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Up in the Air: The Global Economy, Economic Development, and Air Transportation in Tampa Bay, Florida by Clinton M. Elbow A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Geography, Environment, and Planning College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Jaya jit Chakraborty, Ph.D. Mark Amen, Ph.D. Pratyusha Basu, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 4, 2011 Keywords: globalization, global city, spacetime awareness, airport, multi-modal Copyright 2011, Clinton M. Elbow
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have a great amount of respect and gratitude for my major professor, Dr. Chakraborty. His guidance and support was instrumental in the successful completion of my degree and my thesis. His professionalism was al ways present and his advice was always productive. I owe a great amount of apprec iation to Dr. Mark Amen. No t only did he participate on my thesis committee but he introduced me to my graduate level education during a Graduate Certificate on Globaliza tion Studies that I completed at the University of South Florida prior to my Masters program. His gui dance and support has been instrumental in my graduate level education accomplishments. Dr. Basu provided a qualitative perspective for this thesis. Her input was insightful and most important was her willingness to help me explore the subject of space-time and her help to put my research into perspective. I completed this degree and thesis while working full time. I owe many thanks to my manager, Ramzi, at my place of employment. He was as supportive as possible within the structure of work and at times extended his support when my education schedule conflicted with my work schedule. Finally, but not in the least, I thank my wife, Laurie, for all of her suppor t throughout my work on my Masters degree and especially this thesis. Her support was strong and persistent and took many forms and all of it helped make this endeavor possible.
i TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. ii i LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... iv ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... ...v 1 INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................1 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ..............................................................................................7 2.1 Geographies of Globalization ........................................................................ 7 2.1.1 Global Cities ................................................................................... 7 2.1.2 Globalization ................................................................................. 10 2.1.3 Social Space .................................................................................. 12 2.1.4 Space-Time Awareness ................................................................. 12 2.2 Transportation Geography ........................................................................... 16 2.2.1 Economic Development ................................................................ 18 2.2.2 Case Studies on Air Transportation .............................................. 21 3 STUDY AREA AND RE SEARCH DESIGN .............................................................25 3.1 Study Area ................................................................................................... 25 3.1.1 Introduction and Geography ......................................................... 25 3.1.2 Historical Context ......................................................................... 28 3.1.3 Governance Structure .................................................................... 29 3.1.4 Social Demographics .................................................................... 32 3.1.5 Air Transportation ......................................................................... 36 3.2 Research Design ........................................................................................... 40 3.2.1 Research Questions ....................................................................... 40 3.2.2 Methodology ................................................................................. 44 3.2.3 Data Collection ............................................................................. 47 3.2.4 Interview Format and Process ....................................................... 49 3.2.5 Who I Interviewed ........................................................................ 52 3.2.6 What I Asked ................................................................................ 53 184.108.40.206 Tampa Bay and Economic Development ....................... 53 220.127.116.11 Globalization .................................................................. 54 18.104.22.168 Space-time Awareness ................................................... 54 22.214.171.124 Transportation ................................................................ 55
ii 4 RESULTS ....................................................................................................................5 7 4.1 Artifact Review ............................................................................................ 57 4.1.1 Artifact Review: Master Pl an of Tampa International Airport (TPA)................................................................................ 58 4.1.2 Artifact Review: Master Plan of St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport (PIE) ............................................................ 60 4.1.3 Artifact Review: Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council ............ 63 4.1.4 Artifact Review: Super Regi on Study from Pennsylvania School of Design ........................................................................... 66 4.2 Thematic Review of Interview Results ........................................................ 69 4.2.1 Tampa Bay and Economic Development ..................................... 70 4.2.2 Effects of Economic Development Plans ..................................... 80 4.2.3 Globalization ................................................................................. 82 4.2.4 Space-Time Awareness ................................................................. 87 4.2.5 Transportation ............................................................................... 