26.8 (75.1% less); and theft 2 206.8 (91% higher) (Federal B ureau of Investigation, 2007).
60 Arguably the most severe of all violent o ffenses in prison is homicide. However, despite the fact that homicide occurs more often in prison than on the outside, homicide is still a relatively rare e vent. For example, a homicide rate of 11.1 per 100,000 means that homicides affect 0.0111 per cent of the inmate population. According to the most recent Census of State and Federal C orrection al Facilities, 51 homicides occurred in the year 2000 among inmates in a ll state and federal facilities. This number was down from a reported 82 in 1995 (Stephan and Karberg, 2003). Given the population that resides in prison, and considering that for the same years there were 1.3 million and 1 million inmates in state and federal facilities respectively, homicide is a relatively rare event in prison despite the fact that it is twice as likely to occur inside as compared to outside of the prison environment (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 200 7 ) Additional evidence also suggests that not only is homicide a rare event within prisons but also that it is on the decline in recent years. The Bureau of Justice Statistics s Special Report on Suicide and Homicide in State Prisons and Local Jails reported a dramatic declining trend in homicide deaths among state inmates from 54 per 100, 00 0 inmates in 1980 to 8 per 100, 00 0 inmates in 1990 to 4 per 100, 000 inmates in 2002 ( Mumola 2005). These official figures, it should be noted, are significantly lower than those noted by DeLisi, where rates of violence and homicide tend to be hig her than the national average. DeLisi also discovered that c ertain serious offenses a re quite common These include rioting, aggravated and simple assault, weapons possession, drug possession and
61 trafficking, and thr eatening the correctional staff For example, official reports found that for every 1 000 inmates in a state or federal corr ectional institution in 2000, 28 reported being physically assaulted by another inmat e (Stephan and Karberg, 2003). Moreover, several less serious offenses occur with frequency as well, such as disobeying officers, bein g in unauthorized areas, refusing to work, stealing and possessing contraband Predictors of Violence Researchers have found that violence is not universal across typ es of correctional facilities. In a comprehensiv e study of 13 adult male prisons and one female prison in a single mid Atlantic state, Wolff, Blitz, Shi, Siegel and Bachman (2007) found variances in the degree of inmate violence and weapon usage based on the size of the correctional facility. Inmate on inmate violence was more likely to occur in smaller facilities; however, inmates in smaller facilities experienced less staff on inmate violence (Wolff et al., 2007). In larger facil ities, the opposite was found. V iolent incidences in larger facilities wer e more likely to involve the use of a weapon (Wolff et al., 2007). S everal demographic correlates have been linked to violent misconduct in prison. Researchers have found that age is a significant predictive factor in violent misconduct incidences with younger inmates disproportionately responsible for the majority of events (Delisi, 2003; Flanagan, 1980, 1983; Goetting and Howsen, 1986; Ireland, 2000; Light, 1991; S imon, 1993; Wooldredge, 1991). There is also evidence of racial and ethnic d ifferences in prison violence. The majority of correctional literature suggests that racial
62 and ethnic minorities account for a disproportionate amount of prison infractions and violent misconduct (Craddock, 1996; Delisi, 2003; Flanagan, 1983; Goetting and Howsen, 1986 ; Harer and Steffenmeier, 1996; Poole and Regoli, 1980, 1983; Wooldrege, 1991). However, these results should be examined closely as these disparities could possibly represent bias ed reactions in rule enforcement or charging inmates linked to correctional office r discretion (DeLisi, 2003). Research ha s found that gang or a security threat group affiliation is linked to a greater number of violent misconduct incidences when compared to inmates who are not align ed with a gang (DeLisi, 2003). MacDonald (1999) found that inmates who were previously associated with a gang were 30% more likely to engage in acts of violent miscond uct than unaffiliated inmates. The next section discuss es the extant literature on gang affiliation in prisons. Gang Affiliation Forced c onfinement with other dangerous criminals leads to the deprivat ion of security. Due to their incarcerated state, the individual inmate maintains close contact with other inmates who often express vio lent and aggressive behaviors. The fear of ag gressive att acks can be anxiety provoking for the inmate (Sykes, 1958) Inmates have responded to the threat of victimization by aligning themselves with gangs either because they were a gang member prior to coming to prison or after incarceration (Pollock, 2004) Inm ate gangs have become a pervasive issue for correctional institutions ( American Correctional Association, 1993; Camp and Camp, 1985; Gaes, Wallace,
63 Gilman, Klein Saffran, and Suppa, 2002; Knox, 2005; Zaitzow and Houston, 1999). Prison gangs are establishe d criminal entities wit h an organized chain of command an d an established code of conduct that are governed by inmates (DeLisi, Berg and Hochstetler, 2004). Also termed a security threat group (S TG ), most jurisdictions define the prison gang as a group of three or more individuals who engage in disruptive behavior that represents a security risk (Knox, 2005) The gang density level of the prison gang problem across the United States is estimated to be 16.7% (Knox, 2005) Thus, almost 17% of all prison inma tes in the US are gang members and this percentage represents in the official definition of security threat groups, the threshold l evel for a severe gang problem (Knox, 2005) Some inmates come into prison institutions as members of gangs while others b ecome affiliated with gangs only after incarceration (Griffin and Hepburn, 2006 ; Knox, 2005) In a recent study, Knox (2005) found that approximately one fourth of newly arriving male inmates in prison institutions in the US were gang members prior to inca rceration, while study acknowledged that inmates are recruited into gangs after being incarcerated when they were not affiliated with an outside gang. Knox states that o ne out of every 10 prison inmates first joins a gang in prison (Knox, 2005) Moreover, most of the prison gangs that exist today also exist outside the prison in the form of street gangs (Knox, 2005) Therefore, gangs are a prevalent part of the modern prison and 63.6% of t he inmates
64 (p. 65). Prison gangs are aligned along racial, ethnic and geographic lines. While prison gangs vary depending upon state, there is some general consensus about the most prevalent gangs within the U.S. prison system considered as a whole Knox (2005) identified 71 prison gangs throughout the U S. T he top 10 prison gangs all of which are also street gangs, are: the Crips Gangster Di sciples Bloods Latin Kings Vice Lords Aryan Brotherhood Folks White Supremacists Surenos and Five Percenters (s ee Appendix A Table A1 fo r a description of each gang). All of these gang are particularly in, blood ritual wherein a recruit must kill to become a member and can only l eave the gang by being killed. The handling of gangs and the issues associated with them in prison institutions is a major iss ue for correctional officials. Research has found that compare d to non gang members, gang members are most likely to commit serious disciplinary violations, including acts of murder, rape, assault on correctional staff members and the use of weapons (DeLisi, 2003; Fleisher and Decker, 2001; Fong and Vogel, 1995; Gae s et al., 2002; Huff and Meyer, 1997; Knox, 2005; MacDonald, 1999; Maghan, 1999; Ralph and Marquart, 1992). For example, i n a survey of prison officials from 33 states, Camp and Camp (1985) found that while gang members made up only 3% of the prison popula tion, they accounted for more than 50% of institutional violence. A nother more recent study found that 31.5% of all inmate assaults involved gang members (Knox, 2005) In
65 addition, 20.4% of the 49 correctional facilities surveyed by Knox report ed a proble m with gang member assault on staff members and more than one third of the facilities reported that gang members threats on the staff are a problem (Knox, 2005) In the same study, Knox (2005) reports gang members accounted for 20.6% of all management pro blems within correctional facilities in the US an d 26.3% of all inmate violence. A 1997 survey of North Carolina prison inmates found that 87% of the respondents strongly agreed or agreed that gangs frequently sexually assault inmates (Stevens, 1997) Gang s are a pivotal feature of prison life and as such they control several different facets of the daily operation of the correctional facility. Gang affiliation serves as a means of social support, a security measure and a way to access contraband such as d rugs within the facility (Griffin and Hepburn, 2006; Kalnich and Stojkovic, 1985). Drug trafficking, protection, gambling and extortion are the most common industries that prison gangs control (Cox, 198 6; Knox, 2005, Stevens, 1997). Loan sharking is also dominated by prison gangs (Knox, 2005). Recent resea rch has shown that traditional rackets are increasing ly control led by prison gangs (Knox, 2005). F or example, Knox found that 56.7% of the food trade, 45.1% of the sex trade and 40.2% of the clothing tra de was run by prison gangs Recent estimates indicate that there are increasing numbers of gang affiliated inmates. Therefore, it would be reasonable to might expect the number of violent incidences associated with these inmates to increase as well (Griffi n and Hepburn, 2006; Knox, 2005).
66 Conclusion The United States has experienced an exponential growth in the number of individua ls who are housed behind bars. There are now approximately 2.3 million prison and jail inmates in America ( Bureau of Justice St atistics, 2007) To adequately address this growth one must assess the situation at both the macro and the micro level. The micro level operations of the penal institution as represented by the daily life of the inmate is an essential line of inquiry as it serves to enlighten the systematic understanding of the function of the correctional institution in th e social structure of society. As there is no evidence that this incarceration trend is waning, this micro level analysis becomes even more appropriate and necessary as more and more individuals become inmates over time. Through the daily life of inmates the inmate cultu re becomes refined and defined. Examinations of penal culture have found that there are noteworthy issues that all inmates experience as par t of their shared penal culture. The current study addressed four interrelated conditions of confinement or aspects of penal culture s pecifically, drug use and drug trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation. In this section, t he recent correctional literature was summarized. Drug use behind bars is a prevalent phenomenon in the modern prison (CASA, 2002; Inciardi, Lockwood and Quinlan, 1993; Mumola, 1999; Rounds Bryant and Baker, 2007 ; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005 ). Recent research suggests that between 50% and 75% of all prisoners have used drugs while they have been incarcerated
67 (Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005) The most frequently reported drug of choice behind bars was marijuana (Bureau of Justice Sta tistics, 1991; Inciardi et al., 1993; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005). Another aspect of penal culture that inmates experience is rape and sexual assault Researchers have reported that between 1 % and 22 % of the prison population has experienced coerci ve sexual assault. This wide range of rates is a product of methodological variation, variation in the definitions of sexual assault and differences in th e types of facilities studied. Despite this broad range in prevalence rates what can be glean ed from these lines of inquiry is that fear of sexual assault dominates the everyday interactions of the inmate in the prison setting. P risons are relatively violent places. It has been found that younger inmat es and racial and ethnic minorities have been reported as more likely to be involved in violent misconduct incidents while incarcerated (Craddock, 1996; Delisi, 2003; Flanagan, 1983; Goetting and Howsen, 1986; Harer and Steffenmeier, 1996; Poole and Regoli, 1980, 1983; Wooldrege, 1991). Most violent events behind bars are inmate on inmate assaults ; homicides are rare events. Inmate on inmate violence is more likely to occur in smaller facilit ies and these events are less likely to involve a weapon. Approximately 17% of all prison inmat es in the US a re gang members. T he recent increases in gang affiliation have greatly affec ted the daily life of inmates. I nmates affiliated with gangs are more likely to be involved with violent incidents behind bars com pared to unaffiliated inmates. Most of the top 10 prison gangs that exist today also
68 exist outside the prison in the form of street gangs (Knox, 2005) These gangs contribute significantly to penal culture because they control drug trafficking, protection, gambling, extortion, loan sharking, the food trad e, the sex trade and the clothing trade behind bars. Chapter Four will present information pertaining to the presentation of everyday life of inmates by the entertainment industry by examining the extant literature on the presentation of prisons o n film.
69 Chapter Four : The Constructed View: Prison Films Introduction There is a dearth of academic literature t hat has explored prison films. However, what little research that has been done provides a foundation for the current study (Cheatwood, 1998; Crowther, 1989; Brown, 2003; Eigenberg and Baro, 2003 ; Gonthier, 2006; Leitch, 2002; Mason, 1998a, 1998b, 2003; Nellis 198 2 Rafter 2006; Wilson 1993, 2003; In general, the extant literature explores th e definition of a prison film, which is commonly accepted as a film consequences as a primary theme Chapter Four will discuss the largest and most inclusive pri son film study conducted by Rafter (2006) explore the issue of authenticity in prison films and discuss t he current research study. Shots in the Mirror The largest and most comprehensive study of prison films is presented in the book, Shots in t he Mirror: Crime Films and Society by Nicole Rafter (2006). In this book Rafter (2006), discusses 61 prison and execution films as part of a larger exploration of 458 crime films. Rafter utilizes the Internet Movie Database (IMBD) to calculate the total
70 nu mber of crime films that we re cataloged by this database. She eliminated some categories o f films from her final analysis, includ i ng courtroom films that focus on civil cases, historical films, westerns, war movies, science fiction and made for television films. After eliminating these broad genres, she developed four criteria to choose the final sample. Each film was chosen based on : (1) its critical reputation and audience appeal, (2) the degree of significance it placed on the relationship between crime and society (3) and (4) useful points of entry constructions of human value on the basis of gende r, ethnicity, ra (Rafter, 2006, p. 8). Rafter argues that one of the primary attractions of prison films to viewing audiences is that they offer viewers a way to escape the miseries of daily life (Rafter, 2006). Compared to the drudgeries of everyday life, prison life and the hardships inmates f ace seems substantially worse. Rafter claims that all priso n films can be examined in terms of stock characters, plots and themes. The stock characters portrayed in the prison film include convict buddies, a paternalistic warden, a cruel assistant warden or guard, a craven snitch, a bloodthirsty convict, and the young hero, who is either absolutely innocent or at most guilty of a minor offense that does not warrant prison (Rafter, 2006, p. 164)
71 The goal of the prison film is to enable the viewer to ide ntify with the lead character. While the majority of the formu laic characters have remained constant over time, the character of the warden has changed from a paternalistic figure to a cruel bully. Plot and Theme Similarly, stock plots can a lso characterize prison films. Rafter found that prison films are traditiona lly focused around one major incident suc h as a riot or escape attempt. A majority of the film footage prior to the event is spent planning this incident. The overarching stock theme in all of the prison movies is that good will triumph over evil a nd that order will be restored. There is evidence that these stock plots are manifest in prison films across generations. Rafter (2006) discusses several themes that prison films embody : ( 1) rebellion against justice; ( 2) control and oppression; and (3) appearance versus reality. The se themes are described in detail below. Rebellion Inmates are often forced to rebel against injustice The injustice to which the inmates react is the result of an inm In other cases, the injustice stems from being punished through the use of incarceration as well as the actions of brutal convicts and s adistic correctional officers. To provide a remedy for injustice, i nmates are often depicted as taking over the prison to restore justice In other cases a n outside force may be necessary to come to their aid.
72 Control. A second stock theme is control. The prison institution is seen as a metaphor for the governm ent, also known as the man the ultimate oppressor. The prison becomes the battleground for the struggle of control These st ruggles may occur among inmates or between the inmates and the guards as the instruments of the state. Appearance versus r ea lity. T he third theme that Rafter discusses is the difference be tween appearances and reality. Prison m ovies are full of characters who appear to be enemies but who are a ctually friends or vice versa. Role reversal is used quite frequently in the prison film genre. Prison films thus highlight the tension between appearances and reality. Rafter also disc usses why the genre of the prison film has survived over the years despite its formulaic nature. First, t he prison movie allows the viewing public the opportunity to identif y with the heroes in the film. The central character is often an innocent man who h as been wrongfully accused of a crime. The viewing audience is then taken on a journey as the hero deals with the trials and tribulations of inmate life. A second theme that allows for the prison film endurance across time is it allows the viewing audi (Rafter, 2006 ). This theme of the perfect friendship is seen in the prison movie perhaps due to the many hardships that i nmates have to face and the effect that facing these hardships has o n the development of friendship ties between inmates. These friendship ties may include portray a ls of fantasies of sex and rebellion that help to s ustain that
73 prison film genre. She states that male prison films often have a homoerotic subtext. Rafter only offers a cursory exploration of the male/male relationship seen in all prison films as touching on the issue of plat onic and sexual relationships. Unfortunately, what is t. Finally, Rafter (2006) that aids in its ability to sustain popularity. The priso n film is one of the only genre s that allows the viewers an inside look at a world that is still shrouded in mystery. According to Rafter, almost half of the prison films claim that they are fictionalized accounts of an actual event or are based upon a true story. These claims of authenticity add to the influence that these films have concerning the development o f perceptions of prison life by the viewing public and thus serve as powerful mechanisms for constructing public perceptions of n ot only prison life and culture but also of criminals as well Prison movies in effect have become powerful teaching tools th at demonstrate what it is like to live in prison. Thus, the question this observer D o these prison films present an accurate representation of prison life? Is the pub lic receiving an accurate message? Is this mes sage reflective of the reality of prison life? Or is prison life made to appear in a different light? Also if prison films offer an image of prison life and prison inmates that is different from what is known about prison life from scholarly research and even inm ate accounts wh y are s uch appearances created?
74 Prison Films and Authenticity It has long been established that the media industry affects what individuals view a s important issues and the context in which individuals view these issues. F or these reasons it is important to ex amine whether the images presented in prison films are accurate prese ntations of prison life. There has been very little research that has examined th e accuracy of the prison film. Raft er (2006) claims that approximately 50% of all prison films are based o n a true story or are a fictionali zed account of an actu al event. From this summary, one could conclude that the majority of prison films will tend not to reflect actual prison life and culture but to suggest some media influenced version of prison life an d culture. In an effort to determine the authenticity of prison films, Nellis and Hale (1982) examined the extent to which prison films employed or relied upon people who had insider knowledge of the penal system. They co ncluded that early prison films made in the 1920s and 1930s u t ilized wardens as consultants. I n addition in this era, wardens also s erved as a source for screenplay ideas and even appeared in the films (Nellis and Hale 1982). In addition, Nellis and Hale state d that some prison films ha ve been based on books written by people who have actually been inmates in a correctional institution and thus base their claim to authenticity and reality on the personal experience of inmates. Whatever the origins of the prison film, Rafter concluded th at when translated into film the original work is dramatically transformed reduc ing its claim to authenticity. Nellis and Hale (1982) concur when t he y state that prison films are uninformative about prison
75 life. the problems of authenticity stem from informal censorship and regulation, commercial pressures and popular tastes and p. 478). Other criminologists have cho sen to address whether or not prison films are theoretically reflective of the perio d in which they were released. These studies ha ve addressed whether representations of prisons have changed over time (Cheatwood, 1989; Cheatw ood (19 89 ) conducted a study of 56 prison films released between 1929 and 1995. He found that prison films were reflective of the correctional ideals prevalent d uring the era of their release. He classified the films into the following correctional eras: D epress ion Era (1929 1942), Rehabilitation Era (1943 1 962), Confinement Era (1963 1980), and Administrative Era (19 81 Present) (Cheatwood, 1989). Crowther (1989) agrees about the problems of authenticity of the prison film genre, specifically prison films t hat claim to be based on true stories: It is justifiable to paint a true story with a layer of fictionalization in order to improve its dramatic structure, but there is no excuse for the frequent appearance of movies so changed from reality as to make one wonder why they pretend to be true stories unless, perish the thought, the makers of the movies concerned were motivated by just plain greed. (p. 4)
76 The Current Study Based upon the above literature review, it is clear that very few broad studies of pr i son films have been conducted. At the same time, general, the types of people who are or should be incarcerated and prison conditions that should be tolerated become evident through the treatment of criminal characte rs in film, (Munro Bjorklund, 1992, pp. 56 57). In effect, this observation implies that k nowledge of prison life is gained through exposure to media representations including prisons films and perhaps with respect to prison life especially prison film s Moreover, p rison film depictions are particularly important areas to research as film is the dominant form of media used to portray prison life (Bennett, 2006). Thus, by study ing prison films, researchers are able to assess the type of information about prison life and culture to which the public is being exposed. Penal Culture Themes in the Current Study The themes presented in prison films can be numerous, and extracting all themes from prison films would be difficult and would invo lve a length resear ch process. To restrict the focus of this research to an achievable outcome, this research study focused on the representations of four themes in prison movies: ( 1) rape and sexual assault; ( 2) drug use and drug trafficking; ( 3) violence; and ( 4) gang affi liation s. There has been only one study to date that has examined the portrayal of sexual assault in prison fil ms (Eigenberg and Baro, 2003). Eigenberg and Baro utilized a deconstructionist approach to analyze a sample of 15 male prison films for incide nts
77 and/or references to rape. Their sample was chosen based on the circulation rate of t he films within that past 30 years. They included one television program in their study, the HBO miniseries OZ According to the endnotes included in the study, the first season of OZ was included because it had just been released onto video and was widely available meaning that the series the mate Eigenberg and Baro limite d their sample to drama and action films thus eliminating comedies, musicals and futuristic films. Unfort unately, the Eigenberg and Baro study does not outline the methodology employed in thei r analysis. The inability to examine the methodology makes it nearly impossible to replicate this study or even to hold a lot of stock in th e findings that are presented. While the efforts of Eigenberg and Baro should be commended for embarking on an exploratory study, a much more methodologically rigorous study is needed. The present study build s upon the work of Eigenberg and Baro by expanding the sample of films, utilizing a methodological design which utilizes the film as the unit of analysis, and adhere s to strict definitional guidelines which allow the gathere d data to b e compared to extant research. The current study add s to the current literature in the fields of criminology, penology and media studies. Chapter 5 will present specific details concerning the research design and methodology for the study.
