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Brannon, James Rob.
Founding fathers :
b an ethnic and gender study of the iliadic aeneid
h [electronic resource] /
by James Rob Brannon.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2010.
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ABSTRACT: In a 2005 work, Yasmin Syed concluded that the Aeneid created for ancient readers an idea of Romanness that was inclusive for all and not founded along strict genetic lines. Under this hypothesis, the Aeneid offers a sort of blueprint for becoming Roman, one in which biological descent from Aeneas is unnecessary. Syed reached this conclusion by analyzing themes of ethnicity and gender, in particular the ethnic other represented by the epic's female characters. This was accomplished in the manner so often chosen by Vergil scholars-by limiting analysis to the first half of the epic. The work concludes with an exhortation for others to extend the effort into Books VII-XII. Such an extension is undertaken here, but the conclusion reached is somewhat different than what Syed imagined. Instead of a blueprint for disparate people in conquered lands to become Roman, the second half of the epic empowers these groups by demonstrating that Rome could not exist without them. Roman power to rule, imperium, was not brought to the Romans by Aeneas. It is a product of what Vergil described as Itala virtute, or Italian manliness. The second half of the epic provides not a blueprint for citizenship but the schematics of the Roman state, one in which the mother city would have no ability to rule were it not for the Italian peoples. Vergil accomplishes this message by thoroughly emasculating both Aeneas and Turnus before their final confrontation. That scene is read here as one of copulation, the Italian ground serving as the marriage bed in a struggle to found Rome. But with both men portrayed as effeminate in this final scene, and imperium removed as one of the prizes in the battle by Jupiter himself, the offspring born of what must be read as two mothers rather than two fathers must itself be weak and impotent. Without the strength of the Italians, Rome will not succeed.
Advisor: Julie Langford, Ph.D.
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
Founding Fathers: An Ethnic and Gender Study of the Iliadic Aeneid by Rob Brannon A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Julie Langford, Ph.D. William Murray, Ph.D. Michael Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 16, 2010 Keywords: Vergil, Aeneas, Turnus, Rome, Augustus Copyright 2010, Rob Brannon
ii Table of Contents Abstract iii Abbreviations v I. Introduction 1 II. The Final (Sex) Scene 4 III. Vergil: The Roman Poet not from Rome 12 IV. Being a Man in Rome 24 A. Imperium 24 B. A Roman Man is Always on Top 29 C. Virtus 36 D. The Message and Augustan Rome 44 V. Turning Men in to Women 48 A. Turnus 48 B. Aeneas 55 1. Trojans in the Aeneid 56 2. What in the World is he Wearing? 59 3. Ganymede 63 4. Cybele 65 5. Aeneas subsidens into ira 70 VI. Where is the imperium ? 76 VII. Conclusion: The Victory of Vergil 84 Passages Cited 86 References 88
iii Founding Fathers: An Ethnic and Gender Study of the Iliadic Aeneid Rob Brannon ABSTRACT In a 2005 work, Yasmin Syed concluded that the Aeneid created for ancient readers an idea of Romanness that was in clusive for all and no t founded along strict genetic lines. Under this hypothesis, the Aeneid offers a sort of blueprint for becoming Roman, one in which biological descent from Aeneas is unnecessary. Syed reached this conclusion by analyzing themes of ethnicity and gender, in particular the ethnic other represented by the epics female character s. This was accomplished in the manner so often chosen by Vergil scholarsby limiting anal ysis to the first half of the epic. The work concludes with an exhortation for others to extend the effort into Books VII-XII. Such an extension is undertaken here, but the conclusion reached is somewhat different than what Syed imagined. Instead of a blueprint for disparate people in conquered lands to become Roman, the second half of the epic empowers these groups by demonstrating that Rome could not exis t without them. Roman power to rule, imperium was not brought to the Romans by Aeneas. It is a product of what Vergil described as Itala virtute, or Italian manliness. The second half of the epic provides not a blueprint for citizenship but the schematics of the Roman st ate, one in which the mother city would have no ability to rule were it not for the Italian peoples.
iv Vergil accomplishes this message by thoroughly emasculating both Aeneas and Turnus before their final confrontation. That scene is read here as one of copulation, the Italian ground serving as the marriage bed in a struggle to found Rome. But with both men portrayed as effeminate in this final scene, and imperium removed as one of the prizes in the battle by Jupiter himself, the offspring born of what must be read as two mothers rather than two fathers must itself be weak and impotent. Without the strength of the Italians, Rome will not succeed.
v Abbreviations Modern Sources AJPh American Journal of Philology AncWorld The Ancient World CA Classical Antiquity CJ Classical Journal CPh Classical Philology CQ Classical Quarterly CW The Classical World G&R Greece and Rome JRS Journal of Roman Studies TAPhA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Ancient Sources Acts New Testament, Acts of the Apostles Aug Anc. Augustus, Monumentum Ancyranum Caes. B. Gall. Julius Caesar, Bellum Gallicum Catull. Catullus, Carmina Cic. Cat. Cicero, In Catilinam Cic. Clu. Cicero, Pro Cluentio Cic. Flac. Cicero, Pro Flacco Cic. Har. resp. Cicero, De haruspicum responso Cic. Mil. Cicero, Pro Milone Cic. Phil. Cicero, Orationes Philippicae Cic. Sull. Cicero, Pro Sulla Dio Cass. Dio Cassius, Roman History Donat. Vit. Aelius Donatus, Verg. Vita Vergilii Eleg. Mace. Elegy for Macenas Eur. Cyc Euripides, Cyclops Eur. IA Euripides, Iphigenia Aulidensis Eur. Tro. Euripides, Troades Gell. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae
vi Hdt. Herodotus, The Histories Hom. Hymn Homer, Hymn to Aph. Aphrodite Hom. Il. Homer, Iliad Hor. Carm. Horace, Carmina Hor. Sat. Horace, Satirae Joseph BJ Josephus, Bellum Judaicum Juv. Juvenal Livy Livy, ab urbe condita libri Lucr. Lucretius, De Rerum Natura Mart. Martial Ov. Ars am. Ovid, Ars Amatoria Ov. Met. Ovid, Metamorphoses Paus. Pausanias Plaut. Mil. Plautus, Miles gloriosus Plaut. Pseud. Plautus, Pseudolus Plin. Ep. Pliny the Younger, Epistulae Plin. HN Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia Quint. Inst. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria Sall. Cat. De Catilinae Coniuratio Sall. Iug. Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum Sen. Clem. Seneca, De clementia Sen. Ep. Seneca, Epistulae Sen. Ira Seneca, De Ira Sen. Oed. Seneca, Oedipus Sen. Vit. Beat. Seneca, De Vita Beata Strab. Geo. Strabo, Geography Suet. Calig. Suetonius, Caligula Suet. Dom. Suetonius, Domitianus Suet. Otho Suetonius, Otho Suet. Ner. Suetonius, Nero Ter. Eun. Terrence, Eunuchus Verg Aen. Vergil, The Aeneid Verg Ecl. Vergil, Ecologues Verg G. Vergil, Georgics
1 I. Introduction In her 2005 work, Vergils Aeneid and the Roman Self Yasmin Syed argued that the Aeneid impacted its ancient readers sense of self by allowing the readers to identify or differentiate themselves from the epics myriad of characters.1 This, she argued, presented Romanness as a cultural construc t that can be learned by the reader, an important concept during an era of enorm ous expansion of Roman citizenship to inhabitants of the Empire well outside of Italy.2 Thus, while continuing to suggest that Romanness involves descent from Aeneas that is, a group limited by blood and genealogy, (the Aeneid ) opens up the concept of Romanne ss in such a way that descent from Aeneas can be understood as symbolic rather that literal.3 What Syed is essentially suggesting is that the Aeneid provides readers with a sort of blueprint for how to become Roman, or ra ther how to be a proper Roman citizen living in a Roman community. The location of this blue print is in the defining characteristics of the epics main players, characteristics like gender and ethnicity.4 Syed argues that Vergils ethnic and gender constructs displa y for the reader not only exemplars of Roman behavior, but also the opposite, so the reader can learn i dentity by opposition through characters that are, through their et hnicity or gender behavior, un-Roman.5 Syed developed this intriguing theory by focusing heavily on certain feminine 1 Yasmin Syed, Vergils Aeneid and the Roman Self (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 2. 2 Ibid. at 216, 222-223. 3 Ibid. at 215. 4 Ibid. at 3 5 Ibid. at 117.
2 characters in the Aeneid and giving only limited attention to the second half of the epic.6 Perhaps because the Dido episode is such fe rtile ground for intellectua l exploration and is just plain fascinating from a literary sta ndpoint, neglect of the second half of the Aeneid known as the Iliadic Aeneid is a common theme in Ve rgilian scholarship. Syed concludes by challenging other scholars to ex tend her work and apply her theory to the portions of the Aeneid she was unable to tackle.7 Syeds challenge is accepted in this work. Adopted are her premises that the Aeneid speaks to the Roman conception of self through its various char acters, and that the identification of an ideal Roman can be found both through positive and negative characterization in the epic. However, the outcome of this study is somewhat different than what Syed imagined. She finds in the Aeneid an epic aimed at teaching people how to be Roman. If this is correct, it is a passi ve message for readers living in the face of a Roman juggernaut, a sort of ancient if you can t beat them, join them. This study finds in the Iliadic Aeneid a much more empowering message to the non-Roman reader. Vergil, it seems, is suggesting to the reader that Rome gets its power to rule, its imperium not from itself, or Aeneas, or its legendary Troj an forefathers, but from the support of people of Italy. Rome, without the help of all of the Italian races, would be impotent. This reading, then, is less a blueprint of how to be Roman and more a schematic of the Roman state. It envisions Rome, the head, having no energy with which to operate without the electric support of its strong body, the Italians. This theory is based on a different read ing of the final struggle between Turnus 6 Ibid. at 227 7 Ibid.
3 and Aeneas. Aeneas final defeat of Turnus is here read as a copulation, the mating event that will produce as its offspring the seeds of the Roman race, the city of Rome founded in the metaphorical sense if not the literal and the hereditary line that will culminate in the Caesars. But this study will demonstr ate that although they mated, the two great characters of the Iliadic Aeneid were thoroughly emasculated by the poet by the time they becamed joined. Their union was one without the all-important Roman conception of manliness, virtus, and utterly without imperium Imperium could only be granted to the winner, Aeneas, with the blessing of Jupiter a nd at the behest of the Italian races that would make up the future Roman state. W ith that conception in mind, rather than Founding Fathers, a more apt title for th is study is perhaps Founding Mothers.
4 II. The Final (Sex) Scene The Aeneid ends abruptly. At long last, after 12 books, the reader arrives at the final battle between Aeneas and Turnus. Tu rnus is down upon the ground, and Aeneas is contemplating mercy. Then, his eyes spot the balteus of Pallas, which Turnus earlier took as a trophy upon killing Pallas, a favorit e of Aeneas and Evanders son. The Aeneid then ends this way: ille, oculis postquam saeui monimenta doloris 945 exuuiasque hausit, furiis accensus et ira terribilis: 'tune hinc spoliis indute meorum eripiare mihi? Pallas te hoc uulnere, Pallas immolat et poenam scelerato ex sanguine sumit.' hoc dicens ferrum aduerso sub pectore condit 950 feruidus; ast illi soluuntur frigore membra uitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras .8 Aeneas, after his eyes drank in the trophy, that memorial to cruel grief, ablaze with furor and terrible in his ira : Clad in the spoils of one of mine, are you to be snatched from my hands? Pallas it is, Pallas who sacrifices you with this stroke, and takes retribution from your guilty bl ood! So saying, in burning rage he buries his sword full in Turnus breast. Hi s limbs grew slack and chill and with a moan his life fled resentfully to the Shades below. This scene of death resulting from unfettered anger ( ira ) and fury (furor) is the founding scene of Rome.9 Vergils word choice for the fi nal blow is important. Aeneas condit buries his ferrum, sword, below the breast of Turnus. Condit from condere, means to bury, but also has the alternat e meaning, to found, as in found a city.10 This 8 Verg Aen. 12.945-952. Translations from the Aeneid and other Latin sources will generally be my own. 9 This view is not new. See R.J. Schork, The Final Simile in the Aeneid: Roman and Rutulian Ramparts, AJPh 107, no. 2 (1986): 260-270. 10 Lee Fratantuono, Madness Unchained (Lantham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2007), xiii.
5 word choice leads to a direct relationship betw een the final line of the epic and the first. In Vergils initial description of Aeneas, he st ates that he is battling war and the elements, including the ira of Juno, with the ultimate goal of conderet urbem, founding a city.11 Here at the beginning of the epic Vergil chooses the imperfect subjunctive form of condere; literally Aeneas suffers th ese things that he might f ound a city. This imperfect verb form indicates continuing action rather than one that has been completed. In the final scene, Vergil employs the present active fo rm of the verb. In that moment he buries the sword, and founds Rome in its metaphor ical sense, if not its physical sense.12 The reader is witnessing a sexual act that results in an offspring Scholars have noted in the Aeneid a close comparison between acts of violent penetration by weapons of war and acts of am orous penetration. Perhaps most discussed is the death of Dido in Book IV. In that scen e, the sword of Aeneas that Dido uses to quiet her misery is seen as a metaphor for his penis.13 This was not a new development for Vergil. A metaphorical comparison of love to war was a common ancient motif used well before Vergils time.14 Dido was struck by her love for Aeneas in the following way: est mollis flamma medullas interea et tacitum uiuit sub pectore uulnus. uritur infelix Di do totaque uagatur urbe furens, qualis coniecta cerua sagitta, quam procul incautam nemora inter Cresia fixit 70 pastor agens telis.15 11 Verg Aen. 1.5 12 Fratantuono at xiii. 13 Richard F. Moorton Jr., Love as Death: the Pivoting Metaphor in Vergils Story of Dido, CW 83, No. 3 (1990): 162. 14 Ibid at 158, 162. William Fitzgerald, Lucretius Cure for Love in the De Rerum Natura, CW 78, No. 2 (1984): 76. See as examples Ter. Eun. 59-61, Plaut., Pseud. 4.7.80, 84. 15 Verg. Aen 4.66-72
6 The wound of love is delivered to her sub pectore which is exactly how the final blow to Turnus is described. She is compared to a doe hit with a sagitta or arrow, and pursued by a pastoral man wielding a telis or a long weapon like a shaft or javelin. This, as Moorton noted, captures the ancient motif of sexua l penetration overlaid by penetration of a weapon.16 Later, atop Didos pyre is a bed upon whic h she lays the clothes of Aeneas, his sword, and she then lays down next to his effigy.17 At regina, pyra penetrali in sede sub auras erecta ingenti taedis atque ilice secta, 505 intenditque locum ser tis et fronde coronat funerea; super exuuias ensemque relictum effigiemque toro locat haud ignara futuri. stant arae circum et cr inis effusa sacerdos ter centum tonat ore deos 510 Her hair is crines effusa, or unloosed and spread out. Moments later, a sandal is undone ( unum exuta pedem vinclis ), and her clothes are loosened ( in veste recinta ).18 Thereafter, as Aeneas very un-heroically flees the scene, she makes her final laments, and thrusts the ferro (literally iron, a metonymy for a sword) through her breast.19 Ferrum is also the word used to describe the weapon Aeneas will thrust into Turnus sub pectore The Dido scene is not the only one that mi xes militancy with sexuality. Oliensis finds an overlap between the martia l and sexual running throughout the epic.20 Camilla 16 Moorton at 157. 17 Verg. Aen 4.504-510. 18 Verg. Aen. 4.518. 19 Verg. Aen. 4.663-64: atque illam media inter talia ferro/conlapsam aspiciunt comites 20 Ellen Oliensis, Sons and Lovers: Sexua lity and Gender in Virgils Poetry, in Cambridge Companion to Virgil ed. by Charles Martindale (New York: Ca mbridge University Press, 1997), 308.
7 the Volscian, the virginal warrior who, though female, exhibits Roman manliness ( virtus ) in battle, dies one of these deaths. Camilla dies when hasta sub exsertam donec perlata papillam haesit, virgineumque alte bibit acta cruorem .21 The word choice is of great importance. Hasta is a spear that was in ancient Latin also compared to a penis.22 Also, the spear pierces beneath her breast exsertam or thrust forward, and not just her breast but papillam or nipple, and drinks of her virgin blood alte with the goal of sustenance. This leads Oliensis to conclude that this scene accelerates Camilla from virgin to penetrated lover to nursing mother.23 Euryalus, Lausus and Pallas all die in ways that are akin to defloration.24 Pallas death, in particular, is filled with sexu al imagery. At the beginning of his final confrontation with Turnus, he emittit viribus hastam vaginaque cava fulgentem deripit ensem .25 In a manly way he thrusts forward his hasta and exposes his sword by removing it from a deep scabbard (the English derivative of which, of course, is hard to miss). Pallas hasta however, will not penetrate Tu rnus. Turnus then grabs his ferrum and taunts Pallas: aspice, num mage sit nos trum penetrabile telum .26 Turnus, full of male bravado, is essentially saying, Let us see if mine penetrates 21 Verg Aen. 11.803-804. 22 J.N. Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 17. 23 Oliensis at 308. 24 Ibid. 25 Verg Aen. 10.474-475. 26 Verg Aen. 10.481.