91 5 DISCUSSION ..............................................................................................................96 5.1 Tampa Bay ................................................................................................... 96 5.2 Beneficiaries of Development Plans ............................................................ 98 5.3 Globalization .............................................................................................. 100 5.4 Space and Time .......................................................................................... 101 5.5 Transportation ............................................................................................ 105 6 CONCLUSIONS........................................................................................................108 6.1 Significance of Research ............................................................................ 113 6.2 Future Research ......................................................................................... 114 LIST OF REFERENCES .................................................................................................117 APPENDICES .................................................................................................................127 Appendix A: Interviewee Consent Statement ..................................................... 128 Appendix B: Interview Checklist ........................................................................ 129 Appendix C: Interview Questions ....................................................................... 130 Appendix D: Multimodal Shriveling Time -Space Relief Map of the USA ........ 131 Appendix E: Stakeholder Interview Lists ........................................................... 132
iii LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1: Age Distribution of Tampa Ba y of 18 Years and Older Population ................ 33 Table 4.1: Tampa Bay and Economic Development Thematic Review ........................... 71 Table 4.2: Effects of Economic Development Plans Thematic Review ........................... 80 Table 4.3: Globalization Thematic Review ...................................................................... 83 Table 4.4: Space-Time Awareness Thematic Review ...................................................... 88 Table 4.5: Transportation Thematic Review .................................................................... 91 Table 7.1: Transportation Stak eholders Interview List ................................................... 132 Table 7.2: Government Stake holders Interview List ...................................................... 132 Table 7.3: Non-Profit/Private Business In terest Stakeholder Interview List .................. 133
iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3.1: Map of the TPA Service Area ........................................................................ 27 Figure 3.2: Airport Layout of TPA and PIE ..................................................................... 29 Figure 3.3: Population by County ..................................................................................... 33 Figure 3.4: Annual Household Income Distribution for Tampa Bay ............................... 34 Figure 3.5: Unemployment in Tampa Bay ....................................................................... 35 Figure 3.6: Tampa Bay Civ ilian Occupations ................................................................... 36 Figure 3.7: Enplaned Passengers by Destinati on for Both Domestic and International Flights ............................................................................................................ 38 Figure 3.8: Enplaned Passengers for De stination for Domestic Flights ........................... 39 Figure 3.9: Enplaned Passengers for Des tination for International Flights ...................... 40
v ABSTRACT A globally integrated economy is one of the most prominent features of globalization and how city stak eholders respond to the global economy varies from city to city. Connecting to the global economy is often portrayed to be necessary for the continued economic development of a me tropolitan area. Large transportation infrastructures such as airports represent one of the most visible ways of connecting to the global economy. Decisions made by city stak eholders regarding airports in order to reposition their city in the global economy have profound c onsequences for its residents. This thesis aims to examine the role play ed by air transportation in the processes of globalization present in Tampa Bay, Florida, an d focuses specifically on investigating the following research questions: 1) What vision of Tampa Bay is driving the economic development plans of stakeholders of Tampa International Airport and St. Pete rsburg/Clearwater International Airport? 2) What understanding of globalization do Tampa Bay economic development and air transportation stakeholders have? 3) How does air transportation fit into th e economic development plans of Tampa Bay stakeholders and how will each airport play a part? To answer these questions, this thesis us es a qualitative research approach that relies on open-ended, in-depth interviews a nd artifact review as the methods of data collection. Interviews were c onducted with representatives of transportation facilities, government economic development entitie s, non-profit economic development
vi organizations, and private business interests. These interviews focused on the themes of visions of a future Tampa Bay, stakeholde r understandings of globalization, stakeholder perceptions of space-time, and ultimately how air transportation assets in Tampa Bay may or may not be used in the economic devel opment process as a response to the global economy. The results reveal that Tampa Bay stake holders largely share in a vision of a future Tampa Bay but are not in as much agreement on how to achieve this vision, particularly regarding air tr ansportation. Governance structur e is found to be one of the greatest challenges associated with stakeholders respons e to the global economy. The subject of governance structure in this case study is tied to changing perceptions of spacetime, brought about by the pr essures of a global economy, which in the minds of stakeholders requires one to do more with le ss in order to compete in the global economy. The findings provide important insights on how Tampa Bay stakeholders use air transportation in the process of economic development as a response to the global economy.