78 Chapter Five : Methodology Research Objective The primary object ives of this study are twofold : ( 1) to examine the nature of media coverage, specifically by the film industry, of drug use, sexual assault, violence, and gang affiliation in adult male p rison institutions in the United States ; and ( 2) to determine if this media coverage is similar to official reporting and extant research on t hese aspects of penal culture. The pu rpose of the study is to gain insight into the presentation and depiction of penal culture in adult male prison institutions in 11 purpos ively selected recent motion pictures utilizing content analysis. Sampl ing The majority of the previous studies on prison films have been limited to a few films over a relativel y short period or w ith reference to specific national events ( Cheatwood [ 1998 ] being a known exception) As a result of these research li mitations in existing studies, few solid inferences can be made about penal culture as expressed in films. Sampling issues, as noted, hav e tended to limit the usefulness of prior studies of prison films. To address this problem a non probability sampling procedure dependent
79 on indentifying the universe of prison film s within a particular period and excluding movies that failed to meet spec ific criteria described more completely below was employed. The period restriction was employed based upon prior research that has illustrated that prison film theme s tend to reflect era specific issues (Cheatwood, 1998). For the purposes of the present s tudy, the era selected for study began in 19 79 and continued through 2001. The films selected for study were previously identif ied by the prison filmography. The filmography is described more completely in the next section. Sampling P rocedure The filmo graphy database gathered by The Prison Film Project (2006) was utilized to determine which motion pictures comprised the universe of prison films from which the sam ple was to be selected. The Prison Film Project is a publicly available database maintained by David Wilson and Sean O'Sullivan, two of the leading e xperts in this area of research and serves as the sample frame. One of the goals of The Prison Film Project is to promote the analysis of prison film s by establishing a film based database list t hat is consistent with respect to the definition of w hat constitutes a prison film. Researchers often fail to agree upon t he definition of a prison film and have in the past tended to employ diffe rent definitions of this term. The Prison Film Project datab ase has its own inc lusion and exclusion criteria. The database lists a wide range of films which deal, in whole or in part, with the imprisonment of adults or juveniles in civilian or military prisons. The filmography excludes
80 prisoner of war movies, but includes military detention. Death penalty films are included in the fil mography as a sub (The Prison Film Project, 2006 http://www.theprisonfilmproject.com/filmographies.php. ). The focus of the current study is the cellul oid representation of contemporary adult male prison culture in the United States Given th is focus on American c ulture, o nly films produced in the United States w ere retained in the sampling frame Additionally, the current research concentrates on the ic onography of adult male prisons Therefore, sev eral sub genres of prison films identified within The Prison Film Project database were excluded. The sub genres included male juvenile, women in prison, death penalty, escaped and released, musical, documentary sci fi and c omedy A benefit of utilizing The Prison Film Project database was the ability to search and limit the list of films to be included within the final sample The advanced search feature provided by The Prison Film Project was a useful tool fo r constructing the sampling frame for the current study Using th is advanced sear ch feature, the researcher could limit the search by genre = adult male and country = US There were several pragmatic reasons for the limitations being placed on the search of the database. The primary issue is conceptual in nature in that the concern with prisons in America has been widely discussed as an important social issue ( see chapter 1 for this discussion). Additionally, w hile there are quite a few films concerned wi th women behind bars, these films mainly take the form of sexploitation and are rarely major film productions and are (Cheatwood, 1998;
81 Rafter, 2006) Furthermore there are so few films that concentrate on other correctiona l areas such as probation, parole and boot camp s that these films cannot necessarily be considered a genre unto themselves (Cheatwood, 1998) While other areas of concentration are legitimate and deserving of analysis, they are beyond the scope of the pre sent study and were therefore excluded Exclusion C riteria. Considering these sampling limitations, a preliminary advanced search of The Prison Film Project filmography database generated a list of 57 movies produced from 1955 to 2005 in the United State s with adult male prisons as their central defining topic (s ee Appendix B Table B1 ) However, f or the current study, other exclusionary criteria were also utilized ( s ee Table 1 ) A discussion of each of the exclusion criteria as well as a rationale for their elimination follows. Table 1 Sample Exclusion Criteria Criteria : 1. Not a film production (a made for television movie or miniseries) 2. Does not fit the definition of a prison film 3. Does not depict an American prison 4. Miscellaneous (does not depict a prison institution, is a comedy the setting is a prison but the movie is not about penal culture)
82 Only major film productions form ed the final sample excluding made for television movies and miniseries This criterion was selected because the majority of presentations of prison life take place in the motion picture format (Bennett, 2006; Cheatwood, 1998; Freeman, 1998; Root, 1982) In addition, television movies and miniseries are produced with differe nt considerations of audience, ratings system s dur ation, financial backing and artistic production qualities T elevision movies and miniseries also may not be as readily available for analysis as film productions (i.e., may not be available in a legally attainable, public access format). From the origina l list of 57 films, e ight films were excluded based on this criteri on (s ee Appendix B Table B2 ), leaving 49 films. Combinations of sources such as the Internet Movie Database (IMDB) as well as additional online reviews were employed to exclude these movie s. IMDB is the largest, most comprehensive, well known, and publicly available database of motion pictures available at this time (IMBD.com, 2009). O ne of the most salient of issues that needed to be addressed with respect to the sample was the definit ion of a prison film Even (2006) admit that The Prison Film Project 2006, http://www.thepriso nfilmproject.com/filmographies.php ). The lack of a precise definition of prison film becomes problematic when one begins to review the list of prison films contained in The Prison Film Project database The definition of a prison film for the current stud y is a s follows: ( 1) a motion picture film in which ( 2) a major portion of the action take s place in an adult male prison institution and ( 3) portray s the
83 daily life of inmates and includes in teraction between the inmates. Ten films were eliminated from th e sample of 49 films due to their lack of representation of penal culture, leaving 39 films in the sample (see Appendix B, Table B3 for a list of excluded films due to lack of representation of penal culture). For example, while the movie the 25th Hour is this film was excluded from the current study because it failed to meet the second element of the definition of a prison film used in the study ; a prison is n ever depicted in the ent ire 135 minute s of this movie. This movie chronicles the last hours before the main character, Monty Brogan begins to serve a seven year pri son sentence for drug dealing. Moreover, while the advanced search feature of The Prison Film Project filmography was utilized to limit the original sample to films produced in the United States, the current study is additionally concerned with films produced in the United States that depict American prisons. Therefore, any movie that depicts a prison outside of the U nited States was also el iminated from the final sample. Six films were exc luded based on this criterion (s ee Appendix B Table B4 for these titles ) reduci ng the sample size to 33 films. Finally, some films on the original list were excluded for other rele vant reasons. These reasons included the portrayal of juvenile detainees, an escape film, a film based on the concept of a prison plane, a boot camp film a movie set in Alcatraz but not about prison, a Marine Corp s prison film and several comedies (s ee A ppendix B Table B5 for these titles). These various crite ria did not fit with the basic premise of the research study
84 which is to examine the representations of inmate culture within adult male prison institution s in the United States within major motion picture film productions For a complete list of film tables see Appendix B Table B1 through Table B5 T he final sample for the present study consist s of 11 films These films represent all films that fit the definition of a prison film used in this stud y that were relea sed between 1979 through 2001. While the prison filmography is limited to film production ending in 2005, 2001 contained the last film that fits within the criteria of the study. The year 1979 is the lower limiter of the dataset and was se lected based on the premise that films produced later than 1979 are significantly different than those produced prior to 1979 Film is a historical byproduct of the generation in which it is produced (Cheatwood, 1998) This is most evident in the blaxploit ation films of the 197 0s and the film noir of 1960s. While these are significant issues that should not be ignored they are not the topi c of this particular research. The final sample (N = 11) is exhaustive and time bound as it represents all of the known major motion pictures produced w ith male prison institutions as a setting that met the selection criteria between 19 79 and 200 1 and thus constitutes a sample population The final sample of 11 films span s 22 year s. T he sample consist s of all known prison films in this genre during this period and therefore, the results are not generalizable with respect to other historical time periods. However, these 11 movies represent the most recent major motion picture films that take place in an adult male priso n th at Hollywood has produced. Thus, it can be reasonably argued that members of the public viewing
85 audience who watched prison films during the period from 19 7 9 to 200 1 were likely to have seen at least one of the movies within this sample The objective of t he research study is to examine and understand the cultural images and messages presented to the public th rough the motion picture format; therefore, in this vein, evalua tion of recent major films that have a relatively large viewing audience are examined. The benefit of this theoretical sampling allows this research er to address how Am erican films produced from 2001 to 1979 frames U S adult male prison culture (Ferr ell, Hayward, and Young, 2008). While the sample size is relatively small, these results ar e u nique in that they represent an er a in prison cinematic history. Table 2 Film Sample 1979 2001 Title Year Director Star Rating D own Time 2001 Sean Wilson James Cotton R Animal Factory 2000 Steve Buscemi Willem Dafoe R Lockdown 2000 John Luessenhop Richard T. Jones R Unshackled 2000 Bart Patton Burgess Jenkins PG 13
86 Table 2 (continued) Film Sample 1979 2001 Title Year Director Star Rating American Me 1992 Edward James Olmos Edward James Olmos R Death Warrant 1990 Deram Sarafian Jean Claude van Damme R An Innocent Man 1989 Peter Yates Tom Selleck R Lock Up 1989 John Flyn Sly Stallone R Brubaker 1980 Stuart Rosenberg Robert Redford R Escape from Alcatraz 1979 Don Siegel Clint Eastwood PG Penitentiary 1979 Jamaa Fanaka Leon Issac Kennedy NR Research Questions To aid in the investigation of the issues described above multiple research questions will be addressed There are a total of 12 research questions in four substantive integrative areas of inquiry that have been identified as facets of penal culture for the purposes of this study. These are described below. In each area, a set of questions that identifies the qualitative data collected from each film is identified.
87 Drug Use and Drug Trafficking Behind Bars Q1: What is the frequency of drug use and drug trafficking presented in prison films? Q2: What is the nature of the drug use and drug trafficking presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which drug use and drug trafficking is portrayed within the film? Q3: Is the portrayal of drug use and drug trafficking depicted in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in extant correctional literature? Rape and Sexual Assault Q4: What is the frequency of rape and sexual assault presented in prison films? Q5: What is the nature of the rape and sexual assault presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which sexual assault is portrayed within the film? Q6: Is the portrayal of rape and sexual assault depicted in motion picture similar to the portrayal presented in extant correctional literature ? Violen ce Q7: What is the frequency of violen ce presented in prison films? Q8: What is the nature of the violen ce presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which violen ce is portrayed within the film? Q9: Is the portrayal of violen ce depicted in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in extant correctional literature ?
88 Gang Affiliation Q10: What is the f requency of gang affiliation presented in prison films? Q11: What is the nature of the gang affiliat ion presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which gang affiliation is portrayed within the film? Q12: Is the portra yal of gang affiliation depicted in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in extant correctional literature ? Data Collection Primary data consist s of descriptions of the variables described above extracted by viewing the 11 videotaped motion picture films in which the majority of the action takes place in adult male prison institutions from 1979 2001 designated above These videotaped films provide both visual images and verbal text. Data Analysis All research questions are ana lyzed with the use of content analysis. G enerally speaking cont ent analysis is a method used to determine the presence of words or concepts within a text or a series of texts (Krippendorf, 2004) Content analysis can be (Dowler, 2004 p. 577 ) The focus of the current study is t he presentation of a visual form of communication that is, film. This research focuses primarily on quantitative content analyse s that utilize the counting of s pecific manifest content ( drug use, sexual violence, violent misconduct, and
89 gang affiliation) and classifying latent co ding into distinct categories. Manifest coding is the coding of visible or surface content. This process is based upon the coding of subject matter by predetermined and precisely defined definitional characteristics. However, part of the study analysis utilizes qualitativ e content analysis techniques. Latent coding seeks to determine the underlying meaning or the cont ext of the communi cation. Reaching beyond a basic quantification of whether specific themes exist in prison movies, this study utilize s the latent coding technique to explore the in depth content of the actual incidences within the film. For example, this study does not si mply report whether or not a prison rape occurs in a particular film but give s insig ht into the specific incident. This approach allows for additional interpretation about the presentation of prison life on film and the cultural meanings conveyed by these representations One of the methodological issues encountered in this research was constructing useful comparison measures for drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation for prison films and the c orrectional literatu re. Prison films depict a limited portion of prison life making direct comparisons between film and correctional literature difficult. For example, prison rape and sexual assault data are based on the percentage of victimized inmate s. Within prison film d epictions the size of the inmate population is unknown. One could measure the number of main c haracters victimized or the time devoted to rape and sexual assault scenes that take place within prison. However, neither measure is directly comparable to exis ting data on the prevalence of rape and sexual assault in prison. Therefore, the comparisons between
90 prison films and the correctional literature shoul d be interpreted with caution (s ee Appendix D, Table D1 for an explanation of the comparison of the const ructs in film and the correctional literature ) All 11 films are available i n DVD format. This allow s the researcher the ability to go back to the original data should coding problems arise. Furthermore DVDs have additional features such as captioning t hat are often not available on films presented in VHS format. The use of captioning is especially useful because it can be used to provide additional contextual verbal information in addition to the imagery presented on film The captioning feature availab le on the DVD format proved to be extremely u seful with the coding of data. P artial transcripts were created as necessary and these aided the researcher in the assignment of content to appropriate categories. The creation of partial transcripts contribute d to the reliability and validity of the d at a and the subsequent findings. Note the complexity of the validity issue This concept refers to whether a particular element is actually measuring what it is purporting to measure. The following pr actice will be utilized to minimize the conceptual v alidity issues that may arise. The category if clear cut parameters are not met This conservative strategy will possibly yield highe variables but this strategy keeps specific variable categories undiluted and t herefore easier to interpret.
91 Procedure A sample of 11 full length motion picture prison movies produce d fr om 1979 2001 was analyzed. A code sheet was utilized to gather information from each of the 11 movies (s ee Appendix C for a the code sheet and the codebook ) In addition to the main researcher, one additiona l coder also coded the movies. This coder is a 3 5 year old college educated woman. Sever al variables were tested for intercoder reliability. To assess intercoder reliability, following the training of the coder, one movie was assessed to gauge i nitial intercoder reliability. The main researcher picked a difficult movie to code for the first movie. After the two individuals coded the movies separately they met and discussed the results. The codebook was then adjusted as appro priate. The most difficult of all of the variable categories to code was violence and this is reflected in the interc o der reliability results. Upon completion of the initial movie, all movies were coded by the two individuals. The total scene type and time of the total scene type across movies was tested for inetrcoder reliability Th e following table is a summary of the intercoder reliability analysis results. Agreement and covariation were measured for each of the most significant variables in the study. The results of this analysis are presented in Table 3
92 Table 3 Intercoder R eliability Variable Percent a greement Pearson c orrelation (r) Number of drug s cenes 1.00 1.00 Drug scene t ime 1.00 1.00 Number of rape s cenes 1.00 1.00 Rape s ce ne t ime 0.64 0.99 Number of sexual assault s cenes 1.00 1.00 Sexual assault t ime 0.91 1.00 Number of v iolence Scenes 0.82 0.99 Violence scene t ime 0.09 0.95 Overall, across variables, reliability was high (81%, r = 0 .99 ). However, reliability was only 8 2 % for the number of violent scenes and 9% for violent scene time This is not a surpris ing finding considering that intercoder reliability is expected to drop a s the size of attributes rises. Across all films, v iolence as a scene type was the most difficult category to code. (s ee Neuendorf, 2002 for a detailed explanat ion of intercoder reli ability.) The intercoder reliability for the number of violent scenes was 82% which is relatively high. However, the 9 % reliability for violent scene time reflect s the difficulty the coders had agreeing on the length of violent scenes. Across all films th e numbers of violent screens were able to be identified by the coders w ith relatively high agreement. It should be noted
93 that the lower level of reliability for violent scene time could have an adverse effect on the study outcome with respect to the depict ion of frequency of violence within prison films. T o conduct the final analysis, a code sheet was created, tested and revised after both coders watched one movie separately and compared notes. While watching the films, variables were coded at the scene an d character level. Additional information was reco rded for the movie as a whole. Depending on the length of the movie and the amount of scenes that needed to be coded, work on a film ranged from 10 hours to four hours Furthermore, all 11 movies were prev iewed for content in addition to bein g watched for coding purposes. Some particularly intricate movies were viewed up to five times. Detailed field notes were kept while viewing and are available for further analysis. Variables were coded and entered into both SPSS and Excel files While text data can be analyzed thr ough the use of KWIC (key word i n context), this is not the case for image data. All 11 films were watched and coded by hand without the aid of a computer identification program However, with the use of DVD technology, researchers were able to use the stop, slow down and pause features available in order to aid in the coding process Most significantly the use of DVD technology allowed the coder to record in seconds the length of each dru g use, drug trafficking rape, sexual assault, and violen t scenes in the movie. T he use of captioning was also utilized when available as this serves as an on screen transcript of the film. After the coding was complete and the reliability analysis was fin ished, the author and the additional coder conferred about the films.
94 Variable Construction and Measurement A total of 12 research questions were analyzed using t he content analysis technique. A discussion of the oper a tionalization of these variables f ollows. It should be noted that f or coding purposes a scene was defined as a section of film in which action takes place that signifies a unit of development in the storyline which is m ade up by a number of frames. Furthermore, only prison scenes were cod ed. Action that took place outside of the prison was not coded and subsequently not analyzed. Drug Use and Drug Trafficking Drug use and drug trafficking w ere m ea sured by a series of variables. The total number of prison drug scene s was identified for th e film. A drug scene was coded as consisting of either the use or trafficking of drugs ( 1 = U se, 2 = S upply or exchange of drugs). I f a drug scene was recorded, the type of drug w as noted if possible (1 = A lcohol 2 = M arijuana, 3 = C rack, 4 = P owder coca ine, 5 = H eroin, 6 = LSD 7 = PCP 8 = Methamphetamines, 9 = I nhalants, 10 = O ther, 99 = D In addition, the name of the character (s) who either used the drugs or engaged in the e xchange incident was recorded. The time of the drug scene was recor ded in seconds. Finally, a description of the drug use incident including coping techniques, was recorded in detail using the latent coding technique so that comparisons between films could be made.