8 deeper than yours. Turnus then uibranti cuspis medium transuerberat ictu loricaeque moras et pe ctus perforat ingens.27 485 With the vibranti (quivering) cuspis (which can mean, point, tip or head), he pectus perforat pierces the breast of Pallas.28 Aeneas, when he reaches Pallas body, sees leviquein pectore volnus, a wound in the smooth breast, caused by a cuspidis .29 Pallas body is compared to a demessumflorem, or a cut flower.30 Scholars have long speculat ed that Aeneas and Pallas may have enjoyed a homoerotic relationship.31 Oliensis finds that Pallas beauty wounded Aeneas (infused him with feeling and emotion) in the same way that Aeneas love wounded Dido.32 The funeral pyre prepared for Pallas by Aeneas certainly seems to be decorated like a wedding chamber in much the same way Dido decorated hers. haud segnes alii cratis et molle feretrum arbuteis texunt uirgis et uimine querno 65 exstructosque toros obtentu frondis inumbrant. hic iuuenem agresti sublimem stramine ponunt: qualem uirgineo demessum pollice florem seu mollis uiolae seu languentis hyacinthi, cui neque fulgor adhuc nec dum sua forma recessit, 70 non iam mater alit tellus uirisque ministrat. tum geminas uestis auro que ostroque rigentis extulit Aeneas, quas illi laeta laborum ipsa suis quondam manibus Sidonia Dido fecerat et tenui telas discreuerat auro. 75 harum unam iuueni supremum maestus honorem 27 Verg. Aen. 10.484-485. 28 Verg. Aen 10.482-485. 29 Verg. Aen. 11.40. 30 Verg. Aen. 11.67. 31 e.g., Craig A. Williams, Roman Homosexuality (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 118. 32 Oliensis at 309.
9 induit arsurasque comas obnubit amictu, multaque praeterea Laurentis praemia pugnae aggerat et longo praedam iubet ordine duci; Others, no less fired up, plait switches of oa k and arbutus withes into wickerwork, weaving a casket and cushioning bier, ra ising a couch wattled over with tautstretched, shadowing branches. Here, on a farmhands bedding, they set out their noble young hero, languid as drooping hyacint h falls, or limp as a violet clipped in its flower by a virgins thumb, but whose shimmering luster lingers, whose perfect form has not shriveled, as ye t, though its earthen. Mother no longer sustains lifes vital strength with her nurture. Then, bearing matching mantles stiffened with gold and with purple dye comes Aeneas. Sidonian Dido herself, with her once live hands had produced them for him, as a piar: her labor of rapture threaded with highlights of fi ne-spun gold worked into the cross-weave.33 Aeneas brings forth ornate robes prep ared by Sidonian Dido, one of which he comas obnubit uses to cover Pallas hair.34 Obnubit carries with it th e connotation of a bridal veil.35 Finally Euryalus, a boy who, it is fairly obvious, is Lausus lover, dies in this way: sed viribus ensis adactus transabiit costas et candida pectora rumpit .36 His breast is described by the adjective candida meaning shimmering, white, perhaps virginal. His breast is torn asunder by ensis, which is a phallic, double-edged sword. Evident is the connotation of the manly sword penetrating the delicate breast, candida pectora. The final battle between Aeneas and Turnus is very slow in coming There is a strange courtship in the Iliadic Aeneid wherein Turnus features prominently in Books 7, 33 Verg. Aen. 7.64-79, Frederick Ahl, trans. Virgil Aeneid (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). 34 Verg. Aen. 11.77. 35 Olienis 309. 36 Verg. Aen. 9.431-432.
10 9, Aeneas in Book 8, both in Book 10, neither in Book 11 and finally they come together in Book 12.37 When at last the confrontation that the reader knows is coming for thousands of lines begins, the reader sees Aeneas striking the first blow into Turnus thigh with a hasta.38 He will finish him off with the ferrum He thus uses on Turnus both implements that are metaphors for a penis. Bu t in between there is an intriguing bit of imagery. Aeneas is beholding a whimpering Turnus and seems as though he might be persuaded to grant some sort of clemency. His ira however, is renewed by the sight of the belt of Pallas. Turnus lifted that belt from Pallas after he slew him. On it was impressumque nefas: una sub nocte iugali caesa manus iuvenum foede thalamique cruenti .39 That is a picture of a nefas impious deed, committed in chambers on a wedding night in which youth were slain. This refers to the legend of the Danaids. Though there are variations, the basic stor y is found in Apollodorus, Bibliothetca 2.1. According to this version, the story is set in the East in Libya, Arabia a nd Egypt. Two brothers of the lineage of Poseidon, Aegyptus and Danaus, were born as twins. Aegyptus had 50 sons, and Danaus had 50 daughters. Danaus, in fear, fled to Argos, conquering a territory eventually named for him. Aegyptus sons pursu ed, and begged Danaus to allow them to marry his daughters, incestuous though it was. Daunus consented. After the wedding feast, Danaus gave his daughters daggers, a nd all but one slew th e bridegrooms in the bridal chambers. The one who did not was Hypermnestra She saved her husband because 37 Fratantuono at 268. 38 Verg. Aen. 12.924. 39 Verg. Aen. 10.497-498.
11 he had respected her virginity. The heads were buried in Lerna .40 A sculptural group depicting the Danaids was part of the art work of Augustus Temple of Apollo Palatinus.41 It was apparently located in the portico of the temple. Its appearance in the Aeneid is noteworthy because, other than the depiction on the Palatine, it does not seem to appear anywhere else in the art of the period.42 That fact will figure prominently in later portions of this study. Fo r present purposes, it is enough to point out that the image that sends Aeneas into his final rage and leads directly to his penetration of Turnus is a bloody wedding night a bridal chamber copulation followed by a massacre. Oliensis astutely points out that this seems to indicate that the battlefield on which Turnus and Aeneas struggle is itself a bloody wedding night bedchamber.43 Given the recurring motif of sexual death in the Aeneid and the imagery of this fina l scene, it is reasonable to conclude that Aeneas penetration of Turnus sexually was necessary to condit found Rome, in the metaphorical sense. Aeneas will go on to start the race that will become Roman in the physical sense with Lavinia. Bu t she has only a bit part in Vergils epic, and is of no consequence to its philosophical message. If these two men are the metaphorical pr ogenitors of Rome, what does that say about the race they are creating? The answer requires intimate knowledge of who these men were. Perhaps the best place to start is to look at their creator, the poet himself. 40 See also Campbell Bonner, The Danaid-Myth, TAPhA 31 (1900): 27-36. 41 Barbara A. Kellum, The Construction of Landscape in Augustan Rome: The Garden Room at the Villa ad Gallinas, The Art Bulletin 69, No. 2 (1994): 213. 42 Shadi Bartsch, Ars and the Man: The Politics of Art in Virgils Aeneid, CPh 93, No. 4 (1998): 332. 43 Oliensis at 309.
12 III. Vergil: The Roman Poet not from Rome A key point for the arguments of Syed and this study is that Vergils ethnic predecessors probably arose from a hinterland region removed from the traditional seat of Roman and Italian power. There is no real proof of Vergils ancestry.44 Scholars, however, have argued for backgrounds as disparate as Etruscan, Celtic, Venetian, Ligurian or even Greek.45 The poet himself left us three classics, the Aeneid, Eclogues and Georgics but in all of those works, he refe rences himself by name only once, in Georgics 4.564. In that passage, he indicates that at the time Caesar was warring near the Euphrates, he (Vergil) was enjoying the sweet life in Parthenope, which was most likely Naples.46 The best source we have for Vergil is from a biography written by Aelius Donatus, a late fourth century grammarian who was a contemporary of Maurus Servius Honoratus, author of an expansive commentary on the Aeneid .47 The problem, of course, is that Donatus was as removed from Verg il as we are from William Shakespeare. His primary source seems to be an early biogra phy by Suetonius and other documentary and 44 Leanora Reilly Furr, The nationality of Vergil, CJ 25, No. 5 (1930): 340. 45 Mary L. Gordon, The Family of Vergil. JRS 24 (1934): 1. 46 Verg. G. 4.563-566: Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat Parthenope, studiis florentem ignobilis oti, carmina qui lusi pastorum audaxque inuventa, 565 Tityre, te patulae cecini sub tegmine fagi. 47 Christopher M. McDonough, Richard E. Prior and Mark Stansbury, Servius Commentary on Book Four of Virgils Aeneid: an annotated translation (Wauconda, Illinois: Bolc hazy-Carducci Publishers, 2004), xiii.
13 anecdotal material, to which he most likely added his own embellishments.48 Donatus is the source by which scholars attempt to answer the ever-nagging question about Vergil: what were his feelings on Rome and on his greatest patron, Augustus?49 Warily, the work of Donatus is analyzed to try to pi ece together a biographical picture. Donatus tells us that Vergil was Mantuan, born of humble parents in Andes, near Mantua, on October 15, 70 B.C.50 Mantua had only Latin rights and not full citizenship until 49 B.C., when Vergil was in his twenties.51 He apparently spen t his early years at Cremona, on the Po River.52 There, Donatus reports that he earned the toga virilis at the age of 15, in 55 BC, indicating that his family was of some influence.53 However, Gordon finds that the dates do not add up, and casts doubt on this part of Donatus tale.54 Flavius Josephus, who was born within about 50 years of Vergils death, reports that Cremona, described once by Vergil as miseraeCremonae (wretched Cremona), was a city in Gaul, considered to be in the borders of Italy.55 Cicero speaks very affectionately of Cisalpine Gaul, calling in the flos Italiae the flower of Italy.56 Cremona was the first Latin colony in Cisalpine Ga ul, and was founded well over a century before 48 R.J. Tarrant, Aspects of Virg ils Reception in Antiquity, in Cambridge Companion to Virgil ed. by Charles Martindale (New York: Camb ridge University Press, 1997), 57. 49 Eve Adler, Vergils Empire: political thought in the Aeneid (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), ix. 50 Don. Vit. Verg. 1-2. Donatus references are taken from the following translation: Donatus, Aelius. Life of Virgil Trans. David Scott Wilson-Okamura Available www.virgil.org/vitae/a-donatus.htm. 1996, Rev. 2005, 2008. 51 Gordon at 1. 52 Don. Vit. Verg. 6. 53 Ibid. Gordon at 1. 54 Gordon at 1. 55 Verg Ecl. 9.28; Joseph BJ 4.634. Trans. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus, Josephus (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956). 56 Cic. Phil. 3.5.13.
14 Vergils birth.57 It had remained loyal to Rome in the Social War of 90-89 B.C., but its enfranchisement was balked at by senators until a late date.58 It must have been to the Romans a frontier town. The Rubicon, after all, is well south of the Po. Vergil moved on to Milan, a seat of higher learning in northern Italy even then.59 There, he engaged in his schooling .60 Donatus describes, perhaps apocryphally, an early affection between Augustus and Vergil, with Augustus acting on Vergils behalf to increase his bread ration.61 During Vergils formative years, the Civ il Wars had a distinct impact on his homeland. When he was a teenager, Julius Caes ar conquered Gaul with legions raised in Cisalpine Gaul. Just as he was entering adulthood, Rome was thrown into the turmoil of civil war as Caesar crossed the Rubic on and marched on Rome. When Vergil was 22, Pompey was killed. At 26, Julius Caesar was dead. Before he had reached his thirtieth year, Vergil experienced the horrific aftermath of the Battle of Philippi and the ensuing struggles between Marcus Antonius and Octavian. Donatus reports that after the assassina tion of Caesar, the Cremonians threw their support behind and gave their aid to Republican forces.62 Augustus (then Octavian), likely in retribution for the slight, issued an or der after victory that his veterans be settled on the lands of Cremona .63 Donatus reports that Vergil was living in Mantua at the time, 57 L.P. Wilkinson, The Georgics of Virgil: a critical survey (London: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 24. 58 Ibid. 59 Wilkinson at 12. 60 Don. Vit. Verg. 7. 61 Ibid. 62 Don. Vit. Verg. 61. 63 Don. Vit. Verg. 62.
15 and much of the Mantuans terri tory was part of the seizure.64 Apparently, the rather weak, sickly and usually retiring Vergil was so incensed that he threateningly accosted one Arrius, a centurion.65 Predictably, the encounter ende d with Vergil flinging himself into a river to save his skin.66 The veracity of this story is certainly questionable. But that his homeland was impacted, probably negativ ely, by the battles raging around it and the presence of multiple armies is much more certain. Vergils land was saved by his great patron, the Augustan supporter Ma ecenas, with help from other patrons including Asinius Pollio.67 It seems that it was not until after this period that he obtained Augustus favor.68 It was immediately after this episode that Vergil began writing the Eclogues They were apparently written to praise Octa vian Caesar and his other patrons for saving his land.69 Soon thereafter, he published the Georgics in honor of Maecenas.70 With the help of Maecenas, he (again apocryphally) read them to Augustus for four days straight.71 This was Vergils pastoral period where he celebrated simplistic ru stic living, harkening back to a sort of golden age of good livi ng, hearty Italians, as Donatus termed it.72 Vergil gives us but one small window into his feelings on the civil wars that had shaped his life. It comes during a stirri ng sequence at the end of Book I of the Georgics di patrii Indigetes et Romule Vestaque mater, quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia seruas, hunc saltem euerso iuuenem succurrere saeclo 500 ne prohibete. satis iam pridem sanguine nostro 64 Don. Vit. Verg. 63. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. see also Mart. 8.56. 68 Ibid. 69 Don. Vit. Verg. 64. 70 Don. Vit. Verg. 20. 71 Don. Vit. Verg. 27. 72 Don. Vit. Verg. 57.
16 Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae; iam pridem nobis caeli te regia, Caesar, inuidet atque hominum queritur curare triumphos, quippe ubi fas uersum atque nefa s: tot bella per orbem, 505 tam multae scelerum facies, non ullus aratro dignus honos, squalent a bductis arua colonis, et curuae rigidum falces conflantur in ensem. hinc mouet Euphrates, illinc Germania bellum; uicinae ruptis inter se legibus urbes 510 arma ferunt; saeuit toto Mars impius orbe, ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens fertur equis auriga ne que audit currus habenas.73 Vergil speaks of eversosaeclo or the destroyed generation.74 He notes how future people will unearth bones of the dead.75 He finds fas versum atque nefas an inability to distinguish whether events are in conformance with or in abrogation of divine law.76 He finds it a wickedness that farmers are pulled from their fields, the scythe molded into a sword, and war sp read through the earth. Finally, vicinae ruptis inter se legibus urbes arma ferunt; saevit toto Mars impius orbe.77 The law, Vergil says, is ruptured while the city is carried by arms, a nd war depressingly rages everywhere. War is without piety, an utter wickedness. This dispiriting series stands in marked contrast with Book II of the Georgics in which Vergil speaks fondly of the great aspects of Italy and the races that live there. The Georgics were finished soon after th e Battle of Actium in 31 BC.78 Vergil 73 Verg. G. 1.497-514. 74 Verg G. 1.500. 75 Verg G. 1.497: Grandiaque effosssis mirabitur ossa sepulcris. 76 Verg G. 1.504. 77 Verg G. 1.510-511. 78 Don. Vit. Verg. 25.
17 spent the next 11 y ears composing the Aeneid .79 Apparently much of this time was spent in Naples and Sicily.80 The work was unfinished when Ve rgil took to his deathbed. The poet, a perfectionist, wanted it burned, but upon the order of Augustus it was famously (and, again, the story may be doubted) saved and published.81 Following his untimely death, Vergil was buried in Italy and his grave marked with the following epithet: Mantua gave birth to me, the Calabrians snatched me away, now Parthenope holds me fast; I sang of pastures, fields and princes.82 Vergil was thus the product of a regi on well within Roman hegemony but on the outskirts in terms of both citizenship and th e opinion of the Romans. One wonders if he was an active member of the contingent that supported Augustus foes at that time, or what his politics were generally. One argum ent proposed is that he had Caesarian sympathies dating back to Julius Caesar s time as governor of Cisalpine Gaul.83 The political choices of the Cremonians, and Augustus subsequent reaction, seem to indicate that supposed love for Caesar in the region di d not run very deep, but there is really no way of telling where Vergil stood. Vergil lamented civil war, yet Donatus account is replete with anecdotes indicating that he was a friend and confidant of Octavian, the eventual victor of Romes civil war Apparently, at one point Augustus exercised his po wer to edit a political opponent out of the Eclogues .84 No writer is a fan of edito rial control, but one must 79 Ibid. 80 Ibid. see translators note. 81 Don. Vit. Verg. 39-41. 82 Don. Vit. Verg. 36. 83 Wilkinson at 24. 84 Don. Vit. Verg. 25.
18 wonder how the red ink from on high must have felt to Vergil, if indeed this happened at all. Vergil wrote his own epithet.85 It includes no mention wh atsoever of the city of Rome. Vergil, despite having a house on the Esquiline, came into the city only on very rare occasions.86 He shows his affection for rustic ha rdiness, and for the rustic hardiness of the Italian race. Vergils experience as a borderland Italia n must have been shared by countless contemporaries. The Romans were ethnically plural, but in a culture that placed huge emphasis on the purity of blood lines, this pl urality created identity problems, with an ideal citizenry having already occurred sometime in the past.87 A Rome obsessed with the influence of foreigners could be an unc omfortable place for the Italians, who were incorporated with difficulty after the Social War and whose place in Roman history was still being formulated as late as Tiberius.88 A Roman certainly did not have to be from as far away as Cisalpine Gaul to be thought of as an outsider Italian and a possible foreigner. The mighty Cicero, who hails from a town only about 75 miles from Rome, was ridiculed by his rivals as a foreigner, called the third foreign king of Rome.89 Vergil the man must remain an enigma, but it seems doubtful to conclude, given his home soil, his experiences with strife a nd his apparent feelings toward the mother city, that he would use his Aeneid to write a mere panygericus for Augustus and Rome. 85 Don. Vit. Verg. 68. 86 Don. Vit. Verg. 11-12. 87 Emma Dench, Romulus Asylum, Roman Identities from the Age of Alexander to the Age of Hardrian (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 103, 111. 88 Ibid. 89 Cic. Sull. 22.