1 1 INTRODUCTION Globalization is a process that covers many dimensi ons: economic, political, cultural, and ideological (Steger 2003). Globa lization poses new landscapes for cities as they continue to develop and how cities address these changing landscapes can vary from city to city. One of the most prominen t features of the ec onomic dimension of globalization is a globally integrated economy. Connecting to the global economy is often portrayed to be necessary for th e continued economic development of a metropolitan area. As cities decide how to continue their economic development, their stakeholders must decide whet her and how to reposition thei r city in the global economy. Air transportation has been documented to be an effective method of connecting to the global economy and is often put forth as proof of globalizati on (Adey et al. 2007; Sassen 2002). The existence of capital-intensive air trans portation infrastructures and networks is often referred to as one of the manifestations of globalization. These infrastructures and the networks they form provide humans with extensive capabilities to rapidly move themselves and material throughou t the world, which in turn allows for the development and maintenance of additional global processes. The ways in which these global infrastruc tures are used to reposition cities in a globally connected economy can have profound c onsequences for the residents of the city and the city as a whole. Thes e consequences include a local interface to global processes, the quality of residents everyday life, and economic opportunities av ailable to residents
2 of the city. Air transportation is a good exampl e of a local to global interface because it is a physical link to the outside world. The eas e with which one can connect through this link to the outside world determines the number and nature of opportunities that are available to the city and to th e residents of the city. How a city chooses to structure its local circuits of transportation and how these lo cal circuits integrate into global circuits of transportation strongly influences how resources are distributed to the residents of a city. If global transportation proce sses are not well integrated into the local mobility, then local residents are relegated to local pro cesses and are bypassed by global mobilities. This condition highlights the social justice aspe ct of global transportation infrastructures. Decisions regarding these infrastructures are likely to indicate, for example, who the decision makers are in the city (or outside th e city in certain cases) and who benefits the most from the connections to the outside worl d and whether they are local to the city or remote beneficiaries. Globalization is a phenomenon that has worl d-wide acceptance as a process that exists but is constantly changing. Thus, a universally accepted definition has not been established and there are multiple viewpoi nts on what globalization means. These different viewpoints illustrate the multi-dimensionality of globalization. It is often portrayed as an economic phenomenon and this as pect of globalization gets much of the attention in the topic of gl obalization in the media and popular literature. For example, both the news magazine U.S. News and World Report (2011) and the newspaper The Wall Street Journal (2011) contain a globalization sec tion in their publication and economic issues represent the subject of many articl es in these sections. However, upon further examination one can find evidence that th e processes of globa lization involve the
3 political, social, and environmental realms Ones understanding of globalization is critical in how one defines globalization. One s involvement in the various dimensions of globalization, awareness of the processes th at exist within these dimensions and awareness of the reciprocal relationship be tween these dimensions largely determines ones stance on globalization. In other words, there is a large mental component to globalization that must be taken into account. Much research has shown that perception of space and time is an inherent part of globalization (Steger 2005; Held 1999; Scholte 2005). This is evident in the vernacular in comments like the world is smaller today than it used to be or time passes much quicker today that it used to. While geographic space is still measured using the same measurement standards that have existed for centuries and can be shown to be the same size as before contemporary globalization began, social space is another matter. Peoples perception of space and time are changing due to communication and transportation technologies. These technologies allow people to experience the world in different ways and these experiences lead to the re-produc tion of space that has tangible differences and uneven effects across populations. One of the tangible effects of the re-pr oduction of social space is the pressure that the processes of globalization ar e putting on the system of nation-states. Communication and transportati on technologies have enabled processes of globalization that allow individuals and en tities such as corporations, non-governmental organizations, and social justice groups in many cases to operate outside the st ructure of the nationstate. This activity is challenging the authority of nation-states and the subordinate governmental structures contained within th em. This governance st ructure is often at