95 Rape and Sexual Assault The current research seeks to identify the presence or absence of sexual violence in each prison movie in the sample In the interest of consistency and to make beneficial comparisons the following definition of sexual violence was adapted from the Bureau of Justice Statistics Study ( Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006) derived from the P rison Rape Elimination Act of 2003. A nonconsensual sexual act is an implied or depicted sexual act that includes a failure to or refusal to consent to the depicted or implied sexual act including any f orms of forces, nonconsensual contact between sexual organs, the anus or mouth, including the use of hands, fingers or other objects (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006) The coders assess ed whether or not a nonconsensual sexual act has occurred through a combination of visual, auditory and contextual cues After previewing approximately 25 sexual assault scenes, it was decided that there was a significant difference between the celluloid representation of prison rape and sexual assault. Therefore, in addition to rape scenes, sexual assa ult scenes were also recorded. Sexual assault was defined as an implied or observed forcible sex act that does not include intercourse or sodomy. The total number of rape scenes and sexual assault scenes for each indi vidual film was recorded. The presence of rape was recorded (0 = No rape is observed or implied, 1 = presence of rape). If a rape scene was observed, the time of the scene was recorded in seconds. The character name(s) of the perpetrator and the victim (s) of the rape were recorded. A description of the rape incident was recorded in detail using the latent coding
96 technique so that comparison s between films could be made. A dditionally, the presence of sexual assault was recorded (0= No sexual assault is obser ved or implied, 1 =presence of sexual assault). The time of the sexual assault scene was recorded in seconds. The character name(s) of the perpetrator and the victim(s) of the sexual assault were recorded. To allow for comparison between films, description s of each sexual assault incident w ere recorded using latent coding technique s. While rape and sexual assault could also could be considered violent (see next category), for the purposes of the current study a distinction was made between types of v iolenc e. Rape and sexual assault are considered specific types of violence and therefore analyzed as categories unto themselves. These acts have specific cultural meanings for inmates that make them unique compared to the other types of violence depicted in the following violence category. Violence and Gang Affiliation The presence o f violent scenes was measured. For each violent scene the time was recorded in seconds. The current study adapted the definition of a violent scen e from the CHAMP (2009) study. The CHAMP project is a multi year quantitative content analysis of health risk behaviors and positive measures portrayed in movies, TV, music, mu sic portrayed in the medi a over time so the potential positive or negative impact on adults (CHAMP, 2009 h ttp://www.youthm ediarisk.org/Menuitem.aspx?Id=1 ).
97 A violent scene wa s considered an uninterrupted display of violence by a character or a group of characters. For example, if an inmate hits another inmate while using one method of violence conti nuously, that wa s considered one sequence. Only actual harm was coded. Intent to harm was not coded. Further, the level of violence for each violent sce ne was coded. These measures were adapted from the CHAMP (2009) study and were slightly modified to fit the prison movie genre. Violence level ranged from 1 (the scene depicted the consequence or aftermath of violence but not the violence directly) to 5 (the most explicit, di rect representation of violence [ s ee Appendix C for full description o f coding].) For each violent scene the initiator(s) character name, the perpetrator(s) character name and the victim(s) character name (s) were recorded. The i nitiator was identified as the character who provoked the violence but who was not the perpetrator of the violence The perpetrator was identified as the person who start ed the physical altercation. The victim was identified as the first person to receive the perpetrator s violence. The initiator action was also recorded (0 = N one, 1 = V erbal threat, 2 = N on threatening physical act c ould be accidental, 3 = T hreatening nonviolent act (such as brandishing a weapon), 4 = A t tempted violent physical act). Borr owing again from the CHAMP (2009) study, the injuries that resulted from the violent act were recorded and ranged from 0 to 3 ( 0 = N o represen tation of injuries in the scene; 1 = M ild representation of bruises, lacerations, or broken bones ; 2 = M oderate re presentation of bodies maimed, blinded, impaired, or disfigured ; 3 = E xtreme representa tion of fatally wounded bodies).
98 Fatalities were also recorded. Fatalities were measured as the number of deaths that result ed as a direct or indirect consequence of t he violent act. A body must be present in order to be recorded as a death Acts of prior violence that are not demonstrated but result in a dead body were counted. Due to the close association of gang presence and violence behind bars, gang affiliation was coded as several measures during the violent scene recording. Researchers recorded whether or not the perpetrator(s) a nd victim(s) of violence were member s of a gang. If they were a member of a gang, the affiliation was also noted (1 = Crips, 2 = Gangster Disciples, 3 = Bloods, 4 = Latin Kings, 5 = Vice Lords, 6 = Aryan Brotherhood, 7 = Folks, 8 = White Supremacists, 9 = Surenos, 10 = Five Percenters. 11 = Unidentified African American gang, 12 = Unidentified Hispanic gang, 13 = Unidentified White gang 14 = Several gangs, 15 = Other, 99 = related incidences w ere coded using the latent coding technique. Demographic V ariables Finally, basic descriptive variables including character name, princip al /supporting actor, gender, race, a ge, socio economic status, marital status, education, and gang affiliation were recorded for each of th e main characters in the film. Coders were asked to a brief descripti on of the character if no name wa s given. In addition, the status of the character was documented by recording whether or not the character was a principal or a supporting character. The gender of each character was documented as well. Race was measured by the recording of the apparent racial
99 charact eristics of the character. Content was also used to assign characters to the following categories: 1 = Caucasian ; 2 = African A merican ; 3 = Asian ; 4 = Hispanic ; 5 = Native American ; 7 = O ther ( write in) ; and 9 = cannot tell Age was measured at the ordinal level by the following categories: 1 = Infant; 0 = 2 years old; 2 = Child; 3 = 12 years old; 3 = Adolescent; 13 = 18 years old; 4 = Young adult; 19 = 39 years old; 5 = Middle a ge d adult; 40 = 54 years old ; 6 = Mature adult; 55 = 64 years old ; 7 = Senior a dult; > 65 years old ; and 9 = C annot tell Socio economic status was measured as follow s : 1 = Upper/upper middle class: w ell to do with a high level job or no job, not depe ndent on monthly income to live; 2 = Middle class working for a living and having al l necessities and some luxuries, 3 = Working class/lower class lacking some necessities, lacking luxury items, possibly unemploy ed and/or on public assistance; 9 = Cannot tell Marital status was measured at the nominal level. Coders were instructed to us e 1 = S ingle, if the character is unattached and if it is not indicated that the character is divorced, separated, or widowed. The following is the coding schemes for marital status: 1 = Single ; 2 = Married ; 3 = Separated ; 4 = Divorced ; 5 = Widowed ; and 9 = C annot tell The apparent education level of the character was measured at an ordinal level from 1 to 5 with 9 as cannot tell. The following was the coding scheme that was utilized: 1 = Less than high s chool g raduate, 2 = High schoolg raduate 3 = Some c o llege ; 4 = College g raduate ; 5 = Graduate (Masters or Ph.D.) and 9 = C annot tell Cannot t ell was also used for character s whose level of education wa s not observable or stated. For example, a doctor or lawyer would have obviously had to go to medical or law school respectively,
100 at the g raduate level to practice. Finally, gang affiliation wa s measured for each character. The following codes were uses for gang affiliation: 0 = none ; 1 = Crips ; 2 = Gangster Disciples ; 3 = Bloods ; 4 = Latin Kings ; 5 = Vice L ords ; 6 = Aryan Brotherhood ; 7 = Folks ; 8 = White Supremacists ; 9 = Surenos ; 10 = Five Percenters ; 11 = Unidentified African American gang ; 12 = Unidentified Hispanic gang ; 13 = Unidentified w hite gang ; 14 = Several gangs (write in) ; 15 = Other (write in) ; and 99 = Unidentified Study Limitations No research study is without its limitations. O ne limitation of the current research study is the use of filmography (The Prison Film Project, 2006: http://www.theprisonfilmproject.com/filmographies.php ) A s has been stated there are many benefits to using this filmography but the re are also many disadvantages. It is might have missed several films in constructing their database. Another limitation of the study is the decision to limit the sample to films from 19 79 200 5 While this allows the author to make conclusions about one era concerning prison films it also limits the study. A possible future study could expand the sample to examine a nother period, thereby allowing for a trend analysis. The present study allows the author to make conclusions only about one period and does not allow for any type of comparative analysis. The expa nsion of the sample of prison films for future research w ould add to the literature.
101 Finally, the content analysis technique has come under scruti ny for not being objective The research study utilizes both quantitative and qualitative content analysis te chniques. The quantitative content analysis collect ed information on v ariables or message attributes that are set a prior by the author. This is a limitation in that messages can mean various th ings to different individuals. For example, the author must ch oose several dimensions through which to m easure violence within a film. However, there is a possibility that there could be more factors that are indicative of violen ce in prison but are not being measured. Furthermore, how individuals view violence will be contextual and c an be interpreted differently. For example, a killing that occurs in a war film might not be considered murder by some people. Because strict quantification can sometimes be misleading, the research study include s a qualitative content a na lysis component. Conclusion A content analysis of eleven feature length f ilms on male prisons produced between 19 7 9 and 200 1 w as conducted. This research systematically examine s the frequency and context of several constructs of penal culture including drug use drug trafficking rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation. Moreover, this study examine s whether or not the representations of these issues in recent motion picture films are consistent when compared to the extant correctional lit erature and official data. This study provide s not only noteworthy information concerning the representations of prison life and penal culture by the film industry but also give s valuable insight into information
102 that is potentially transferred via this me dium to the general public. Chapter 6 will discuss the results of this analysis.
103 Chapter Six : Results Introduction This chapter presents the quantitative and qualitative research findings in the context of the research questions that were set f orth i n the previous chapter. A summary of the portrayal of the frequency of drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation within the prison scenes p resented on film is discussed. These quantitative results are presente d in tabular format. In addition to the quantitative analysis, supplemental information about the context of drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation within the prison scenes presented on film is also presented Pris on scenes depicting drug use and trafficki ng, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation are compared to the extant litera ture and a discussion follows. Drug Use and Trafficking Behind Bars T o examine the representation of drug use and drug t rafficking within prison films the study ask ed the first research question : What is the frequency of drug use and drug trafficking presented in prison films?
104 Table 4 Frequency of Drugs in Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Year Drug s cenes Drug scene t ime ( seco nds ) Prison t ime (seconds ) Drug s cene s as a percentage of p rison t ime : Down T ime 2001 6 239 2734 8.74 Animal Factory 2000 6 268 5023 5.34 Lockdown 2000 10 347 4664 7.44 Unshackled 2000 0 0 5471 0.0 0 American Me 1992 5 260 2406 10.8 0 Death Warrant 199 0 3 271 3787 7.16 An Innocent Man 1989 1 17 2756 0.62 Lock Up 1989 1 76 5945 1.28 Brubaker 1980 0 0 6394 0 .00 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 0 0 6376 0 .00 Penitentiary 1979 0 0 5373 0 .00 TOTALS 32 1478 50929 2.9 0
105 Prison drug use and drug enterprise scen es were recorded while viewing each film. The presence of drug use and/or trafficking was depicted in 8 of the total 11 films (72%). There were a total of 32 scenes that depicted drugs. Films ranged from no drug scenes ( Unshackled Brubaker Escape from Al catraz Penitentiary ) to 10 scenes within one film ( Lockdown ). Within films that included images of drugs, the scenes ranged from 17 to 347 seconds and averaged 134.4 seconds just over two minutes in length. In comparison to the other types o f scenes measu red in the study rape and sexual assault and violence two minutes is a relatively long scene. Additionally, drug scenes were computed as a percentage of the total time that each f ilm depicted prison on screen. Across the films, drug scenes accounted for 2. 9% of the total time depicted in prison. To study the contextual components that surround drug use and drug trafficking within prison films the study examine d the second research question : What is the nature of the drug use and/or drug trafficking presen ted in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which drug use and/or drug trafficking are portrayed within the film?
106 Table 5 Pattern of Drugs within Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Year Use s cenes Trafficking s cenes Use and t raffi cking s cenes Total drug s cenes Drug t ype Down Time 2001 2 3 1 6 5(6) Animal Factory 2000 3 3 0 6 1(1 ) 2(1), 5(3), 9(1) Lockdown 2000 3 7 0 10 2(1), 5(9) Unshackled 2000 0 0 0 0 0 American Me 1992 3 2 0 5 1(3), 5(2) Death Warrant 1990 3 0 0 3 1(2), 2 (1) An Innocent Man 1989 1 0 0 1 1(1) Lock Up 1989 1 0 0 1 1(1) Brubaker 1980 0 0 0 0 0 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 0 0 0 0 0 Penitentiary 1979 0 0 0 0 0 TOTALS 16 15 1 32 5(20), 1(9), 2(3), 9(1) Note: For the purposes of this table please refer to th e following coding scheme: 1 = alcohol; 2 = marijuana; 5 = heroin; and 9 = unknown. The number in parenthesis represents the number of scenes in which that drug was found. The totals in the drug type column do not add up to the total in the total drug scen e column as one case is both a use and a trafficking scene.
107 In addition to the presence of drug scenes within the films, several other con textual components were coded. To begin, films that illustrated drug scenes were also coded for the type of drug beh avior that was prese nted in that particular scene. These scenes were categorized as either drug using or drug trafficking scenes. Drug using scenes were those that depicted inma tes or guards ingesting drugs. Drug trafficking scenes were those scenes that i llustrated the parts of the drug industry in prison such as drugs coming into the prison institution, the movement of drugs between inmates, or the transport of drugs between inmates and guards. There were 16 d rug use scenes and 15 drug trafficking scenes Additionally, there was one scene in which both use and trafficking was depicted w ithin the same scene. This was coded separately and does not factor into the final totals of the use and trafficking number s stated above. Secondly, in addition to whether or not a drug scene could be categorized as a drug use or trafficking scene, the type of drug that was visible in the scene was also recorded. All drug scenes had one distinct drug type that was portrayed on fil m during the particular scene. In the 32 dru g scenes, heroin was the most prevalent drug depicted appearing in 4 of the 8 films in which drug scenes were present (50%) and 20 of the 32 total scenes (62 .5 %). Alcohol was the second most prevalent drug shown in 5 of the 8 films (62.5%) and 9 out of a total of 32 scenes (2 8.1 %) This was followed by marijuana which was present in 3 of the 8 films (37.5%) and in 3 of the total 32 drug scenes (9. 3 %) There was one scene in which the drug type could not be identified (3.1%) 3
108 The study examines a third an d final research question concerning drug use and drug trafficking to compare the representations on film to the extant correctional literature: Is the portrayal of drug use and drug trafficking depicted in motion picture films similar to the portrayal pre sented in e xtant correctional literature? Previous research contends dru g use, abuse, and trafficking are widespread in prison facilities throughout the United States ( CASA, 2002; Inciard i et al., 1993 ; Mumola, 1999; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 20 05 ). It has been reported that between 50 % and 75% of prisoners use drugs while they are incarcerated ( Simple r and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005). Furthermore, the most popular drugs utilized behind bars in order of frequency are cannabis, Valium, amphetami nes, LSD, Ecstasy, cocaine, and heroin (Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005) Other studies have also found alcohol to be among the most prevalent of the drug s available ( In ciardi et al., 1993). With respect to the frequency of drug use presented in prison films, the current study found that drug use was a prevalent theme i n prison films. Drugs use was depict ed in 8 of the 11 films (72%). However, the total time spent on screen depicting drug use was relatively small ; the drug scene time as a percent age of prison time o n film was only 2.9%. The study finding of almost equal importance placed on drug use and drug trafficking as depicted in prison films is similar to the correctional research findings that a significant proportion of inmates behind bars are involved in both drug use and drug trafficking.
109 Significantly, the most prevalent drug depicted within the drug scenes was heroin. This is in stark contrast to the current correctional literature on drug use and trafficking in prison. The second most prevalent drug depicted withi n the drug scenes was alcohol. This finding is similar to the findings of Inciardi et al. (1993). Overall, the results of the study with respect to drug use and trafficking find that prison films portray drug use and trafficki ng represen tatively in terms of frequency. However, with respect to the type of drug s used and trafficked, prison films depict heroin as the drug of choice where as the literature cites mar ijuana as the drug of choice. In conclusion, with respect to drug use and trafficking behind bars, the constructed reality of prison life as depicted in prison films mirrors that which is reported by criminologists and experts in the field who study prison institutions. D rug use and trafficking occur both on the movie sc reen and within prison insti tutions in the United States. Equal importance was placed on the portrayal of the ingestion of substances and the trafficking of drugs within prison movies. Nevertheless, there is evidence of a disparity in the type of drug port rayed on film compared to the type of drug reported withi n the correctional literature. The current study found heroin to be the most prevalent drug within prison films while marijuana is the most frequently rep orted drug in the literature. Rape and Sexual Assault The second penal construct category examines the depiction of rape and sexu al assault in prison films. In order to examine the representation of rape and sexual assault
110 within prison films the study examines the fourth research question: What is the frequency of rape and sexual assa ult presented in prison films? Table 6 Frequency of Rape in Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Year Rape scenes Total rape scene time ( seconds) Prison scene time (seconds) Rape scenes as a percentage of total prison scenes Down Time 2001 0 0 2734 0 .00 Animal Factory 2000 0 0 5023 0 .00 Lockdown 2000 1 30 4664 0. 64 Unshackled 2000 0 0 5471 0 .00 American Me 1992 1 135 2406 5.61 Death Warrant 1990 0 0 3787 0 .00 An Innocent Man 1989 1 44 2756 1.60 Lock Up 1989 0 0 5945 0 .00 Brubaker 1980 1 15 6394 0.23 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 0 0 6376 0 .00 Penitentiary 1979 0 0 5373 0 .00 TOTAL 4 224 50929
111 Table 7 Frequency of Sexual Assault in Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Year Sexual assault s cenes Total sexual assault scene time (seconds) Prison scene time (seconds) Sexual assault s cene s as a percentage of overall movie t ime Down Time 2001 0 0 2734 0 .00 Animal Factory 2000 1 15 5023 0. 30 Lockdown 2000 1 44 4664 0. 94 Unshackled 2000 0 0 5471 0 .00 American Me 1992 0 0 240 6 0 .00 Death Warrant 1990 0 0 3787 0 .00 An Innocent Man 1989 0 0 2756 0 .00 Lock Up 1989 0 0 5945 0 .00 Brubaker 1980 0 0 6394 0 .00 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 0 0 6376 0 .00 Penitentiary 1979 0 0 5373 0 .00 TOTALS 2 59 50929 A cross the 11 films, ther e were a total of 4 rape scenes ( 36% ). No film had more than one rape scene and these scenes were relatively short. Films that included rape scenes were: Lockdown American Me An I nnocent Man and Brubaker The rape scenes in the film s ranged from 15 to 1 35 seconds and averaged 56 seconds in length. The film
112 American Me had the lengthies t rape scene at 135 seconds. Rape scenes were computed as a percentage of overall prison time shown within each film. Across the films rape scenes accounted for 0.44% of t he total time depicted in prison. In addition to rape scenes, sexual assault scenes (not includi ng rape) were also identified. There were 2 sexual assault scenes within the 11 movies ( 18% ). One of these scenes occurred in a film that did not have a rape sc ene ( Animal Factory ) and one occurred in a film that did also have a rape scene ( Lockdown ). These 2 scenes were 15 seconds and 44 se conds in length, respectively. Sexual assault scenes accounted for 0. 12 % of the total time depicted in prison on film To s tudy the contextual components that surround rape and sexual assault within prison films the study examines the fifth research question: What is the nature of rape and sexual assau lt presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual compone nts in which rape and sexual assault is portrayed within the film? Four rape scenes were illustrated across the 11 prison films sampled. Three of the 4 victims of these rapes were white. The other victim wa s African American. There wa s a s ingle victim in each incident. However, within the 4 rapes a variety of numbers of perpetrators w ere depicted ranging from one perpetrator to a gro up of individuals. Two of the 4 rape scenes (50%) we re gang rapes. The intensity of these scenes varie d from mild implie d rape with the darkening of the screen accompanied by sounds to intense visuals such as the tearing off of clothing, naked buttocks, tyin g up of hands and the squeezing of a tube of lubrication.
113 Perhaps the least intense scene takes place in Brubaker whe n an older white male is seen grabbing a you ng white male in a dorm scene. The older male states Why and scr eams are heard. It is obvious that the young boy it being raped ; however no prec ise visualization i s depicted on screen. T he most intense of all of the rape scenes is in American Me This scene is considered a drug scene, a rape scene and a violent scene. In this scene a group of La Eme (Mexican Mafia) gang members, lead by a charac ter named Puppet; have lured Tony Scagnelli into a pantry in the prison kitchen. They proceed to get Scagnelli drunk on prison hooch. The gang then proceeds to stuff a bandana into his mouth, tie up his arms and legs and take turns sodomizing him. T he vie wer being ripped off, his naked buttocks exposed, and a tube of lubrication being squee zed Adding to the intensity of this scene is an editing technique used by filmm akers called parallel editing. Pa rallel editing allows for two events to be portrayed simultaneously within a single film sequence. At the same time that Scagnelli is being raped, Santana, the protago nist of the film, is having sexual intercourse with a woman This is first time having intercourse ou tside of a prison environment. Toward the end of the simultaneous scene, Santana turns over his lover, Julie and attempts to sodomize her, as she screams and pulls away. As this occurs, Mundo, one of the gang members, pushes a knife inside the bowels of Scagnelli killing him This scene starts out as a drug scene, turns into a rape scene and ends as a violent scene. The parallel editing process greatly enhances the intensity of this rape scene.