19 Quintillian indicates that the Romans appreciated the art of criticizing a social superior in a crafty, disguised manner.90 The ultimate example of this is Plinys Panegyricus. As Bartsch argues for Pliny, so perhaps is true for Vergil: a lack of si ncerity, or a sincerity carefully concealed, perhaps demonstrates that the era in which one could express true feelings openly is gone.91 Aeneas embodies at least some of the characteristics Vergil laments in the Georgics He is a man who comes to Italian soil and ignites civil war, a man who forces the rustic aboriginal Italians to abandon their life of husbandry for the sword, and a man looking to take the land and maiden hand belongi ng to another. This behavior is apparent in a character Vergil famously and continuously dubbed pius Aeneas If Aeneas is the great Augustan hero and the pa ragon of Roman manliness, it sits very uncomfortably with Vergils pastoral works and his life experiences as they can reasonably be deduced. Vergils Aeneas is also a bit different from the one in Livy, Book 1, which is ostensibly the version of Aeneas handed down by tradition. Livy is a contemporary of Vergil. Livys Aeneas marries Lavinia, who gives birth to his son, Ascanius. He founds Lavinium before he is ever attacked by Tu rnus, and then dies in battle with Turnus.92 Vergil never actually lets us see Aeneas conclude a treaty with the Latins and rule a city, much less produce an offspring Vergil places the founding event long before Aeneas ever produces a physical heir. His is a metaphor ical heir, and he needed a different take on the traditional story. 90 Quint. Inst. 9.2.3, 9.2.64-65. 91 Shadi Bartsch, The Art of Si ncerity: Plinys Panegyricus, in Actors in the Audience. Theatricality and Doublespeak from Nero to Hadrian (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1994), 185187. 92 Livy 1.1.9-11, 1.2.6.
20 Vergil gained fame in his own time.93 Augustus apparently awaited the final product of the Aeneid with great anticipation and with relish read the few books sent to him as a preview.94 Juvenal 7.226 is typically cited for the proposition that Vergil was taught to students in school.95 Ovid, who was nearly 20 at the time of Vergils death, recommended that students read the Aeneid as an example because nullum Latio clarius no Latin is more clear.96 Within a century of his death, Quintilian puts Vergil on par with Homer as authors that all boys must read as part of th eir schooling (even though, he says, their minds might not yet be rea dy for a true appreciation of the subject matter).97 There was an obvious sense of Roman national pride in claiming ownership of a poet comparable to Homer.98 Quotations from Vergil even appeared as graffiti on the walls of Pompeii.99 But Donatus reports that from th e very beginning Vergil has had his critics.100 That criticism ramped up to a much hi gher degree during the troubled Neronian age.101 It was then no longer in doubt that the Re public was long dead and that Augustus vision could, in certain hands, go terribly aw ry. The Flavians, after Nero, continued the tradition of reading the Aeneid darkly.102 Seneca read the final scene of the epic as an 93 Don. Vit. Verg. 26. 94 Don. Vit. Verg. 31-34. 95 cum totus decolor esset Flaccus et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni. 96 Ov. Ars am. 3.338. 97 Quint. Inst. I.8.5: Ideoque optime institutum est, ut ab Homero atque Vergilio lectio inciperet, quamquam ad intellegendas eorum virtutes firmiore iudicio opus est: sed huic rei superest tempus, neque enim semel legentur. Interim et sublimitate heroi carminis animus adsurgat et ex magnitudine rerum spiritum ducat et optimis inbuatur. 98 Tarrant at 58. 99 James L. Franklin, Vergil at Pompeii: A Teachers Aid, CJ 92, no. 2 (1997): 175-184. 100 Don. Vit. Verg. 43. 101 Tarrant at 64-65. 102 Ibid. at 69.
21 example of pietas overwhelmed by rage.103 Suetonius tells us that Caligula considered removing the writings and busts of Vergil from libraries because he found him lacking in his supposed genius and only of trifling learning.104 Members of the public living during these difficult periods also saw in Vergil a message about the emperors. One taunting message, according to Suetonius, was posted somewhere in the city: Quis negat Aeneae magna de st ripe Neronem? Sustulit hic matrem: sustulit ille patrem .105 Who denies Nero from the great stock of Aeneas? He carried his mother: Aeneas carried his father. Nero was accused of executing his mother. In religious usage, Vergil was apparen tly fertile ground for propaganda by pagans and Christians alike, and Constantine Chri stianized Vergil in his Good Friday sermon.106 The writer of the New Testament book Acts used the name Aeneas to describe a man bedridden for years with paralysis before he was healed throug h the apostle Peter by Jesus Christ.107 The sortes Vergilinae describes the use of verses from Vergil as a tool of divination, a practice which conti nued into the Medieval period. In the centuries since the Roman Empire, the Aeneid has been analyzed and consistently read as an affirmation of A ugustan values and the achievements of Rome.108 Leading up until the middle part of the Twentieth Century, a typical, unabashedly optimistic reading of Aeneas found in him a character embodying pietas and overcoming rage and war to do his duty, an exemplar of the ideal of Roman heroism and the prime 103 Ibid. 104 Suet. Cal. 34.2: Sed et Virgili ac Titi Livi scripta et imagines paulum afuit quin ex omnibus bibliothecis amoveret, quorum alterum ut nullius ingenii minimaeque doctrinae. 105 Suet. Nero 39.2. 106 Tarrant at 70. 107 Acts 9.33-34. 108 Christine G. Perkell, A Poets Truth A Study of the Poet in Virgils Georgics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 3.
22 character relating that ideal to Augustus.109 This is now known as the European view. In the middle of the twentieth century, a pessi mistic view developed, and classicists supporting that view were said to be of the Harvard School.110 Rightly or wrongly, that school has been associated with the Vietnam War and the idea that scholars writing on powder keg college campuses, themselves tr oubled by American imperialism, were projecting their own anti-imp erial views onto the past.111 In 2001, Thomas, in Virgil and the Augustan Reception saved the Harvard School classicists to a degree by demonstrating that the pessimistic strain existed in antiquity.112 Classicists have demonstrated the comp lexity of Vergilian studies by making excellent, equally plausible yet contradictor y points. The genius of Vergil and the difficulty of ciphering his code remain such a challenge for us today that James OHara has said Can one be certain about anything in this poem?113 At least one scholar has attempted to forge a middle ground. Conte argues that Vergil intentionally constructed his epic with contradictions to force the reader to experience the pain of anxiety and doubt.114 The debate between the Harvard and European Schools, then, is an outward ma nifestation of this Vergilian tactic.115 Perhaps this study then captur es a bit of that dualism. The conclusion here is that 109 Noteworthy proponents of this view include Heinz and Poschl. See Craig Kallendorf, The Other Virgil: pessimistic readings of the Aeneid in early modern culture (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), v. Outside of classicists, this view was almost unanimous. See the landmark work Richard F. Thomas, Virgil and the Augustan Reception (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), xix. 110 Kallendorf at vii-viii. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 113 Thomas at 1. 114 Gian Biagio Conte, in The Poetry of Pathos: studies in Virgilian epic ed. by S.J. Harrison (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 152. 115 Ibid.
23 Vergil did create a message of hope, only the message of hope did not reside in Augustus and his propaganda as the Eur opean School supposes. Vergil is read as a provincial (for a snobby Roman, just one wrong move from being a foreigner), living as such for most of his life, a man who experienced the helplessnes s of living amid war, but also experienced the extreme wealth to be gained when he used his talents to befriend those in power. This was perhaps not unlike many new leaders in the period following Actium. Many Italians took more active power positions in Rome duri ng this era, challenging the ways of the old elite class and becoming Augustus new patrician class.116 Vergil created an Aeneas not only cont aining all that was good and bad about Rome, but a man who was in the end utterly emasculated. For this theory to hold true, Aeneas must be made effeminate during the course of the epic. Understanding how he was so constructed requires an understanding of the strictures of sexuality for a late Republican Roman. 116 Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 450-453.
24 IV. Being a Man in Rome A Imperium The word imperium is difficult to translate adequately, but essentially means power exercised over another. There was a dual quality to imperium in ancient Rome. Initially, it was a high-leve l power of command within Roman government granted only to magistrates or pro-magistrates responsible for commanding others in executing official activities of the state.117 Only magistrates and pro-ma gistrates proposed laws, and, through imperium only they could command the legions in the field.118 Under the Republic the strength of such a power and it s tendency to corrupt was carefully guarded by regulation of how imperium was awarded.119 It was normally only available to men who had climbed the cursus honorum and had thus proven their eligibility.120 Livy demonstrates the etiquette with which Romans regarded use of imperium in a situation where a Roman left his post with his legions to come to Rome and brought a lieutenant with him rather than leaving hi m in charge. This was deemed as proper because cum etiam verius esset Ti. Sempronio imperium habenti tradi exercitum quam legato.121 Sempronius, he says, rightfully s hould lead the army (rather than the lieutenant) because he is the one with imperium 117 J.S. Richardson, Imperium Romanum: Empire and the Language of Power, JRS 81 (1991): 1. 118 Ibid. at 2. 119 Ibid. 120 Myles Anthony McDonnell, Roman Manliness: Virtus and the Roman Republic (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 197. 121 Livy 35.8.6-7.
25 In another example, the Roman senate re acts to a dispatch from L. Marcius in which he assumed the title propraetor to the senate. The senators were offendebat offendedand thought this thing a rem mali exempli esse to be a bad example because this man had acted when imperio non populi iussu imperium had not been issued by the people, and non ex auctoritate partum datoit had not been given from the authority of the senate.122 The senators petulantly refu sed to address a response to Marcius with the title he had chosen (adscribi autem propraetori L. Marcio non placuit ), and found the matter such an affront to established norms that the consuls needed to give it full priority ( re prius ).123 In this scene Livy also reports that upon the decision in the senate, the tribunes were sent to consult the plebei ans about who to send to Hispania cum imperio to replace a former general.124 Livy also demonstrates that when a commander is performing well, the imperium prorogabatur the imperium may be prolonged.125 This tradition of careful watch over imperium was strong enough that Augustus, in writing autobiographicall y, is careful to note that senatusimperio mihi dedit .126 The senate, he writes, gave me imperium. This was part of his continuing fiction that the Republic was restored and ongoing By this time, grant of imperium was not so carefully guarded as it had been in earlier Republican days. But the tradition was such that the fiction was necessary. According to Richardson, the grant of this kind of imperium was not only a legal 122 Livy 26.2.1-2. 123 Livy 26.2.4-5. 124 Livy 26.2.5-6. 125 Livy 36.2.9. 126 Aug Anc.1.
26 matter, but had a religious component as well. The lex curiata was a procedure by which elected magistrates proceeded to take the au spices and thus confirm that both the people and Jupiter himself accepted those receiving imperium as worthy.127 While this event lost its significance to some degree in the late Re public, it still remained a fundamental part of the process.128 In the final scene of the Aeneid Aeneas faces Turnus, each the respective leaders of their individual forces. In ancient Rome, if the Roman commander acting under imperium had killed the enemy leader in single combat, he was eligible for the single highest military honor available in that society, the spolia opima.129 This award was so extraordinarily rare that by the late Republic it had only occurred three times, and really only twice in historical fact because one belonged to Romulus.130 If it was awarded, a trophy was dedicated in the sh rine of Jupiter Feretrius.131 Such a victory by an official with imperium is an extreme, almost sublime, honor, and it is tied up with the wors hip of Jupiter, the deity who blesses the human grant of imperium There is no indication that any of this applies to Aeneas by the final scene, even earlier scenes indicate that this war could be one in which Aeneas would gain imperium Perhaps that is because Jupiter has refused imperium for the Trojans and for Aeneas, and it figures not at all in the final confrontation. He speaks just before the final battle in response to Junos pleas. 127 Richardson at 2. 128 Ibid. 129 Harriet I. Flower, The Tradition of the Spolia Opima: M. Claudius Marcellus and Augustus, CA 19, No. 1 (2000): 34. 130 Ibid. 131 Ibid.
27 do quod uis, et me uictus que uolensque remitto. sermonem Ausonii patrium moresque tenebunt, utque est nomen erit; commi xti corpore tantum 835 subsident Teucri. morem ritusque sacrorum adiciam faciamque omnis uno ore Latinos. hinc genus Ausonio mixt um quod sanguine surget, supra homines, supra ire deos pietate uidebis, nec gens ulla tuos aeque celebrabit honores.' 840 I grant your wish and relent, willingly w on over. Ausonias sons shall keep their fathers speech and ways, and as it is now, so shall their name be: the Trojans shall but sink down, merged in the mass. I will give them their sacred laws and rites and make them all Latins of one tongue. From them shall arise a race, blended with Ausonian blood, which you w ill see overpass me n, overpass gods in loyalty, and no nation will celebrat e your worship with equal zeal.132 Though Aeneas may win the final co nfrontation, his leadership, or imperium over his Trojans will disappear since the race itself will be obliterated. The imperium that exists in Italy will stay with the Latins until it is bestowed on the blended heirs of the two races. Jupiter himself has rejected imperium for the Trojans as a race and removed it as a prize from this fight. The second key aspect of imperium is an extension of the first. It is a power and control the Roman people exercise over all other people in their dominion.133 For that reason, the full title for Augustus final epitaph is Res Gestae divi Augusti quibus orbem terrarium imperio populi Romani subiecet .134 He is telling his read ers that he is the man who spread the imperium of the Roman people across the earth. No better place can an example of this imperium be found than in perhaps the most famous line in the Aeneid Jupiter tells us that 132 Verg. Aen. 12.833-840. 133 Andrew Lintott, What was the Imperium Romanum? G&R, Second Series 28, No.1 (1981): 53. 134 Ibid.
28 ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono; imperium sine fine dedi.135 He gives the Romans imperium without end. A few lines later, he explains further: Romanos rerum dominos the Romans will be the lords of all .136 In this scene he goes on to describe the imperium of Julius Caesar, but ne ver once does he bestow imperium on Aeneas or the Trojan s, just on their progeny. Imperium for Romans, was tied closely to masculinity. The essence of Roman manhood was control, a sort of personal imperium over oneself and others.137 In essence, a proper Roman man exercised a personal imperium over those within his sphere of influence. Imperium was also tied in to virtus.138 Virtus is a word that captures the essence of Roman manliness but can never be adequately translated. According to Williams, a freeborn Roman man was a holder of virtus by birthright and was expected to exercise his imperium over women and foreigners, themselves implicitly likened to women.139 The overall argument this study attempts to make is that Aeneas was incapable of possessing imperium after he dispatched Turnus. Therefor e, the Rome that arose from the union of Turnus and Aeneas would not have the imperium that made it famous unless the Italian races had provided it to them. Aeneas lacks imperium because he lacks he does not possess Roman manliness. He is made effemi nate by the poet. To better explain this argument, it is important to understand what in the Roman mind, made for a true man. 135 Verg Aen. 1.278-279. 136 Verg Aen. 1.282. 137 Williams at 127. 138 Williams at 133. 139 Ibid.
29 B. A Roman Man is Always on Top As in the modern world, a Roman man was expected to behave in a certain way to be gendered as a man, and failure to do so could condemn him to being something other than a man despite his anatomical characteristics.140 Unlike the modern world, whether a man had homosexual sex did not necessarily make a difference as to whether he was socially gendered a man (in fact, th e modern concept of a bifurcated homosexual/heterosexual predilection ha d no place in the ancient world).141 Failure to remove such modern labels from scholarly th inking is probably the reason scholarship in this area was so slow in developing In one typical example from the early twentieth century, a commentator declared Romans the progeny of uncouth farmers with little history of study in art, history, or philos ophy and thus unable to produce a lofty and spiritualized sexual life.142 In the last few decades, the scholarship in this area is much improved and has given us a basic outline of Roman sexual behavior and constructions of gender and how they were projected onto the state. Romans did have rules for acceptable se xual activity, but theirs was based more on the social status of the sexual partner and how the act was performed than ther partners anatomical sex. As to the actual act, to borrow Williams phrase, theirs was a Priapic model of masculinity whereby a Roman man, to be seen as a fully gendered man, must be the active, insertive partner a nd not the passive pene trated partner in a 140 Williams at 4. 141 Ibid. at 4, 6. 142 Otto Kiefer, Sexual Life in Ancient Rome (New York: Dutton, 1935), 5. As an interesting aside, Kiefer finds Roman sex far cruder than that of the Greeks, despite some of the Greek tendencies that would be problematic for modern sensibilities.
30 sexual encounter.143 But this concept existed not just in the tangible but in the abstract. A mans behavior, dress, appearance, image, speech and grooming habits could all paint him as penetrated metaphorically and th erefore less than a fully gendered male.144 Men who do things that are less than masculine e ssentially give up their masculine privilege, in a very real way selling out their virtus thus becoming an object of scorn and even lower than women.145 Under this Priapic model, penetration is subjugationand masculinity is domination, and, like the absu rdly well-endowed deity Priapus for whom this model is named, an ideal Roman man wa s ready, willing and able to express his dominion over others, male or fema le, by means of sexual penetration.146 But there was a different level to this A Roman, to remain fully gendered as a man, was expected to penetrate puellae (girls), feminae (women), pueri (boys) or adulescentuli/iuvenes (pre-pubescent youths) still in the flos aetatis (the flower of youth, prior to the onset of a manl y beard), but was to avoid viri (other men).147 Lucretius describes one Veneris qui telis accipit ictus who accepts a wound from the spear of Venus (again the war imagery, telis being a javelin and ictus a war wound)as a puer membris muliebribus boy with the limbs of womenand muliera woman.148 Thus, Donatus can tell us that Vergil enjoyed boys, and a Roman reader would find nothing unacceptable with that.149 But a Roman man was also required to re frain from sex with freeborn partners, 143 Williams at 18. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid. at 18. 146 Williams at 18. 147 Ibid. at 19. 148 Lucr. 4.1052-3. 149 Don. Vit. Verg. 8.