4 odds with the flows of capita l, political activity, and soci al engagement that define globalization. Political entities such as cities and the vari ous municipalities, economic development groups, and business groups that make up cities and the regions in which they are located are still figur ing out how to respond to the challenges of globalization. This response is the continually deve loping re-production of social space. Tampa Bay is a coastal metropolitan area on the west central coast of Florida. Officially, this area is defined by the U. S. Office of Management and Budget as the Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwa ter Metropolitan Statistical Ar ea (MSA) and comprises the following counties: Hernando, Hillsborough, Pasco, and Pinellas (U.S. Office of Management and Budget 2009, 51). However, other definitions of Tampa Bay often include additional counties such as Polk, Manatee, and DeSoto depending on who is making the reference. As described earlie r, the Tampa Bay area is actively working through the issues presented by globaliz ation. Tampa Bay contains dozens of municipalities and several densely populated counties such as Hillsborough, Pinellas, and Manatee. Thus, questions presented by globali zation that include issues of space-time awareness, transportation, and governance structur es are very relevant to this urban area. Tampa Bay stakeholders are facing the que stion of how to respond to the global economy. These stakeholders must decide if or how they are going to respond to the global economy. If they choose to respond to the global economy they must decide how they are going to use the air transportation infr astructure of Tampa Bay in their response. They must also decide how they are going to address issues of governance structure as they deal with the stress that globaliza tion puts on current political boundaries and
5 governance structures. Both of these decisions involve issues of space-time awareness whether stakeholders realize it or not. The decisions that stakeholders make in response to the conditions of globalization will have a profound impact on th e residents of Tampa Bay. The effects of the response will be varied and unevenly distributed across the population. Decisions regarding transportation infrastructures are one of the visible ta ngible responses that stakeholders will make, particularly with ai r transportation. Airports are very expensive and occupy large amounts of space, but they bridge the local flows of transportation within a metropolitan area to the global flows of transportation. This means that decisions regarding the development of the airports in Tampa Bay will influence how those within Tampa Bay will be able to access the outside world and those outside of Tampa Bay will be able to access Tampa Bay. My thesis aims to examine the role played by air transportation in the processes of globalization that are present in Tampa Bay. More specifically, my research focuses on investigating the following questions based on a case study of Tampa Bay: 1) What vision of Tampa Bay is driv ing the economic development plans of stakeholders of Tampa International Airport and St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport? 2) What understanding of globalizati on do Tampa Bay economic development and air transportation stakeholders have? 3) How does air transportation fit into the economic development plans of Tampa Bay stakeholders and how w ill each airport play a part?
6 The answers to these research questions demonstrate how the stakeholders of Tampa Bay are responding to the changing la ndscapes brought a bout by globalization, specifically their decisions regarding air transportation. This thesis documents how stakeholders are imagining the continued economic development of Tampa Bay in a globally connected economy and which air tran sportation assets in Tampa Bay are a part of this image. By analyzing the visions that stakeholders have of Tampa Bay and how air transportation fits into these visions, I have constructed a picture of how air transportation is being used in Tampa Bay to support economic development.
7 2 LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter provides a review of the academic literature that describes the theories, methods, and research frameworks wh ich are pertinent to my research topic and inform my research questions. The relevant themes include global cities, globalization, social space, space-time awareness, and tran sportation geography. Each of these themes are described and discus sed in detail below. 2.1 Geographies of Globalization This section focuses on several aspect s of globalization: global cities, globalization ideologies, awareness of globalization, social space, and space-time awareness. These themes are fundamental to th is thesis research because they provide the theoretical context for the case study. 2.1.1 Global Cities According to Friedmans article titled The World City Hypothesis (1986), the study of global cities was formalized by Harv ey (1972) and Castells (1973) when they linked the formation of cities to the larger historical move ment of industrial capitalism (Friedman 1995, 317). This implies that cities came to be seen as products of economic development forces. Since then, the study of cities has been extended to link the formation of cities to the development of the global economy (Browning and Roberts 1980; Cohen 1981; Portes and Walton 1981; Friedmann and Wolff 1982; Walton 1982; Soja, Morales and Wolff 1983; Ross and Tr achte 1983; Thrift 1984; Hill and Feagin 1984; Glickman 1984; and Sassen-Koob 1986). As the global economy has developed,
8 many cities have established themselves as im portant centers of production in the global economy. Friedman listed a series of statements that he refers to collectively as the world city hypothesis (1995; 317). This hypothesis provides a framework for investigating how labor has been organized across the globe as part of the global economy. The statements that comprise Frie dmans world city hypothesis are detailed below: 1) The form and extent of a citys inte gration with the world economy, and the function assigned to the city in the new sp atial division of labour, will be decisive for any structural changes occurring within it. 2) Key cities throughout the world are used by global capital as basing points in the spatial organization and articula tion of production and markets. 3) The global control functions of world citi es are reflected in the structure and dynamics of their production sectors and employment. 4) World cities are major sites for th e concentration and accumulation of international capital. 5) World cities are points of destination fo r large number of both domestic and/or international migrants. 6) World city formation brings into focus the major contradictions of industrial capitalism among them spatial and class polarization. 7) World city growth generates social costs at rates that tend to exceed the fiscal capacity of the state. Several important considerations associated with these statements are relevant to this thesis. In his first statement, Friedman defines a city in an economic sense. The city is a spatially integrated economic and social system at a given location or metropolitan region (318). The form and extent of a c itys integration with the global economy are unique to a city and influence a citys econom ic development because structural changes