114 In addition to the 4 rape scenes, t he re were 2 sexual assaults illustrated in the 11 films The perpetrators of the violence were white in each case. O ne sexual assault scene ha s a white victim and the other ha s an African American victim. In Lockdown Dre i s assaulted by Graffiti. Graffiti f orce s Dre to perform fellatio on him while they are in a forced lockdown. This scene lasts a total of 44 seconds. Compared to the other sexual assault sequence th is is a relatively long scene. During the scene, G raffiti repeatedly beats Dre until he is fo rced to comply. This is part of a pattern that is set forth in the beginning of the prison scenes in this movie when Graffiti and Dr e are introduced as cellmates. Dre is raped by Graffiti and Lefty who are both members of an uniden tified white supremacist gang. Dr from th e very beginning of the movie. The second sexual assault scene takes place in Animal Factory Buck Rowan assaults Ron Decker, the protagonist, in the bathroom. Compared to the scene in Lockdown this scene is muc h shorter, lasting 15 seconds. Buck corners Ron in the bathroom and says a few sexually suggestive remarks including: up a little b At this point Buck licks his finger and he inserts h is finger insid This gesture is implied but not seen on screen. A school teacher comes inside the bathroom and breaks the two up and the scene ends. Fina lly, the study examines the sixth and final research research question concerning rape and sexual assa ult to compare the representations on film to the extant
115 academic correctional literature: Is the portrayal of sexual assault portrayed in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in e xtant correctional literature? Prior research on rape and sexual assault in prison reports occurrence rates of 0.3% to 22% ( Davis, 1982 ; Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005; Hensley, Tewksbury, and Castle, 2003; Hensley, 2000 ; Lockwood, 1980 ; Nacci and Kane, 1983 ; Saum, Surratt, Inciardi, and Bennett, 1995; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Struckman Johnson, Struckman Johnson, Rucker, Bumby, and Donaldson, 1996; Wooden and Parker, 1982 ). Overall the current study find s rape and sexual assault to fall within the current estimates of rape prevale nce rates within prison today. However the current study fi nds the depiction of rape and sexual assault on film to be at the low end of the se r ates. When rape and sexual assault scenes are combined the total percentage climbs to just above one half of on e percent (0.56 % ). Equally important is the analysis of rape and sexual assaul t scenes as separate entities. One of the methodological problems encountered in this research was constructing a useful comparison measure for rape and sexual a ssaults for film s and prisons. Prison rape and sexual assault data are based on the per centage of victimized inmates. In film depictions, the size of the in mate population is unknown. The alternatives are to measure the numbe r of main characters victimized or to measure t he time devoted to r ape and sexual assault scenes. However, neither measure is directly comparable to existing data on the prevalence of rape and sexual assault in prison. Therefore, the comparisons that follow, which relate time of rape and sexual
116 assault s to rape and sexual assault prevalence rates in prison should be interpreted with caution. When address ed separately, the study finds that t he percentage of time for rape scenes as a percentage of the total prison time is less than one half of one percen t (0.44%) F or sexual assault the percentage of time of sexual assault scenes on film as a percentage of the total prison time is even lower at 0.12%. The study finds that the results for rape and sexual assault combined rise just above the bottom thresho ld of the prevalence rates reported i n the correctional literature This leads to the conclusion that the depiction s of rape and sexual assault combine d in prison films are representative of the prevalence rates reported in the literature sho uld be address ed with caution. Future research needs to more adequately address the differences between the depiction of rape and sexual assault within prison film perhaps by conducting a separat e analysis on just this issue. R esearch has suggested that certain demograp hic variables are linked to victimization behind bars. Criminologists have identified that b eing white, of small physicality, of homosexual orientation or possessing effeminate qualities will increase an likelihood of victimization (Dumond, 2000; Dumond, 2003; Lockwood, 1980; Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005; Human Rights Watch, 2001; Nacci and Kane, 1983; Struckman Johnson and Struckman Johnson, 2000; Weiss and Friar, 1 974; Wooden and Parker, 1982). N ot being streetwise and lacking a gang affiliation have also been linked to victimization ( Dumond, 2000; Dumond, 2003; Human Rights Watch,
117 2001 ). Researchers have found that the majority of victims of rape behind bars are white whereas the perpetrators are African American (Davis, 1970; Knowles 1999; Lockwood, 1980; Hensley, Koscheski, and Tewksbury, 2005; Human Rights Watch, 2001 ). The current study found that the majority of rape and sexual assault victims portrayed in the fil m s were white. This is representative of the cu rrent correctional literature. With respect to perpetrators of sexual violence and rape, minorities were under represented in comparison t o the correctional literature. In the 6 rape scenes, 4 perpetrators were white, one was African American and one was Hispanic. On film, small p hysicality or stature was not found to be a determining factor in whether or not sexual victimization occurred However, the lack of street sense and the lack of gang affiliation were accurate depict ion s of victims in prison films. None of the vict ims portrayed on film were affiliated with any gang. The film Lockdown portrayed a new inmate who was almost immediately raped when he entered the prison institution and wa s sexually assaulted later in the movie The protagonist in Animal Factory Ron Deck er, wa s a young inmate convicted o f a minor marijuana charge who wa s sexually assaulted by an older wiser and har dened inmate named Buck Rowan. American Me showed a group of La Eme gan g members raping a vulnerable young man who qa s An Innocent Man illustrated a gang rape of a victim who tried to go against t he established inmate culture. In this movie, v iewers we sold to us by the Muslims for 10 cartons and some drugs. That made him ours. O nly he o be sold. ed to rough it off, you
118 Finally, the rape scene in Brubaker depicts an older inmate rap ing a young inmate in a dorm. In conclusion, the depiction of ra pe and sexual assault on film appears to be re presentative of the prevalence rat es reported in the literature. Also, the depiction of rape and sexual assault on film is representative of the victims reported in the correctional literature with respect to race as the majority of rape and sexual assault o n film portrays white victims. R ape and sexual assault on film is not representative of the correctional literature with respect to the perp etrator of this victimization. Rape and sexual assault scenes depicted on film portrayed a range of races with the majo rity being white perpetrators. Finally, the study found that rape and sexual assault on film portrays v ictims as unsophisticated, not streetwise, and having no gang affili ation. This is similar to the current correctional literature on victimization b ehind bars. Violence The third p enal construct category measures the depiction of viole nce in prison films. T o examine the representation of violence within prison films the study asks the seventh research question: What is the frequency of violence prese nted in prison films?
119 Table 8 Frequency of Violence in Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Year Violent s cenes V iolent scene time ( seconds ) Prison t ime ( seconds ) Violen t s cene s as a percentage of overall movie t ime Down Time 2001 3 19 2734 0.69 Animal Facto ry 2000 9 176 5023 3.5 0 Lockdown 2000 9 507 4664 10.9 Unshackled 2000 9 188 5471 3.44 American Me 1992 5 140 2406 5.82 Death Warrant 1990 17 513 3787 13.5 An Innocent Man 1989 3 102 2756 3.7 0 Lock Up 1989 18 630 5945 8.98 Brubaker 1980 12 328 6394 5 .13 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 3 131 6376 2.05 Penitentiary 1979 8 566 5373 10.5 TOTALS 96 3300 50929 Violent prison scenes were found across all 11 films and were found to be the dominant prison scene depicted among the type of scenes analyzed in th e current study in both numbers of scenes per film a nd in average length of scene. Across the 11 films,
120 there were a total of 96 violent scenes. The number of violent scenes for any one film ranged from a low of 3 scenes ( Down Time and Escape from Alcatra z ) to a high of 18 scenes ( Lock Up) The total violent scene time in any one movie ranged from 19 seconds ( Down Time ) to 630 seconds ( Lock Up ) and averaged 300 seconds (5 minutes) in length per scene. Furthermore, violent scenes were computed as a percenta ge of the total time that each f ilm depicted prison on screen. Across films, violent scenes accounted for 6.48% of the total time depicted in prison. T o examine the contextual components that surround violent prison incidents depicted on film the study exa mines the eighth research question: What is the nature of the violence presented in prison films? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which violence is portrayed within the film?
121 Table 9 Pattern of Violence in Prison films 1979 2001 Tit le Year Violent s cenes Average violence l evel Average i njuries Fatalities Down Time 2001 3 3 1 2 Animal Factory 2000 9 2 1 6 Lockdown 2000 9 3 2 20 Unshackled 2000 9 3 1 2 American Me 1992 5 4 1 5 Death Warrant 1990 17 4 2 7 An Innocent Man 1989 3 4 1 2 Lock Up 1989 18 3 1 4 Brubaker 1980 12 2 1 5 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 3 3 1 0 Penitentiary 1979 8 2 1 1 TOTALS 96 54 AVERAGES 8.7 3 1 5 Note : Average violence level and average i njuries have been rounded. Fatality numbers include one suic ide in l ockdown
122 In addition to the presence of violent scenes within the films, several other con textual components were coded. To reiterate the violence scale that was discussed in the previous chapter, v iolence level was me asured on a scale from 1 to 5. The range was from 1, the least modeled depictions of violence to 5, the most modeled. The following coding scheme was adapted from the CHAMP (2009) study and w as slightly modifie d to fit the prison movie genre: 01 Consequence/Aftermath Sequences A b od y is shown or the result of violence is shown, but the act of violence itself is not shown in the scene. There are r epresentations of injuries, maimed, disfigured, or dead bodies, characters bleeding, pools of blood, splattered blood 02. Somewhat Modeled Violence is portrayed in the scene, but a murder is not portrayed. There is a minimal amount of blood shed or none at all and a weapon For example, o ne character stri king another would be coded as somewhat modeled Poisoning is also included at this level. 03 Modeled Violence, including the use of weapons and the portrayal of murder, can be shown, but without bloodshed if a weapon is used. 04 Very Modeled Sequences coded as very modeled usually including murder, weapons, and bloodshed. T he primary difference between modeled and very mod eled is the presence of blo od. The idea of penetration by a bullet, shotgun she ll, knife, or anything else is key, but the penetration will not be accompanied by bloodshed.
123 05. Most Modeled Sequences that combine attributes from the preceding cat egories are coded as most modeled Of primary importance is the combination of penetration and bloodshed. Included in this category are the severing of any body part and extreme torturous acts that r esult in death. Overall, the study found violence was depicted at the average level (3 = modeled) within prison films. Notably, this depiction of violence included the portrayal of weapons hitting the body and could also include murder while little to no bloodshed was seen within these depictions. The study found above average levels of violence within 3 films ( American Me Death Warrant and Innocent Man ). While the average violence scenes within pri son films were of the modeled category, it should also b e noted that a significant amount of time was measured at the somewhat modeled level. The depictions of violence on screen at this level were typified by ch aracters striking one another. Little or no b lood was seen in these scenes. Murder is not seen on th e screen, and poisoning is included at this l evel. Ten out of the 11 films (all except American Me ) in the study depicted an act of violence at this level that could be characterized as a fight between inmates. At the end of the violence level scale, there were several significant most modeled scen es that are worthy of mention as they present violence contextually speci fic to the prison institution. Several films showed inmates being burned to death. This explicit act of violence was a result of the inmate s failing to comply with parts of the inmat e code by snitching on another inmate or failing to pay back a debt or by stealing for examples.
124 The film Death Warrant has two burning scenes. In one scene, a snitch named Myerson is soaked with gasoline and set on fire. In this scene the perpetrator of the violence i s not visible to the audience. This scene is particularly graphic because the visual representation of Myerson burning to death in his cell is accompanied by his pleas for help while the other inm at es cheer within the cellblock. The second burning scene in this movie takes place at the end of the film. The villain, Sandman, is burned to death by the protagonist, Louis Burke (played by Jean Claude van Dame), when he is p ushed into an open incinerato r. In An Innocent Man Robbie, a seemingly knowledgeable convict gets burned to death in the yard because he owed two inmates 10 cartons of cigarettes from the last time he was incarcerated. Finally, in American Me an unnamed African American male inmate is burned to death by two of the La Eme gang part In addition to the violence level, the injury level for eac h violent scene was measured. Aga in, this measure was based upon the one utilized in the CHAMP (2009) study. The injury scale app lied in the study ranged from 0 ( none ) to 3 ( extreme ). The following coding scheme was utilized: 0 = N one (there were no representation s of injuries in the scen e ) ; 1 = M ild (there were representation s of bruises, lacerations, or broken bones ) ; 2 = M oderate (there were representation s of bodies being maimed, blinded, impaired, or disfigured ) ; 3 = E xtreme (there were representa tion of fatally
125 wounded bodies and the bodies were shown) The study found that within prison films the average injury level was mild depicting bruises, lacerations, or broken bones The study found that the illustration of injuries was mild across prison films. However, for two films, Lockd own and Death Warrant the average injury level across violent scenes within these films rose to the moderate level depicting maimed, blind ed impaired or disfigured characters as a result of the violence within the film. The number of fatalities was also re corded for each violent scene. For a fatality to be recorded, a body must be present Fifty four deaths were recorded across the 11 films. This is an ave rage of 5 fatalities per film. The film with the largest number of deaths was Lockdown with 20 fata lities. This high number can be accounted for by a significant riot scene that takes place at the end of the film. In this lengthy scene (almost 5.5 minutes), 16 bodies can cle arly be counted on the screen. This riot scene skews the numbers of fatalities a cross films. R emoving this outlier decreases the average number of fatalities per film to three Several films depicted major sp orting events between inmates. Many sports include as part of the sport itself planned or accidental acts of violence (e.g. tac kling and blocking in football, boxing out and picking in basketball, the hit and pitch in baseball, and so on). Violence associated with normal sports routine occurred during any of the prison films were not counted as violence. The sports depicted on fil m were basketball Lockdown Unshackled ), football ( Lock Up ), polo ( Brubaker ), and boxing ( Penitentiary ).
126 Various measures of victims and perpetrators of violence were taken across films. Across the 11 films, there were 96 scenes that involved violence. T able 10 Victim Offender Pairings of Violence in Prison Films 1979 2001 Victim offender p airing Number of violent scenes a cross f ilms Violent scenes as a percentage of t otal Inmate on i nmate 73 76 .0 Guard on i nmate 16 16 .0 Inmate on g uard 6 6.25 Guard on g uard 1 1 .0 TOTALS 96 99.25 Note. Total do es not add up to 100% due to rounding. Within prison films inmate on inmate violence was far more prevalent than inmate on guard or guard on inmate violence. Inmate on inmate violence accounted for 76% of t he violent scenes, being shown i n 73 of the 96 violent scenes. Guard on inmate violence accounted for 16% o f the violent scenes (N = 16). Inmate on guard violence was depicted in 6 of the 96 scenes and accounted fo r 6.25% of the violent scenes. Finally, gu ard on guard violence was the rarest type of violence depicted ; it accounted for 1% of the violent scenes being depicted only in one scene across all films. The study explored the ninth and final research question concerning violence to compare the rep resentations on film to the extant academic correctional literature: Is the
127 portrayal of violence portrayed in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in e xtant correctional literature? Recent correctional research has found that the most violent offenses in prison facilities include assaults, drug crimes, and threat s (DeLisi, 2003 ). Further, inmate on inmate assault is quite common ( Stephan and Karberg, 2003 ). However, the most severe of all offenses, homicide is a relatively rare event i nside prison institutions and has been declining on recent years ( Mumola, 2005; Stephan and Karberg, 2003 ). In general the depiction o f violence was more prevalent in prison films compared to th at which reportedly takes place in U S prisons according t o aca demic correctional literature. According to the literature assaults, drug crimes and threat s are the most pervasive types of violence found within prisons. The study fou nd that without exception all prison films in the sample depict violence. Addition ally, the level of violence depicted in prison movies was more severe compared to the level of violence that occurs within prison institutions in the US that h as been reported by academics. The cle arest demonstration of this disparity between violence port rayed in prison films and prison reality is the overrepresentation of murder within prison films Murder in prison film s i s a frequent and grisly event. Ninety one percent of the films in the sample depicted at least one fatality. The study coded 113 inmat e characters as part of the ch aracter analysis. Across 11 films there were 53 homicides for 113 inmate characters For identifiable characters, the p revalence of homicides was high at nearly 47%. By design, prison films focus on a limited num ber of ide ntifiable characters.
128 C onsequently, a measure of homicide empl oying only main characters over estimates the frequency of homi cides within a prison setting. perception is based on the frequency of homicides among th e primary characters depicted in a film not an estimate of the siz e of the prison population with in prison depicted in a given film. R esearch has examined demographic correlates of violen ce within prison s Studies have found evidence of racial and ethnic patterns in prison violence. The majority of correctional literature suggests that racial and ethnic minorities account for a disproportionate amount of prison infractions and violent behaviors behind bars (Craddock, 1996; Delisi, 2003; Flanagan, 1983; Go etting and Howsen, 1986; Harer and Steffenmeier, 1996; Poole and Regoli, 1980, 1983; Wooldrege, 1991). T his was not the case with respect to prison films. The study found white inmates were responsible for the majority of violence within prison films. Fift y eight of the 96 violent scenes in the prison movies had a white character as the perpetrator of the violence. This finding accounted for 60% of the violence across the films. African American perpetrators were the second most represented group at 26%, fo llowed by Hispanics at 9.4% and Asians at 1% (Numbers do not add up to 100% because one scene was a riot scene and two scenes had unknown perpetrators). In conclusion, the frequency and degree of violence illustrated on film was not proportionate to the amount and degree of violence that is reported by academics in the correctional literat ure. Most significantly, murder on film was overrepresented
129 Additionally, prison films portrayed white perpetrators of violence more o ften than other racial groups. Th is discovery varies from the current correctional literature that find s that racial and ethnic minorities account for the majority of violence behind bars. Gang Affiliation The final construct of inmate culture the study examines is gang affiliation. To examine the representation of gang affiliation within prison films the study asks the 10 th research question: What is the frequency of gang affiliation presented in prison films? Table 11 Frequency of Gang Affiliation in Prison Films 1979 2001 Title Yea r Gang p resence Number of gang c haracters Total number of c haracters Gang a ffiliation Down Time 2001 Yes 3 8 Aryan Brotherhood and Unidentified Hispanic Animal Factory 2000 No 0 14
130 Table 11 (continued) Frequency of Gang Affiliation in Prison Films 19 79 2001 Title Year Gang presence Number of gang characters Total number of characters Gang affiliation Lockdown 2000 Yes 7 14 Unidentified White and Unidentified African American Unshackled 2000 No 0 9 American Me 1992 Yes 8 9 La Eme and La Nuestra F amilia Death Warrant 1990 No 0 9 An Innocent Man 1989 Yes 3 6 Black Guerilla Family Lock Up 1989 No 0 6 Brubaker 1980 No 0 17 Escape from Alcatraz 1979 No 0 11 Penitentiary 1979 No 0 10 TOTALS 21 113
131 Gang affiliation s were recorded for ea ch overall film and the character s while viewing each film. The majority of the prison films did not show gang activity behind bars or identify inmate charac ters as affiliated with gangs. However, 4 of the 11 prison films depicted gang affiliation (36%). A character analysis was conducted to identify individual gang affiliation. There were 113 inmate characters recorded across the 11 films. Twenty one gang members were identified among these 113 characters (18%). La Eme gang members were the most prevalent ly featured gang members, approximately 6% of gang members depicte d were associated with La Eme. All depictions of La Eme gang members, however, occurred in on e film, American Me The second most frequent ly occurring gang association among inmates on film was portrayed in Lockdown The five gang members (4.4% of all depictions) depicted in this film were members of an unide ntified African American gang. All Black Guerilla Family gang members were depicted on screen in An Innocent Man (3 of 113 characters). Unidentified white gang members and Aryan Brotherhood gang members accounted for 2 inmate characters (1.8%) across all films. Lastly, one La Nuestra Familia gang member and one unidentified Hispanic gang member was depicted and accounted for less than 1% of total inmate characters. T o explore the contextual components that surround the depiction of gang affiliation within prison films the current study examines the 11 th research question: What
132 is the nature of the gang affilia tion presented in prison film s? Specifically, what are the contextual components in which gang affiliation is portrayed within the film? The gang portrayed most frequently in prison films was La Eme in the film American Me The plot of this film is centered on the gang its leader San tana, and the cultural components of gang life American Me is a biographical sketch growing up in East Los Angeles and a depiction of the correctional system there. The movie chronicles his formation of the clica, the gang. He quickly mo ves from juvenile detention center to Folsom prison. Throughout the movie Santana and other gang members are portrayed committing violent behaviors as well as controlling t he drug trafficking at Folsom. A key message of this movie is that prison gangs are connected to street gangs. This is made apparent when JD, a main character in the movie and one of members nside and Control the i Another significant area of p enal culture that gangs have control within the prison is the sex trade. The most significant portrayal of the sex trade behind bars takes place in the film An Innocent Man For example, in once scene Jingles, a member of the Black Guerilla Family, and hi s fellow gang members approach Jimmy Rainwood, the protagonist play ed by Tom Selleck, at the gym. They escort Jimmy down the hall into the weight room. Jingles and his two fellow gang members hold Jimmy as they make him wat ch the gang rape of an inmate. As the unidentified white male is being raped, Jimmy is told that the man was sold to the Black Guerilla Family from the Muslims for 10
133 cartons of cigarettes and some drugs. However, the man did not want to be part of the transaction and therefore the Black Guerilla Family members had to force him to comply. This gang sex trade connection as well as the gang as a source of protection is seen in the film Lockdown Graffiti and Lefty, members of an unidentified white neo Nazi gang, quickly rape Dre when Dre is introduced to his new cellmate, Graffiti. Dre property When speaking about Dre to Avery, the protagonist in the film, Malachi, the old and ne had his manhood taken. Messing with him now is like taking on Graffiti Malachi is referring to the fact that if Avery were to come to and this would cause Graffiti and his gang mem bers to take retributive action against Avery. T here is evidence that prison films portray drug trafficking and use by g angs. Down Time Lockdown and American Me show gangs trafficking dru gs within the prison facility. Down Time portrays the move ment of drugs between inmates. Lockdown shows the majority of the drug movement between inmates and also depicts the exchange of dru gs between inmates and guards. This is the only film that portrays the involvement of the custodial staff in the exchange of contrab and. Both American Me and Lockdown show the introduction of drugs into the prison from outsiders, visitors to the prison institution In both films, members of the gang have female visitors come to the prison and either swap a balloon filled with heroin du ring a kiss ( Lockdown ) or pass a balloon filled with heroin during a bathroom visit ( Lockdown and American Me ).
