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"some marvelous thing" :
b leonardo, caterina, and the madonna of the rocks
h [electronic resource] /
by Michael Jahosky.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
Title from PDF of title page.
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Thesis (MLA)--University of South Florida, 2010.
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ABSTRACT: Leonardo's Virgin of the Rocks (or Madonna of the Rocks, c.1486) is a masterpiece. Scholars have been unclear, however, about the unconventional cave setting and where Leonardo's inspiration came from. The Song of Songs mentions a beautiful bride being invited to come "into the wall of rocks," and the apocryphal Gospel of James (written around 150 A.D.) tells the story of Jesus being born in a cave outside of Bethlehem. But Leonardo's own personal cave experience in 1481 spurred his desire to find literature that placed Jesus' birth in a cave, or a "wall of rocks." This thesis focuses on a specific discourse prominent in Leonardo scholarship which has taken place over the years, chiefly concerning Leonardo's strange cave background in the Virgin of the Rocks.
Advisor: Naomi Yavneh, Ph.D.
Leonardo da Vinci
x Humanities/Cultural Studies/American Studies
t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.
: Leonardo, Caterina, and the Madonna of the Rocks by Michael Thomas Jahosky A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement s for the degree of Master of Liberal Arts Department of Humanities College of A rts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Naomi Yavneh, Ph.D. Giovanna Benadusi, Ph.D. Eleni Manolaraki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: July 12, 2010 Keywords: I taly, Renaissance, Mary, Jesus, Leonardo da Vinci Copyright 2010, Micha el Thomas Jahosky
DEDICATION I dedicate this labor of love and passion to the two principal sources of my inspiration and teachers of love: God and my wife Sarah. Without the model Jesus has provided for me throughout this writing project, I would ha ve failed long ago. Sarah, you have never left my side: neither at my conference, nor my thesis proposal defense, nor the actual defense of the following work. You have supported me every day and have not complained once, instead always encouraging me to be diligent and to never stop pursuing my dreams. You are my muse, my best friend, my wife, and my strength: thank you from the bottom of my heart. Sempre Roma, my love.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge my major professor, Dr. Naomi Yav neh for taking me under her wing and going above and beyond to assist me in the research, preparation, and writing of this work. Dr. Giovanna Benadusi: thank you for allowing me into your Renaissance Cities course as it both reminded me of my stay in Italy and further encouraged my passion for the Italian Renaissance. Dr. Eleni Manolaraki: without the discipline and diligence you encouraged in me during our Cicero course, and without the genuine appreciation, admiration, and assistance you provided me with during this project, it would not have been possible. Next, I need to thank my loving parents. It has been a very arduous and long two years, but my father and mother, David and Dori have given me love, emotional understanding, and assistance of all kin ds that have sustained both this thesis and my new family. Thank you from the bottom of my heart, I love you both so much
i TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ii ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... iii ................................ ............... 1 CHAPTER ONE: THE VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS ................................ .............. 11 ................................ ............. 22 The Gospel of Jame s ................................ ................................ ............... 30 CHAPTER THREE: ................................ ............ 38 CONCLUSION: THE FATE OF THE VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS ......................... 44 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ .................... 49 ABOUT THE AUTHOR ................................ ................................ ......... END PAGE
ii LIST OF FIGURES FI GURE 1.1: LEONARDO DA VINCI, VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS ....................... 10
iii : Leonardo, Caterina, and the Madonna of the Rocks Michael Thomas Jahosky ABSTRACT Virgin of the Rocks ( or Madonna of the Rocks, c.1486) is a masterpiece Scholars have been unclear, however, about the unconventional Song of Songs mentions a beautiful bride being invited to come and the apocryphal Gospel of James (written around 1 50 A.D.) tells the story of Jesus being born in a cave outside of Bethlehem. But cave experience in 1481 This thesis focuses on a speci fic discourse prominent in Leonardo scholarship which has taken place over the years, chiefly Virgin of the Rocks.
1 INTRODUCTION: rit if he takes for his guide others take for their guide anything other than nature mistress of masters exhaust 1 There is some marvelous thing within each piece of Renaissance art. creative outpourings. 2 and training was in the manifested itself most potently in the Virgin of the Rocks, painted between 1483 and 1486. 3 There was a Tuscan proverb which read promi 1 ex Arundel, 387r or see Kemp, 83. 2 Referring to his book Leonardo da Vinci: The Daedalian Mythmaker. 3 This thesis will refer to the painting as The Virgin of the Rocks from hereafter, despite the titles being equally appropriate. I am also using t he Louvre version. In Italian, the painting is known as La Vergine delle Rocce.
2 This proverb was well known to Leonardo as it originated in Florence and was being discussed in i ntellectual circles. 4 Marsilio Ficino, Thomas Aquinas and Cicero have all, to some degree, addressed the issue of automimesis. 5 Leonardo, however, was the most articulate in addressing this proverb, and his primary conviction was that painters are gove rned by the connection between the judgment rather than the ethereal center. The soul, wrote Leonardo, the shape of a man on canvas. 6 The re is a connection between the auto mimetic account of the cave and conviction that nature was maestra of all things discernible in the Virgin of the Rocks The cave background was unique to the painting exactly because it was rooted in a real maestra and his or auto mimesis. With this understanding comes another intriguing facet of Leonardian thought that surely exerted influence on his cave encounter in 1481 and thus on the Virgin of the Rocks. Fantasia active, combinatory imagination which continually n unending abundance 7 Fantasia, creative 4 Ficino and Poliziano most notably. Later in the thesis, I quote a sermon from Savonarola that 5 This is what it is known as today. 6 Zwijnenberg, 54. 7 Kemp, 146.
3 n obvious characteristic of the cave scene in the Virgin of the Rocks Furthermore, fantasia pervaded all imagination was an indispensable factor in creating art One of the most fascinating contradictions about the cave scene a scene which not only is that n conjured forth both holy and unholy Leonardo felt during the autumn of 1481 embodies this idea poignantly. the painter wishes to form images of animals or devils in the inferno, with what 8 the styl istic choices of his paintings, but none more profoundly than what historians can find in the cave of the Virgin of the Rocks. basilisk is so cruel that when it cannot kill animals w ith its venomous glance, it 9 In profezie, favole, and autobiographical, literary reflections such as his encou nter with the cave in 1481. 8 9 Kemp, 140.