9 to a city are largely determined by the speci alized function it performs in the global economy. In his second statement, Friedman points out the formal links which involve capital, labor, and commodities that connect the urban economy to the global economy. These links are what position the city in the hierarchy of cities within the global economy. In his sixth statement, Friedman takes not e of the social impact of the formation of a world city. This formation generates an uneven distribution of wealth, income, and power. This polarization occurs at three scales according to Friedman. The first is at the global level which includes a se lect number of countries and cities within these countries that comprise the core of the global econom y. The second level on the scale is the region within a country. There is less inequality of wea lth within countries that are at the core of the global economy than there is within countries that are on the periphery of the global economy. The third scale is metropolitan. World cities experience a large gap in income between those who operate at the top tiers of the global economy compared to low-skilled workers in the city. Friedmans seventh and final statement of his world city hypothesis comments on the inability of a world city to sustain the burden that par ticipation in the world economy places on the city. The large number of low-inco me migrants in world cities generates a large need for services such as educati on, housing, health, trans portation, and welfare. Despite the accumulation of capital in worl d cities, the population of low-income residents typically receives a disproportionate share of the capital wh ich often is diverted to those with the political power to di rect the capital to their benefit.
10 2.1.2 Globalization Globalization is not a universally defined c oncept, but is often described in terms of processes and interactions that span the globe and cross long esta blished territorial and social boundaries. In the words of Jan Scholte (2005), globaliz ation can be identified by the spread of trans-planet ary connections between peopl e (Scholte 2005, 424). In his book Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (2003) Manfred Steger describes the scope of globalization by writing that [t]he l ocal and the global form the endpoints of the spatial continuum whose central porti on is marked by the national and the regional (Steger 2003, 11). Th ere has been much attention given to the intensity of globalization in recent decades. Steger obs erves that [i]ndeed, the tensions of particularism and those of uni versalism have reached unprec edented levels only because interdependencies that connect the local to the global have been growing faster than at any time in history (Steger 2003, 6). The ideas of globalization that I am going to utilize in my research are those of Roland Robertson, Manfred Steger, and Rob Wa tts. Robertson posits th at globalization is a mental as well as a material condition (Steger 2002, 37). Robertsons focus on the mental is, I propose, a fundamental aspect to understanding globa lization. Steger also notes the part that ones awareness plays in globalization: As Rola nd Robertson notes in his definition, globalization processes also involve the subjective plane of human consciousness (Steger 2003, 12). Robertson and Inglis (2006) describe how global awareness predates modernity. They provide examples of subjective awareness of the world as a whole as far back as the centur ies preceding the Common Era. This leads to the question then that if a subjective awar eness of the global whole can be documented
11 prior to the period which is commonly referr ed to as contemporar y globalization, what then is different about global awareness in the period of contem porary globalization? Manfred Steger, in his book Globalism: The New Market Ideology defines globalization as a set of complex, sometimes contradictory, social processes that are changing our current social c ondition based on the modern sy stem of independent nationstates (Steger 2002, 3). He distinguishes the pr ocess of globalization from the conditions that these processes create by using the term globality to refer to these conditions. Further, Steger posits that globalization as a concept can be considered an ideology. Steger calls the ideology of globalization globalism. He write s that globalism is used by proponents of globalization processes to perpet uate the processes in which they have a vested interest. In his upda ted version of his 2002 work he proposes that there are now three ideologies based on globalization. In this updated book Globalisms Steger proposes that th e neo-liberal view of globalization, which he calls Market Globali sm, has been the dominate ideology of globalization (Steger 2009, 4). According to St eger, this ideology has morphed into what Steger calls Imperial Globalism. In Imperial Globalism, the threat or actual use of military force is used to enforce the main tenance and expansion of Market Globalism. Steger posits that this has happened because since the terrorist attacks of 9-11 the U.S. has used the idea of democracy and open markets as goals of the war on terror. Steger proposes the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan as examples. Wattss (2000) case study on the proce sses of globalization (2000) provides an excellent example of how an individuals awareness influences the processes of globalization. It shows that there are deci sions to be made in the processes of