134 Finally, the current study examines the 12 th and final research question concerning gang affiliation to compare the representations on film to the extant academic correctional literature: Is the portrayal of gang affiliation portrayed in motion picture films similar to the portrayal presented in extant correctional literature? Recent research has found that almost 17% of all prison inmates in the US are gang members (Knox, 2005) Prison gangs are often aligned on racial, ethn ic and geographic lines. While prison gangs vary by state, there is some general consensus as to the most prevalent gangs within the prison system. The top 10 prison gangs in the United States are the Crips, Bloods, Latin Kings, Vice Lords, Aryan Brotherhood, Folks, White Supremacists, Surenos and Five Percenters ( Knox, 2005 ). Behind bars, g angs have been held responsible for d rug trafficking, protection, the sex trade and s exual assault ( Cox, 1986; Knox, 2005, Stevens, 1997 ). The current study found that the majority of prison films did not show gang activity behind bars or identify inmate charac ters as affiliated with gangs. Four of the 11 prison films depicted gang affili a tion (36%); and within these 4 films 21 gang members were identified among these 113 characters (18%). Therefore, prison movies in general under represent gang affiliation but within movies that do depict gang affiliation that portrayal is representati ve of the current frequency rate reported by correctional researchers. W ithin the movies that portrayed gangs, the La Eme gang or the Mexican Mafia was the most prevalent gang affiliation. The second most prevalent affiliation was an
135 unidentified Afric an American gang. The third most prevalent was the Black Guerilla Family. An unidentified white gang and the Aryan Brother brotherhood w ere the fourth most prevalent. Lastly, one La Nuestra Familia gang member and one unidentified Hispanic gang member w ere depicted and accounted for less than 1% of total inmate characters. This finding is in contrast to the current correc tional literature on the top 10 prison gangs. Only one prison gang depicted on film the Aryan Brotherhood was on the top 10 list of prison gangs and it was one of the least represented gang affiliations within prison films. P rison films that depicted gang affiliation were similar to the portrayal of types of gang activity behind bars. Most significantly, violent behavior, sexual assault, th e sex trade, and drug trafficking are all components of penal culture that are represented in prison films. In conclusion, prison movies in general underrepresent gang affiliation compared to the correctional literature but within movies that portray ga ng affiliation that depiction is representative of the current frequency rate reported by correctional r esearchers. W ith respect to gang affiliation type, only prison gang depicted on film the the Aryan Brotherhood was on the top 10 list of prison gangs a nd it was one of the least represented gang aff iliations within prison films. Films that depicted gang affiliation were similar with respect to their portrayal of types of gang activity behind bars compared to the correctional literature
136 Summary of Res ults The results of the 12 research questions analyzed in the present study indicate tha t the celluloid depiction of drug use and trafficking within p rison reflects the frequency of drug use and trafficking that occurs in prison institutions in the United States as reported by academics in the correctional literature However, the current study f inds heroin to be the most prevalent drug illustrated on film while marijuana is the most frequently reported drug used and trafficked by prison inmates in the corr ectional literature Additionally, t he depiction of rape and sexual assault on film is similar to the amount of rape and sexual assault reported in the correctional literature. The depiction of victims of rape and sexual assault within prison film s is si milar to the depiction of victims reported in the correctional literature with respect to race as the majority of rape and sexual assault o n film portrays white victims. However, there is a disparity with respect to the race of the perpetrator of sexual as sault depicted on film compared to the depiction in the liter ature. In contrast to the correctional literature, r ape and sexual assault scenes depicted on film portray the majority of the perpetrators of these assaults as white Further, t he study f inds t hat rape and sexual assault on film portrays victims as unso phisticated, not streetwise, and lac k ing gang affiliation. This is similar to the current correctional literature on victimization of rape and sexual assault behind bars. Moreover, the study f ind s that violence is a sign ificant theme in prison films. The frequency and degree of violence illustrated on film is out of proportion to the amount and degree of violence that is reported by academics i n the correctional literature. Not
137 only is there more violence seen in prison films than reported in the literature but there is a substantially higher degree of violence portrayed within films as well. For example, m urder is the most significant category o f violence within prison films. Addition ally, prison films portray perpetrators of violence as white more often than they do from other racial groups. This finding varies from the current correctional literature that suggests that racial and ethnic minorities account for the majority of violence behind bars Lastly, p rison movies in general do not reflect the correctional literature with respect to the portrayal of frequency of gang affiliation. Prison films illustrate few of the gang affiliations that have been reported i n the correctional literature. W it h respect to gang affiliation type, only one prison gang dep icted on film the Aryan Brotherhood was on the top 10 list of prison gangs and it was one of the least represented gang aff iliations within prison films. Films that depicted gang affiliation were similar to the information reported in the academic correctional literature with respect to the types of gang activity that takes place bars such as violent behavior, s exual assault, the sex trade, and drug trafficking A discussion of th ese results will b e presented in Chapter Seven.
138 Chapter Seven : Discussion Introduction Chapter 7 provides a discussion of the resul ts reported in Chapter 6. The objective of the current study is to identify the presentation of prison life on film and to explore th e cultural meanings expressed through these images. First a brief discussion of the key findings and the limitations of the study will be presented. Second the focus will turn to a discussion placing the study in the larger context of the significance of the production of iconography by the media industry and the consequences of this process. Th is discussion will include the following areas of examination: social constructionism, the propaganda model and the entertainment industry political images of cri me control and crime control policy the prison industrial complex, and the diversion of attention from other inmate issues Recall that the overarching goal of the study is to a nswer the following question: W hat do th e image s of incarceration and the liv e s of the people who live in the celluloid world of the prison film tell the public about incarceration and the daily life of inmates ?
139 Summary of Key Findings The present study is unique in that it is the first known study to apply a theoretical samplin g structure to compare the relationship between the iconography illustrated within recent prison films and that presented in the extant academic correctional literature. The current study draws on the existing literature to guide the selection of relevant penal constructs that all inmates are concerned with regardless of the institution in which they are housed These constructs are drug use and trafficking, rape and sexual assault, violence and gang affiliation. A discussion of the key findings within eac h construct of penal culture follows. Drug Use and Drug Trafficking Behind Bars To reiterate t he current study found the amount of drug use and trafficking presented on screen i s similar to the information that is reported within the academic correctional literature. Criminological research has found that drug use and drug trafficking are part of the underground economy behind bars and therefore it is not surprising that film pro ducers would ch o ose to utilize ima ges of drug use and trafficking within priso n films ( CASA, 2002; Inciardi, Lockwood, and Quinlan, 1993 ; Mumola, 1999; Simpler and Langhinrichsen Rohling, 2005 ) Importantly, the emphasis on drug use and trafficking in both prison films and the academic correctional literature suggests to the public and to academicians that drug use and trafficking among inmates is an important and relevant issue worthy of further examination.
140 Moreover, the imagery of the inmate as drug user and drug trafficker should be analyzed in the broade r context of the war on drugs. According to a recent report by Ryan S. King of The Sentencing Project (2008 ): Overall, between 1980 and 2003, the number of drug offenders in prison or jail increased by 1100% from 41,100 in 1980 to 493,800 in 2003, with a remarkable rise in arre sts concentrated in African American communities. (p. 1) In the current study, several of the main characters were sentenced to prison as a consequence of the commission of drug crimes. In 4 of the 9 movies that have inmate protagonists the protagonists w ere sentenced to prison for drug crimes. In Down Time Slim wa s a heroin addict who is seen committ ing a violent drug deal at the beg inning of th e film. In American Me Santana was sent to prison the second time for possession of heroin. Jimmy Rainwood in An Innocent Man wa s sentenced for a drug crime and for threatening the police with a gun both crimes he did not commit. Animal Factory a film released in 2000 depicted Ron Decker who wa s sentenced for the crime of possession with intent to sel l $200,00 0 worth of marijuana. During the trial the defense attorney rarely wa s hea rd from but the prosecutor made the following lengthy speech ( Animal Factory 2000) : He is from a good family which gives him less excuse sin opportunity. The fact which counsel seems to imply. The amount of drugs with which he was caught was $200 ,000. This is a serious offense and if someone with this level of involvement who has every
141 advantage and opportunity our society prov Throughout these films the use of p rison as punishment for drug crimes is not questioned and as the example above show s wa s clearly supported by agents o f the criminal justice system. T he message that is provided to the public through the constructed messages within the films is that the consequence for the commission of a drug crime is imprisonment. This upholds the current crime control model and support s the war on drugs model in place in the United States. Further, the message presented to the audience through the imagery of drug use and drug trafficking within prison movies is that drugs are readily available within the modern American correctional sys tem and that just because an i ndividual is sent to prison does not mean that drug use will s top. The message conveyed here to the public is that the war on drugs must continue and in fact must now be expanded because drugs have infiltrated prison faciliti es. Given the emphasis on drug use and drug trafficking depicted throughout the prison films it is notable that drug treatment is not represented in any of the current study sample of films. A thorough discussion of drug treatment will continue below. The use of moral panic analysis is another relevant consideration given the emphasis on drug use and trafficking imagery in prison films found in the current study. According to Stanley Cohen ( 2002 ) societies are subject to periods of moral panic in ondition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a
142 threat t o societal values and interests (p. 1). The mass media and mora l entrepreneurs such as editors and politicians are responsible for initiating, offering resolutions to, an d reignit ing the panic of these episod e s or conditions (Cohen, 2002). The moral panic concerning the use of psychoactive drugs has been in existence for approximately 100 years (Cohen, 2002). According to Cohen (2002, p. xiii) these p anics have taken sever al drugs; the transition from safe to dangerous; the logic of prohibition. New substances are added to the growing list of concerns as patterns of psycho active drug use change over time. For example, in the 1930 s the United States experienced a growing panic about marijuana which is best exemplified in the classic 193 8 film Reefer Madness It is possible that the iconography of drug use and trafficking wi thin prison films is reflective of a historically simultaneous moral panic concerning drug use in the United States. Recall that prison films, as a measure of popular culture, are a historical byproduct of the generation in which they a re produced (Cheatwo od, 1998). Therefore, it could be argued that the significant drug depictions within prison films are historicall y reflective of a moral panic. Cohen states that the mass media are primarily responsible for the proliferation of moral panics. In this vein, it is possible t hat the proliferation of drug images by the film industry might serve to fuel or reig nite the moral panic about drug use in the United States T he most significant finding with respect to drug use and trafficking in the current study is t he evidence of a disparity in the most frequent type of drug portrayed on film
143 compared to the most frequent type of drug used and trafficked in prison as reported i n the correctional literature. The current study finds heroin to be the most prevalent drug used and trafficked on film but marijuana is the most frequently reported drug that is used and trafficked among inmates The choice to use the cultural image of the heroin user is an interesting and significant one. To the public, heroin represents one of the more harmful dru gs that an individual can use. H eroin can be taken orally, insufflated (snorted/sniffed), smoked, or injected. Heroin is a euphoric depressant and an analgesic. Depending on the quality of the heroin the method of ingestion and the amount taken, the effects can include but are not limited to relaxation, sedation, pain relief, nausea, vomiting, constipation, dizziness, blackout and death. While heroin can be taken many ways, the majorit y of the films show inmates us ing heroin by inje ctin g the substance intravenously. In the movies in which the inmates are using heroin, the audience is given the chance to see the whole process th at the inmate utilizes to inject the heroin such as preparing the arm by creating a tourniquet out of a bel t, cooking the solid form of the substance to turn it into liquid, drawing the liquid into the needle, inserting the needle into the arm, drawing blood into the needle (flush ing), and injecting the drug. Through the use of this vibrant imagery t here is no doubt to the audience that the inmate is using heroin T he use of the injecting imagery allows the producers of these films to e xpres s to the audience that drug ab using inmates are hardcore drug users addicted to drugs and rely ing on needles to produce the ir much need ed f ix. For most of the public, heroin use represents one of the most addictive drug
144 choices that can be made withi n the spectrum of illegal drugs. While one might expect that in prison dangerous hardcore drug use rs are living behind the bars in t he US the majority of offenders are held in minimum and medium security level facilities while only approximately one fifth of all facilities are maximum security (Stephan, 2008) Part of the problem lies with the fact th at the majority of prison movies are set in maximum security institutions (Wilson and O'Sullivan, 2004) Further, heroin using scenes depict th e aftermath of the heroin use. There are several scenes in Down Time that show inmates who have used heroin an d then fall asleep. A dominant physiological reaction to heroin is lethargy and states of unconsciousness. However, other films depict inmates becom ing violent as a result of heroin use. This portrayal does not reflect the pharmacological consequences o f h eroin in The current study finds that prison movies portray n egative consequences associated with this type of hardcore drug use on film For example, in Lockdown the character Dre is portrayed using heroin in several scenes The final drug scene that the viewer is shown of Dre shooting heroin depicts Dre becoming hostile after he i njects the drugs into his arm. He moves immediately from the bathroom where he is doing the drugs to the auditorium where he takes out a shank and stabs his r apist, Graffiti. Consequently, a guard kills Dre by hitting him in the head with a nightstick. The emphasis on heroin coupled with negative consequences as a resu lt of the use of this drug send a clear message to the audience that prisons are dangerous p laces. Prisons hold inmates who are hardcore drug users and who sometimes commit violent
145 acts, such as murder, as a result of this drug use. The message here is to be fearful of prison because inmates in prison are heroin addicts who will kill because they become out of control when they are on heroin Consider what might be the consequence if a film portrayed heroin use by a n inmate as a pleasurable act? The public could possibly find this offensive. The stigma associated with heroin use extends to the pri son depiction of this use. While the suggestion by prison movies is that heroin use in prison is normative it is also stigma tized by the general public. Rape and Sexual Assault The study f inds that the depictions of rape and sexual assault on film are simi lar to the reported amount of rape and sexual assault by academic s withi n the correctional literature. However, the study f ound that while the amount of rape and sexual assault was similar in film and the correctional literature, the amount of rape and sex ual assault depicted on film was at the low end of th is reported amount in the correctional literature because the correctional literature reports a range of 0.3% to 0.22%. Therefore, the study findings should be interpreted with caution. Also, the small s ample size should also be a consideration when interpreting these results. While there are few rapes and sexual assault scenes within the prison film sample ( 4 and 2 respectively) t he study did find that victims of rape and sexual assault illustrated on film are similar with respect to the categories of race, naivety, and having no gang affiliation compared to the correctional literature. However, the study found a disparity in the comparison between the race of the perpetrator of rape and sexual assault s
146 on film and the race of the perpetrator in the correctional literature. The p rison films in the study depict the majority of rape and sexual assault perpetrators as white while correctional research has found that African American inmates are the most l ikely to commit these acts in prison. Is this a significant trend within prison films or i s this an anomaly of the data? With a small sample size it is difficult to discer n the answer to this question. Further research should examine this question with a l arger sample size however because this preliminary finding could contain significant implications concerning the media constructions of race, sexual relations and power structure among inmates within prison. While there are few rape and sexual assault s cenes across the prison films sampled in the current study, t here is no lack of sexual innuendo in prison films. However, this innuendo rarely escalat es to rape and sexual assault. No direct measures were made of sexual innuendo in the current study. Futur e research should explore this line of inquiry further because sexual innuendo has implications for the fear of sexual violence in prison which is a daunting issue for inmates ( Chonco, 1989; Jones and Schmidt, 1989; Smith and Batiuk, 1989; Tewksbury, 1989 ). I t is worthwhile to mention that the small number and length of rape and sexual assault scenes within the prison film do not make them any less important than other types of scen es throughout the prison film. In fact, one could argue that the power, dr ama and strength of these scenes lie in the fact that film producers use them sparingly. Film producers know that male on male sexual assault and rape scenes do not appeal to most
147 viewers. However, it is precisely these sc enes that audiences remember. For example, the author show ed American Me twice in two separate Criminological Theory undergraduate classes. After quizz ing the students on two separate occasions about what they learned from the movie, students could barely recall the theory of social disorg anization that had been the goal of the lesson However, s tudents could recall detailed description s of the graphic prison rape scene of Tony Scagnelli Jr. including characters nam es and the sequence of events. This example shows that rape and sexual ass ault scenes in prison films though short in duration are powerful and can have a lasting impression on those who watch these films. Prison films with scenes of rape and sexual assault instill fear into the viewer that rape and sexual assault do in fact o ccur in prison and that if a person go es to prison this could be his or her fate. For the purposes of this study rape and sexual assault were categorized a s unique type s of violent incident s t hat take places within prison. Violence in gene ral will now b e discussed. Violence The severity and frequency of violence illustrated on film is disproportional compared to the amount and levels of violence reported in the correctional literature. Prison films depict frequent severe a cts of violence. Among the a cts of violence, murder stands out as an act depicted much more frequently on film than i n the correctional literature. Prison films depict frequent murders. Additionally, the study found that prison films portrayed white perpetrators of violence more often t han perpetrators from other
148 racial groups. This discovery varies from the current correctional literature which finds that racial and ethnic minorities account for the ma jority of violence behind bars. Specifically, the study found the highest levels of violence within three films, American Me Death Warrant and Innocent Man This finding was not surprising since these are all major Hollywood productions and there is a belief that violence sells movies American Me starred Edward James Olmos (director) and was p roduced by Universal Pictures. Death Warrant featured Jean Claude Van Dame and was produced by Path Pictures International and distributed by MGM. An Innocent Man starred Tom Selleck and was produced by Touchstone Pictures which is owned by Dis ney. These films are major Hollywood productions with particularly well known s tars as their lead characters. The production and reproduction of violence are in the hands of the m edia industry (Potter, 2003). The argument put forth by the producers of film as a justification for the reproduction of violence within films is that they are responding to market demands (Potter, 2003) This argument is based on the economic p rinciple of supply and demand. Producers of film s are giving audiences only the amou nt o f violence that they want. However, regardless of what Hollywood assumes public opinion polls consistently report that the general public believes that the media depict too much violence (Potter, 2003). Given the findings of the current study, some ques tions still remain the lar gest and most pertinent being, H ow do one evaluate violence? It is common practice among research ers of violence and television to sum the number of coded acts of violence per
149 show and compare this number to an hourly rate per pro gram. The higher the hourly rate the more violent the program (Riddle, Keren, Mahood, and Potter, 2006) However, it is imperative to assess not just the number of ac ts committed but the context in which the violence was committed. Researchers need to asse ss the type of violent act s that are actually committed. For example, one of the most interesting additional findings discovered in the process of completing this study was the use of sports within prison films. S port ing event s were depicted in Lockdown ( b asketball ), Unshackled ( basketball ) Lock Up ( football ) Brubaker ( polo ) and Penitentiary ( boxing ) The v iolence that took place during these events was not counted in this study as part of the violent scenes. However, one could go back and evaluate wheth er or not these scenes fit a strict definition of violence and in what context this would apply. Future research should expand upon this contextualization of violence model and add other dimensions to these co ntextual measures of violence because this is a n important measure within prison fi lm and crime film in general. Gang Affiliation The study found that prison movies tend to under represent gang affiliation compared to the type of gang affiliation among inmates as reported withi n the correctional literat ure. However, within prison movies that depict gang affiliation the portrayal of gangs is similar to the current levels of gang affiliation r eporte d by correctional researchers. O nly o ne prison gang depicted on film the Aryan Brotherhood was on the top 10 list of prison gangs ; however, among gangs depicted on