31 male or female.150 That requirement makes sense in the Roman paradigm of the paterfamilias who is the arbiter of the sexual beha vior of the women under his power, in a sense the holder of a household imperium over the mating rights of the females. Committing such an act represented an act of stuprum yet another untranslatable word that is most closely associated with debauchery or illicit sex.151 Cicero used it as an accusatory term against Catiline on numerous occasions, including one in which he said, quod nefarium stuprum no per illum ? What nefarious stuprum was not (done by) him?152 A person who committed stuprum was at times termed a moechus The term is demonstrated in a line in Suetonius meant to be funny: Uxoris moechus coeperat esse suae .153 He is suggesting that a man is a crude moechus because he slept with his own wife. Another is in Plautus: erus meus ita magnus moechus mulierum estmy master is thus a great moechus (because he is exceptional at defiling women).154 Finally, Horace writes of ancient authors that if a person deserved to be called out as a moechus multa cum libertate notabant they so designated him with much liberty.155 Stuprum was so shameful against a freeborn pe rson because it was in effect an act of removing the freeborns masculinity, or in the case of a woman harming her pudicitia .156 Pudicitia is in very basic terms is the female equivalent of virtus .157 Adulterium adultery (not in the modern sense of having sex with anyone other than a 150 Don. Vit. Verg. 62. 151 Don. Vit. Verg. 98. 152 Cic. Cat. 2.7. 153 Suet. Otho 3.2. 154 Plaut. Mil. 3.1. 155 Hor. Sat. 1.4.4-5. 156 Williams at 110. 157 Rebecca Langlands, Sexual Morality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 2. Pudicitia like virtus had a cult and personification. See Livy 10.23.
32 monogamous partner, but in a sense cons istent with Roman mores, a form of stuprum ), in the Aeneid is listed as a crime committed by the doomed men in the underworld.158 An accusation of stuprum was so vile that Cicero castigated Antonius for raising the accusation that another man committed such an act with his wife because such statements were crudelior, crude, and impie, impious, when made in public in front of the womans husband and father and in the presence of the senate.159 Of course, he himself was not above castigating the scelere wickedness, of a mother who committed adultery in public when it served his political ends.160 But, for a man, sex with a slave was for the most part acceptable. All of this created a late Republican, early imperial Rome wher e erotic statues of boys were the rage and Augustus could be en tertained at his wedding by dancing nude boys while at the same time working to pass his morality laws to preserve traditional Roman marriages, eliminate adul tery and encourage procreation.161 Augustus lex Julia was such an extreme attempt to main tain the social hierarchy that a paterfamilias had the right to kill a married daught er who misbehaved sexually.162 So serious was sexual morality that guardians of that morality were regarded as generals in the field.163 158 Verg. Aen. 6.612: quique ob adulterium caesi. 159 Cic. Phil. 2.38.99: quod ab eo sorori et uxori tuae stuprum esse oblatum comperisses quis interpretari potest impudentiorne qui in senatu an improbior qui in Dolabellam an impurior qui patre audiente an crudelior qui in illam miseram tam spurce tam impie dixeris ? 160 Cic. Clu. 5.12. 161 Elizabeth Bartman, Eross Flame: Images of Sexy Boys in Roman Ideal Sculpture, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes 1, The Ancient Art of Emulation: Studies in Artistic Originality and Tradition from the Present to Classi cal Antiquity (2002): 269-270; Dio Cass. 48.44.3, Earnest Cary trans., Dios Roman History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954); Richard I. Frank, Augustus Legislation on Marriage and Children, California Studies in Classical Antiquity 8 (1975): 4345. 162 Langlands at 20. 163 Catherine Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Anciet Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 1.
33 The antithesis of a fully gendered Roman male was a cinaedus, referencing a man who enjoyed being penetrated, and who wa s characterized by such modifiers as effeminatus (effeminate) and semivir (literally half-man).164 Such men were characterized by the soft moistness of a woman.165 They were often seen to wear feminine clothes and perfume. They depilate their skin and were generally though to be overly concerned with their appearance.166 A real man was characterized by uncultivated roughness.167 Gellius quotes Scipio Africanus, certainly someone who could be called the epitome of Roman manliness, for a description of what cinaedi do: Nam qui cotidie unguentatus adversum sp eculum ornetur, cuius supercilia radantur, qui barba vulsa feminibusque subvulsis ambulet, qui in conviviis adulescentulus cum amatore, cum chirodota tunica interior accubuerit, qui non modo vinosus, sed virosus quoque sit, eumne quisquem dubitet, quin idem fecerit quod cinaedi facere solent? For one who daily having anointed hims elf prepares before a mirror, whose eyebrows are shaved off, who ambles with a plucked beard and nether regions like a woman, who a young boy at a party will recline with his lover wearing his long-sleeved tunic, who not only likes wine, but men, who then can be uncertain that he is doing what cinaedi are accustomed to do?168 Gender was regulated visually by appearance in public.169 A Roman must be particularly careful of appearance because he was constantly critiqued based on a physiognomical tradition with its ancestry in Aristotelean Greece. A Romans face, body and gestures were constantly analyzed for signs of weakness like too much dampness in 164 Williams at 122. 165 Maud W. Gleason, Making Men: sophists and self-presentation in ancient Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 29. 166 Williams at 129. 167 Ibid. at 130. 168 Gell. 6.12.5. 169 Gleason at 70.
34 the eye.170 Thus, in Gellius, a man is taunted for mollities oculorum et corporis softness of eye and body.171 Gellius further relates a stor y from Plutarch of a man who was known to have not committed stuprum but who was still taunted because nam cum vocem eius infractam capillumque arte compositum et oculos ludibundos atqeu inlecebrae voluptatisque plenos his voice was different, his hair artfully composed and his playful eyes full of enticement and voluptuousness.172 Cicero, in criticizing a band of soldiers hanging out around the senate, attempts to portray them as effeminate. He says that these are men qui nitent ungeuentis, qui fulgent purpurawho are glistening with oint ment and flashing purple.173 Cicero is also well known for defining how an appropriate Roman man should walk.174 Also, according to Seneca, if a man is effeminatus, one could detect a mollitiam a softness, in the way he walks.175 Juvenal, in his second sati re, gives us a rant filled with invective against the effeminate garb and grooming that has invaded Rome. He begins by criticizing a man for effeminate behavior, saying he is one of the Socraticoscinaedos, Socratic cinaedi .176 Further: hispida membra quidem at durae per bracchia saetae promittunt atrocem animum arms stiff with hard bristles promise a hard soul.177 Sed podice levi caeduntur tumidae medico ridente mariscaeBut (of a cinaedus) large wounds are being cut by the 170 Ibid. at 29, 55-56. 171 Gell. 3.5. 172 Ibid. 173 Cic. Cat. 2.5 174 Anthony Corbeill, Political Movement. Walk ing and Ideology in Republican Rome, in The Roman Gaze. Vision, Power, and the Body ed. by David Frederick (Baltimo re: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 182-183. 175 Sen. Ep. 114.3: Si ille effeminatus est, in ipso incessu adparere mollitiam? 176 Juv. 2.10. 177 Juv. 2.11-12.
35 laughing doctor on your shaven anus.178 Juvenal, in addition to providing us this rather graphic image, also illustrates another facet of being an effeminate man: lack of control over ones emotions and desires. Describing one Peribomius, he te rms the effeminacy that afflicts him a furor, which is a raving madness and the result veniam or indulgences.179 Juvenal continues on his rant by considering the colorful clothing of the cinaedi the made up faces and plucked eyebrows. Barton sees in the Romans a disdain for make-up because it provides a place for the wearer to hide from the shaming glances of others.180 Juvenal concludes his rant by running effeminate behavior right up against the most notable symbol of Roman manliness, the general in the field of battle. There, at the moment he was to order a charge, an effeminate commander quo se ille videbat armatum paused to gaze at himself fully armed in a mirror.181 Juvenal was shocked that a mirror would be brought to the battlefield.182 Sarcastically, he says : nimirum summi ducis es t occidere Galbam et curare cutem doubtless the greatest leader is needed to kill Galba and at the same time to preen over his skin.183 The term semivir appears in Ovid. It describe s the legend of Hermaphroditus (provider of another obvious English derivative) and how he entered a stream a full man, only to become half man, half woman, or semivir .184 Writes Ovid: quisquis in hos fonts vir venerit, exeat inde semivir et tactis subito mollescat in undis He entered the water a 178 Juv. 2.12-13. 179 Juv. 2.18-19. 180 Carlin Barton, Being in the eyes. Shame and Sight in Ancient Rome, in The Roman Gaze, Vision, Power and the Body (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Univ ersity Press, 2002), 216-235. 181 Juv. 2 100-101. 182 Juv. 2 104: speculum ciuilis sarcina belli. 183 Juv. 2. 104-105. 184 Ov. Met. 4.385-86.
36 vir and when he exited he was a semivir with a mollescat a softened touch.185 Strabo, a Greek contemporary of Vergil, states that cinaedi had their own way of speaking and mannerisms, and he mentions one Sotades, who became the first to attempt to write the talk of the cinaedi .186 It is worth noting that these writers are talking about extremes. A man showing distinct virtus and another effeminate cinaedus were on opposite ends of what Gleason has termed a continuum of masculinity.187 However, she notes that masculinity was the proving ground for the Roman race, not a birt hright but something that had to be won.188 Oliensis states that homophobia exis ted in ancient Rome, but it was a homophobia toward effeminate actors, the cinaedi .189 C. Virtus Virtus is a pre-requisite both for being accep ted as a true Roman man and for holding imperium. That masculinity was tied up in the very essence of the Roman state is perhaps difficult to grasp in a modern na tion (or perhaps not, considering the cowboy image some presidents feel the need to convey and consid ering that ev en President Obama, more aristocratic in his sensibilitie s, felt the need to choke down a cheese steak and beer to prove he is an aver age guy). But, as McDonnell put it, virtus was nothing less than the quality associated with, and responsible for, Roman greatness.190 Cicero said virtus is quae propria est Romani generis et seminis the particular quality of the 185 Ibid. 186 Strab. Geo. 14.1.41 Trans. Horace Leonard Jones, 1970. 187 Gleason at 62. 188 Ibid. at 159. 189 Oliensis at 296. 190 McDonnell at 2.
37 Roman race and seedand that by it, the ancestors had conquered all of Italy, Carthage, Numantia and brought kingdoms and nations in dicionem huius imperii under the control of this imperium .191 Thus, unlike during the kingdominated period before the Republic, and the imperial period, women in the Republic play almost no overt role whatsoever.192 Roman leadership involves the world of men, and other than a few very rare exceptions, like Cornelia mother of the Gracchi, women, children, and slaves were utterly excluded from virtus.193 This also demonstrates why acting masculine, and not like a cinaedus was so important. Judgment of a pe rsons masculinity was linked directly with the ethics of the state because to act as a magistrate required a demonstrated virtus.194 Quintilian gives an idea how pervasiv e manliness was in daily life. Speaking about reading, he says sit autem in primis lectio virilis .195 He counsels his readers to read like a man. Further, he states, if one is si nging poetry, there is no excuse for singing effeminata in a girly manner, ut nunc a plerisque fit as now is done by many.196 Later, he recommends reading poets of an older age for reasons of sanctitas sanctity, and virilitas manliness, and to avoid modern laxity in writing .197 Additionally, Cicero states: ut homo effeminatus fort issimum virum conaretur occidere, hodie rem publicam nullam haberetis if that effeminate man had not tried to 191 Cic. Phil. 4.13. 192 McDonnell at 11. 193 Ibid 167. 194 Shadi Bartsch, The Mirror of the Self. Sexuality, Self-Knowledge, and the Gaze in the Early Roman Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 195 Quint. Inst. 1.8.2. 196 Ibid. 197 Quint. Inst. 1.8.9: Sanctitas certe et ut sic dicam virilitas ab iis petenda est quando nos in omnia deliciarum vitia dicendi quoque ratione defluximus
38 kill that most strong man, toda y you would not have a Republic.198 Fortis is an adjective often linked with virtus, and here Cicero indicates that almost as a foregone conclusion the real man will prevail over the effeminate in an inidividual fight, though perhaps not always in the realm of politics. This definition of virtus sits uncomfortably with a few of the characters in the late Republic. Most notably is Maecenas, patron of Vergil and confidant of Augustus. His name became synonymous with the luxurious and feminine, and he is accused of never pleasing his wife and always going about accompanied by eunuchs.199 That begs the question of how a person like that could hol d such great power in ancient Rome. His funeral oration, as recounted by Williams, is inst ructive. In it, even though the writer is acting as an apologist for M aecenas, he indicates that his un-manly behavior was only allowed as an indulsit or an indulgence, from Augustus.200 Williams concludes: That his behavior is intrinsically something needing indulgence is never questioned.201 Julius Caesar was another man of power described as behaving, at times, in an effeminate manner. It must be noted that most of these were taunts, many of which he allowed by his own soldiers as way of building trust through levity.202 Caesar makes it clear, however, that good virtus is of the first importance for victory.203 McDonnell theorizes that a large part of the reason for civil wa r was a crisis in manliness exemplified by the crisis of 63 B.C.204 That sholars would expect to see leaders without the traditional virtus at the end 198 Cic. Mil. 89. 199 Williams at 147-48. 200 See Eleg. Maec. ; Williams at 157-59. 201 Ibid. at 159. 202 Williams at 165. 203 McDonnell at 303. 204 Ibid. at 2.
39 of the Republic is not a surp rise. That there are varian ces of opinion concerning the nature of manliness from this period is also to be expected. But what the reader should be looking for in analyzing virtus in Vergil is a traditional defi nition of the word. Such a definition was an existing and vibrant part of the political ideology at the time the poet wrote. Virtus was a divinity in ancient Rome, made so by the third-century consul and general Marcus Claudius Marcellus. Marce llus was a leader in the Second Punic War, and eventually died in battle. He is perhaps the best example of what true (that is, ideologically accurate) virtus was for a Republican Roman. His greatest triumph came earlier in his life during the Gallic War. His creation of the divine virtus resulted from his single combat victory over the Gallic king Viridumarus at the Battle of Clastidium, which made him one of three Romans ever given the spolia opima.205 Vergil references Marcellus spoila opima in the Aeneid, placing it in Anchises underworld speech to Aeneas in which he described the future for Rome: Aspice, ut insignis spoliis Marcellus opimis ingreditur, victorque viros supereminet omnes.206 Behold, where Marcellus is marching his spoila opima trophy, a victor towering over all men. This is the ultimate moment of Roman manline ss projected upon the state. Marcellus, a man granted imperium has killed (penetrated with his weap on) a king whose name includes the Latin for man (vir ). He dedicated during his spoila opima to a new divinity Virtus. He became a man who not only rules over but towers above all other men ( viros ). He is the embodiment of the manly Roman man taking control over other men. 205 Ibid. at 208. 206 Verg Aen. 6.855-856.
40 In strict contrast to this ultimate, perfect example of Roman virtus is a story about the armies of Alexander the Great. A forei gner (and in particular an Easterner who was seen as especially susceptible to the dreaded qualities of luxury, sloth and effeminacy), just by the fact alone that he was a fo reigner was regarded as subjugated, or metaphorically penetrated by, Roman manliness.207 Livy thus laments how Alexanders army was adversely affected by its time in th e East and its exposure to luxury, eventually driving mulierum ac spadonum women and castrated men, or eunuchs, and dragging purpuram atqeu aurum oneratum fortunaesuae the gold and purple load of his fortune.208 Livy suggests that he can get away with it because conquest of the Far East is terribly easy; Alexander finds praedam uerius quam hostem booty rather than an actual enemy.209 Livy assures his readers that had Alexan der invaded Italy rather than India, he would have met a different result.210 Catullus describes Arabs, a favorite repr esentative of the luxurious east, as Arabasve molles soft Arabs.211 Cicero, writing in castiga tion for the way one group of Easterners, the Apollonides, ha s been treated, states that homines sunt tota ex Asia frugalissimi, sanctissimi, a Graecoru m luxuria et levitate remotissimi they are the most frugal men in all of Asia, most sanctimoni ous, and most removed from the luxury and softness of the Greeks.212 He further states they are hard working aratores, rusticani 207 McDonnell at 133. 208 Livy 9.17.16: quem mulierum ac spadonum agmen trahentem, inter purpuram atque aurum oneratum fortunae apparatibus suae. 209 Ibid. 210 Livy 9.17.17: longe alius Italiae quam Indiae. 211 Catull. 11.5. 212 Cic. Flac. 71.
41 ploughmen, rustics.213 His description of them is remi niscent of Vergils description of pastoral Italians, and comes across as notew orthy and unusual in someone from the East. This also demonstrates some of the tens ion in Rome concerning Greeks. As Plinys letters illustrate, the Greeks are considered the original civilized people, but also bear signs of foreign decadence.214 More often than not, Greeks and other foreigners are seen as too full of passion (like a woman, in the ancient sense) and una ble to control their desires. Take the prototypical Greek in Juvenal, who he consider s to be so sexually out of control that he will sleep with just about everything .215 He will even aviam resupinat amici bend over his friends grandmother.216 A Greek, Juvenal says, is always playacting, and thus his emotions are always in the extreme. Thus flet, si lacrimas consp exit amici, nec doletsi dixeris aestuo, sudat if he spots his friends tears, he weeps, even though he feels no anguishif you say Im hot, he breaks into a sweat.217 Konstan points out in the example of the femal Roman client ruler Py thodoris that foreigners, particularly Easterners, were so low on the femininity scal e, that the rule over them in the frontier by a female Roman was consider ed entirely appropriate.218 This is a considerable indication of the Roman mindset towards foreigners c onsidering that, in Republican Rome, accusing a man of operating at the be hest or under the power of a woman was a strong insult.219 213 Ibid. 214 Greg Woolf, Playing Games with Greeks: One Roman on Greekness, in Greeks on Greekness: Viewing the Greek Past under the Roman Empire ed. by David Konstan and Suzanne Said (supplementary Volument 29, 162-179. Cambridge: Cambridge Unversity Press, 2006). 215 Juv. 3.109-113. 216 Juv. 3.112. 217 Juv.3.101-103. 218 David Konstan, Women, Ethnicity and Power in the Roman Empire, Diotima (2000). 219 Tom Hillard, Republican Po litics, Women and Evidence, Helios 16, no. 2 (1989): 165-182.