4 creative outpourings that many, many factors influenced his decisions in painting. For the present, however, we should take this evidence and that presented further within the work and weigh it with the scholarly consensus concerning masterpiece the Virgin of the Rocks. in the cave exerted emotional influence s on the painting of the Virgin of the Rocks, The influence of fantasia on the Virgin of the Rocks will be argued, for Leonardo argued that the power of the artist to create was profound. In presenting viewers with an unconventional scene for a Virgin and Child, Leonardo was able to create and present allegorical devices (such as the cave) to express profound truths. 10 All of this was roo ted in observation of Leonardo wrote assuredly concerning his belief that the soul forms the study from falling into the same faults in the figure from nature, whom he called maestra 11 For example, a painter could not claim he knows how to paint a realistic Tuscan landscape if he never spent any time in its beautiful countryside, full of olive trees, osi er willows, and vineyards. How could an artist accurately depict flora in their natural habitat 10 11 or nature as maestra, biography of Leonardo 54 55.
5 without having spent an exorbitant amount of time recording the details of that which he was seeing? 12 Leonardo, however, practiced what he preached: vigorou sly. To round out an explanation of this aphorism, let us say that each artist has a concetto, safely assume that their trademark would appear ubiquitously throughout their collection of work bu t a concetto can also mean a particular conceit within a work of art. Each and every painter had a concetto, expected in their art, but Leonardo seemed to have difficulty expressing the possibility of this occurring for himsel f unless tempered by natural observation. If it was looked down upon to see the same face or figure present in each and and only if the artist were to paint each subject faithful to nature. 13 Leonardo was praising the diligent painter and ridiculing the lazy. He was probably referring to the gente gonfiata 14 med they knew how to represent a man di sotto in su example of another painter who discovered it through introspection. According to 12 Virgin of the Rocks, 13 14 Nicholl, 55.
6 the so 15 Leonardo vehemently argued in favor of natural observation, but Kemp has argued that without the precedence of Medieval and Renaissance traditions, Leonardo would not have had anything to build upon. In 1487, j ust after completing the Virgin of the Rocks, one can find Leonardo trying to learn Latin to keep up with the intellectual crowd, whom he Song of Songs. Later on we will see t hat Italian transla tions of such works were rare, but Leonardo seemed to have found one of the few translations or heard of wilderness. 16 Leonardo was, however, among the first individua ls during this time to begin innovating the way in which artists were to paint; for example, on his way to the Roman forum where he went to observe nature and architecture. Leonardo began to change the way a rt represented nature and all organic beings, and this has been confirmed by all of his historians. accomplished this. representation (automimesis) in art, it is possible now to explore one alluring and elusive ex ample of Leonardian automimesis: the cave of the Virgin of the Rocks. In defining automimesis, historians are not r eferring to an example such as with Adoration of the Magi, in which B otticelli painted his own figure 15 Kemp, 83. 16 This will be discussed in chapter two, where I provide sources for these claims.
7 Instead, a utomimesis when appropriately tempered by nature shows a unique concetto discernible ress oneself than the desperate attempt not to do 17 As we have already seen, Leonardo made one exception to the rule of good painting. The Leonardi an definition of good painting is that good painting represents nature faithfull y. Leonardo referred to nature as Virgin of the Rocks, scholars have been unable to sufficiently address the source of inspiration for th e cave setting. Many scholars and art historians : Kenneth Clark, Martin Kemp, Patricia Emison, D.W. Robertson Jr., Charles Nicholl, and Giancarlo Maiorino have all touched upon the apocryphal gospel of James as a source for the scene, b ut have not followed the trail closely enough. In fact, this thesis argues that the scene is an amalgamation of two parallel narratives within the t ext, which Leonardo combined with a metaphor from the Canticum ( Song of Songs ) to further support the authe nticity of his cave scene. This thesis will address, as the abstract laid out, the sources which caverna in 1481 the Gospel of James, written in 150 A.D., and the metaphor from the Son g of Songs 18 The gospel came out of Egypt and was therefore originally 17 Zollner, 8. 18 I believe the original was in Coptic Greek and then translated into Latin and Italian.
8 written in Greek, a language which Leonardo did not know due to his illegitimacy and lack of formal education. 19 one which hat mean s this gospel was prohibited by the church in its early history 20 and disappeared from studies for many centuries. And because find translations of the Gospel of James and the Canticum in Florence or Milan. We will return to this point later in chapter two. 21 This thesis is divided into three chapters. Chapter one, entitled The Virgin of the Rocks, deals with the commissioning of the painting and focuses on reviewing the scholarship around the painting. What I hope to contribute to the scholarly discourse is this: an in depth examination and explanation of what Virgin of the Rocks was. ed this peculiar and fascinating encounter. In this chapter, I wi ll also discuss the scholarly consensus around the influence the Gospel of James exerted on and provide my interpretation of the text. Lastly, chapter I will conclude with a brief discussion of Song of 19 eek and Latin. 20 Sometime in early church history, this gospel was ousted from the canon. 21 Kemp, 83.
9 Songs. 22 Furthermore, I will illustrate that it was this source that inspired much wish for further connection with nature, his relationship with Caterina (his mother) and the iconographical depiction of Mary and Jesus in the painting It is my hope that my rese arch make s an original co ntribution to the discourse around the cave imagery found in the Virgin of the Rocks 22 Kemp, 77.
10 FIGURE 1.1: LEONARDO DA VINCI, VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS 23 23 The Virgin of the Rocks, Wikimedia Commons (accessed July 8, 2010).
11 CHAPTER ONE: THE VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS When fortune comes grasp her with a firm hand in fro nt, I tell you, for 24 25 In the original commission for the Virgin of the Rocks, the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception asked Leonardo to paint Mary, God the Father, and 26 There are historians who argue that the confraternity had a what the b ackground was to look like. I argue that despite these facts, Leonardo was honoring his interpretation of the Tuscan proverb that he grew up around: to artist relies on persona l, natural observation. If the confraternity had originally Virgin of 24 25 26 Leonardo.
12 the Rocks may be seen as an exemplum of automimesis since he used his own personal experience with a cave in 1481. Throughout the painting of the Virgin of the Rocks, Leonardo suffered financial setbacks and the painting eventually was not handed over to his patron, the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception. After arriving in Milan in March 1481, Leonardo spen t his first few years proving himself to Ludovico Sforza, the imminent duke of Milan. 27 Leonardo brought an impressive letter of introduction with him which stated all types of machines he could both create and implement for Sforza. forced to comply with some of the rules of the ground 28 This meaning that Leonardo had to keep up with the intellectual crowd. It was difficult adap ting to a new city, and Leonardo would not set up his own bottega until the mid was wanted for chiaro e scuro technique. Leonardo was able to delicately blend light and shadow t ogether to make for a stunningly realistic work; he could determine distances, create spatial differences between different sections of a painting, and portray natural phenomena such as caves by contrasting light and dark. Within the 27 He was not duke yet w hen Leonardo arrived. See Kemp, 75 80. 28 Kemp, 82.