150 film, this was one of the least depicted gang affiliations Prison films that depicted gang affiliation depicted similar types of gang activity behind bars as those gang activities reported in the aca demic correctional literature. These gang activities include violent behavior, sexual assault, the sex trade, and drug trafficking F our of the 11 films in this study depicted gangs. F ilms that did not identify gangs per se did however, identify race rela tions issues. For example, the movie Unshackled is based on a true story of the integration of t he Georgia State Penitentiary. The white protagonist, Harold Morris, is placed in a cell with an Afri can American inmate named Doc. While this movie does not e xamine the iconography of the gang it does gi ve insight into race relations. One scene depicts protests that lead to an organized riot by the African American inmates over the imposed changes to the segregation policy. This is an example of violence relat ed to race relations issue s that is closely align ed to the gang issu e but significantly different. Other films follow suit. In Death Warrant Jean Claude Van Dame portrays a police officer who goes undercover in a prison to f ind out why inmates are dying. In the beginning of the movie, his character, L ouis Burke, tries to befriend an older more experienced African American inmate Hawkins. After an altercation in the dining hall during which s aid, Burke tries to sit with Hawkins at his table which is occupied by Af rican American men. He is quickly chastised by Hawkins, who Do you ( Death Warrant 1990). A young white inmate sees the si tuation and offers him a seat. Thro ughout the rest
151 of this movie, it is quite clear that the line between African Americans and whites is drawn. However, no gang affiliations are recognized. Future research should expand upon this area of racial conflict and its connection to gang affiliat ion behind bars. An example from Down Time of this race gang connection is seen when Slim, the protagonist enters prison. He is not a member of a gang but gains approval from Sammytown, the leader of the Aryan Brotherhood : asically gave me his blessing. He knew that I was a stand up white dude. That made things a hell of a lot easier right off the bat ( Down Time 2001). It may not be possible to isolate the two issues of gang affiliation and race relations, but to examine them together makes f or more comprehensive and robust studies and subsequent analyses. Limitations of the Study The current study is not entirely with out limitations. For methodological purposes the current study borrowed measures of violence and injuries from the CHAMP (200 9) study. Despite the methodological advantages o f categorizing violence in this m anner some drawbacks do exist. It is possible that that the categories may have been too broad.Violence was by far the hardest of the penal constructs to code. This was evide nt by the intercoder reliability analysis (see Table 3 ). Interpretation of violence is a diffi cult variable to operationalize; hence the use of the CHAMP (2009) study coding with modifications. While the two coders in the study were able to agree on the n umber of violent scenes in the films with relative accurately (82%), it was much harder to agree
152 upon the length of a violent scene. This is important because according to media et al. 1994), the more time that violent images of prison are present ed on screen and viewed by the public the more the symbols and messages of violence in prison get translated into world views by the audience. In short, according to this theory, the mo re prison violence seen on film the more the public believes that prisons are violent places. Additionally, some other issues surfac ed with regard to violence. The p revalence of sport within p rison film s was noted For the interest of consistency violenc e that took place within the context of a sporting event was not c oded a s violen ce for the purposes of this study However, some of the sporting events in and of themsel ves were particularly violent. For example, a central theme in the film Penitentiary is boxing. Including these scenes as violen ce would have increased the total level of violence across films. Other sporting events included basketball, football, and polo. The exclusion of the violence within the context of sporting events served to lower th e measured levels of violence within prison films. It is recommended that future studies code sporting event violence either as a separate violent category similar to rape and sexual assault or as a measure of v iolence on the violence scale. The possibilit y exists to explore the role of sport and the meanings of masculinit y within prison films as well. Furthermore, one film Down Time included scenes that took place in a jail These scenes were excluded because they did not t ake place in a prison facility Jails and prisons are distinct facilities that posses s unique in m ate subcultu res. Jails hold both
153 pretrial detainees and inmates sentenced to not more than one year while prisons are l ong term detention facilities. The exclusion of jail related events ba sed on the technical differences between jails and prisons, however, may not matter to the general public. It is quite likely that the public perceives jail an d prison locations as similar. Thus, it may make sense t o code jail locations as well. These data could be coded in their independent setting, and treated separately or aggregated wit h prison data for analysis. Having addressed the findings and limitations of this research, the remaining discussion examines several key criminological and sociologica l concepts a ddressed in the literature review such as social constructionism, the propaganda model and the entertainment industry political images of crime c ontrol and crime control policy, the prison industrial complex and diverting attention from other inmate issues Social Constructionism The film industry paints a very specific picture abo ut life behind the razor wire. After watching prison films, what exactly does the public know about life in prison? The following images represent some of the themes discovered in the research First, v iolen ce among inmates is prevalent. Through film t he public is exposed to the idea that prisons are places where inmates are likely to kill other inmates because homicide is the most common violent offense committed by inmates. Also, inmates have access to drugs, specifically heroin, marijuana and alcohol especially homemade alcohol known as pruno In addition, d rug trafficking is a typical pastime of inmates and the economy associated with drugs encompasses the daily life of the inmates as well as the guards th at
154 work in these institutions. Further, gangs are part of life and they control most of the illegitimate industry behind bars such as drug trafficking and the sex trade. The sex trade and the drug trade are par t of the underground economy that is present in these institutions. A hierarchy of power exists among the inmates, with gang leaders at th e top of this power structure. New inmat es must align themselves with older more experienced inmate s or become part o f a prison gang. If not, it is likely that new inmates will be taken advantage of either through physical violence or by rape. Additionally, inmates who cross the path of the gang in power are likely to meet an unfortunate demise. The harshest expression o f violence behind bars is being burned alive. This type of violence is usually reserved for snitches, the most despised of all inmates. This view of th e prison constructed by the film industry give s the audience a glimpse into the cruel reality of incarcer ated life. However, given the current study and the few studies that have come before this one ( Rafter, 2006; Nellis, 1982; Cheatwood, 1989; Wilson and do not appear to construct the same images of prison life as the correct ional literature. Rafter (2006) remarked on this difference when she stated: n otwithstanding their assertions of authenticity, however, traditional prison movies are incapable of providing a true picture of life behind bars (p. 175). This is precisely w hy prison films warrant much n eeded criminological inquiry. The constructed view of prison life by the film industry is as important as the reality of prison life. In fact, it could be argued that the constructed view of prisons or the representation of t he prison presented to the public by the media industry is perhaps m ore
155 significant than prison life because this iconography of the prison touches so many more lives than incarceration itself. Film as a vehicle of popular culture serves as a stage o n wh ich the daily life of the prison is presented to the public. As the general public has a limited direct knowledge of daily p rison life, film and the iconography that it illustrates becomes of significant value. ne situations as real, they are real in their consequ 572). Thomas indicated that actions only make sense to someone when a person becomes aware of all of the definitions through which the mind interprets. In short, defin itions organize experience. The power of the human mind to translate belief into act ion has tangible consequences. How is this observation relevant to the current study and the construction of incarc eration by the media industry? This needs to be examine d a bit more. Prison films present a specific and one might argue purposeful image o f incarceration to the public. The definitions of a situation including beliefs and expectations presented through the film industry are then interpreted by the public whi ch makes those images a fundamental part of the ir daily lives. These definitions can effect subsequent actions For example, o n film once the prisoner becomes a h eroin addicted violent individual, that human being has bee n transformed through the media pre scribed situational definition into the other The othering of the defined prisoner allows the prisoner to become the target of prejudice, discrimination, apathy and aggression. This othering allows for the marginalization of this particular group of peop le, a class of people that it is acceptable to denigrate because
156 it has become objectified The translation of these beliefs into actions comes when individuals who view these films believe that the images of the criminals presented on screen are similar t o crimi nals who are housed in the U.S. correctional system. From this point of view, not only is the media not purposeful in its construction of images of crime and punishment but viewer demand is actually driving production of crime images. Is the process of mass media influence on crime image construction cyclical wherein demand drives more imagery? Public demand is the rationale for violent imagery used by the media industry. However, research has found that the public chooses nonviolent films over violent ones (Gerbner, 1994; Williams, 1999). Similarly, would magery change if given an alternative? This remains to be seen. We know that the public enjoys images of crime and punishment but recall Gamson et al. (1992) state d that the brilliance of the process of social constructionism is that the method is fluid, s eamless and invisible. In light of these observations it is appropriate to e xamine a n application of a theoretical perspective to the entertainment industry that addresses some of these issues This model will explain how the film industry through the us e of the imagery of crime and incarceration perpet uates the crime control ideology which is part of the shared hegemonic ideals of crime and punishment in America today.
157 T he Propaganda Model and the Entertainment Industry One of the predominant theoreti cal approaches to the study of the mass media is the propaganda model. The propaganda model was proposed and detailed by Herman and Chomsky (2002) in their now infamous book Manufacturing Consent Accordin g to Herman and Chomsky (2002 ), the mass media se rve as a system for communicating messages and sy mbols to the general populace. It is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will integrate then into the institution al structures of the larger society. In a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interests, to fulfill this role requires systematic propaganda. (p. 1) Herman and Chomsky present a propaganda model that focuses on the inequality and powe r of the mass media. The propaganda model has primarily been applied to the mass media and the constru ction of news (Dowler, 2004). cont : ( 1) the large size, ownership, profi t orientation of the mass media; ( 2) the primary income source of the mass media is money ge nerated by thorough advertising; ( who are funded and approved by agents of power such as the government or big business ; or negative criticism a s a means of controlling the media ; and ( ontrol mechanism of the media. These five filters act together to construct news discourse an d determine what issues become newsworthy Herman and Chomsky argue that t he mass
158 media distorts issues in very specific ways in order to support the interests of the capitalist economy Why does the mass media do so? The answer, in this view, is simple the media is part of the corporate conglomerate, the power structure, and it has a stake in maint aining the status quo. A pplying the propaganda model to the motion picture industry a llows us to analyze how the media frames crime and punishment is filter 1 the large size, ownership, profit orientation of the mass media is very easily applied t o the motion picture industry. In chapter 2 media corporatization s were discussed. The majority of the mass media industry in the United States is controlled by only eight large co nglomerates (Freepress, 2006). In addition, the oligop oly of the motion picture industry was previously discussed and a very few large corporations own the market share of the motion picture indus try. For example, 70% of all box office rev en ues in the United States are accounted for by only six film distribu tion companies (Standard and Poor 2006). Taken together these data indicate that the film industry qualifies under Herman and According to the second filter, advertising must be a primary source of income. While the film indust ry is not influenced by advertisers in the same manner as other areas of the mass media, advertisement is still a primary principle i n the motion picture industry. Large amounts of money are spent to advertise a film to the American public. In addition, an d sometimes more importantly, the film industry uses its ties with other
159 toy industry to capitalize on the popularity of a film. The third filter is a r Herman and Chomsky (2002) maintain that newsmakers engage in a symbiotic relationship with official sou rces of information. Welch, Fenwick and Roberts (1998) found that with respect to the social construction of crime in the news, newspape l sources. In the same vein, one can apply the propaganda model to the film industry and the construction of the represe ntation of the pr ison on film. The film industry relies upon at life inside prison is like. In addition, prison movies are also filmed primarily at actual prison institutions. In some productions actual prisoners are used as extras on the s et and appear in the final film. Each of these outcomes illustrates how prison films rely on official sources and images, and, as a result, appear to present believable images about life in prison. of interest groups to the media. Herman and Chomsky argue that flak organizations can manipulate the media if they hold enough power and that the government can be one of the largest producing flak organizations. With respect to the motion picture industry, t he best example of flak is the history through which the motion picture industry developed its rating system. The Roman Catholic Church and its very influential agency the National Legion of Decency pressured the motion picture industry into the adoption of self regulation manifested in
160 the form of the rating system that is still present today (Skinner, 1993; Walsh, 1996). This rating system was originally established in 1968 as a joint venture between the Motion Pictur e Association of America (MPAA ) and the National Assoc iation of Theatre Owners (NATO ) (Federal Trade Commission, 2000). The censorship of the film industry can be seen as a particularly onerous form of flak. The fifth and final filter in the propaganda model is anticommuni sm (Herman and Cho msky, 2002). ntext with the end of the Cold W ar this filter is best understood as Dowler (2004) suggests, as the dramatization of evil. Views that rival western hegemony are labeled evil and in this vein, lines are dra wn between good and evil, right and wrong, thus encouraging the public to support the side defined as good, which is typically the status quo. In recent years the United States has created the large st prison system in the world. Government officials, corp orations, media, and public opinion have contributed to the reliance on the prison as the paradigm of social control in the United States. Political Images of Crime Control and Crime Control Policy Gerbner et al. (2001) observed that arge and heterogeneous (p. 54) Could this be the case for film as well? Producers of film are trying to increase profits b y appealing to the average film going member of the public. T producers must produce films that fit within the confines of acceptable knowledge about crime and pu nishment in the United States. The film industry does this by perpetuating
161 stereotypes about crime, criminals and specifical ly inmates and inmate culture. For example, prison movies reinforce the notion that individuals who commit drug crimes shoul d serve long prison sentences. This war on drugs rhetoric fits within the current crime contro l agenda in the United States. The pr esentation of the criminal on film in a specific manner, as drug abusing individuals reinforces the current crime control correctional ideology that is pr esent in the United States. Furthermore, the current study found that the presentation of violence w ithin prison movies was overwhelming more so than any of the other constructs of prison culture measured in the study. The undeniable portrayal of violence in prison films reinforces the ideal that prisons first and foremost house violent criminals. The m ajority of the violent scenes in prison movies take place between i nmates (76%). The presentation of the perpetrator of violent acts behind bars is important because it serves to justify to the audience that the inmates are violent people who will commit a cts of violence against each other even within the controlled pris on environment. The solution to this violence problem is clear more control of the inmates through the use of special housing units or administrative segregation more affectionately known as the hole In this way, the image of the violent inmate fits within the current crime control agenda that is evidenced by the growing incarcerati on trend in the United States. The rhetoric says inmates are violent and they will commit more violent acts wh en they go to prison ; therefore, prisons should be detention facilities concerned foremost with management
162 and con trol of the inmate population. There is evidence that priso n films reflect this rhetoric. In fact, evidence of rehabilitation is lacking withi n prison movies. Prison Industrial Complex The film industry through its production and reproduction of hegemonic images of incarceration help s to reinforce the war on crime in the United States. Support for the war on crime means support for the building of more prisons. Re call that the United States has in the last three decades built the largest prison system in the world. P rison expansion in the United States is vested in the larger socio political economy of America. P risons expansion has become bi g business generating income from prison construction, the leasing of prison space and prison systems, and the provision of services that have become privatized Public conservatism, crime control rhetoric, and the corporatization of the correctional syst em have helped fuel prison expansion (Christie, 2000; Lynch, 2007). The film industry operated by six large corporate conglomerates funnels specific k nowledge about crime and punishment to the general public The information about the incarceration expe rience serves to reinforce crime control ideals promulgated by corporate America that in turn perpetuate the correctional machinery. It is in the film America, the sam e ideals as those supported by the prison industr y. The American public has supported the proliferation of prisons in America through its support of state spending on prisons to the tune of $44.06 billion in 2007 (PE W Center on the States, 2008). Therefore it is not surprising that film makers, knowing that the American public
163 supports the building of many larger prisons, has produced films that reproduce images that support crime control ideology such as inmates as drug users and traffickers, violent offe nders, and sexual deviants. Interestingly, a s the film industry profit s from the images of criminals and the depiction of inmates behind bars the corrections industry and its subsidiaries profit off of the process of locking up individuals. The film indus try picks and chooses what it wishes to present to the public about incar ceration in the United States. Research has found that the American public often chooses to rely on the constructions that are presented by the film industry about crime and punishmen t rather than the information found in academic literature. As more disparities between the constructions by the film industry and the information reported by academics surface, we are likely to see that the public is obtaining a view about crime and punis hment that is very different than the one that academic s have constructed. The fact that film producers emphasize particular themes such as violence within prisons over other themes diverts attention from other important inmate culture issues. Diverting At tention from Other Inmate Issues The issue of the media on particular parts of the inmate subculture is that this focus serves to divert attention away from other serious inmate issues within the correctional system. Rafter (2006) in her introduction in Shots in the Mirror explains that it is not only the value of what the media presents that is important to recognize and analyze but also the importance of what is not presented The missing information is often as in formative as what is depicted. For example, the current stu dy
164 found that violence was over represented in prison films compared to the extant aca demic correctional literature. This study has already discussed the function of the depiction of violence in the prison movie but d oes this violence distract the audience from other perhaps more important issues that have not been discussed? Does representation of violence serve as a smoke screen for other issues that are relevant to the discourse on punishment in the United State s omitted by producers? Prison films are limited in terms of inm ate issues depicted on screen. While not all issues can be explored due to the time constraints of the motion picture format, it should be noted that in the sample of films within this study several s eriou s inmate issues are poorly addressed The d epiction of inmates with serious medical disorder s such as HIV, AIDS, TB and Hepatitis is lacking. Correctional research has shown that a s the inmate population grows the number of inmates with communicable diseases swells (Mays and Winfree, 2002). The film industry has been slow to portr ay this trend in prison films. Not only is there a lack of depiction of inmates with communicable diseases but also there is a lack of depiction s o n film of pre cautionary measures taken by guards or inmates to prevent infection. Inmates o n film are portrayed biting, punching, hitting, cutting, spitting on and wrestling with ot her inmates as well as guards. Bodily fluids are exchanged in rape scenes as well as in violent scenes. However, within the sample of films in this study there was no depiction of precautions taken by either the correctional management or other inmates to protect themselves from the t ransmission of disease.
165 As mentioned earlier, with the de piction of so many inmates with serious drug use and addic tion difficulties as well as trafficking in drugs there is a neglect of the depiction of drug treatment on film In addition, w hile the current study finds that drug use and drug trafficking are de picted on film there is a failure to depict a common type of drug use and trafficking that takes place behind bars the e xchange of prescription drugs. The fact that the prison films examined in the current study do not explore this issue is quite telling. Only one film in the current study, Unshackled has a pill line scene. This scene while seemingly about prescription medicine is actually a violent scene. In this scene the inmate handing out prescriptions hits another inmate in the head with a hammer a s he receive s his medicine. In all of the other films in the study, t he focus on the drug exchange is on the inmates receiving illeg al drugs from outside sources. Guards who might participate in this exchange are depicted as outside the norm or not straigh t However, prescription pills that inmates are given within the context of the prison environment are provided within generally accepted parameters set out in the medical model of correctional treatment ideology which supports the belief that criminal jus tice professionals are prescribing chemicals to help inmates. Any depiction on film of an economic exchange based on prescription drugs might perpetuate for the audience a belief that criminal justice professionals cannot manage the dispensing and processi ng of pharmaceut icals in a prison environment. Th e black market in prescription pills as well as the social exchan ges that take place along the pill line is a significant part of the culture of the prison institution and the failure of the depiction by pr ison movies is significant
166 Conclusion Notwithsta nding its limitations, the current exploratory study elucidates the roles of the media in the soci al construction of the images of incar ceration as presented on film. The prison film as a product of the film industry constructs a very specific picture abo ut life behind the razor wire. As most people in the United States will never serve time behind bars, the iconography of the prison film and the picture of prison life that is painted by these films maybe mor e important than the reality of daily life behind bars erception of life behind bars. The following chapter will provide conclusions and recommendations for future r esearch within the academic field of criminology with respect to the media, crime and justice.