42 Luxury is a major concern to ancient authors who consider it a threat to the state. It was directly related to the female elem ent, something brought into the state by the female and pursued by those with too much idle time.220 It was particularly pernicious because a person given to luxury used his or her wealth for personal pursuits instead of furtherance of the state.221 It was of such a concern for the Romans that Cicero, when speaking about impending civil war, indi cated that one of its key causes was luxuria.222 Livy said that luxuria along with avarice, quae pestes omnia magna imperia everterunt is the pestilence that has overthrown all great empires.223 He finds Greece and Asia omnibus libidinum illecebris repletas replete with all of the enticements of salacious pleasure (libidinum, from libido leads to the latest noteworthy English derivative).224 This is from an account by Livy in s upport of maintaining the Oppian law, which contemporaries like Cato th e Elder found necessary to curb luxuriam muliebrem feminine luxury.225 Livy places female luxuria on par with the luxuria that arises from the East. Thus, the feminine and the Easter n are combined as dangerous producers of luxuria an element that can threaten virtus and thus the Empire as a whole. Incidentally, Livy here joins in the nostal gia for the hard-working, tough times of old by finding that feminine luxury was not so much of a wo rry in the past because luxury was simply unavailable. Still, the law was apparently deem ed necessary, just in case. Livy makes this connection between the slothful foreigner, the feminine, and the downfall of Rome 220 Edwards at 80. 221 Ibid. at 186-87. 222 Cic. Cat. 2.11: intus est hostis cum luxuria nobis cum amentia, cum scelere certandum est 223 Livy 34.4.2. 224 Livy 34.4.3. 225 Livy 34.4.6.
43 immediately from the preface of his work. He states that moral problems immigraverint were brought into Rome from the outside.226 That worry is important when discussing just what kind of people the Trojans were and what they brought to Italian soil. This connection between people who were gendered less than male and luxury is seen again in a letter from P liny. In it, he uses the phrases scurrae cinaedi and molle a cinaedo, petulans a scurra with scurra translating to a lazy pe rson, or a person enjoying luxury (it is in the feminine).227 Thus a cinaedus is not only soft, but connected with laziness, the result of too much luxury, a nd luxury is connected with the Eastern and foreign. In the Aeneid, Vergil himself links feminine luxury to a failure of virtus through the story of Camilla the Volscian, a female warrior who for much of her appearance in the epic is a paragon of virtus She is undone when, in the midst of battle, she spots a priest dressed in finery and, desiring to seize his finery fo r herself, basically loses her mind. She comes under the spea r of her killer because femineo praedae et spoliorum ardebat amore she was blazing with a feminine love of booty and spoils.228 In further examples, Julius Caesar once lamented, Animi est ista mollitia, non virtus, paulisper inopiam ferre non posse . It is softness, not virtus, to be unable to bear privation for a short time.229 Virtus and mollitia are set against one another in an interesting way. Sallust blames Sulla for allowing luxury to slip into the camp while the soldiers were in Asia with the result that animos molliverant their spirits had become 226 Livy Pr. 11; Dench at 22-23. 227 Plin. Ep. 9.17.1-2. 228 Verg Aen. 11.782. 229 Caes. B. Gall. 7.77.4-5.
44 soft.230 Caesar recounts, with a hint of admiration, that the on e tribe of the Belgae that refused to surrender to him because, having allowed no merchants and thus tempted by no luxury, they were esse homines feros magnaeque virtutis they were wild men of great virtus.231 So worried were the Romans about their own army growing soft, that even the deployment of a mosquito net in ca mp was seen as an unacceptable use of an eastern luxury.232 The Aeneid feeds into that, as will be discussed later in this study, by portraying the native It alians as hardy and unaffected by luxury. D. The Message and Augustan Rome By way of summary, virtus is the manly quality that drives the Roman state and gives it its ability to exercise imperium over foreigners, women and others. This manliness is tied up with sexual dominance. A Roman man is literally expected to penetrate the rest of the world and act as a gatekeeper for those who he allows to penetrate the females in his household. The anti thesis is effeminate behavior, and such effeminate behavior can be f ound in the behavior of women, foreigners (usually from the East) and those who took too great of an en joyment from luxury, as women were most likely to do. This leads to one of the central premises developed by Syed that is accepted as a basis for this study. She argued that the ethnic identity of Romans was developed by the reader of the Aeneid comparing or contra sting his own perceptions of appropriate behavior with characters in the poem.233 This effect of the poem was particularly acute 230 Sall. Cat. 11. 231 Caes. B. Gall. 2.14.3-5. 232 Syed at 184. 233 Ibid. at 214.
45 with the female characters. The females are often portrayed as pa ssionate and unable to control their emotions, both conditions unbecoming a Roman man.234 Because of their emotions and general femininity, they were linked to the foreign, becoming examples of the non-Roman both in terms of gender and ethnicity, which as many of the ancient examples have shown is often one in the same In Syeds words: As gendered and ethnic others, some female characters define the readers Roman identity by opposition.235 The obvious example of this is Dido. She is, in the Aeneid uniquely Carthaginian but also undone by her wild feminine passion.236 This brings Syed back to the argument that Roman imperium and conquest are portrayed as sexual, because whether gendered feminine directly or ethnically feminine, the conquered territory is metaphorically penetrated by Rome.237 This study brings that conc eption home to the two main characters in the Iliadic Aeneid Turnus and Aeneas. The copula tory nature of their final struggle has already been demonstrated. The rema inder of this study will show that by the poets descriptions they are gendered female and, particularly in the case of Aeneas, ethnically female as well, thus providing th e reader with a fina l struggle between two men who are the antitheses of a st ereotypically gendered Roman men. But first, a word about the Rome in which the poet is working The idea of the ethnic and gendered other would have been ve ry acute at the time of the writing, just a few years after Actium. During the period lead ing up to the battle, Augustus had begun a programmatic moral campaign against Antoni us in which he expounded old-style Roman 234 Ibid. at 116. 235 Ibid. at 117. 236 Ibid. at 166-171. 237 Ibid. at 171.
46 virtues and pummeled Antonius image as the representative of the luxurious, unholy East.238 Octavian linked himself closely to A pollo, and was heir of the Julian line.239 Antonius, on the other hand, was the new Dionys us-Osiris, heir to the Ptolemies, and even as he used this as his own propaganda it was turned against him by the pro-Octavian faction.240 Thus, Cassius Dio reports that Augustu s exhorted his troops before Actium by telling them that Antonius had abandoned hi s ancestors to assume the customs of the barbarians, and that his indulgen ce in luxury has led to this day.241 A subplot of the war between Antonius and Octavian wa s a battle of sexualized insults.242 In that same speech, Augustus encourages his men by telling them that Antonius, having consorted with Cleopatra and because he is living in luxur y and behaves like a woman, can in no way carry out a manly deed.243 He has become effeminate, his mind is infected by the poison of womanly thoughts and an unnatural lust.244 After thoroughly effe minizing Antonius, Octavian leads his for ces to victory. Roman virtus is victorious over an effeminate foreign power yet again. At the center of all of this is Cleopatra In Dios account, Augustus is beside himself that not only an Eastern ruler, but a female Eastern ruler, would attempt to defeat Rome.245 Syed finds her the ultimate ethnic and gendered other, whom Augustus 238 Amy Richlin, Not Before Homosexuality: The Ma teriality of the Cinaedus and the Roman Law against Love between Men, Journal of the History of Sexuality 3, no. 4 (1993): 524. 239 Barbara A. Kellum, The Construction of Landscape in Augustan Rome: The Garden Room at the Villa ad Gallinas, The Art Bulletin 76, no. 2 (1994): 11. 240 Kenneth Scott, Octavians Propaganda and Antoniuss De Sua Ebrietate, CPh 4, No. 2 (1929): 133. 241 Dio Cass. 50.25. 242 Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Ancient Rome (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 243 Dio Cass. 50.27. 244 Dio Cass. 50.28-29. 245 Dio Cass. 50.24-25.
47 exploited to suggest the foreignness of Antonius.246 This theme is taken up by Vergil in one of the Aeneid s most obviously proAugustan scenes. Coming in Book VIII, it is the scene describi ng the shield of Aeneas as forged by Vulcan. On it appears the battle of Actium. Vergil writes: Hinc ope barbarica variisque Antonius armis, 685 victor ab Aurorae populis et litore rubro, Aegyptum viresque Orientis et ultima secum Bactra vehit sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx .247 Antonius appears in his barb aric arms, leader of the AuroraeOrientis people of the east, and most nefarious of all, he has his Egyptian consort. Vergil cannot even bring himself to say Cleopatras name, though in ma ny cases the link betw een the historical character Cleopatra and Dido are unmistakable. 246 Syed at 177. 247 Verg Aen. 8.685-688.
48 V. Turning the Men Into Women A Turnus The effeminatization of Turnus is far mo re stark and obvious than that of Aeneas. He is penetrated twice by his conqueror in the final scene of the epic. At first, a phallic hasta thrown by Aeneas transit femur enters his thigh, incidit ictus ingens and it cut open a huge wound.248 Lucretius used the word ictus as a metaphor for the wound caused by a sexual penetration.249 Later, as Turnus begins to beg Aeneas, humilis supplexque oculos, he is humble with downcast eyes.250 In the Roman world, concerned with physiognomy, homoerotic artwork often portray s the cinaedic figure with downcast, passive, suppliant eyes.251 After this passive, effeminate sc ene, Turnus is penetrated by the ferrum the iron, sub pectore under the breast, thus condit the ferrum is buried, and Rome is founded.252 That Turnus concludes the epic as a penetrated effeminate is hard to miss. But he did not arrive in the epic as e ffeminate. Becoming effeminate was a process. At our first meeting with Turnus, he s eems to have developed the qualities that befit a man of Roman virtus. He is described first by Vergil at the start of Book VII as, of Lavinias many suitors, pulcherrimus omnis, most handsome of all, and atavisque potens of a powerful lineage.253 Turnus has praestanti corpore an exceptional body, and toto 248 Verg. Aen. 12.926-927. 249 See Note 152 above. 250 Verg Aen. 12.930. 251 Bartman at 269-270. 252 Verg Aen. 12.950. 253 Verg Aen. 7.55-56.
49 vertice supra est is taller than the rest by an entire head.254 Describing Lausus, Vergil says that quo puchrior alter no fuit excep to Laurentis corpre Turni there is no other handsomer except for Turnus.255 Vergil had a problem with Turnus. He needed Aeneas great foil to be effeminate and enervated, but Turnus was of Italian stock, and filled with Italian virtus The epic could not work with a single great Italian wa rrior being effeminate while the rest were full of virtus Vergils answer was to describe the Tu rnus existing at the arrival of Aeneas as a paragon of virtus, a man who has apparently fought and won Lavinias hand in the past, but then to infect him with a dis ease that robs him of his manly vitality.256 That disease was ira and furor, and those two words would become his ubiquitous adjectives. He is poisoned, as it were, by this anger and fu ry at the hands of the feminine deity, thus making his rage intrinsically opposed to his (former) masculine identity.257 The previous section touched on the connection between ira and furor and the distinctly feminine. These two bad qualities were directly in abrogation of the Roman mans responsibility to remain at all times calm and in control. Seneca, in his work on ira expounded on these ideas. He said: Ita ira muliebre maxime ac puerile vitium est Thus ira is to the highest degree the de fect of the woman and child.258 He includes both ira and furor in another line: Muliebre est furere in iraIt is for a woman to rage in anger.259 The rage Turnus develops was in the Roman mind a feminine thing This war is 254 Verg Aen. 7.783-784. 255 Verg Aen. 7.649-650. 256 Fratantuono at 585. 257 Syed at 122. 258 Sen. Ira 1.20.3. 259 Sen. Clem. 1.5.5.
50 prosecuted by a Turnus infected by feminine rage. The case itself is feminine. Lavinia, Vergil writes, is causa mali tanti the cause of all this evil.260 Poor Lavinia never says one word in this epic, sits there passively watching men kill for her, is mentioned only ten times though she is the key priz e, and she is still blamed for all of this mess. The process that led to the infection of Turnus began with Juno. She is the continuing example of feminine ira and furor throughout the Aeneid. Vergil sets this up in the fourth line of the epic when he immediately mentions Iunonisiram Junos ira.261 When she first appears in the Iliadic Aeneid she is referred to as Iovis coniunx, Joves consort.262 This is a similar description to the Aegyptus coniunx used to describe Cleopatra, the real-life embodiment of the da ngers of feminine rage. Vergil chooses not to name Juno here in her first, rage-filled appearance in the Iliadic Aeneid reducing her from a ruling female member of the gods to a woman who has overstepped her bounds. Juno spews forth a spiteful invective agai nst the Trojans. It is because she has witnessed a deal struck to take Lavinia away from Turnus and award her to Aeneas. She immediately calls on the fury Alecto, whose cordi (heart) is inspired by ira .263 Juno, aghast at the early peaceful entreaties between the Trojans and the Italians, sends Alecto to pick a fight. Alecto is a good choice for the task; her body is filled with Gorgoneisvenenis Gorgon poison.264 Poison is an interesti ng word choice. In Rome, the poison was seen to be a female method of killing, and poison was particularly scary because it took from a man control over his body, forcing him to watch helplessly as he 260 Verg Aen. 11.480. 261 Verg Aen. 1.4. 262 Verg Aen. 7.287. 263 Verg Aen. 7.325. 264 Verg Aen. 7.341.
51 turned into a puppet of the poisoner.265 Alectos first target is Latinus queen Amata She finds her already femineae ardentum curaeque iraeque coquebantshe was boiling over affairs with her feminine ira and pains.266 With a snake plucked from her hair, Alecto strikes Amata in the breast, injecting in her the poison th at causes her to become furibunda, raving mad.267 She literally loses her mind, a nd here Vergil shows how ira and furor can fearfully upset the paterfamilias scheme by sending women into lust-filled orgies. Fama volat, the rumor of Amatas doings flies about, and furiisque accensas pectore matres the same fury kindles in the breasts of the other women.268 Off into the woods they run, Amata shouting capite orgia mecum seize the orgies with me.269 For the Romans, the female body was a mystical thing, something hard to understand and fearful.270 Female sexuality under male control was one of the key facets that maintain ed order in the state, and female uprisings like that of Amata were of pa rticular concern, especially when they involved slaves and foreigners.271 Amatas behavior here is also striki ngly redolent of the wild Messalina readers find effeminizing the Empire in Tacitus or the Baccanalian orgies in Livy.272 In the midst of this feminine furor, Latinus remains unmoved.273 The ira and furor in this scene take hold upon the native women, who because of their gender are 265 Sarah Currie, Poisonous Women and Unnatural History in Roman Culture, in Parchments of Gender. Deciphering the Bodies of Antiquity ed. by Maria Wyke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). 266 Verg Aen. 7.345. 267 Verg Aen. 7.346-348. 268 Verg Aen. 7.392. 269 Verg Aen. 7.403. 270 Amy Richlin, Plinys Brassiere, in Roman Sexualities, ed. by Judith P. Hallett and Marilyn B. Skinner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). 271 Holt Parker, Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State, AJPh 125 (2004): 563-601. 272 Sandra R. Joshel, Female Desire and the Discourse of Empire: Tacituss Messalina, Signs 21, no. 1 (1995): 50-82. 273 Verg Aen.. 7.373-374.
52 likened to foreigners, but not on the men. But Junos ira and furor are dangerous, because they can upset the control of the paterfamilias Latinus, over the marriage of his daughter, and in an even more profound way, they can upset the decision of the ultimate paterfamilias Jupiter. Alecto then turns her fury to Turnus But he immediately demonstrates his manliness by his disposition at the beginning of the scene, which is in complete opposition of that of Amata Amata was wide awake, boiling in her worry, already infected with ira. Turnus, even after losing his betr othed to a new invader and facing a possible conflict, is tectis hic Turnus in altis iam mediam nigra carpebat nocte quietem He is in his high chamber sleeping in the middle of the dark night.274 Alecto appears to him first as an old woman, a prie stess of Juno, and attempts to rouse him to war with dire prophecies. He is unworried, and dismisses her as out of her element: bella viri pacemque gerent let men wage wars and peace.275 He is relaxed, in control, the picture of a manly Roman. And then: Talibus Allecto dictis exarsit in iras. 445 at iuueni oranti subitus tremor occupat artus, deriguere oculi: tot Erinys sibilat hydris tantaque se facies aperit; tum flammea torquens lumina cunctantem et quaerentem dicere plura reppulit, et geminos erexit crinibus anguis, 450 uerberaque insonuit rabidoque haec addidit ore: olli somnum ingens rumpit pauor, ossaque et artus perfundit toto proruptus corpore sudor. arma amens fremit, arma toro tectisque requirit; 460 274 Verg. Aen. 7.413-414. 275 Verg. Aen. 7.445.
53 saeuit amor ferri et s celerata insania belli, ira super: At these words Alecto blazed forth in ira. But even as the young man spoke, a sudden tremor seized his limbs, and his eyes set in fear; so many are the Furys hissing snakes, so m onstrous the countenance that reveals itself. Then, rolling her flaming eyes, she thrust him bac k, as he faltered and sought to say more, reared two sn akes from her tresses, sounded her whip, and spoke further with rabid lipsA monstrous terror broke his sleep, and the sweat, bursting from all his frame, drenched bone and limb. For arms he madly shrieks; arms he seeks in couch and chamber; lust of the sword rages in him, the accursed frenzy of war, and ira above all.276 This man of virtus is thus rendered effeminate not by his own actions but a trick of the divine. He is poisoned, suffering one of the greatest Roman fears, a man still alive but now a puppet, unable to control his form erly manly body. Thus, he cannot be blamed for his bad behavior as an It alian. It is no longer Turnus in control. He is a spectator, watching the poison take him away. Turnus will remain for the most part in effeminate form until he concludes the poem as an effeminatus. After this scene, he ta kes up his adjectives of furor and ira. His mens exaestuat irahis mind boils with ira.277 He is pushed into war by furor ardentem blazing furor.278 He is Easternized when Verg il describes his army as moving like the Ganges or the Nile.279 He is compared to animals: a lupus isidiatus a wolf on the prowl, and a saevumlionem a savage lion.280 He attributed with violentia .281 Despite all of the carnage and the savagery in the ep ic, he is the only char acter with whom Vergil 276 Verg. Aen. 7.445-451, 458-462. 277 Verg. Aen. 9.798. 278 Verg. Aen. 9.760. 279 Verg. Aen. 9.30-33: Ceu septem surgens sedatis amnibus altus per tacitum Ganges aut pingui flumine Nilus cum refluit campis et iam se condidit alveo 280 Verg. Aen. 9.60; 9.793. 281 Verg. Aen. 11.376, 12.9, 12.45.