13 cavern walls of the Vi rgin of the Rocks Leonardo was able to demonstrate the teeth of the overhanging rocks as they bite into the bleached radiance the distant 29 This is but an example of the mastery Leonardo possessed in depicting nature. These were the skills Leonardo was known for, and in 1483, the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception of San Francesco Grande commissioned to paint an ancona for their church. 30 On agreed to undertake affected the ti me and expenses of production and influenced a reality, as we will see, which greatly affected Leonardo. 31 The confraternity seemed in no rush to pay Leonardo and his assistants the contracted sum of 800 lire, as they only received 100 lire o n 1 May and were to receive 40 lire a month thereafter. 32 Leonardo wanted to paint he would require more than 40 lire a month. From this point forward, the historical documents concerning the Virgin of the Roc ks are unclear as to whether or not the painting was delivered to the confraternity by its completed date in 1486. Perhaps because Leonardo took two additional years to 29 Kemp, 76 77. 30 An ancona is a gilded altarpiece set in a church used for worship. 31 32 Nicholl, 197.
14 paint the scene, the confraternity seemed reluctant to pay him his contracted sums. The next time we hear of the painting is 1493, according to Gould, who which was a wedding present for Ludovico il Moro when his niece, Bianca Sforza, married the Emperor Maximilien i 33 patrons? 34 These rich men wanted Leonardo and his assistants to create a devotional ancona, or gilded altarpiece, that would adorn the largest church in Milan: San Francesco Grande. created the office for the feast day of the Immaculate Conception in Milan in the yea r 1480. 35 The cult of Mary, Kemp argues, was never stronger than during the late 15 th iconographic depictions of the Immaculate Conception were very popular. ot conform to the terms of the contract; he has has not simply painted a devotional image of the Virgin and Child but illustrated a popular story from the early lives of Joh 36 This was how Leonardo 33 Gould, 76. 34 Nicholl, 197. 35 Approved by Pope Sixtus IV. See Kemp, 75 36 Kemp, 75.
15 37 The painting that would become the Virgin of the Rocks was to be at the center o f a triptych, whereas the other two panels would depict angels with musical instruments. They were to complete this work by the feast day of the Immaculate Conception, which was 8 December 1483, giving them roughly eight months to complete the paintings. The ancona that Leonardo was responsible for was previously and traditionally made and gilded by Giacomo del Maino, an intagliatore, who had finished this 6 foot by 4 foot project in 1480. 38 y prompted the the divergences. The Virgin of the Rocks was always a personal, automimetic piece from the outset of the project, as it seems Leonardo never had any intention to listen to the patrons. Leonardo was ambitious to make his mark in reasons for visiting Milan, he settled there presumably because he considered that it offered a better ar 39 Milan would prove to be a relatively stable workplace for Leonardo, despite suffering initial setbacks. Traditionally, patrons were in charge of dictating what a painting should and should not contain, but it was solely up to the ar tist to decide how to go about painting it. In 37 Kemp, 75. 38 An intagliatore is an individual who specializes in gilding and lining things. See Nicholl 197 200. 39 Kemp, 71.
16 this way, Leonardo delicately manipulated what turned out to be a sour business transaction anyway. There are some scholars however, who have argued that the painting was begun in Florence around 1479 1480 a nd taken with Leonardo to Milan, but it does not seem to stand up to the contrary evidence. It is more plausi ble that Leonardo had not found his inspiration to paint such a scene yet; the painting itself reveals evidence that it was created amidst the cir cumstances Leonardo endured in Milan, most notably the Bubonic Plague. Furthermore, it bears the mark of an ambitious Milanese newcomer, anxious to astound a new city with a never before seen Immaculist setting and a Florentine painting style. We will see further in the thesis how Leonardo took the reference to a in the Song of Songs and the Gospel of James to assemble one scene for Mary, Jesus and John. Ultimately this scene surprised and appeared rather strange to the Milanese po pulatio n, which Kemp confirms: that the painting would have seemed formidably odd to the Milanese, who had 40 That is precisely because of the esoteric inspirations which encouraged Leonardo to paint the Virgin of the Ro cks, and also because it was a deeply automimetic painting. Moreover the painting Florentine Flemish influenced background. Because of this, some scholars have argued that it w as painted in Florence. Vincian expert Kenneth Clark has argued that Leonardo began the painting earlier in Florence, which would explain its Florentine touches, but scholars Nicholl, Emison, and Pizzorusso all argue 40 Kemp, 78.
17 that Leonardo began and finished the painting in Milan. It cannot be assumed that e veryone knew of the apocryphal G to research and decide upon the composition of the painting. 41 Clark argues that since the painting looks Florentine, it is Florent ine, but these other Leonardo scholars believe that the Virgin of the Rocks depicts a real life experience with the countryside of Italy, and agree with the evidence that asserts the painting was begun in Milan. 42 Scholars Emison and Pizzorusso and journal ist Nicholl also believe that the painting has personal, autobiographical touches apparent within the scene 43 true that the painting has a Florentine feel: in the prettiness of the face, the movement of the h ead, and the long ringletted hair, the Madonna and the angel are still Verrocchi 44 Verrocchio on the Baptism of Christ, the Annunciation, and his earliest Madonna painting, the Madonna of the Carnation, w hich all bear these features. This thesis focuses on a specific discourse prominent in Leonardo strange cave background. According to a more recent scholarly work by Fritjof C 41 est which Leonardo did not. But there is no evidence to prove the Confraternity ever tried to check his progress, just evidence explaining their late payments and later dispute with the artist. 42 Nicholl, 198. 43 See Nicholl, 167 168, 198 201, Emison 1 16 117, Pizzorusso, 197. 44 Nicholl, 198.
18 Virgin of the Rocks, but in the botteghe and intellectual circles of Milan, 45 Capra explain s that the use of low color tones such as light and shade, nor the powerful ef 46 Obviously the Virgin of the Rocks had quite an effect on the intellectuals in Milan, for they knew Latin and the existence of apocryphal literature that described the birth of Jesus in a cave 47 On the other hand, t he cave scene astounded the better part of the populace who did not cave. Kemp pointed out earlier that the Milanese had seen nothing quite like the Virgin of the Rocks. It is possible, however, that due to the 48 The painting disappeared in 1493 after many financial bottega. Leonardo becam e popular for this use of light and shade and cooler color palette while he was in Milan from 1481 1499 (his first stay there at least), and this was what unconventionality earned him man y patrons and many prominent commissions 45 Capra, 84. 46 Capra, 84. Emphasis my own. 47 Because the original document was in Coptic Greek. 48 Kemp, 78.