167 Chapter Eight : Conclusion The purpose of this dissertation is to underscore the importance of studying the iconography of the prison with a n emphasis on the celluloid images of prisons on film. I ncarceratio n in the United States has reached epic proportions. Never before have we had so many people behind bars in the U S. The growing correctional system in the U nited S tates is becoming contr olled by private corporations. C orporatizati on of the correctional sec tor and the connection between punishment and profit are concerns within the broader context of controlling crime. Few studies have compared media depiction of imprisonment and scho larly research on imprisonment. ction of prisons, prison inmates and prison condition because this information is often the only source of pu blic information on these issues. As noted in the previous chapter, how the media constructs its image of imprisonment has profound consequences fo r the construction of prison ideology. The motion picture industry presents the public with manufactured images and it is through these images that the public gains knowledge about punishment in America.
168 The current study e xamin ed aspects of penal cultu r e in prison movies and compared those images to the extant ac ademic correctional literature. In doing so, the current study helps clarify the understanding of the manufactured images of modern penal culture in America by Hollywood that are being presented to the American public. The purpose of this final chapter is to discuss violence and censorship the reproduction of the crime control ideology the commodification of the prison, teaching critical media viewing and to recommend the recognition of popular criminolog y as a criminological discourse. Violence and Censorshi p One of the key findings from the current study is the emphasis on violence in prison movies by the film industry. This study found that compared to the amount and types of violence reporte d in the correctional literature prison films depict more int ense violence more frequently. There is an over emphasis on the portrayal of homicide within prison films that is not similar to the numbers reported within the academic correctional l iterature. The lessons from the research on violence on television can be applied to the film. According to Jean Kilbourne in The Killing Screens: Media and the Culture of Violence ( Jhally, 1994): f a ( p. 8). Therefore, w hat do the images of violence within prison films tell us about th e way Americans view violence? Researchers are just beginning to ask and analyze this question. However, it is known that v iolence has become an essenti al part of the storytelling formula that producers r ely upon as a convenient habit. Writers have
169 come to rely upon this formula in order to get the story told and to generate interest by the audience (Potter, 2003). Violence is easy to write, requires litt le creativity and is relatively cheap to r ec r eate on screen (Potter, 2003). The rationale for the use of violent imagery by med ia industries is public demand. However, if this were the case violent media should always have high ratings but this is not a lways the case. Gerbner (1994) found that the ratings for nonvio lent television shows from 1988 to 1993 were higher than the ratings for violent shows. Additionally, Williams (1999) in a study comparing 2, 380 major movie releases from 1987 to 1997, found t hat wh ile more R rated films were released during this time compared to G rated films, the G rated films had the highest profit margin per film. The prolific use of violent imagery in prison movies calls to question the issue of what, if anything should b e done about violence on film? Are there particular types of images that the government should censor and if so what type s of images? The debate over censorship within entertainment media industries is highly controve rsial. Producers of film and televis ion are quite adamant that artistic value outweighs any governmental intervention. I n an interview about the censorship of violence by the government television producer and writer Steven Bochco stated that ensorship by an y other name remains censorship ( Jhally, 1994, p. 11) Producer Diane English felt similarly: k in that (Jhally, 1994, p. 11).
170 Compromises can be made between the producers of entertainment media and the c ritics who call for censorship. One way to compromise is to reduce the amount of violence shown on film without eliminating the context ually relevant vi olent scenes. The elimination of gratuitous violence would go a long way to change the expectation o f violenc e within entertainment mediums. Additionally, another str ategy that entertainment media could use is to present violence in a different framework s o that the damage to vie wers is reduced (Potter, 2003). Regardless of future censorship issues, what remains is that t he images portrayed on film aid in the construction of crime and punishment in America. Reproduction of Crime Control Ideology The connec tion between the growing incarceration trend and punishment for profit has previously been discussed within the context of controlling crime. Howe ver, the question still remains: W hat role, if any, do the popular cultural images of the prison produced by t he mass media play in this process? The media conglomerations in the United States allow for the productions of these media industrie s to become quite significant. The film industry with its production of images is especially significant because this ind ustry is forming constructions of criminal justice issues through the use of not onl y words but visualizations. Arguably these images of incarceration have an impact on public policy becau se they are not merely benign entertainment images but ar indeed po litical.
171 Pictures are political as such ; it is not merely that some pictures, because of their subject matter, are more obviously pub lic and political than others. Consequently, because they circulate in the domains that are trad itionally deemed private, b oth commercial and domestic pictures take public politics into the private and personal realm, where contemporary politics is in fact conducted. (Hartley, 1992, p. 28). Accordingly, t he images of crime and punishment on film are not just an important sour and punishment in America. Moreover, s tock themes and scenes within prison films are used to replicate the b elief in the use of incarceration for crime control purposes. In this way the public film viewer becomes familiar with and comes to expect the prison film formula that is repeated within the genre. The current study found the following stock scenes and th emes within the sample of prison films: ( 1) the depiction of new inmates e ntering prison and/or intake; ( 2) protagonists that are not guilty; and ( 3) the depiction of a sadistic warden or guard. Almost all of the prison movies depicted new inmates, usua lly the protag onist, coming into the prison. The standard scene is the new inmate in his stree t clothes shown i n an unmarked prison bus driving through the countryside past images symbolizing freedom such as fields of green, children playing, and people w orking As the bus drives up to the prison gate, the audience sees the prison, a large often brick building with razor wire and gun towers all characteristics typical of maximum security institutions in
172 the US. With the prison in view or just inside the gate the warden or the lieutenant in charge repeats that is meant to invoke fear in both the audience a nd the i nmates. After entering the prison grounds, new inmate s are processed during intake. So me prison movies show this degrading process with a particular emphasis on the control by the guards and the emasculation of th e new inmates through the strip search pr ocess. Inmates are stripped of their identity by exchanging their street clothes for pri son uniforms and a name for an inmate number. Some level of nudity is depicted on screen as part of this intake process. In the beginning of Escape from Alcatraz (1979), Clint East Frank Morris is seen walking fully nude down the cellblock on his way to his cell after he has been processed. In many prison films, the fact that the protagonist in the film has not committed the crime that sent him to prison is presented to the audience This identification as the allows the audience to feel that the protagonist is a hero. The fact that the hero of the film has not committed the crime for which he is incarcerated allows the audience to align itself with him when he becomes the victim and feel empathy when he is thre atened, beaten, raped, intimidated or taken advantage of in some other way. If the protagonist is guilty of the crime that he committed the n the audience has to view him as a criminal and thus not worthy of empathy. This image of the wrong fully convicted man is important because it all ows the audience to separate the true criminals deservi ) warn that a nless the public
173 can be encouraged to see offenders as people, who have a life before and after the crimes they have committed, it may be hard to convince people of the value of alternatives to (p. 21). The hero of the prison film embodies stereotypical gender role identification s The protagonist that overcomes adversity in the face of danger from a sadistic warden or as if they were out for a stroll, unruff 170). The perpetuation of the stere otypical image of the real man is illustrated in the movie Lock Up (1989) sta rring Sylvester Stallone as Frank Leone. Throughout the movie Frank is seen as the tough guy who refuses to be beaten down by the sadistic Warden Drumgoole an d his henchman Captain Meissner. For example, Frank and several of the inmates work for months on restoring an old Mustang in the prison auto repair shop only to hav e it completely destroyed a s ordered by Warden Drumgoole. However, this act against inmate morale does not deter Leone from coming back stronger and enacting revenge on Drumgoole later in the movie. As seen in Lock Up and other prison movies, the sadistic warden or guard is a t ypical theme in prison movies. The use of the sadistic warden or guard as an agent of government authority shows the audience the draconian potential of prison. The message to the audience is that inmates should experience the cruelti es of incarceration at the hands of correctional authorities Inmates are often depicted as being subjected to cruel
174 behavior such as long per iods in the hole as seen in An Innocent Man and Animal Factor y at the ha nd s of correctional authorities. Rafter (2006) points out that in many depictions of prisons on film the prison itself is a metaphor for state control. The prison film, with its stock scenes and plots, has flourished since the ve ry first prison movie in 1910. Prison movies offer the viewer a cha nce to escape into a world that is familiar. Film reproduces the crime control ideology that is presented in other forms of media such as t he news. Prison movies also cling to historically established gender stereotypes and most significantly reproduce vio lence and drug images and themes which the public is accustomed. Prison Film and the Commodification of the Prison As the use of incarceration in the Unites States g rows as a form of crime control, the cor rections industry also grows. The profit making pro cess of the corrections industry and its subsidiaries has been discussed. In a discussion of the cultural commodification of the prison Wright (2000 itself is marketed and sold for mass cons ump (p. 17). Accordingly, the prison movie as a product of the film industry can be seen as a place where the framing of cultural meanings, situations and representations of incarceration are constructed and replicated for m ass consumption by the public. Therefore, while the prison industry profits from the use of incarceration as a crime control method the film industry profits from of t he imagery of incarceration.
175 The prison movie is a significant piece of popular culture about crime and p unishment Ac more than it is about culture. (p. 15). The dissertation analysis of prison iconography addresses not only the representations of prison life and the mores depicted on film but also how those images serve to fit within the hegemonic correctional ideol o gy in the United Sta tes today. Marx identified that commodities in a capitalis tic society are objects that possess use val u e through the pro cess of exchange ( Marx, 1867 ) T here is no doubt that the film industry produces movies to make money and that the production of these popular movies may be connected to the proliferation of the use of incarceration in the US. Lynch (2007) addresses the in creased reliance on prison in his recent book, Big Prisons, Big Dreams : [P] rison expenditures are highly visible, produce large prison buildings, consume generate other forms of c ommunication, such as news stories, that may contribute ssive consumption and grandeur (p. 222). In addition to news stories, other forms of popular media such as film can contribute to the dissemination of images o f the correctional system that contribute to and fit within the current crime control ideology. The fact that this process takes place within the entertainment media allows the public to view it as seamle ss as the public feel s that they are just being ente rtained while viewing a movie. Invisibly, t he film industry utilizes the
176 image of the prison for monetary gain while also perpetuating the crime control ideology that is part of the shared hegemonic ideals of crime a nd punishment in America today. Mass imprisonment and the consequences of the use of incarceration are made socially acceptable by commodifying the pris on with popular culture arenas. As entertainment media continue to produce and reproduce the imagery of the prison, incarceration as a soluti on for the crime problem is brought to the forefron t of the public consciousness. Few Americans question the idea s of building new prisons, of spending more money on prisons or of the social justice issue of holding more than 2 million people behind bars. The more than 300 prison films and two televisi on programs illustrating prison t o date are just the beginning of the commodification of the prison by the entertainment industry. Teaching Critical Media Viewing Knowledge about crime and punishment is influ enced by the constructions presented by the media that reflect the dominant crime control ideology (Chermak, 1994; Potter and Kappeler, 2006; We lch, Fenwick and Roberts, 1998). Critics argue that crime and punishment representations presented by entertain ment media, in this case the prison film industry, are for entertainment purposes only Prison movies use the world of fantasy incarceration while actually offering viewer s escape from the miseries of life through er, 2006, p. 163). However, regardless of why people go to the movies, one cannot discount the influence constructions produced by the film
177 industry of crime and punishment have on the audience. Research on media and learni ng has found that the majority of information about crime and punishment that the public learns comes from mainstream media ( Barak, 1994; Chermak, 1994; Muraskin and Domash, 2007; Potter and Kappeler, 1998 ; Surette, 19 84; Sacco and Trotman, 1990 ; Welch Fenwick and Roberts, 1998). Criminologists as experts on crime, have a responsibility to teach critical media viewing. One way to enhance critical media viewing is to draw attention to the issue within the university setting. The criminal justice and criminology curriculum in colleges can integrate media classes into their curriculum or portions of crime media education into other classes. As the public often gets their information concerning crime and punishment from the media it is crucial to address the media as an area of academic inq uiry in the college classroom. Ideally whole c lasses on constructions of crime, punishment and the media could be de voted to this line on inquiry. However, if resources are not availabl e to devote a whole class on constructions of crime, punishment and the media, discussions about this topic c ould take place in criminological theory classes. Discourse on this topic leads to awareness about the constructions by the media that effect publ ic perception of crime and punishment. c riminal justice professionals. A good majority of criminal justice majors at leading American universit ies go on to graduate school to workers, probatio n/parole officers, correction officials, lawyers, and politicians. Targeting this segment of the population for an open dialog about the constructions of
178 crime and punishment by the media has the potential to affect future criminal justice policy decisions Additionally, criminologists can aid in the examination of the constructions of crime and punishment by the media industries by alerting the general public to this issue. encourages criminologist s to move outside of academia to share information about criminal justice issues with the American public by publishing information not just in peer reviewed academic journals that the majority of the pu blic has little access to but to publish in other places such as newspa per s mainstream magazines, and the I nternet. Barack (1988) states: A newsmaking criminology invites criminologists and others to become part of control. It requires that they share their knowledge with the general public. ( p. 566). Growing use of th e I nternet has allowed criminologists and their research findings to reach out to the public without mainstre am media filters. Criminologists now use publically available blogs an d persona l websites to publish research information. For example, the Web site www.paulsjusticepage.com is written by Paul Leighton, a p rofessor in the Dep ar t ment of Sociology, Anthropology and Criminology at Eastern M ichigan University. In addition to his curriculum vita e on this W eb page, there is a link to his blog, where he discusses current crime and justice issues such as current court rulings, and provides links to several of his current books to a critical crim inology
179 journal and to the stopviolence.com W eb site. This is just one of the many criminologists who are now utilizing the internet to spread information about criminal justice issues wi thout corporate media editing. While u tilizing the I nternet is usefu l for disseminating information it still does not have as much power as the large corporate media outlets As the media is crucial in shaping public perceptions about crime and punishment, criminologists must learn to work together with corporate media or ganizations by producing pieces on crime and punishment that not only entertain the public but also are informed by cu rrent criminological research. This p. 566 ) call to arms when he asked of criminologists that they develop popularly based languages and technically based skills of communication for the purposes of participating in the mass consumed ideology of crime and justice In this way, perhaps in the future, the depictions of crime and punishment within popular forms of entertainment media such as films and television will more closely resemble the information about crime and punishment that criminologists have gained from th e research they have conducted. Popular Criminology as a Criminological Discourse A lth ough previous research as well as the present study contribute to the growing body of popular culture, media and criminological literature, mor e work still needs to be done. To reiterate, as researchers, we are aware that public perceptions are shaped by the media. However, criminology as a discipl ine has been slow to include the study of c rime and justice within the media as an are a for serious academic inquiry. Nevertheless, there
180 is some evidence that t his tide is slowly changing. Recently, Garland and Sparks (2000 ) recog nized this need when they stated that academic criminology should not monopolize ( p. 3) intellectual strategies and institutional assumptions that served earli er generations of Garland and Sparks, 2000 p. 3). Specifically, t he image of crime and justice issues on film as an aspect of popular culture was recently put forth by Rafter (2007 ), who recomme nded that we conceive of crime films as an aspect of popular criminology, and of popular criminology as an aspect of criminology itself. If we define criminology as the study of crime and criminals, then it becomes clear that film is one of the primary sou rces (albeit an unscientific one) through which people get their ideas about the nature of crime. ( p. 417) By including the crime film as an aspect of popular criminology and consequently popular criminology as an aspect of criminology itself research ers are saying that these lines of inquiry are importa nt and valid areas of inquiry. further one could argue that popular criminology and its research should be placed within a new theoretical area of criminology cultural crimino logy. Ferrell, Hayward and Young (2009) state: [C] ultural dynamics carry wi thin them the meaning of crime. Given this, cultural criminology explores the many ways in which cultural forces interweave with the practice of crime and crime control in contempo rary society. It emphasizes the
181 meaning, representation, and power in the contested construction of crime whether crime is constructed as videotaped entertainment or political protest, as ephemeral event or subcultural subversion, as social dang er or state sanctioned violence (p. 2) As Ferrell Hayward and Young recently stated (2008 ) : [ T ] here i s after all so much to be done. We need to understand be tter the cultures of the prison (p. 211). Prison film not only serves as a source of entertainment but a lso as a vehicle for inquiry into the culture of the prison through the eyes of the entertainment industry and consequently through the eyes of the public. The need to understand the constructed view of crime and justice is genuine regardless of whet her the depictions are or not. As images of crime and justice continue to infiltrate our everyday lives, this area of criminological inquiry wi ll continue to expand.
182 Endnotes 1. See http://www.fox.com/prisonbreak/info is the Web address of Prison Break 2. See http://foxshop.seenon.com/index.php?v=fox_shows_prison break for the Prison Break online shop. 3. The total percentages for drug type do not add up to 100% due to rounding.
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196 Appendix A : Prison and Street Gangs Table A1 Top 10 Pri son and Street Gangs N ame Description 1. Crips African American gang founded in Los Angeles CA Gang colors are blue and black. It is mostly known for violence and extortio n related to drug trafficking. It is aligned with the Gangster Disciples and its primary rival is the Bloods. 2. Gangster Disciples The GDs is an African American gang which was formed in 1974 in Chicago. It is aligned with the Crips and has the same gang colors, blue and black. The GDs operate through a very formal structure tha t includes a membership application form (in addition to a background check), formal written rules and regulations and a constitution. 3. Bloods The Bloods, an African American gang, w as found ed in 1972 in Los Angeles, CA. The gang color is red. Bloo d s gangs across the country may share the same name but there is no organized leadership st ructure that binds the groups. The Bloods gang is known for its involvement in drug trafficking and its rivalry with the Crips.
197 Table A1 (continued) Top 10 Pr ison and Street Gangs Name Description 4. Latin Kings The Latin Kings was formed in 1964 65 in Chicago. The gang col ors are black and gold/yellow. One characteristic that separates this gang from the others is the ruthlessness and violence that members e xpress to outsiders and gang members It is considered the most violent gang in the US today. Ethnically the LKs are predominant ly Latin in origin (Mexican and Puerto Rican, and Cuban) however they do not discriminate racially 5. Vice Lords The Vi ce Lords is an African American gang that was formed in Chicago in the 1950s. The gang colors are black, gold, and red. VLs have a specific organizational hier archy that includes a general, minister, l ieutenant and foot s oldiers. 6. Aryan Brotherhood T he Aryan Brotherhood is a w hite supremacist group. ABs have been found in 50 states. It is allied with the Mexican Mafia (La Eme). 7. Folks The Folks is actually an alliance of s everal gangs based in Chicago. Thi s alliance was formed in 1978. Folks we ar their identifi ers such as hats, jewelry, etc., on the right side of the body Folks gangs affiliate with the number 6, and the Star of David a six pointed star. Its graffiti includes images such as an upward pitchfork, winged heart and a rabbit head with a bent ear. It is rivals with People gangs and will represent that with drawings of an upside down five or a crown.