54 associates violentia There is another interesting scene that speaks to Turnus effeminacy. At the very opening of the Iliadic Aeneid Latinus receives an instructi on in answer to his prayer. The instruction tells him that his daughter is not to marry an Italian, but a foreigner, an externi.282 A similar statement is made in Book VIII concerning the leadership of the Etruscan soldiers.283 Amata, in her post-Alecto passiona te groveling in front of Latinus, brings up the following argument to c onvince him to rethink his position: Et Turno, si prima domus repetatur origo, inachus Acrisiusque patres mediaeque Mycenae .284 She argues that Turnus is descended from a race from Mycenae, and thus should be considered himself an externus a foreigner. This is an interesting argument because Amata is so filled with her feminine fury that she is willing to make Turnus a foreigner, and a Greek no less, in order that her desire should be fulfilled. She is willing to see him further feminized in order to accomp lish her feverish, capricious ends. This scene stands juxtaposed to a discussion between Latinus and the Trojans in which he comments that Trojan ancestry thr ough Dardanus can be tr aced back to Italy.285 Finding an Italian ancestry would undermine their ability to fulfill the prophecies concerning foreign marriage and leadership. Turnus has Greek ancestry, but he is too Italian to be considered a foreigner. Pallas is ineligible, though his father Evander is Greek in heritage, ni mixtus matre Sabella.286 The reason is that his mother is Sabine, 282 Verg. Aen. 7.96-101: Ne pete conubiis natam sociare Latinis O mea progenies thalamis neu crede paratis : externi venient generi qui sanguine nostrum nomen in astra ferant quorumque a stirpe nepotes omnia sub pedibus qua Sol utrumque recurrens aspicit Oceanum vertique regique videbunt . 283 Verg. Aen. 8.503-504: nulli fas Italo tantam subiungere gentem : externos optate duces 284 Verg. Aen. 7.371-372. 285 Verg. Aen. 7.195-211. 286 Verg. Aen. 8.510.
55 thus making him half-Italian. Thus, the fact th at the Trojans are still considered foreign despite their connection to Italy makes Aeneas seem even more foreign. He is in a state of absolute foreignness.287 Turnus, then, is a bit of a tragic figure. He becomes effeminate after being injected and infected by a poison through no fault of his own. But he is effeminate, and behaves in ways similar to a cinaedus by epics end.288 Thus one half of the mated pair is effeminatus. B. Aeneas Numerous commentators have pointed out that Vergil give s us virtually no physical description of Aeneas, breaking w ith the Homeric tradition by focusing instead almost exclusively on the heros internal thoughts or feelings.289 One of the only, if not the only, occasion of a physical description is at the very end of the epic when Vergil reports that Aeneas, consideri ng Turnus plea, stands with volvens oculos searching eyes.290 Otherwise, readers have to take thei r physical descriptions of the man second hand by projecting the descripti on of the cultural mores and physical appearance of other Trojans on him (which makes sens e, since he is of them and their leader) or taking words in the form of taunts at face value. The taunts readily po rtray the Trojans and Aeneas as a foreigner, an Easterner, a Phrygian, and effeminate. Often, scholars enam ored with Aeneas have dismissed these lines simply because they are taunts, and becau se the poet gives no evidence that they are 287 Adler at 181. 288 See Langford at 138-139. 289 Mark Griffith, What Does Aeneas Look Like? CPh 80, No. 4 1(1985): 309, 314. 290 Verg. Aen. 12.938.
56 accurate.291 This line of thinking does not engage Vergil on his own terms. He placed the taunts in the epic, and readers would do we ll by attempting to discern their meaning Aeneas is an uncomfortable character because, although he is the supposed Augustan hero, he is continually attributed with feminine qualities and strange behavior. Vergil freely labels him a fore igner. But is he truly an effeminatus and perhaps a cinaedus ? An analysis of themes and references in the epic demonstrate a hero who, through his own behavior and his cultural line age, is systematically castrated in the literary sense to the po int of becoming an effeminatus by the epics conclusion. 1. Trojans in the Aeneid A good place to start is one of the more ta lked-about taunts that occurred early in the Aeneid. It came from the mouth of one King Iarbus. Et nunc ille Paris, cum semiviro comitat u, 215 Meonia mentum itra crinemque madentum subnexus And now that Paris with his half-man retinue, with a Maeonian bonnet tied under dripping hair292 Servius finds the reference to Paris a we ll-chosen personal insult because Aeneas may be stealing the wife of another.293 Here, he is stealing Dido, but this image arises again in the second half of the epic wh en he is accused of stealing Lavinia Juno said: Paris alter 320 funestaeque iterum recidi va in Pergama taedae He is another Paris to bring fatal wedlock to another Troy.294 This occurs again in the 291 Griffith at 315. 292 Verg. Aen. 4.215-217. 293 McDonough et al. at 51. 294 Verg. Aen. 7.320-321.
57 character of Amata and a reference to the in cursion Paris made onto a foreign shore for the purpose of stealing a bride: At non sic Phrygius penetrat Lacedaemona pastor Ledaeamque Helenam Troianas vexit ad urbes? Vergil writes: was it not in this same way that the Phrygian herdsman penetrated Lacedaemona and dragged Helen, daughter of Leda, to the city of the Trojans?295 For even the biggest supporter of Aeneas, this sequence hits cl ose to home. It is not a disingenuous interpretation to see him acting as Paris did, also under the color of divine authority (the love of Venus in particular), and snatching the brides of others.296 Homer has his own brother Hect or deride his behavior: Evil Paris, beautiful, woman-crazy, cajoli ng, better had you never been born, or killed unwedded. Truly I could have wished it so; it would be far better than to have you with us to our shame, for othe rs to sneer at. How the flowing-haired Achaians laugh at us, thinking you are our bravest champion, only because your looks are handsome, but there is no st rength in your heart, no courage.297 Even Paris moment of triumph, killi ng Achilles, was effeminate. He employed archery, seen as a less than manly way of engaging in battle.298 Ovid compares the way Paris and Aeneas were both hidden in rath er cowardly fashion by a cloud sent by a goddess to save them from impending death at the hands of a superior foe.299 He contrasted them to Julius Caesar, who suffe red his death without the aid of a divine 295 Verg. Aen. 7.363-364. 296 Oliensis at 296. 297 Hom Il. 3.39-45. Richard Lattimore, trans., The Iliad of Homer (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951). 298 Fratatuono at 284. 299 Ov. Met. 15.803-806: Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 805 et Deomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses
58 cloud. Comparisons of Aeneas to Paris ome in the form of taunts. But to any objective observer, Aeneas behavior comes perilously close to approximating that of his Trojan kinsman. At least Nero read it this way (for whatever that is wo rth), finding during his method acting session that Paris and Aeneas are one in the same. That Homer himself portrayed Paris as a troubling individual makes the reference all the more biting If Aeneas is a Paris, then he is committing adulterium the crime that Vergil and Augustus so harshly condemn. In particular, by his i nvasion of Didos grief for her former husband, he is committing stuprum Aeneas may also be acting the part of a moechus with Pallas. We never know for sure whether Aeneas and Pallas have a hom oerotic relationship, but many commentators have interpreted the relationship in this way It is perhaps most evident in a scene in Book VIII when Evander arises early in the morning, dresses, and steps outside. There, he finds Aeneas, apparently also just risen, and filius huic Pallas his son Pallas there with him.300 That he is penetrating Pallas would not ha ve offended Romans physically because Pallas is described as a pueri, still a boy and not a vir.301 What would have offended Romans is that Aeneas is sleeping with a freeborn boy. That is an act of stuprum and would make him a moechus The supposition concerning this relati onship that is so often proffered cannot be substantiated. Perhaps what is impor tant for a Roman reader of this period is that Vergil leads him to wonde r about this relationship. It could be argued that none of this c ounts against Aeneas in the strictest sense 300 Verg. Aen. 8.466. 301 Verg. Aen. 12.943.
59 because neither he, nor any of the characters he is interac ting with, are Romans. All of these terms, like stuprum and moechus apply to Roman sexual behavior. However, if the Syed thesis is to be accepted, and these characters provide a basis for determining the behaviorial norms and identity of a proper Ro man man, then it is appropriate to project onto them Roman expectations of their behavior. Thus, though they are not Romans in the strictest sense, readers can expect Roman morality from them and give their acts the appropriate Roman labels. In the Iarbus quote there is a reference to Maeonia This reference is to a distinctly Eastern region, one that would have labeled the Trojans as typical feminine Easterners.302 This descriptor here is part of a rant. But in the Iliadic Aeneid it is used quite a bit differently. Evander references the Trojan M aeonian lineage in a monologue praising the newly arrived heroes. He says: O Maeoniae delecta iuventu s, flos veterum virtusque virum : O delightful leader of Maeonians, the fl ower and manliness of the ancient race.303 This is a very intriguing sentence. The words Maeonia delecta and flos are all quite effeminate, and portray the people of whom Ev ander is speaking as girly. But in addition to being a flower of their race, they are also the virtus of their race. That simply does not add up. The speaker here is a Greek, though one ve nerated in Italy. He is of the East. He is suggesting that these visitors from the East are not just effeminate, but that their form of virtus is womanly. The Trojans do not have virtus of the same kind as the Italians. 2. What in the world is he wearing? The other notable word in Iarbus taunt is mitra. Bonnet is probably the most apt 302 Syed at 195. 303 Verg. Aen. 8.499-500.
60 translationit was an article of feminine headgear. Servius writes that it was worn by Phrygians and Lydians, and had a sort of curved side and cheek pieces.304 The word appears again in an Iliadic Aeneid taunt by Numanus Remulus, a passage that is often compared to Iarbas statement. Remulus taun ts the Trojans and compares their womanly qualities to Italian manly courage. He is prom ptly killed by Ascanius in his final act of violence before he is removed from war by di vine decree. Of the Trojans, Remulus says: uobis picta croco et fu lgenti murice uestis, desidiae cordi, iuuat indulgere choreis, 615 et tunicae manicas et habent redimicula mitrae. o uere Phrygiae, neque enim Phryges But you wear embroidered saffron and gl eaming purple, sloth is your joy, your delight is to enjoy the da nce; your tunics have sleev es and your bonnets ribbons, O truly Phrygian women, for Phrygian men you are not!305 As an aside, the final line of this passage is an adaptation of Homer. In the Iliad the Trojan Hector taunts: you are Achaean women, men no more!306 The mitra is mentioned here again. Mitra was the Pers ian name given to an Eastern deity.307 Pliny describes the Arabs as mitrati wearing mitras .308 Seneca further illustrates the feminine nature of the mitra, writing that a man with a mollemfrontem a soft forehead, decorates his hair with floribus vernis, spring flowers, and places on his head a Tyriamitra a Tyrian mitra .309 In the Remulus passage, the mitra is tied up with redimicula translated here as ribbons. These appear in Juvena l in his description of effeminate men qui longa 304 McDonough et al. at 51. 305 Verg. Aen. 9.614-620. 306 Hom. Il. 7.96. 307 Hdt. 1.131.3 308 Plin NH 6.32.162. 309 Sen. Oed. 413-416: Te decet cingi comam floribus vernis te caput Tyria cohibere mitra hederave mollem bacifera religare frontem.
61 domi redimicula sumunt frontibus who at home tie up their brows with long bows.310 As indicated by this passage, the mitra is not the only article of clothing of the feminine sort the Trojans are accused of wearing In the Gellius quote of Scipio Africanus from earlier, he noted that long-sl eeved tunics were the mark of a supposed cinaedus.311 The colorful, loose-fitting clothing is also suspect, several earlier examples noted, and as illustrated by Cicero in his rant against Clodius. P. Clodius a crocota, a mitra, a muliebri bus soleis purpureisque fasceolis, a strophio, a psalterio, a flagitio, a stupro est factus repente popularis. Publius Clodius creeping about in a saffron colored dress, a mitra, a womans slippers and purple fasteners, with a br east band, a lute, an evil thing and a stuprum made himself popular.312 As a final example of the effeminacy of colorful items, the passage in Livy concerning the Oppian law is instructive.313 He supports maintaining the law to quell feminine extravagance because, when the law was written, women cum aurum et purpuram data gave items of gold and purple.314 He finds such prudence unlikely in the present. Earlier examples also demonstrated that primping and perf ume are indicative of the effeminate. Let us return to Aeneas himself, who Tu rnus refers to as womanly in Book XII when he says: da sternere corpus loricamque manu ualida lacerare reuulsam semiuiri Phrygis et foedare in puluere crinis uibratos calido ferro murraque madentis.' 100 310 Juv 2.84-85. 311 See above Note 173. 312 Cic. Har. resp. 21. 313 See above Note 224. 314 Livy 34.4.9.
62 Grant me to lay low the body of the Phrygi an eunuch, with strong hand to tear and rend away his corselet, and to defile in dus t his locks, crisped with heated iron and drenched in liquid myrrh.315 He is curling his hair with a hot iron, ferro Ferro is the same word Vergil uses to describe the weapon that finally takes Turnus life. This passage is a noteworthy indirect description if it is not dismi ssed as simply a taunt. Consider also how the reader finds Aeneas in Book IV: atque illi stellatus iaspide fulua ensis erat Tyrioque ardebat murice laena demissa ex umeris, diues quae munera Dido fecerat, et tenui telas discreuerat auro. And (Aeneas) was wearing a sword beset with glittering yellow jasper, and he was blazing with a Tyrian purple cloak falling from his shoulder, which Dido had fashioned and rendered opulent, and whic h she had embroidered with thin gold.316 As far as the Roman man is concer ned, Aeneas is in very questionable attire He is wearing colorful cloaks with a Tyrian flare, making them comparable to the mitra of Seneca Yellow is a particularly pernicious color and very effeminate to the Roman.317 It becomes apparent that Turnus taunts are accurate when we turn to Book IV, and a descri ption of Aeneas as Mercury finds him working on Didos walls. Vergil writes: ut primum alatis tetigit magalia plantis, Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta nouantem 260 conspicit. atque illi stellatus iaspide fulua ensis erat Tyrioque ardebat murice laena demissa ex umeris, diues quae munera Dido fecerat, et tenui telas discreuerat auro. 315 Verg. Aen. 12.97-100. 316 Verg. Aen. 4.262-264. 317 N.M. Horsfall, Numanus Remulus, in Oxford Readings in Virgils Aeneid ed. by S.J. Harrison (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 312.
63 continuo inuadit318 265 The comparison to Antonius is easy to draw, a man beset by the finery of an Eastern queen. This description of Aeneas le nds credence to future taunts. He is a man not averse to, in the Roman mind, putting on womens clothes from time to time. Perhaps, the, what Turnus describes in his ta unt is close to accurate. Whether the answer is in the affirmative or not, this is yet anot her scene in Vergils systematic effeminizing of the Trojans, one from which it is im possible to separate their leader. 3. Ganymede At the funeral games for Anchises in Book V, Aeneas awarded the winner with: uictori chlamydem auratam, quam plurima circum 250 purpura maeandro duplici Meliboea cucurrit, intextusque puer frondosa regius Ida uelocis iaculo ceruos cursuque fatigat acer, anhelanti similis, quem praepes ab Ida sublimem pedibus rapuit Iouis armiger uncis; 255 A Grecian golden cloak, where all a bout much Meliboea purple meandered, interwoven on it was a weary boy wi th a spear in the leaves of Queen Ida, he, breathing heavily, has chased chased a fast deer; at that moment the eagle of Jupiter snatched the boy from Ida with strong talons.319 Mount Ida and its relationship to Magna Mater was significant for the Phrygians and the Romans. As for Ganymede, this is a traditional Greek le gend. Vergil alludes to the myth of Ganymede assuming his audience w ill fill in the rest of the story on their own. Ganymede was of the race of Trojans. Ju piter developed a lust for him and sent an eagle to pick him up. Ganymede spent eterni ty pouring drinks for the gods (and doing a 318 Verg. Aen 4.259-265. 319 Meliboea was a town in Thessaly, and meandro while not proper here, was also a winding river found in Phrygia ; Verg. Aen. 5.250-255.
64 lot of other things apparently) and his fath er got some of Jupiters best horses in exchange.320 Rapuit sometimes translated as rape, is a significant word choice because it captures both meanings of the word. Euripides makes Ganymedes relationship with Zeus more explicit. At one point, he refers to Ganymede as the Phrygian boy with dainty step, filling the cups.321 In Cyclops the monster is snatching Silenus into his bedchamber for some entertainment. He reports that he is taking his Ganymede to bed because he enjoys boys more than women. Silenus is not at all happy when he learns that he must play Ganymede.322 Elsewhere, Eurypides re fers to Ganymede as a dainty morsel of Zeus bed.323 Apparently the Romans thought of Jupite r as a bit of a pedera st. Martial tells us that the lips of Alexis, which are give n credit for exciting Vergil to write the Aeneid were such that quae poterant ipsum sollicitare Iouem they were able to make Jupiter himself aroused.324 Apparently Vergil had his own Ganymede on his hands. Ganymede appears one other time in the Aeneid very near the beginning Vergil is discussing Junos wrath, sett ing her up as the embodiment of furor and ira that will stalk Aeneas throughout the remainder of the epic. Giving the reasons for Junos wrath, he lists two specific events: iudicium Paridis the choice of Paris, and rapti Ganymedis honores the honors given raped Ganymede.325 Ganymedes beauty caught the eye of her husband, and Jupiter chose him much like Pa ris chose Venus, leaving Juno feeling 320 For a traditional telling, see Hom Hymn Aph. 5. Also Hor. Carm. 4.4, Paus. 5.24.5. 321 Eur. Tro. 820. 322 Eur. Cyc. 566. 323 Eur. IA 1036. 324 Mart.8.56.15. 325 Verg. Aen. 1.27-28.