19 from Ludovico Sforza, the duke of Milan, but it displeased the confraternity in 1486 when the finished product was completely different than what they expected. This thesis will not focus on t he figures of Mary, Je sus, John and the angel, but will instead answer what inspired Leonardo to paint the Virgin of the Rocks and why that caused him to paint an entirely automimetic project rather than paint what he was asked. 49 For Leonardo, the experience nature passed to th Leonardo demonstrated that it was possible to paint for oneself by allowing nature to guide his technique. As we have already observed, the painting was to ador n a gilded altarpiece in the largest church in Milan, and was to be used to commemorate the feast day of the Immaculate Conception on 8 December 1483. 50 We have seen that Leonardo did not directly depict the Immaculate Conception, as Leonardo did earlier i n his Annunciation the painting with acanthus, aquilegia, authentic geology, symbolic hand gestures, and an apocryphal setting, Leonardo was honoring his inspirations for painting it. Leonardo probably acquired t he Gospel of James because of an encounter he had had with a cave two years prior to beginning the painting. This text had already been interpreted and disseminated orally in the 14 th century by Pietro Cavalca, a Dominican monk, whose story of Jesus and John meeting in 49 concetto aint for oneself. 50 Nicholl, 197 and Gould, 73.
20 the wilderness was incorporated with the well known Gospel of Luke 2. In using the Gospel of James, Leonardo still used a religious text to create a scene in whic being praised and asserted. There seems to be a misun derstanding however, by Nicholl concerning the Gospel of James since he from 51 The scene, accordin g to the Gospel of James, depicts their to Egypt, a point we will discuss in chapter two. Leonardo amalgamated two narratives from the Gospel of James and borrowed a metaphor from the Song of Songs and integrated that with his own experience in 1481 to por tray Mary, Jesus and John together in a cave 52 It seems highly likely that Leonardo took advantage of this literature and his own cave experience because of the discrepancies between what the confraternity ordered and what Leonardo painted. The scholarly consensus on the use of these biblical and extra biblical sources corroborates to his own interpretation of the Tuscan aphorism combined with the cave experience forms a connect ion between the painting and the painter that is irresistible. 51 Nicholl, 200. Emphasis my own. It is actually, confirmed by Kemp, the flight to Egypt. 52 an ange l. This, added together with the metaphor from the Song of Songs the distance which separated Jesus and John in the narr ative. If one wants to get creative, the Song of Songs text explains how John came to travel to the particular cave where Mary and Jesus were, since John also retreated into a cleft in the rocks.
21 found in 1481. There in the Italian wilderness, Leonardo made his way from Florence to Milan, where on the road he discovered 53 53 to which we now turn.
22 CHAPTER TWO: pots to make infernal noises; here will be death, the furies, Cerberus, and m any 54 Art Historians of Leonardo da Vinci have dated the following page of the Florence to Milan. Leonardo stopped on the side of the road he was travelling on in the autumn of 1481 to marvel at the beauty and power of nature. in the hills, valleys and villages of Lombardy, always looking, asking, thinking and Socratic enqu iry. 55 In the rolling hills and cool grottoes of Northern Italy, fantasia intensified and encouraged his desire to paint imaginatively. Leonardo had stumbled upon a huge caverna somewhere in the Tuscan or Lombardian countryside and re corded this stunning and poignant encounter: Having wandered some way among somber rocks I came upon the mouth of a huge cavern, in front of which I stood some while, astounded by this place I had not known about 54 Codex Atlanticus (B.L. 224r and 231v) or see Kemp, 154. 55 Kemp, 166.
23 before. I stooped down with my back arched and my left hand resting on one knee; and with my right hand I shaded my lowered and frowning brows; and continually bending this way and that I looked in and tried to make out if there was anything inside, but the deep darkness prevented me from doing s o. I had been there for some time, when there suddenly arose in me two things, fear and desire fear of that threatening dark cave; desire to see if there was some marvelous thing within. 56 attest to his 57 The notebooks, but out of Renaissance art history as well. As we said in the introduction, Zollne r asserts that Leonardo exempted himself from the rule of urge by studying nature. No other artist was quite as reflective about the natural world and as faithful to depi cting it in art as Leonardo was. It is quite clear that this text is an example o aphorism about the tempering teaching power of nature. Leonardo tells us that once he had stood there for quite some time, he suddenly felt Leonardo felt could describe his fear and love of nature as maestra the observer is grasped by fear of the unknown beauty concealed deep within the earth. Nature commands obedience from her s tudents and offers experience for 56 Codice Arundel,155r, R1339. 57 Emison, 116.
24 the painter seek chance to learn how to paint her accurately in art. Leonardo was devoted to Virgin of the Rocks. There was a sermon delivered by Girolamo Savonarola in Florence (1497) in which he argued himself, but he pai nts himself as painter, that is according to his concept ( concetto) 58 Leonardo was able to do exactly as Savonarola describes in the Virgin of the Rocks by allowing his beliefs about self representation of nature as maestra, uct him in painting the cave scene. Leonardo wanted to focus on this concept, so he went to the available theological and historical sources and used their precedence to allude to his own personalized encounter with the cave. In this way, Leonardo avoided the negative connotations of the painting oneself proverb. This line of thought keeps symb 59 By using esoteric sources, Leonardo also demonstrated his understanding of the intellectual milieu in Milan. If a man without letters could demonstrate his understanding of such scholarly sources, then he perhaps may have been accepted in to intellectual circles. Perhaps Leonardo believed the confraternity would still be content with the scene, but caves were typically 58 Zollner, 4. 59 Robertson Jr., 92 94.
25 By allowing nature to instruct his painting and therefore temper the urge to paint himself literally into the Virgin of the Rocks, Leonardo was able to, as I stated above, convey his concetto hauntingly beautiful realistic landscapes. The cave is one of those such landscap es. Virgin of the Rocks f, then, there was specific respect for nature directed toward inting not as referring to the Immacula te C onception, but as boldly dispensing with the idea of the human 60 Emison seems to believe I think reasonably to the Immaculate Conception conviction that nature, combined with these holy individuals is perfect. The human body is the most expressive gift majesty of the human body, 61 Leonardo was referring to his anatomical studies and his ruminations upon the connection between the soul and body. In the Virgin of the Rocks, it is not the figures of Mary, Jesus and John themselves that represent the redemptive message of Christian ity but their juxtaposition to nature which elevates their status as redemptive figures Nature is perfected through the figures of Mary and Jesus, as their roles as Second Adam and Eve move human nature towards 60 Emison, 118. 61 s.