198 Table A1 (continued) Top 10 Prison and Street Gangs Name Description 8. White Supremacists This is a generic term for all other white racist extremist gangs including but not limited to Aryan Nation, Skinheads, Ku Klux Klan, Peckerwoods, Aryan Circle, White Aryan Resista nce, Neo N azis, Dirty White Boys and United Aryan Brotherhood. These gangs are direct rivals with AfricanAmerica n gangs. Uses of racist symbols are present such as the brandishing of the Confederate flag or the S wastika. 9. Surenos The Surenos was formed in California. The term was originally used to refer to gang members who were part of the Mexican Mafia (La E me). Sureno gang members will identify themselves with the number 13 as this represents the 13 th letter of the alphabet (M). Surenos and the Mexican Mafia are two separate groups but the Surenos often identify with this affiliation as its foundation. The gang color is blue. 10. Five Percenters The Five Percenters, also known as the Nation of Gods and Earth, was founded in Harlem in 1964. Members are African American and believe that there are groups of people in the world 5% of which are enlightened. T he Five Percenters claim s that it is are not a religious organization yet organizational thought is based mostly on the works of Elijah Muhammad. However, contrary to the Muslim belief in Allah, Five Percenters bel ieve that the Black Man is the true and li ving god Note. Data in this table has been compiled from several sources ( see Cox, 1986 ; Knox, 2008a; Knox, 2008b; Knox, 2005:36)
199 Appendix B : Filmography Data Table B1 Total Original Filmography Sample Title Year Director Starring 1 Shackles 2005 Charles Winkler D.L. Hughley 2 25 th Hour 2002 Spike Lee Ed Norton 3 Down Time 2001 Sean Wilson James Cotton 4 Proximity 2001 Scott Zeihl Rob Lowe 5 Animal Factory 2000 Steve Buscemi Willem Dafoe 6 Lockdown 2000 John Luessenhop Richard T. Jo nes 7 Unshackled 2000 Bart Patton Burgess Jenkins 8 The Visit 2000 Jordan Walker Pearlman Obba Babatunde 9 The Hurricane 1999 Norman Jewison Denzel Washington 10 American History X 1998 Tony Kaye Ed Norton 11 Con Air 1997 Simon West Nick Cage
200 Table B1 (continued) Total Original Filmography Sample Title Year Director Starring 12. Face/Off 1997 John Woo John Travolta 13. First Time Felon 1997 Charles S. Dutton Omar Epps 14. The Rock 1996 Michael Bay Nick Cage 15. Murder in the First 1995 Ma rc Rocco Christian Slater 16. Against the Wall 1994 John Frankenheimer Samuel L. Jackson 17. American Me 1992 Edward James Olmos Edward James Olmos 18. Death Warrant 1990 Deram Sarafian Jean Claude van Damme 19. An Innocent Man 1989 Peter Yates Tom Sel leck 20. Lock Up 1989 John Flyn Sly Stallone 21. Tango and Cash 1989 Andri Konchalovsky Kurt Russell 22. Six Against the Rock 1987 Paul Wendkos David Carradine 23. The Man Who Broke 1000 Chains 1987 Daniel Mann Val Kilmer
201 Table B1 (continued) Total Original Filmography Sample Title Year Director Starring 24. Runaway Train 1985 Andri Konchalovsky Jon Voight 25. Missing 1982 Constantin Costa Gavras Jack Lemon 26. Escape 1980 Robert Michael Lewis Timmothy Bottoms 27. Brubaker 1980 Stuart Rosenberg Robert Redford 28. The Ordeal of Dr. Mudd 1980 Paul Wendkos Denis Weaver 29. Escape from Alcatraz 1979 Don Siegel Clint Eastwood 30. Penitentiary 1979 Jamaa Fanaka Leon Issac Kennedy 31. The Jericho Mile 1979 Michael Mann Peter Straus 32. Midnight Ex press 1978 Alan Parker Brad Davis 33. Brothers 1977 Arthur Barron Bernie Casey 34. On the Yard 1977 Ralph Micklin Silver John Heard 35. Short Eyes 1977 Robert M. Young Bruce Davison 36. Leadbelly 1976 Gordon Parks Sr. Roger E. Mosely
202 Table B1 (conti nued) Total Original Filmography Sample Title Year Director Starring 37. Breakout 1975 Tom Gries Charles Bronson 38. The Mean Machine (aka The Longest Yard) 1974 Robert Aldrich Burt Reynolds 39. Papillon 1973 Franklin J. Schaffner Steve McQueen 40. R olling Man 1972 Peter Hyams Denise Weaver 41. Sounder 1972 Martin Ritt Cicely Tyson 42. The Glasshouse 1972 Tom Gries Alan Alda 43. (aka The Dynamite Man from Glory Jail UK) 1971 Andrew V. McLaglen James Stewart 44. Fortune and es 1971 Harvey Hart Wendell Burton 45. There was a Crooked Man 1970 Joseph L. Mankiewicz Kirk Douglas 46. The Traveling Executioner 1970 Jack Smight Stacey Keach 47. The Fixer 1968 John Frankenheimer Alan Bates
203 Table B1 (continued) Total Original Fil mography Sample Title Year Director Starring 48. Riot 1968 Buzz Kulik Gene Hackman 49. Cool Hand Luke 1967 Stuart Rosenberg Paul Newman 50. The Brig 1964 Adolfas and Jonas Mekas A1 51. Pressure Point 1962 Hubert Cornfield Sidney Poitier 52. Reprieve (aka Convicts Four UK) 1962 Millard Kaufman Ben Gazzard 53. The Birdman of Alcatraz 1962 John Krankenheimer Burt Lancaster 54. The Devil at 4 1961 Mervyn LeRoy Frank Sinatra 55. Revolt in the Big House 1958 RG Springsteen Gene Evans 56. House of Numbers 1957 Russell Rouse Jack Palance 57 Crashout 1955 Lewis R. Foster William Bendix
204 Table B2 Excluded Made for Television Films Title Year Director Starring 1 Against the Wall 1994 John Frankenheimer Samuel L. Jackson 2 Six Against the R ock 1987 Paul Wendkos David Carradine 3 The Man Who Broke 1000 Chains 1987 Daniel Mann Val Kilmer 4 Escape 1980 Robert Michael Lewis Timmothy Bottoms 5 The Ordeal of Dr. Mudd 1980 Paul Wendkos Denis Weaver 6 The Jericho Mile 1979 Michael Mann Peter Straus 7 Rolling Man 1972 Peter Hyams Denise Weaver 8 The Glasshouse 1972 Tom Gries Alan Alda Table B3 E xcluded Films due to Lack of Rep resentation of Penal Culture Title Year Director Starring 1 25 th Hour 2002 Spike Lee Ed Norton 2 The Visit 2 000 Jordan Walker Pearlman Obba Babatunde 3 The Hurricane 1999 Norman Jewison Denzel Washington 4 American History X 1998 Tony Kaye Ed Norton 5 Face/Off 1997 John Woo John Travolta
205 Table B3 (continued) E xcluded Films due to Lack of Rep resentation of Penal Culture Title Year Director Starring 6 Murder in the First 1995 Marc Rocco Christian Slater 7 Tango and Cash 1989 Andri Konchalovsky Kurt Russell 8 Runaway Train 1985 Andri Konchalovsky Jon Voight 9 Sounder 1972 Martin Ritt Cicely Tyson 10 Pressure Point 1962 Hubert Cornfield Sidney Poitier Table B4 Excluded Films Representing International Prisons Title Year Director Starring Country 1 Missing 1982 Constantin Costa Gavras Jack Lemon Chile 2 Midnight Express 1978 Alan Parker Brad Davis Turkey 3 Breakout 1975 Tom Gries Charles Bronson Mexico 4 Papillon 1973 Franklin J. Schaffner Steve McQueen French Guiana 5 The Fixer 1968 John Frankenheimer Alan Bates Russia 6 The Devil at 4 1961 Mervyn LeRoy Frank Sinatra Tahiti
206 Table B5 Films Excluded for Other Reasons Title Year Director Starring Reason 1 Shackles 2005 Charles Winkler D.L. Hughley Juvenile detainees 2 Proximity 2001 Scott Zeihl Rob Lowe Escape film 3 Con Air 1997 Simon West Nick Cage Prison plane 4 First Time Felon 1997 Charles S. Dutton Omar Epps Bootcamp 5 The Rock 1996 Michael Bay Nick Cage Not about prison 6 The Mean Machine (aka The Longest Yard) 1974 Robert Aldrich Burt Reynolds Comedy 7 Paradise (aka The Dynamite Man from Glory Ja il UK) 1971 Andrew V. McLaglen James Stewart Comedy 8 There was a Crooked Man 1970 Joseph L. Mankiewicz Kirk Douglas Comedy 9 The Traveling Executioner 1970 Jack Smight Stacey Keach Comedy 10 The Brig 1964 Adolfas and Jonas Mekas A1 Marine Corps pris on
207 Appendix C: Coding Form and Codebook s Film Analysis Coding Form 1. Name of Film______________________________________________________ 2. ID Number of Film__________________________________________________ 3. Year of Film's Release_______ _________________________________________ 4. Total Running Time of Film (Sec) ___________________ 4. Box office gross___________________________________________________ 5. Diegetic time in months____________________________________________ __ 6. Time Period (ex. 1950s) ______________________________________Primary Time _________________________________________Flashbacks Females Males 7. Number of Principal Characters ______ ______ 8. Number of Supporti ng Characters ______ ______ Character Analysis Coding Form 1. Name of Film______________________________________________________ 2. I.D. Number of Film________________________________________________ 3. Character Name ______ ______ ___ ___ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 4. Character I.D. ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______
208 5. Principal/ Supporting ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 6. Gender _____ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ Character I.D. ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 7. Race ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 8. Age ______ __ ____ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 9. SES ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 10. Marital Status ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 11. Education _____ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ 1 2 Gang Affiliation ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ Scene Analysis Coding Form Drugs Scene ID _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _____ _______ ______ ______ ______
209 A. Drug Use _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ B. Type of Drug Used _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ C. Drug Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ _____ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ D. Drug Use Time (Sec) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ Rape and Sexual Assault Scene ID _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ A. Rap e _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ B. Rape Time (Sec) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ C. Perpetrator(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ___ ___ ______ D. Victim(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ E. Sexual Assault _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ F. Sexual Assault Time (Sec) _______ ______ ______ ______ ___ ___ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______
210 G. Perpetrator(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ H. Victim(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ Violence and Gangs Scene ID _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ A. Violence Level (1 5) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ B. Violence Time (Sec) _______ ______ ____ __ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ C. Initiator(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ D. Initiator Action (0 4) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ E. Perp etrator(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ F. Perpetrator(s) Member of a Gang _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______
211 G. Perpetrator(s) Gang Affiliation _______ ______ _____ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ H. Victim(s) Character Name _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ I. Victim(s) Member of a Gang _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ J. Vict im(s) Gang Affiliation _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ K. Injuries (1 3) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______ L. Fatalities (#) _______ ______ ______ ______ ______ ______ _______ ______ ______ ______
212 Film Analysis Codebook Items 2 through 4 are to be filled out by the principal coder for each film. For the purposes of this study, a Prison Film (PF) is a film in which the majority (at least half) of the content ( a) takes place in a pris on institution and ( daily life, including interaction with other inmates. 1. Name of f ilm: 2. ID# of film: (Three digit number beginning with 3, 4, or 9 depending on the decade.) elease: 4. I f able to identif y, box office g ross: Items 5 through 8 are to be filled out by any coder for each PF film as defined in Appendix A. 5. Diegetic time in plot of f ilm: Write in the estimated time in months that has passed in the plot of the film Use 999 for Cannot determin e 6. Time period in which film takes p lace: Write in year/ decade in which the film takes place (e.g. 1970s, 1980s, 1990s). (Primary time) If there are flashbacks in the film, estimate the time period (year/ decade ) in which each flashback takes place. (Fl ashback time) Use 9999 Cannot determine
213 7. Number of principal characters: Write in the number of principal characters, male and female. 8. Number of supporting characters: Write in the number of supporting characters, male and female. Character Analysi s Codebook All items are to be filled out for each principal and supporting character. 1. Name of f ilm: Write in the name of the film. 2. ID# of f ilm: To be filled in by the principal coder. (Two digit number 00 11). 3. C haracter n ame: Write in characte name is given. 4. Character ID: To be filled in by the principal coder. 5. Principal or supporting c haracter: Write in the corresponding number 01 Principal 02 Supporting 6. Gender: Write in the corre sponding number with the gender of the character. 01 Female 02 Male 7. Race: Write in the number corresponding with the apparent racial characteristics of the character. 01 Caucasian 0 2 African American
214 03 Asian 04 Hispanic 05 Native American 0 7 Other ( wr ite in) 09 Cannot tell 8. Age: Write in the number corresponding with the apparent age of the character. 01 Infant, 0 2 years old 02 Child, 3 12 years old 03 Adolescent, 13 18 years old 04 Young Adult, 19 39 years old 05 Middle Age d Adult, 40 54 years old 06 Mature Adult, 55 64 years old 07 Senior Adult, > 65 years old 09 Cannot tell 9 SES: Write in the corresponding number to the apparent socio economic status for the character 01 Upper/upper middle class: Well to do, high level job or no job, not dep endent on monthly income to live. 02 Middle class: Works for a living, has all necessities and some luxuries. 03 Working class/lower class Does not have all necessities, does not possess lu xuries, may be unemployed, and/or on public assistance.
215 09 Cannot tell 1 0 Marital Status: Write in the corresponding number to the apparent marital status of t he character. Use 0 1 Single, if the character is unattached and if it is not indicated if the character is divorced, separated, or widowed. 01 Single 02 Married 03 Separated 04 Divorced 05 Widowed 09 Cannot tell 1 1 Education: Write in the corresponding number to the apparent education level of the character. Use 9 or stated. For example, a doctor or lawyer would have obviously had to go to medical or la w school at the g raduate level to practice. 01 Less than High School Graduate 02 High School Graduate 03 Some College 04 College Graduate05 Graduate (Masters or Ph.D.) 09 Cannot tell
216 12. Ga ng Affiliation: Write in the corresponding number to the identification of the gang to which the character is affiliated. 00 None 0 1 Crips 02 Gangster Disciples 03 Bloods 04 Latin Kings 05 Vice Lords 06 Aryan Brotherhood 07 Folks 08 White Suprema cists 09 Surenos 10 Five Percenters 11 Unidentified African American gang 12 Unidentified Hispanic gang 13 Unidentified White gang 14 Several gangs (write in) 15 Other (write in) 99
217 Scene Analysis Codebook A scene is defined as a sect ion of film in which action takes place that signifies a unit of development in the storyline which is made up by a number of frames. Drugs Drug Use: Code for drug use versus trafficking of drugs within a sequence. 01 Drug use 02 Supply or exchange of drug s A. Drug Type: Write in the corresponding number to the type of drug(s) used by inmates during the scene. 01 Alcohol 02 Marijuana 03 Crack 04 Powder Cocaine 05 Heroin 06 LSD 07 PCP 08 Methamphetamines (crank) 09 Inhalants 10 Other (and write in ) 99
218 A. a brief description of the character if no name is given. B. Drug Use Time (Sec): Record in seconds the duration of the drug use scene. Rape and Sexual Assault A. Rape or non consensual sexual activity is defined as forcible sexual intercourse or sodomy. This can either be observed or implied. Record whether or not a rape occurs within a scene. 00 No rape is observed or implied 01 Presence of rape. B. Rape time ( Sec ): Reco rd in seconds the duration of the rape scene. C. Sexual Assault: Sexual assault is defined as a forcible sex act not including intercourse or sodomy (ex. fellatio). This can either be observed or implied. Record whether or not a sexual assault occurs within a scene. 00 No sexual assault is observed or implied 01 Presence of sexual assault. D. Sexual assault time: Record in seconds the duration of the sexual assault scene. E. Perpetuator (s) the c haracter if no name is given. F. Victim (s) character if no name is given.
2 19 Violence and Gangs Based on the CHAMP (2009) study, this study will utilize several adapted measures of violenc e. Violence is defined as an intentional act of physical aggression by the perpetrator against a victim causing injury or death. In addition, a sequence or scene of di For example, if an inmate hits another inmate uses one method of violence continuously that is considered one sequence. When coding a riot scene code the sequences as such as about 100 people in the yard in a riot. Only count actual harm. Do not count missed punches or attempts to harm. A. Violence level: Write in the corres ponding number based on the following modeled scale of violence. 01 Body is shown or the result of violence is shown, but the act of violence itself is not shown in the scene. Representations of injuries, maimed, disfigu red, or dead bodies, characters bleeding, pools of blood, splattered blood 02 not portrayed, a minimal amount of or hitting a body. One ch also included in at this level.
220 03 murder, can be shown, but without bloodshed if a weapon is used. 04 ing by a bullet, shotgun shell, knife, or anything els e is key, but the penetration will not be accompanied by bloodshed. 05 combination of penetration and bloodshed. I ncluded in this category i s the severing of any body part and extreme torturous acts that result in death. B. Violence time ( Sec ): Record in seconds the duration of the violent scene. C. Initiator(s) Character Name: Write in name of the character that is the initiator of the violence or a brief description of the character if no name is given. D. Initiator Action: Record the type of initiator action that provokes the violence. This action must be directed to the aggressor or the attacker of the violence, not a th ird party. 00 None 01 Verbal threat 02 Non threatening physical act (can be accidental) 03 Threatening nonviolent act (such as brandishing a weapon)
221 04 Attempted violent physical act E. cription of the character if no name is given. F. Perpetrator(s) member of a gang: Record whether the perpetrator(s) is a member of a gang. 00 No 01 Yes 02 Both Yes and No (if more than one perpetrator) 09 Unknown G. Gang Affiliation: Write in the corresponding number to the identification of the gang to which the perpetrator(s) is affiliated. 00 None 01 Crips 02 Gangster Disciples 03 Bloods 04 Latin Kings 05 Vice Lords 06 Aryan Brotherhood 07 Folks 08 White Supremacists
222 09 Surenos 10 Five Percenters 11 Unidentified African American gang 12 Unidentified Hispanic gang 13 Unidentified White gang 14 Several gangs (write in) 15 Other (write in) 99 H. character if no name is given. I. Victim(s) a member of a gang: Record whether the victim(s) is a member of a gang. 00 No 01 Yes 02 Both Yes and No (if more than one victim) 09 Unknown J. Gang affiliation: Write in the corresponding number to the identification of the ga ng to which the victim(s) is affiliated. 00 None 01 Crips 02 Gangster Disciples
223 03 Bloods 04 Latin Kings 05 Vice Lords 06 Aryan Brotherhood 07 Folks 08 White Supremacists 09 Surenos 10 Five Percenters 11 Unidentified African American gang 12 Unidentified Hispanic gang 13 Unidentified White gang 14 Several gangs (write in) 15 Other (write in) 99 Unidentified K. Injuries: Write in the corresponding code for injuries that occur. Only code for representations of injuries not implied injuries. The injury must be depicted on the screen separate from the violent action. 00 None no representation of injuries in the scene. 01 Mild representation of bruises, lacerations, or broken bones 02 Moderate representation of bodies maimed, blinded, impaired or disfigured
224 03 Extreme representation of fatally wounded bodies (body shown) L. Fatalities: Write in the number of deaths that result as a direct or indirect consequence of the violent act. A body must be present in order to be recorded. Acts of prior v iolence that are not demonstrated but result in a dead body are counted.
225 Appendix D: Comparisons Between Prison Films and Correctional Literature Table D1 Comparisons between Prison Films and Correctional Literature Concept Film Indicator Literatu re Indicator Drug s 1 Number of drug use scenes across films Percentage of inmates who use drugs reported in surveys Drugs 2 Total drug scene time across films Percentage of inmates who use drugs reported in surveys Drug s 3 Prevalence of drug types across films Drugs use type reported in surveys Rape 1 Number of rape scenes across films Percentage of inmates raped reported in surveys Rape 2 Total rape scene time as a percentage of total prison time across films Percentage of inm ates raped reported in surveys Rape 3 Demographic correlates of rape across films Demographic correlates of rape in prison reported in surveys
226 Table D1 (continued) Comparisons between Prison Films and Correctional Literature Concep t Film Indicat or Literature Indicator Sexual Assault 1 Number of sexual assault scenes across films Percentage of inmates sexually assaulted reported in surveys Sexual Assault 2 Total sexual assault scene time as a percentage of total prison time across films Pe rcentage of inmates sexually assaulted reported in surveys Sexual Assault 3 Demographic correlates of sexual assault across films Demographic correlates of sexual assault in prison reported in surveys Violence 1 Number of violence scenes across films Rates of violence in prison reported in surveys Violence 2 Total violence scene time as a percentage of total prison time across films Rates of violence in prison reported in surveys
227 Table D1 (continued) Comparisons between Prison Films and Correctional Literature Concept Film Indicator Literature Indicator Violence 3 Average violence level across films Violence level in prison reported in surveys Violence 4 Average injury level across films Violence level in prison reported in survey s Violence 5 Average number of homicides across films Average number of homicides reported in surveys Violence 6 Demographic correlates of violence across films Demographic correlates of violence in prison reported in surveys Gang Affiliation 1 Number of gang affiliated scenes across films Percentage of gang affiliated inmates reported in surveys Gang Affiliation 2 Number of gang members among main characters Percentage of gang affiliated inmates reported in surveys Gang Affiliation 3 Prevalence of gang type across films Top 10 gang affiliation reported in surveys
About the Author stice from University of North Carolina at Charlotte in 1998. She is currently an assistant professor at Western Connecticut State University in Danbury, CT in the Division of Justice and Law Administration. She teaches classes in criminology and researc h methodology. Her research interests include the media and crime, race, class and gender, qualitative research methodology and corrections.