65 wronged. The juxtaposition here is striking Paris and Ganymede were both effeminate Trojans by whom Juno was dealt a lovers woun d. Both are also linked with Aeneas in the epic. The cloak at the funeral games displays all of the effeminate finery that arises in the Dido episode. Apparently Aeneas taste for the luxury is not only Didos fault. This cloak also links him to a homo erotic tale involving a seized Trojan. Jupiter has the strong, penetrative position in the Ganymede episode, and he will again at the end of the epic when he exercises his power and refuses to allow imperium to go to Aeneas after the final confrontation. 4. Cybele Cybele, a problematic and enervating godde ss, makes several appearances in the Aeneid as well, always assisting Aeneas and the Trojans. Earlier, the death of Camilla the Volscian was recounted. She, though female fought as an exemplar of Italian virtus until the temptation of beautiful spoils excited in her a womanly passion that exposed her to a strike from the enemy. What was the object that caused her womanl y passion to boil to the surface? Cybeles priest. Forte sacer Cybelo Chloreus olimque sacerdos insignis longe Phrygiis fulgebat in armis spumantemque agitabat equum, quem pellis aenis 770 in plumam squamis auro conserta tegebat. ipse peregrina ferrugine clarus et ostro spicula torquebat Lycio Gortynia cornu; aureus ex umeris erat arcus et aurea uati cassida; tum croceam chlamydemque sinusque crepantis 775 carbaseos fuluo in nodum collegerat auro pictus acu tunicas et barbara tegmina crurum. hunc uirgo, siue ut templis praefigeret arma Troia, captiuo siue ut se ferret in auro uenatrix, unum ex omni certamine pugnae 780 caeca sequebatur totumque incauta per agmen
66 femineo praedae et s poliorum ardebat amore It chanced that Chloreus, sacred to Cybele, and once a priest, glittered resplendent from far off in his Phr ygian armor, and spurred his foaming charger, whose covering was a skin plumed with bronze scales and clasped with gold. Himself ablaze in the deep hue of foreign purple, he launched Gortynian arrows from a Ly cian bow; golden was that bow upon his shoulders, and golden was the seers helmet; his saffron scarf and its rustling linen folds were gathered in to a knot by yellow gold; his tunic and barbaric hose were embroidered with the needle. Whether hoping to fasten up Trojan arms in a temple or to fla unt in golden spoil, the maiden singled him out from all the battle fray a nd like a huntress was blindly pursuing him, recklessly raging through all the ranks with a womans passion for booty and spoil.326 This is a descriptive sequence written by th e poet, not a taunt. The priests dress is outlandish for the Roman, full of all colors including the feminine purple and gold. He wears a tunic and the clothes of a barbarian. His cloak is the chlamydem which is the same type of distinctly Greek cloak awarded by Aeneas that portrayed the legend of Ganymede. Perhaps most noteworthy of all, Vergil describes these wild clothes as Phrygiisarmis Phrygian armor, indicating that this is the usual attire from one of the Trojan warriors. These are people so differe nt from Romans, so worried about grooming and personal appearance that even their ships are pictas painted.327 Vergil gives us no reason to assume that he would exclude Aen eas in these routine depictions of Trojan effeminancy. He is linked to luxury and effe minancy throughout. Even in the final book, Latinus refers to him as a Phrygiotyranno, a Phrygian tyrant.328 Interestingly, that line is often translated as Phr ygian king, but Vergil chooses tyranno rather than rex, perhaps foreshadowing the descent of Aeneas into feminine madness that is to come. 326 Verg. Aen. 11.768-782 327 Verg. Aen. 7.431 328 Verg. Aen. 12.75
67 An overlooked key to this sequence is the relationship between Chloreus, the Trojans and the deity Cybele. Cybele, also associated with Magna Mater and Idaean Mater, was the Phrygian earth mother. Her worship was distinctly Eastern, passionate, and effeminate, characterized by a cult of mutilated eunuch priests known as the Galli.329 Their wild Eastern orgiastic ceremonies we re off limits to Roman citizenry, who were by law precluded from seeking to become priests in the cult.330 Livy recounts the story of how Cybele s worship ended up in Rome. Moved by superstition after frequent meteor showers, and the fact they were doing poorly in their war against Hannibal, the Romans consulted th e Sibylline books, which told them that a foreign foe invading Italy could be driven out if the Idaean Mother were brought to Rome.331 Ambassadors traveled to Phrygia and re ceived the goddess, apparently in the form of a rock.332 As word arrived that the goddess was on her way, the women took to the streets in force, leading to what Livy termed a seditionimuliebri an unprising of women.333 During times of celebration, the Galli descended on the city like some sort of twisted circus. Lucretius writes: Tympana tenta tonant palmis et cymbal a circum concava raucisonoque minantur cornua cantu, et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentis, telaque praeportant, violenti signa furoris, ingr ates animos atque impia pectora vogi conterrere metu quae possint numine divae The stretched tambourine and concave cymb al they smash with their hands and 329 Cyril Bailey, Religion in Virgil (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1935), 174; Strab. Geo. 13.4. 330 Bailey at 174. 331 Livy 29.10.4-5. 332 Livy 29.11.7 Livy describes it as sacrumlapidem sacred stone. One imag ines it something like the Stone of Scone that English regents sit atop at their coronation. 333 Livy 34.3.8.
68 driven by the sound of an off-key horn, and the hollow pipe goads their minds with Phrygian measure, they b ear the javelin, signs of violent furor, ingrate minds and impious hearts of the masses to terri fy with the powerful nod of the divine.334 These eunuchs have violens furor, and are carrying the tela. Livy employs the same language for the Galli that Vergil does for Turnus. Vergil further makes a point of their association with the Trojans. This pl aying of the tamborine seems to have been particularly pernicious. In Dio, Antonius, as he is being portrayed as an effeminate Easterner, is said to have taken up the tambourine.335 Seneca writes: quale vir fortis stolam indutusin manu tympanum est what kind of a strong man is it having put on the dressand in his hand is a tambourine.336 Use of a tambourine is associated with the luxurious foreigner. Juvenal worries about an invasion up the Tiber of the Greeks, with their tympanum and pictamitra, painted bonnets, making for a Graecem urbem a Greek Rome.337 The Galli were so extreme that bot h Romans and Christians could agree that their mutilated, effeminate forms were hideous and antithetical to proper morality.338 The Galli seem to get the basis for their behavior from the legend of Attis, recounted in Catullus. Attis, a lover of C ybele, was driven crazy by the goddess as a result of her wrath, and he fled into the Phrygian woods. There, furenti rabie, vagus animis devolvit ili acuto sibi pondera silice In rabid furor, with mind polluted he castrated himself with a sharpened flint.339 334 Lucr. 2.581.619-624. 335 Dio Cass. 50.27. 336 Sen. Vit. Beat. 7.13.3. 337 Juv.3.61-66. 338 See Will Roscoe, Priests of the Goddess: Gender Transgression in Ancient Religion, History of Religions 35, No. 3 (1996): 195-230. 339 Catull. 63.
69 Speaking to the Galli about the act of castration, Attis says corpus evirastis Veneris nimio You emasculate your body in excessive hatred of Venus (goddess of love and Aeneas patron).340 They take to the Phrygian wood of the goddess ubi cymbalum sonat vox, ubi tympana reboant, tibicen ubi canit Phry x curvo grave calamo Where the voice of the cymbal sounds, where the tambourine reverberates, where the Phrygian flutist sings by m eans of a heavy curved reed.341 There, furibunda furor boundthey orgy. The next morning, an Attis no longer infected by furor repents his castration and subsequent orgiastic behavior. Cybele will not stand for this and in a manner very close to that of Juno and Alecto, she sends a beas tly servant to Attis with orders to age ferox i, fac ut hunc furor agitet, fac uti furoris ictu reditum in nemora ferat Go fierce one, make it so that furor rages violently in that man, make it so that driven by a wound (again, ictus the war wound) of furor he turns about into my forest.342 This is the same forest from which Jupiter seized Ganymede. In the Aeneid this priest was not the only Troj an associated with Cybele. In Remulus general taunt of th e race as a whole, he says: ite per alta Dindyma, ubi adsuetis bifo rem dat tibia cantum. tympana uos buxusque uocat Berecyntia Matris Idaeae; sinite arma uiris et cedite ferro.' 620 340 Ibid. 341 Ibid. 342 Ibid.
70 Go over to the heights of Dindymus, wher e to accustomed ears the pipe utters music from double mouths! The tambourin es call you, and the Berecynthian boxwood of the mother of Ida: leav e arms to men and quit the sword.343 This comes right after the famous moment when Remulus declares o vere Phrygiae, neque enim Phryges and indicates that the Italian Remulus had no problem dismissing Cybele as an Eastern, effeminate goddess unworthy of his attention. Lines from Vergil, Livy and Catullus display how problematic Cybele was for Trojan and Roman masculinity. That Cybele is associated with the effeminate, wild, passion-filled East is of no doubt. It infuses the Troj ans, and by implication Aeneas, with its emasculating flavor. 5. Aeneas subsidens into ira Vergils physical desc riptions and allusions to Trojan figures have systematically painted Aeneas as effeminate. In the final st anzas of the epic, Aeneas also leaves his famous piety behind, and as his race is prep ared to be subsumed under the Italians he devolves into feminine anger. It is here that Vergils femini zing intent is more focused directly on the hero. In the Book XII passage referenced above, Jupiter grants Junos wish and allows that the Trojans will be subsumed into the native Latin culture.344 Vergil chooses an interesting verb for this process: subsident. The Trojans will subsident sink down. This verb is used sometimes as it is in the early part of the Aeneid where subsidunt undae, they sink beneath the waves.345 Another example appears in Ovid, where subsidere 343 Verg. Aen. 9.614-620. 344 See above, Note 121. 345 Verg. Aen. 5.820.
71 valles the valleys are sunken.346 But subsidere has an alternative meaning: to be penetrated sexually. Lucretius used it as such: nec rationeeuae maribus subsidere possent norwould mares be able to submit for the males.347 This shade of meaning makes for a vastly different interpretation of Jupiters decree, one in which Aeneas is sexually subsumed beneath the Latin races. Subsidere is used only three times in the Aeneid The first two have already been mentioned. The third comes in the following scene: substitit Aeneas et se collegit in arma poplite subsidens; apicem tamen incita summum hasta tulit summasque excussit uertice cristas. tum uero adsurgunt irae, insidiisque subactus, diuersos ubi sensit equos currumque re ferri, 495 multa Iouem et laesi testatus foederis aras iam tandem inuadit medios et Marte secundo terribilis saeuam nullo discrimine caedem suscitat, irarumque om nis effundit habenas. Aeneas halted, gathered himself behind his shield, sinking upon his knee; but the swift hasta took off the top of his helmet and dashed the topmost plumes from his head. Then indeed his ira swells, and driven by this treachery, when he saw that the horses and chariot of his foe were fa r away, making many appeals to Jove and the altars of the broken treaty, at last he plunges into the fray and, with the War God supporting him, terribly awakes grim indiscriminate carnage, giving full reign to his ira.348 Thus Aeneas sinks, forced to submit to the Italian hasta or phallic spear. After its impact, he arises, now utterly impregnated by feminine ira which he gives full reign over his pitiless behavior. The location of this scene in the epics final book furt her indicates a change in Aeneas from the hero of piety and virtus to one beset by rage. Ju st before this scene, 346 Ov. Met. 1.5.42. 347 Lucr. 4.1198. 348 Verg. Aen. 12.491-499.
72 Aeneas is wounded, and Vergil refers to him as pius Aeneas.349 Then, as he is explaining the contract for single battle he has made: ecce viro stridens alis adlapsa sagitta est behold, the hero (here still a vir ) is pierced by whizzing, winged arrow.350 The noun choice for arrow is sagitta. Dido, when struck by the metaphorical dart of love for Aeneas, was struck by a sagitta Here, the anonymous Italia n who shot the arrow has penetrated Aeneas in a sexual manner. The n, Aeneas cannot get the arrow out, finding it stubbornly stuck to his flesh.351 In rather unmanly fashion, Aeneas is maerentis bitterly lamenting, and Iulus is beset by lacrimis tears.352 This arrow wound sticks to the hero fo r more than 100 lines, more than 10% of the final book of the epic. It is finally healed in a very unmanly fashion by florepurpureo purple flowers, delivered by Venus herself.353 Immediately after this stretch comes the subsidere scene. That scene is followed by a lengthy segment wherein the poet takes the reader back and forth between Turnus and Aeneas as both exact their martial ira on their enemies. Then comes this line: non segnius ambo Aeneas Tur nusque runt per proelia; nunc, nunc fluctuat ira intus, rumpuntur nescia vinci pectora, nunc totis in volnera viribus itur Not slowly both Aeneas and Turnus br ought down violence upon the battle; now with ira fluctuating within, breasts ig norant of defeat were ruptur ed, now with all of their 349 Verg. Aen. 10.311. 350 Verg. Aen. 12.319. 351 Verg. Aen. 12.387-390: Saevit et infracta luctatur arundine telum eripere auxilioque viam quae proxima poscit ense secent lato vulnus telique latebram rescindant penitus seseque in bella remittant 390 352 Verg. Aen. 12.399-400. 353 Verg. Aen. 12.412-413.
73 strength they advance into wounds.354 The translation is rea lly unnecessary. The beauty of Vergils word placement says everything Aeneas and Turnus, now conjoined in womanish ira their formerly manly strength, viribus, now used for passionate violence. Turnus was effeminized by the poison of Al ecto. Aeneas was feminized when he was forced to submit to the Italian hasta, only to arise filled with ira. In the sequences beginning with the wounding of Aeneas and ending with this scene, the reader sees the hero, the progeny of foreign Easterners already with distinctly feminine tastes, beset by ira. With Aeneas already penetrated in a few lines more, Jupiter will order that the Trojan race as a whole will submit ( subsident ). The last scene of the epic is the one th at most disturbs European School critics who privilege the piety of Aeneas. Before he kills Turnus, he suffers from ira terribilis brought on when he sees the balteus of Pallas. Aeneas ira arises in the same proximity to the end of the poem as Junos ira to the beginning Fratantuono sees a link. He reads this final scene as a transference of the womanly ira of Juno to Aeneas, the abrupt end to the action leaving us unsure when and if his ira will ever subside.355 The alternate view is expressed by Galinsky.356 He finds the ira displayed by Aeneas in this final scene something that the Romans would have found appropriate. Specifically, he relates this ira to the ira judges were expected to use when handing down sentences, and finds that Aeneas is appropriately judging whether or not Turnus should receive the punishment of death.357 Of course the problem with this argument is that it 354 Verg Aen. 12.526-528. 355 Fratantuono at 100. 356 Karl Galinsky, The Anger of Aeneas, AJP 109, No. 3 (1988): 321-348. 357 Ibid. at 326-328.
74 conflates the militaristic, battlefield character of Aeneas with the actions of a judge. He is murdering another man in single combat. No one has given him the label or authority of judge and there is no action of law involved here. If anyone is acting as a judge, it is Jupiter, perhaps under the aut hority of divine law. Also, Galinsky points to different philosophical interpretations of ira .358 While it is difficult to argue with Galinskys point that social conceptions of anger are multi-face ted and at times inconsistent, this study has attempted to demonstrate that the ira involved here is directly re lated to the feminine rage of Juno, a form of the feminine ira as disdained by Seneca and others. Vergil chose to open his epic with ira describing Juno, and close it with ira describing Aeneas. The Danaids were in statue form portray ed on the portico of Augustus temple of Apollo Palatinus, built near his home.359 The temple was built when Vergil was about two years into writing the Aeneid .360 The meaning of this statua ry is up for debate, with one argument, as an example, th at it was indicative of fratricidal civil war left at the door of the temple and not invited inside.361 But gender meanings were prevelant throughout Augustan architecture.362 Milnor suggests Augustus us ed feminine imagery on the Palatine to reference the women in his famil y. By juxtaposing his female relations with scenes of females, including Cleopatra, who behave in improper, frighting ways, the Julian women are held up as paragons of proper female behavior in Roman society.363 358 Ibid. at 329-330. 359 Oliffe Richmond, Palatine Apollo Again, CQ, New Series 8, No. 3/4 (1958): 183-184. 360 Nicholas Horsfall, Empty Shelves on the Palatine, G&R, Second Series 40, No. 1 (1993): 58. 361 Kellum (1994) at 213. 362 Barbara Kellum, Concealing/Rev ealing: Gender and the Play of Meaning in the Monuments of Augustan Rome, in Roman Cultural Revolution ed. by Habineck, Thomas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 363 This is the theory in: Kristina Milnor, Gender, Domesticity, and the Age of Augustus (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
75 But this use of the female as political sp eech might have been uncomfortable for a Republican Roman. In Aeneas, Vergil creates a character be set by many of the East ern qualities that Augustus used against Ant onius in his propaganda. This Aeneas is set off into a murderous rage by the sight of the Danaids, pr obable representatives of civil war but also co-opted by Augustus. This coul d not have been comfortable. The key point is that Aeneas, thor oughly effeminized, penetrates Turnus, thoroughly effeminized. Neither are Roman males. Both are without virtus and ineligible to exercise imperium. That leads to the most im portant question of all.