26 perfection ; the human figure is perceived, in the presence of the cave, as the perfection of nature and the perfection of the human body. During the 2 nd century A.D. when the Gospel of James was written (c.150 A.D.) Irenaeus, the bishop of Lyons also stated that: And just as it was through a virgin who disobeyed that mankind was stricken and fell and died, so too it was through the Virgin, who obeyed the word of God, that mankind, resuscitated by life, received lif e. For the Lord came to seek back the lost sheep, and it was mankind that was lost; and therefore He did not become some other formation, but He likewise, of her that was descended from Adam, preserved the likeness of formation; for Adam had necessarily to be restored in Christ, that mortality be absorbed in immortality. And Eve in Mary, that a virgin, by becoming the advocate of a virgin, should undo and destroy virginal disobedience by virginal obedience. 62 Virgin of the Rocks wipes the 63 Adam was led to sin by Eve, whose redeeming figure in the painting is Mary. Marian historian Jaroslav by someone who was no more than human, Eve, and a saving obedience by 62 Pelikan, 42 Against Heresies and Apostolic Preaching. 63 Torah, Genesis 2:7.
27 64 Mary and Jesus, then, are representations of the redemptive message of Christianity, but also are vessels The cave mouth, which we are looking into, is both terrestrial and celestial, represented by the rocks and th e sky; there is both the presence of earth an d ethereal matter, representing the redemptive qualities of Jesus and Mary over Adam and Eve. redemption; the cave is the waypoint between the past and future of Christianity. Leonardo might have used his experience with nature in 1481 to prove to himself that his own opinions about were justified because he was gathering empirical experience from nature rather than literally painti ng himself in the Virgin of the Rocks. Leonardo believed the exception to concetto in art was to demonstrate what Italians of the 15 th century called sprezzatura. This word translates into English as in the aphorism. His observations in the cave provided a self justification for exempting himself from the negative connotations that the Tuscan proverb could contain. 65 Leonardo always strived to sepa rate himself from binding rules, and consistently demonstrated his desire to elevate his craft above his competitors. When he began to paint the Virgin of the Rocks, then, Leonardo demonstrated an ease and effortlessness in portraying his concetto, which were his authentic natural landscapes. This justification must have fit the bill nicely for Leonardo, an 64 Pelikan, 43. 65 Zollner argues this as well.
28 artist who obviously had difficulty justifying to himself the idea of self expression in art. D.W. Robertson Jr., Kenneth Clark and Martin Kemp all a gree that both the Gospel of James and the Song of Songs were the theological and historical sources which informed Leonardo. Although Robertson argues that the apocryphal source theory had been disproved in favor of his note from the Song of Songs he ar gues that this was because there was presence in the scene 66 We will di first by his own experiences This is how the Virgin of th e Rocks can be seen as automimesis. Leonardo has demonstrated his philosophical and practical beliefs about learning from nature, who instructs the painter in all things. While in Milan, however, Leonardo paused to reflect on his lack of book knowledge: I well know that, not being a literary man, certain presumptuous persons will think that they may reasonably deride me with the allegation that I am a man without letters. Stupid fellows! Do they not know that I might reply as Marius did in answering the Roman politicians, by saying that they who adorn themselves with the labors of others will not concede to me my very own; they will say that, not having learning, I will not properly speak of that which I wish to elucidate. But do they not know that my su bjects are to be better illustrated from experience than by yet more words? experience, which has been the 66 about the other Madonna of the Rocks painting (in the National Gallery, London) disproved the apocryphal source. I could
29 mistress of all those who wrote well, and, thus as mistress, I will cite her in all cases. 67 Jugurthine War because M arius, who was a novus homo in the 2 nd 1 st century B.C ., rose to prominence as a seven time consul in the Roman government. Like Marius, Leonardo was derided for being inspiration from the fact that no matter who told him he could not accomplish a ambition was a principal motivating factor that led him to distinguish himself in Milan. The Virgin of the Rock s was his first major commission and, as we have already seen, it made quite the impression. prove himself a learned, lettered man led him to the Gospel of James and Song of Songs, for we know he attempted Latin conjugations and minor translations 68 Peering into this cave in 1481 led Leonardo to the Gospel of James and the Song of Songs which were already circulating during the Renaissance. ngs, in antiquity, in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance, exercised a stronger influence on literature 69 Leonardo did, then, have access to the 67 Kemp, 82 quoting Leonardo. 68 I saw a hand copy of the Trivulziano notebook when it was on display at This notebook can be found in Milan. 69 Schneemelcher, 418.
30 protoevangelium of James, (Gospel of James). Schneemelcher goes on to say t by the stories found in the Christian Apocryphal works, citing a special interest for the infancy gospels. 70 How can historians be sure that Leonardo had access to the Gospel o f James and the Vulgate Song of Songs? The Gospel of James 71 The popular tale that was circulating in It aly since the 14 th century was that of Jesus and John meeting in the wilderness, long before the baptism in the Jordan. This story was circulated by Pietro Cavalca, and the story also told of an infant John the Baptist under the protection of the Angel Ur iel, who escorted John away from the massacre of the innocents to meet Jesus and Mary during their flight to Egypt. 72 This story told by Cavalca and the Gospel of James (probably source) were the theological and historical sources which Leonardo certainly was familiar with, but his own cave experience prompted him to 70 Ibid. 71 profezie, having to deal with the Leonardo obviously had a familiarity with the Bible and its stories. 72 Kemp, 75. This story was told, as I said, by Pietro Cavalca, a Dominican monk of the 14 th century in Italy. Se which itself is based on the Gospel of Luke, weaves together certain stories and perhaps fabricates some others to create this scene.
31 Virgin of the Rocks is probably the most detailed and accurate in the past several the story is embroidered with secondary symbolism in the painting: the foreground pool prefigures the baptism; the sword shaped leaves of heart; the palm leaves are a Marian emb lem and symbol of victory as in the Adoration of the Magi 73 This is the main description of what viewers see when one looks at the Virgin of the Rocks, and more will be explained further in the thesis. The palm is located behind Mary on her right, our l eft; the pool in the foreground is directly below Mary and Jesus (see Figure 1.1). Knowing some of the symbolism is helpful, but an additional analysis of the identities of the figures is necessary to understanding the Gospel of James. The painting repr esents Madonna and Child in the pyramidal style which was popular during the 15 th century, with Mary, Jesus and John forming the compositional pyramid. read the nships within the pyramidal space of 74 Uriel, if that is who the choric figure is in the right foreground, is the storyteller who brings our attention to John the Baptist first and foremost because of his index finger pointing across the pool. Then our eyes are drawn to Mary, who offers a warm embrace to John, whom she then introduces to Jesus, her newborn son. It is quite clear, however, that John knows exactly who Jesus is, for 73 Kemp, 75. 74 Kemp, 7 5.
32 or it seems Mary is still pulling the infant in for an embrace. John, who occupies the higher ground on the slab of rock below John, offering a charismatic and loving acknowledgement of slightly dizzying, very dynamic, and yet quite serene. There is suddenly the sound of rus hand for a drink, and the gentle melody of water droplets from the great rock formations. There is a brief moment in the narrative of the Gospel of James which the Virgin of the Rocks depicts. It is a moving scene but also s omewhat manipulated by Leonardo. Below is my narrative of the story, paraphrased from the original apocryphal text. The high priest sent out a message for all the widowers of Israel to come forth to the temple, a nd ordered t hat each of the men summoned were given a rod. Jose ph, widowed with two sons, came running up with the crowd of men to seize the opportunity to meet the beautiful Mary, aged twelve. Mary had been in the temple of the Lord since she was three 75 Each rod was inspected for a sign from the Lord, and Joseph 75 Gospel of James, VIII 1.
33 The high priest found Joseph and handed custody of Mary over to him. For six months they lived together and then suddenly, Joseph found Mary with child. Casting himself down on the ground and hiding his face in shame, Joseph questioned if it was he who caused her to be with child, or another man. 76 Joseph became afraid because his feared the Lord, but an angel of the Lord assured him 77 Annas the scribe came to Joseph and found Mary great with child, prompting him to report this to greatly up set the priest. 78 into the wilderness after drinking bitter water. The priest, finding no sin in them for they came back alive and well was astounded. Augustus then issued a census for all those in Bethlehem of Judaea, and Joseph did not know how to record Mary. He felt shame and sudden fear at this and saddled her on a donkey, following her with his two sons. As they drew near Bethlehem, three miles out, Joseph saw that Mary was pained. which he brought her into, leaving his two sons behind to watch over her. 76 XIII, 3. 77 XIV, 2. 78 XV, 2.
34 Joseph left seeking a Hebrew midwife, and suddenly on the road, life appeared to sta nd still: the birds in the sky stopped moving, the fish ceased to swim, and people did not walk it was as if the world was sighing for what was to come. A woman then came down out of the countryside and spoke to Joseph, asking about the woman in the cave. Joseph replied she is not my wife, for I received her by lot, and 79 The midwife walked back with Joseph down the hill and into the cave, where a bright, over hanging cloud suddenly overshadowed the cave. At that 80 A piercing light endure, until it g radually dimmed into the form of the Bambino Gesu who was at once suckled by his mother, Mary. From here, the narration requires some additional explanation before putting John the Baptist into the scene The brief moment which the painting depicts is from Egypt, as Nicholl had argued earlier, but the beginning of the flight to Egypt. How do John and the angel Uriel 79 XIX, 1. 80 hasis my own.
35 come into the scene ? 81 The presence of John comes from the parallel story of nd her son John in a later part of the James narrative: But Elizabeth when she heard that they sought for John, took him and went up into the hill country, and looked about her where she should hide him: and there was no hiding place. And Elizabeth groan ed not able to go up. And immediately the mountain clave asunder and took her in. And there was a light shining always for them: for an angel of the Lord was with them, keeping watch over them. 82 The mountain ould find Jesus, but Kemp says that this would figure John too predominantly in the scene, rather than remain a tribute to the purity of Mary. 83 takes place simultaneously with Elizabeth pai rs were separate. If we were to allow the interpretation of the mountain being T he painter has dominion over his craft and the ability to create and recreate at his disposal. Leon ardo also perhaps knew of the Song of Songs in which 81 painting, but some online sources confirm it. Furthermore, Gospel of James XXII, 3 says that an angel of the Lord was keeping watch ov er them. 82 XXII, 3. 83 See Kemp 75 and Nicholl 136.
36 Solomon sings to his sponsa, 84 This passage came to be interpreted in the 12 th century as a reference to t th century. 85 This reference to fantasia run wild across the canvas ction in the Virgin of the Rocks is lucid, ethereal, and absolutely beautiful; Leonardo was able to innovate, too, in rendering a cave a place of hell holy. It appears, then, that Leonardo had historical and theological sources at his d isposal for creati ng the scene. Knowing this informs viewers of the Virgin of the Rocks how divergent the painting was from the original commission discussed in chapter one, which was simply 86 But t Arundel cave text. Nativity Adoration of the Magi (painted in the ear similar cave setting, and may have used the same source. Whether or not 84 Robertson Jr., 92. 85 Chapter three will deal with this. For the 12 th century commentary of William Newburgh, see 86 Nicholl, 198. I could not access the original commission paperwork but it can be found in Luca Documenti e memorie riguardanti la vita e le opera di Leonardo da Vinci. Milan, documents 23 24.
37 cannot know, but it appears to have been written with g reat zeal. Towards the end of his narration of his encounter with this cave, Leonardo says that he coincidence, but the midwife in the Gospel of James who comes to witness the birt 87 On apocryphal text prior says. Nicholl has argued other glosses for the cave text Geta e Birria 88 Leonardo owned a copy of the poem in 1504, but this seems too far detached from the n 1504 but had possessed it all along. 89 I have argued that th e cave text was the impetus which apocryphal gospels, and the Vulgate Bible were all subsequent influences resulting from his cave encounter Knowing of these influences, the discussion must now delve in foraminibus petrae to discover exactly what Leonardo wished to find in the cave. 87 Gospel of James, XIX, 2. 88 89 Nicholl, 164 165 and his notes on the Codex Arundel text, found on 522.
38 CHAPTER THREE: ft in the rocks, into the cavities of walls, 90 Canticum 2: 13 14 (the Song of Songs ). 91 Leonardo, they argue, knew of the scripture because there was a certain Marian metaphor popular with Immaculists of the 15 th century, and Leonardo demonstrate d through the symbolism in the Virgin of the Rocks that he may have been acquainted with the source. 92 The cavities of walls, 93 aquilegia (the columba flower) symbolizes the dove, wh ich has been interpreted by historians as a reference to the Immaculate Conception of Mary. 94 The dove also represents the Im maculate Conception because the Holy Spirit is represented by 90 Song of Songs 2:13 14. 91 Kemp, Robertson and Clark all argue this, but Emison also agrees with the influence of Song of Songs and the Gospel of James. 92 See Kemp, 75 or Ro In Foraminibus Petrae. 93 Song of Songs 2:13 14, or see Kemp, 75. 94 the Annunciation.