76 VI. Where is the imperium? It seems the winner of the batt le for Lavinias hand should win imperium But imperium is not a prize of the final battl e. Aeneas forsakes the prize of imperium as he makes his prayer at the beginning of B ook XII, just before his descent into ira. non ego nec Teucris Italos parere iubebo nec mihi regna peto: paribus se legibus ambae 190 inuictae gentes aeterna in foedera mittant. sacra deosque dabo; socer arma Latinus habeto, imperium sollemne socer; mihi moenia Teucri constituent urbique dabit Lauinia nomen.' I will not bid the Italians be subject to Teucrians, nor do I seek the realm for myself; under equal terms let both nations, unconquered, enter upon an everlasting compact. I will give gods and th eir rites; Latinus, my father-in-law, is to keep the sword; my father-in-law is to keep imperium The Teucrians shall raise walls for me, and Lavinia give the city her name.364 Aeneas gives up imperium as his prize. It will not be available in the final battle. What is noteworthy about this se quence is that Aeneas is rath er arrogant about his ability to decide who does or does not get imperium Jupiter is the final arbiter of imperium and his decisions seem to indicate that he decides against Trojan imperium and thus imperium for Aeneas. In the deal finally blessed by Jupiter, the Trojan s are not equal and unconquered, they will be subsumed ( subsident ). Whether imperium would have been available had Aeneas not given it up is quite doubtful. Many of the Italian tribes never ag ree to his leadership. More importantly, throughout the Iliadic Aeneid, Vergil inserts a motif of the Italians demonstrating the 364 Verg Aen. 12.189-194.
77 qualities of the perfect Roman man in utter c ontrast to the Trojans and their effeminate dress and manner. Long before Jupiters final proclama tion, the epic includes a juxtaposition between these emasculated foreigners and the Italians, full of the qualities that will make the nascent foundation of future Rome.365 These Italians, here a ppearing on the edge of history and legend, have a distinct mag ical quality, and their primitive charm is unspoiled and pure.366 Vergil, through the voice of Eva nder, traces the Italian lineage back to the hunter-gatherer da ys before Saturn descended and brought the rule of law. Those originals were gensque virum truncis et duro robore nata they were a race of men born of tree trunks and stout oak.367 At the end of Book VII, Vergil gives th e reader nearly 200 lin es describing the myriad of Italian tribes that will be invol ved in the coming fight. Before he does so, he interjects himself into the poem, prayi ng that he may successfully describe quibus Itala iam tum floruerit terra alma viris, quisbus arserit armis those men who will flower from the nourishing Italian soil, who will display blazing arms.368 In the midst of his lengthy description, Vergil pa uses briefly to tell us quam multi Libyco volvuntur marmore fluctus saevus they were of such a multitude that they were like the pounding waves rocking the Libyan sea, or vel cum sole novo densae torrentur aristae aut Hermi campo aut Lyciae flaventibus arvis the tightly packed wheat tops baking in the new sun 365 Fratatuono at 239. 366 Fratatuono at 236. 367 Verg Aen. 8.315. 368 Verg Aen. 9.643-644.
78 on the Hermus field or Lycias golden field.369 The cataloguing of the Italians, wh ich lasts from roughly lines 7.720-817, emphasizes their rustic character and ability to leave their farms and take to war at a moments notice, and the list of place names may have been a source of patriotic pride in Vergils Italian readers.370 In Book X, Vergil again interjects himself in the poem to pray, and following his prayer gives us another catalogue, this one shorter, of the Italians who are in their own ships following the ship of Aeneas into battle.371 In this catalogue, Vergil praises his own homeland of Mantua and tells the story of its founding.372 Remulus, in the moments right before his famous taunt of the Trojans, gives this description of the Italian races: durum a stirpe genus natos ad flumina primum deferimus saeuoque gelu duramus et undis; uenatu inuigilant pueri siluasque fa tigant, 605 flectere ludus equos et spicula tendere cornu. at patiens operum paruoque adsueta iuuentus aut rastris terram domat aut quatit oppida bello. omne aeuum ferro teritur, uersaque iuuencum terga fatigamus hasta, nec tarda senectus 610 debilitat uiris animi mutatque uigorem: canitiem galea premiums A race of sturdy stock, babes first born we carry to the stream and harden them beneath the frigid fierce waves, our boys vigilantly study hunting and wear out the woods, playtime for them is to break a charger or to bend a pointed bow. But bearing work and accustomed to little, our rakes tame the earth and we shake cities with war. Each age is spent with iron, and we wear down and turn back with the back of a hasta ; nor does late old age slow our manliness or douse the vigor of our soul: we press our helmets on gray heads.373 369 Verg. Aen. 7.720-721. 370 Fratatuono at 224, 228. 371 The sequence begins at Verg. Aen. 10.163. 372 Verg. Aen. 10.198-203 373 Verg. Aen. 9.603-612.
79 In addition to looking like and acting like a Roman exemplar of virtus, the Italians are seen to utilize Roman military tactics, the same tactics that allowed the Romans to hold imperium over the rest of the world. In Book IX as Turnus penetrates the walls of the Trojan camp, he penetrates a Trojan with a phalarica .374 This is a distinctly Roman weapon.375 Livy writes that the phalarica was similar to other types of javelins or spears except that ad extremum unde ferrum exstabat to the tip there was an extension of iron which ferrum autem tres longum habebat pedes stood at three feet long .376 This terrifying weapon was at times lit on fire, Livy writes, and was so powerful that ut cum armis transfigure corpus posset it was able to rip through both armor and body.377 The weapon, made possible by the Iberians and their skill in iron works, was effective because of its long range and because of superior penetrating power.378 In addition to the phalarica the Italians, the Volscians in particular, utilize the testudo, or tortoise shell technique. The testudo was a Roman military tactic whereby shields were interlocked above and around a squad of soldiers, forming a sort of human tank. The extremely effective tactic dem onstrated Romes military discipline and courageous execution in the field and was one of the reasons its military was so effective 374 Verg. Aen. 9.702-708: tum Meropem atque Erymanta manu, tum sternit Aphidnum, tum Bitian ardentem oculis animisque frementem, non iaculo (neque enim iaculo uitam ille dedisset), sed magnum stridens contorta phalarica uenit 705 fulminis acta modo, quam nec duo taurea terga nec duplici squama lorica fidelis et auro sustinuit; conlapsa ruunt immania membra 375 Fratatuono at 285. 376 Livy 21.8.10-11. 377 Livy 21.8.11. 378 Eugene S. McCartney, The Gene sis of Romes Military Equipment, The Classic Weekly 6, No. 10 (1912): 76; M.J.V. Bell, Tactical Reform in the Roman Republican Army, Historia: Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte 14, No. 4 (1965): 419.
80 at spreading imperium In one episode in Livy, an enemy showed a degree of effectiveness in harassing the Romans w ith missiles and keeping them at bay. Deinde, iis quoque spretis, partim testudine fa cta per adversos vadunt hostis then, spurning these missiles, a part of the Roman force having formed a testudo plowed directly through the face of the enemy front.379 In the Aeneid : Adcelerant acta partier testudine Volsci 505 et fossas implere parant ac vellere vallum Formed into the tortoise shell the Vols cians hasten to the conflict where they prepare to fill into the ditches and to tear down the palisades.380 The Trojans attempt to defeat this tactic with all manner of projectiles, including saxa or heavy rocks, but find that their efforts fail because iuvat subter densa testudine the Volscians are safely packed under their tightly formed tortoise shell.381 It takes a globus or a huge sphere or globe, to finally break the testudo apart.382 Use of the testudo was apparently quite effectiv e in siege warfare, allowing infantry to advance directly up to city walls. In Sallust: testudine acta succedere et simul hostem tormentis sagittariisque et funditoribus eminus terrere (Marius) ordered his men to come under a testudo and, at the same time, was ab le to terrorize the enemy up close and from a distance with his engines, archers and slingers.383 Josephus relates a similar scene wherein the Romans used the testudo to withstand a hail of missiles, 379 Liv. 31.39.14. 380 Verg. Aen. 9.505-506. 381 Verg. Aen. 9.512-514. 382 Verg. Aen. 9.515. 383 Sall. Jug. 94.
81 undermined the wall and set fire to the gate with no casualties.384 Vergil has created native Italians who re present the farmer so ldier ideals of a Cincinnatus, and who behave on the battlefield in a manner that is distinctly Roman. Perhaps Vergil was playing into the nostalgia that so obviously existed in the Rome of his era, probably brought on by the terror of civil war. Late Re publican Romans pined for a time when men were men and were not dragge d down by an infusion of the luxurious and foreign. Pliny, writing within a century of Vergil, gives an idea of the Roman view of its simple, rugged past: agrum male colere censorium probrum iudicabatur cum virum bonum laudantes bonum agricolam bonumque col onum dixissent, amplissime laudasse existimabantur. To tend to land badly was an of fense under the jurisdiction of the censorwhen a man was said to be a good farmer and good at husbandry, it was valued as the most laudable compliment he could receive.385 Also, rusticate tribus laudatissimae eorum, qui rura haberent, urbanae vero, in quas transferri ignominia esset, desidiae probro. The rustic tribes where the most praiseworthy of men, they who had rural estates, the city dwellers truly, in which it wa s ignoble to be transf erred, were disgraceful in sloth.386 Finally, for tough men of that era quies somnusque in stramentis erat rest and sleep was in the straw.387 According to Pliny, in the early days, the Italians of the countryside were the strong and manly, and the city dwellers were given to idleness. The city survived on the backs of these powerful Italians. The Italians in the Aeneid fit this ideal. They are the only people in the epic 384 Josephus BJ 2.537 385 Pliny NH 18.3. 386 Ibid. 387 Ibid.
82 identifiable as exemplars of Roman manliness. The epic tells us that the final battle between Aeneas and Turnus is not for imperium Aeneas has given up imperium as a prize of the final fight, or rather granted Latinus an imperium that was already his and that Aeneas had no power to grant. Jupiter indicated that Aeneas power to determine imperium was overstated when he rewrote Aeneas deal by lowering the Trojans from equals to the subjected. What is left are th e raw, manly, ideal-Roman Italians. Where is the imperium ? Subtly, Vergil indicates that Aeneas conquest is a failure. He will not win imperium However, Evander had cum me complexus euntem mitteret in magnum imperium Sith a hug sent me (Aeneas) to capture great imperium .388 Aeneas not only allows Evanders son Pallas to die a brutal death, but he fails in the reason for the conflict, winning imperium Interestingly, Vergil puts into Evanders mouth: sed mihi tarda gelu saec lisque effecta senectus invidet imperium sera eque ad fortia vires .389 Because of his advanced years, his own imperium was weak. While the metaphorical Rome is born of the blood struggle between its two mothers, the thorough emasculation of both of those characters leaves the offspring weak, impotent and untenable, much like the original city dwellers in Pliny. For this sickly offspring to emerge into a world superpower, it must earn its imperium To discover where its imperium will come from, it is best to return to Jupiters final proclamation. His 388 Verg. Aen. 11.46-47. 389 Verg. Aen. 8.508-509.
83 proclamation is the grant of a wish from the rage-filled Juno. He willingly grants her whish, which is: ne uetus indigenas nomen mutare Latinos neu Troas fieri iubeas Teucrosque uocari aut uocem mutare uiros aut uertere uestem. 825 sit Latium, sint Albani per saecula reges, sit Romana potens Itala uirtute propago: occidit, occideritque sinas cum nomine Troia. Do not command the native Latins to cha nge their ancient name, nor to became Trojans and be called Teucrians, nor to change their language and alter their attire: let Latium be, let Alban kings endure through the ages, let be a Roman stock strong in Italian virtus: Troy is killed, and let he r be killed with her name.390 This impotent infant, the metaphorical Ro me, will be birthed from this union of Aeneas and Turnus will have its imperium But it will come from Italian virtus a virtus that existed in fully mature form well befo re the Trojans or the Romans arrived. It is inherent in the Italian races, and the Roman Empire could not exist in her powerful form without an infusion of Italian virtus into a nascent city made weak by its effeminatus moechus and effeminatus cinaedus fathers. This, then, is th e message of hope Vergil has for the Italians. It is their virtus on which Rome succeeds. 390 Verg. Aen. 12.823-829.
84 VII. Conclusion: The Victory of Vergil Cicero speaks fondly of the province of Gaul, homeland of the poet, which he calls the flower of Italy. Cicero goes on to say: illud firmamentum imperi populi Romani they are the fiber of the imperium of the Roman people, and defenders of the maiestatemque populi Romani the majesty of the Roman people.391 Vergil and other provincials must have agreed. But the ultimate triumph of the Aeneid goes further. Vergil was born in the Roma n borderlands, living there more than half of his life prior to his discovery by the Roman elite. He was the victim of the ravages of civil war. He became the greatest poet of a mother city he rarely visited. He wrote his epic at a time when Rome was struggling w ith her recent past, and leaders that grabbed power rather than at taining it by following Republican m odels. It was also a time when the old ruling class had died away, and a new ruling class, based on provincial Italians had emerged. The Aeneas Vergil creates delighted the new emperor. Aeneas will find a place on key monuments to Augustan ideology lik e the Ara Pacis and in the Forum of Augustus.392 He was a unifying force of patriotic fervor at a time when Augustus is working to solidify power and heal Rome from the trauma of civil war. Thus, Vergils own literary career is an exampl e of what this study finds in his masterwork. He granted Augustus a founding legend on which his propaganda could rise to glory. He gave 391 Cic. Phil. 3.5.13. 392 Martindale, Charles. In Cambridge Companion to Virgil ed. by Martindale, Charles. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997, 57.
85 Augustus his imperium By giving Rome a founding story based on Trojan antiquitas and Italian virtute he helps the city conquer its inferi ority complex toward Greece while also justifying the imperium of Augustus Rome. He also gave this new Italian ruling class a feeling of the power it now enjoyed.
86 Passages Cited Acts 9.33-34 Apollodurs, 2.1 Bibliothetca Aug. Anc. 1 Caes. B. Gall. 2.14.3-5, 7.77.4-5 Catull. 11.5, 63 Cic. Cat. 2.5, 2.7, 2.11 Cic. Clu. 5.12 Cic. Flac. 71 Cic. Har. resp. 21 Cic. Mil. 89 Cic. Phil. 2.38.99, 3.5.13, 4.13 Cic. Sull 22 Dio Cass. 48.44.3, 50.24-25, 50.25, 50.27, 50.28-29 Don. Vit. 1-2, 6, 7, 8, 11-12, 20, 25, Verg. 26, 27, 31-34, 36, 39-41, 43, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64 Eur. Tro. 820 Eur. Cyc. 566 Eur. IA 1036 Gell. 3.5, 6.12.6 Hom. Hymn Homer, Hymn to Aph. Aphrodite 5 Hom. Il. 3.39-45, 7.96 Hor. Carm. 4.4 Hor. Sat. 1.2.2-4, 1.4.4-5, 1.10.44 Hdt. 1.131.3 Joseph BJ 2.537, 4.634 Juv. 2.10, 2.11-12, 2.12-13, 2.18-19, 2.84-85, 2.100101, 2.104, 2.104-105, 3.61-66, 3.101-103, 3.109113, 3.112, 7.226 Livy Pr. 11, 1.1.9-11, 1.2.6, 9.17.16, 9.17.17, 10.23, 21.8.10-11, 21.8.11, 26.2.12, 26.2.4-5, 26.2.5-6, 29.10.4-5, 29.11.7, 31.39.14, 34.3.8, 34.4.2, 34.4.3, 34.4.6, 34.4.9, 35.8.6-7, 36.2.9, 37.9.8, 38.17.9 Lucr. 2.58l, 2.619-624, 4.1052-3, 4.1198 Mart. 8.56, 8.56.15 Ov. Ars am. 3.338
87 Ov. Met. 4.385-386, 15.803-806 Paus. 5.24.5 Plaut Mil. 3.1 Plautus, 4.7.80-84 Pseudolus Plin. Ep. 9.17.1-2 Plin. NH 6.32.162, 18.3 Quint. Inst. 1.5.42, 1.8.2, 1.8.5, 1.8.9, 9.2.3, 9.2.64-65 Sall. Cat. 11 Sall. Iug. 94 Sen. Clem. 1.5.5 Sen. Ep. 114.3 Sen. Ira 1.20.3 Sen. Oed. 413-46 Sen. Vit. Beat. 7.13.3 Suet. Calig. 34.2 Suet. Dom. 9.1 Suet. Ner. 39.2, 54 Suet. Otho 3.2 Strab. Geo. 13.4, 14.1.41 Terr. Eun. 59-61 Verg Ecl. 9.28 Verg. G. 1.497, 1.500, 1.504, 1.504508, 1.510-511, 4.563-566 Verg. Aen. Book I 1.4 1.5, 1.27-28, 1.272, 1.278-279, 1.282 Book III 3.105, 3.111-112 Book IV 4.67-69, 4.215-217, 4.259-265, 4.262-264, 4.505-508, 4.509, 4.518, 4.663 Book V 5.250, 5.820 Book VI 6.105-123, 6.612, 6.781-782, 6.784, 6.786-787, 6.792-793, 6.855-856 Book VII 7.55, 7.56, 7.96-101, 7.195-211, 7.287, 7.320-321, 7.325, 7.341, 7.345, 7.346-348, 7.371-372, 7.373-374, 7.392, 7.403, 7.410-412, 7.413-414, 7.431, 7.445, 7.445-451, 7.458-462, 7.649-650, 7.763764, 7.720-721, 7.783-784 Book VIII 8.315, 8.466, 8.499-500, 8.503-504, 8.508509, 8.510, 8.685-688 Book IX 9.30-33, 9.60, 9.126, 9.128, 9.431-432, 9.444-445, 9.505-506, 9.512-514, 9.515, 9.603-612, 9.614-620, 9.643-644, 9.702-708, 9.760, 9.793, 9.798 Book X 10.133-138, 10.154155, 10.163, 10.198-203, 10.215-251, 10.252-255, 10.311, 10.474-475, 10.481, 10.482-485, 10.497-498 Book XI 11.40, 11.46-47, 11.67, 11.77, 11.376, 11.480, 11.768-782, 11.782, 11.803-804 Book XII 12.9, 12.45, 12.75, 12.97-100, 12.189-194, 12.319, 12.387-390, 12.399-400, 12.412413, 12.491-499, 12.526-528, 12.823-829, 12.833-840, 12.924, 12.926-927, 12.930, 12.938, 12.943, 12.945-952, 12.950
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