39 a dove. The dove represents the purity of Mary bestowed upon her by God at Virgin of the Rocks was, after all, a commemorative pa inting which was to adorn San Francesco Grande by 8 December 1483 the annual feast day which celebrates s purity and inception by her mother Anne and father Joachim But it is the terested Kemp, Robertson, Clark and myself, for it clearly demonstrates the inspirations we have already discussed These verses from the Song of Songs also point towards the Eli 95 Elizabeth cried mountain clave asunder 96 From my reading of the Gospel of James, it appe ars that ac cording to chapter XXVII part 3 Elizabeth and her son John find a shelter under a mountain apart from Jesus and Mary, after both children are born and Herod proclaims the execution of male firstborns. 97 It seems that Leonardo m anipulated the source materi al to place all three figures in the painting. Song of Songs 2:13 14, that the sponsa in these verses may in fact be Mary rather than just 95 Gospel of James, XXII, 3. 96 Ibid. 97 James, M.R. trans., Gospel of James from Apocryphal New Testament, Oxford Clarendon Press, 1924.
40 y fair one, and come away. O my dove, that art in the cleft of the rock, in the secret places of the 98 Virgin of the Rocks impresses viewers with the idea that we are witnessing this secret place in the wilderness where the spirit of God has come to rest. Knowing the narrative of the Gospel of James, too, crystallizes the notion that Leonardo was aware of both Song of Songs Leonardo must have known of this scripture because he demonstrates this by painting aquilegia, or columba, Song of Songs a dove is mentioned, and the dove symbolizes the Holy Spirit. Furthermore a dove is mentioned in the like a dove, was brought up in the holy temple. The Holy Spirit, which is symbolized by the dove, is also mentioned by Joseph and the midwife in the J ames narrative. All of this evidence puts together a compelling portrait of what Leonardo envisioned was true beauty: nature as teacher of all things. Furthermore, it shows us that painters of the 15 th century attempted to paint their own concetto into t inspiration for the scene in the Virgin of the Rocks is becoming clearer. In the matter of the encompassing cave, and its sepulchral feel, Leonardo is calling our attention to what a cave may si gnify symbolically. A deep, damp cave in the earth symbolizes the womb, and the earth from which the first man 98 I offer various translations becau se they illustrate my point nicely.
41 is in this cave. The scene here, I have argued, is from the Gosp el of James immediately after the birth of Jesus and the retreat of John into the wilderness, and so the Immaculate Conception has been fructified in the birth of Jesus. Jose perhaps the light from the mid afternoon sun or even remnants of the light which emerge from the water like solidified waves in the Louvre painting (the subject of growth of plants that shed beauty on the birth 99 It is the reference to the present discussion. Leonardo was, after all, painting for a very powerful, very rich, very devout group of patrons whose primary concern was that the finished painting represented the purity of Mary and the birth of Jesus and therefore Christianity. Maiorin very helpful to understanding why Leonardo ultimately chose it for his Maiorino also source in the backgrou 99 Maiorino, 76.
42 physical are assimilated in the cave, which itself is made up of t errestrial and celestial matter. The iris flowers symbolizing the sorrow of Mary, the columba ( aquilegia) symbolizing the Immaculate Conception and the dove, and the bodies of water all represent the divine in the painting, thus rendering this cave a space between heaven and earth. The cave has dirt, flora, and water, but it also is infused with the presence of the bambino Gesu, who is wholly God and wholly Man. The towering mountains, which Emison thinks connotes a sense of pur ity to heaven. 100 salvation, 101 humanity and Jes 102 Virgin of the Rocks symbolizes her b ridging the gap between the human John and the divine Jesus. 103 The angel, who may be the angel Uriel, points across at John to way for Jesus in the wilderness. 100 Emison, 117. 101 Robertson Jr. quoting Kenneth Clark, 94. 102 Maiorino, 84. 103 Hills, 614.
43 The pool in the foreground may symbolize a baptisma l font, or at least the Jordan in which Jesus is baptized. John is noticeably higher than Jesus, kneeling in a prayer position since it is he who pays obeisance to Jesus, thus fulfilling the roper for us to demonstrate this event, and acknowledges John with the symbol of charite, or Virgin of the Rocks, then, can also be seen as an allegory for the pas t, present, and futu re of Christianity, represent ed in Mary, John, and Jesus, respectively. Mary gives birth to Jesus while maintaining her purity, John is slightly older and is destined to pave the way for the ministry of Jesus, and Jesus is the redemptiv e savior of mankind, for all time. Thus did Leonardo create a symbolic and esoteric masterpiece, infused with personal experience and attention to the historical, apocryphal, and theological sources at his disposal. In conclusion, Leonardo was motivated by a strange but fascinating encounter in 1481 that eventually led him to find inspiration in an apocryphal birth story of Jesus. We have observed the scholarship concerning the commissioning of the Virgin of the Rocks, the scene originally desired by the confraternity, the financial issues that plagued Leonardo, the personal, historical, and theological and the discourse around the symbolism and meaning of the cave and the p
44 CONCLUSION: THE FATE OF THE VIRGIN OF THE ROCKS During the years 1484 1486, Leonardo lived through an outbreak of Bubonic Plague in Milan. These were also the years during which he was working on the Virgin of the Rocks. O ne of the most intriguing notes Leonardo leaves us was recorded around 1485, right in the midst of his painting the Virgin of the Rocks: never without the other, as if they were stuck togethe 104 T his comment accompanies an allegorical sketch which depicts a grotesquely drawn Siamese twin: on the left is a young man (Pleasure) holding a reed, which ain) who holds caltrops in his hand, dropping them onto the mud which he is stepping in. 105 Youth is wasted on the young, which is indicated by the young man in the sketch stepping in a pool of gold as he wields a useless reed. Pleasure is fleeting and oft en has pain lurking within it. It is no surprise that these sentiments welled up inside Leonardo during the Bubonic Plague of 1485 and at a time when he was feeling like an outsider. Leonardo commented that people pressed 104 Nicholl, 210. 105 Nicholl, 204 206, or found in the allegorical drawing by da Vinci found in Chri st Church College, Oxford.
45 corner. Milan was a competitive city full of accomplished individuals who, unlike certainly detect a hint of irritability and bittern of Pleasure and Pain. The Virgin of the Rocks is as much an artistic milestone as it is a personal one; the gaping caverna was a place of quietude, tranquility, and haunting beauty away from the Bubonic Plague for the painter to retreat into. The Virgin of the Rocks, then, can be understood in the terms which were laid out in the introduction. It is a deeply automimetic painting which Leonardo was attached to, for he files a dispute with Ludovico Sforza sometime aroun d 1492 in an attempt to acquire the rest of the promised 800 lire, plus additional expenses. for perso nal as well as psychological reasons tried to avoid self psychological profile supports such an interpretation since in his own writings, Leonardo praises solitude and self 106 An example of this can be found in which he admonishes the painter to become a you are entirely your own; and if you have but one companion you are but half 107 Furthermore, Leonardo warns his reade t 106 Zollner, 5. 107
46 to repeat the reference of nature as maestra over and over again in his anything 108 This is the standard by which all men and painters are measured; one cannot simply quote the knowledge of others without a firm scientific, Leonardo argues understanding of nature. Leonardo never reneged on this belief. So what was the fate of the Virgin of the Rocks after 1492? In 1492, Leonardo appealed to Ludovico to silence the never ending dispute. By 1493, the Virgin of the Rocks was on its way to Germany into the hands of Emperor Maximilien a niece, Bianca Maria. To be clear, the painting was not made for Ludovico. But since not, for he decided to buy Le 109 Like Piero da Vinci tells the story, took from his son a rotello painted w countenance and sold it to Florentine merchants rather than deliver what was supposed to be a gift to one of their farm hands in Vinci. So the fair Virgin of the Rocks remained in Germany until the 17 th century when it was recorded to be in Fontainebleau, France. This explains why there are two versions of the painting 108 b, R 660. 109 It is never clear if it is taken from Leona rdo by Ludovico purposely or without Leonardo knowing, nor is it clear if Ludovico actually paid Leonardo and his assistants any of the funds which the confraternity never gave them. What is clear is that the painting was taken.
47 today, as in 1506, Leonardo and his assistants were ordered to paint another. Leonardo does not want to do this, of course, so he appoints his assistants to execute the work, which is now in the National Gallery in London. 110 Nearly all of the Leonardian touches are absent: the fair face of the angel, the fidelity to geology and botany, the symmetry and composition of the figures and landscape, the hand gestures, and f inally, there was originally no blatant religious symbolism in the form of halos. After the painting was finished, Leonardo moved on to other projects, but soon his attention was captivated by a visitor to the Corte Vecchia in the middle of the summer: Jul y 16 th to be exact. Caterina, Leon absent mother, came to visit him on 16 th day of July, 1493, but died within two years of her staying there. He recorded her humble funerary expenses and took note, one may assume, that the Virgin of the Rocks dispute had been settled (for now) through the disappearance of the painting. 111 further study, it would be useful to construct an understanding of 15 th century Renaissance family roles, illegitimacy and his connection with nature as maestra further to see if Leonardo had pent up feelings about his mother and if those feelings impacted this painting. The Virgin of the Rocks, in further study, may be seen as an allego ry of ideal motherhood through the figure of Mary, who may be seen as the 110 ins this. 111
48 personification of nature and replacement of Caterina 112 but it is enough for the 112 Margaret Miles both present evidence stipulating that people often replaced love of their own mothers with a love of Mary.
49 LIST OF REFERENCES of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 41 (1978), pp. 108 146. Alberti, Leon Battista, translated by Renee Neu Watkins. I Libri Della Famiglia: Book III. Waveland Press (196 9 and 1994). Artibus et Historiae Vol. 17, No. 34 (1996), pp. 9 17. Baxandall, Michael. Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy. Oxford University Press (1972). Artibus et Historiae, Vol. 14, No. 27 (1993), pp. 185 198. Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 2 (Summer, 1991), pp. 213 256. *Discovery New s, April 9 2008. Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato, directors of the Museo Ideale in Vinci, Italy. A Matter of Journal of Interdisciplinary Histor y Vol. 13, No. 1. (Summer, 1982): pp.1 16. The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, Vol.85, No.500 (Nov., 1944): 264 267.
50 K unstgeschichte, 56 Bd., H. 1 (1993), pp. 116 118. The Art Bulletin, Vol. 73, No. 1 (Mar., 1991), pp. 63 88. Discover ed Documents concerning Leonardo's 'Virgin of the Rocks' and Their Be aring on the Problem of the Two Artibus et Historiae Vol. 2, No. 3 (1981), pp. 73 76. Artibus et Historiae, Vol. 20, No. 40 (1999), pp. 35 69. The Burlington Magazine Vol. 122, No. 930. (September, 1980): pp.609 615. James, M.R. trans. Book of James or Protoevangelium from the Apocryphal New Te stament. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes Vol. 40 (1977), pp. 128 149. Kemp, Martin. Leonardo da Vinci: The Marvelous Works of Nature and Man. Oxford University Press, 2006. Maiorino, Giancarlo. Leonardo da Vinci: The Daedalian Mythmaker. The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992. Artibus et Historiae Vol. 17, No. 34 (1996), pp. 121 158. Artibus et Historiae, Vol. 22, No.44, (2001): pp.51 76.
51 Martin, John Jeffries, ed. The Renaissance: Italy and Abroad. (Routledge, Lon don and New York, 2003). Meaning in Nicholl, Charles. Leonardo da Vinci: The Flights of the Mind. (London and New York, Penguin Bo oks, 2004). The Business of Art: Contracts and the Commission Process in Renaissance Italy. Published by the Getty Foundation, 2005. Pelikan, Jaroslav. Mary Through the Centuries: Her Place in the History of Culture. Yale University Pre ss, 1996. Leonardo, Vol. 29, No. 3 (1996), pp. 197 200. Richter, Irma A. (Oxford University Press, 195 2). Virgin of the Rocks. Renaissance News, Vol.7, No.3 (Autumn, 1954): pp.92 95. Schneemelcher, Wilhelm, ed., trans. By R. McL. Wilson. New Testament Apocrypha: Volume One: Gospels and Related Writings. Westminster John Knox Press, 1990. Wikimedia Commons, accessed July 8, 2010 for Virgin of the Rocks .jpg image. Published by Winner, Matthias: Der Kunstler uber sich in seinem Werk.
52 Internationales Symposium der Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome 1989. Weinheim: VCH, 1992, S. 137 160. Florike Egmond and Robert Zwijnenberg editors. Bodily Extremities: Preoccupations with the Human Body in Early Mo dern European Culture. Ogni Pittore Dipinge Se Saint John the Baptist England, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2003.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Michael Thomas Jahosky earned two Bachelor of Art degrees from the University of Cen tral Florida in History and Humanities, graduating with honors in the major in 2008. In 2008, Michael was awarded a $1,000 Honors in the Major research scholarship for his undergraduate thesis on Alexander the Great. He has attended the University of Sout pursue a Master of Liberal Arts degree focusing on the life and works of Leonardo da Vinci. He has been recognized for the writing and defense of an undergraduate thesis on Alexander the Great at the Univer sity of Central Florida, served as a Teaching Assistant at the University of South Florida, and as a of Science and Industry from February 2010 May 2010. Michael participate d in 2010, where he presented his research on Leonardo, Plague, and the Virgin of the Rocks. He will be graduating with his Masters degree in August 2010.