12 globalization and the outcome is not a foregone conclusion, which Steg er points out is a common claim of globalization. Watts asks if those who deregulated the Australian dollar were forced to act that way because of the new reality of globalization, or if they had a choice in the matter. 2.1.3 Social Space David Harvey first proposed the term time-space compression in 1989 (Gregory 2009, 757) to illustrate the effect of capital accumulation on the global space-economy. Harvey used time-space compression to refer to the increase in speed of social life and the reduction of effects of distance on soci al life. Harvey tied this concept to the development of the economic system of capitalism. Over time, capitalism can be associated with an increase in the pace of life that results in the perc eption that the world sometimes seems to collapse in upon us (Gregory 2009, 757). Harvey has responded to criticism that the experience of time-space compression is not evenly experienced by concluding that an increase of speed and a reduc tion of effects of distance on social life is not experienced the same across all locations and by all people. 2.1.4 Space-Time Awareness Awareness of space and time is fundamental to understanding the phenomenon of globalization. Many definitions of globalizati on refer to reconfiguration of space and time. For example, Steger (2005) states that one of the central factors of globalism is that it is about the unprecedented compression of space and time as a result of political, economic, and cultural change, as well as powerful technological innovations (Steger 2005, 13). According to Held ( 1999), globalization can be th ought of as a process (or a set of processes) which embodies a transforma tion in the spatial organization or social
13 relations and transactio ns assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity velocity, and impact generating transcontinental or inte rregional flows and ne tworks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power (Held 1999, 16). Sc holte (2005) states that contemporary globalization has gone to the heart of conceptions of time as well as space (Held 1999, 268). These statements make it clear that a serious inquiry into globalization must address th e subject of space and time. To explore this subject I am going to utilize the ideas of space and time, as suggested by Doreen Massey and Henri Lefe bvre, to guide my research. Acknowledging a reconfiguration of space and time referred to in the statements a bove, the two questions one must ask are: (1) what has space and time been reconfigured from, and (2) into what have these been reconfigured ? Massey offers two ideas of space and time that are applicable to my research. These comprise defi nitions of space and ti me, and the idea that space and time cannot be considered separatel y. In her lecture at the Open University (2006), Massey promoted the idea of space as the dimension of things and people existing at the same moment. She said that this dimension then presents us with the existence of others and it poses the basic of social and political questions: how are we going to live together? (2006). Massey proposed that this dive rsity is being reworked as a result of globalization. As for time, Massey said that it is the dimension of change which she contrasts with space as being the dimension of simultaneity (2006). In another article, Massey (1999) ties these definitions of space and time together by writing that entities and space-time as being constituted in the same moment and as that in itself happening through the relational constitution of them both (Massey 1999, 263). Massey supports a subject based idea of time and space. She refers to the work of Raper and
14 Livingstone (1995) to support this claim by st ating that space and time are dimensions that are defined by the entities that inha bit them and not vice versa (Massey 1999, 262). A second idea that Massey proposes in this wo rk is the consideration of space and time together. Again, Massey refers to Raper and Livingstones work to provide the insight that we can think of space and time as a four-d imensional reference syst em that is unique to each entitys world. Lefebvre (1991) provides a historical re view to describe the philosophical evolution of space in Western thought. He stat es that the ideas of space evolved through several centuries based on the id eas of philosophers such as Aristotle, Rene Descartes, and Emanuel Kant. Aristotle proposed that space and time were among the categories which facilitated the naming and classifying of evidence of the senses. Descartes moved space from the subject to the object by propos ing that space contains all senses and all bodies. Kant moved the idea of space back to that of the subject by adding space as a dimension of the consciousness. Although th is was a step back towards the idea of classification held by Aristotle, Kant made an important change by separating time from space. This split has persisted to the present. Lefebvre (1991), like Massey, reunites space and time. So, when Lefebvre writes of space he is also writing of time, or rath er space-time. Lefebvre describes space-time in three basic forms: mental space, natural space, and social space. Mental space is how we as humans conceive of space. It is the logi c we assign to space. Natural space is the physical that we can perceive through our se nses. Social space is something that is secreted by social life. It is unique to the entities that are doing the living. The gaps
15 between these different conceptions of space-ti me are what Lefebvre attempts to bridge in his work The Production of Space (1991). Lefebvre posits that what he calls social space is space created by social life. To support this idea, Lefebvre proposes thr ee concepts: (1) spatial practice, (2) representations of space, and (3) representati onal space. Spatial practice is the process whereby a society creates its own social space. Representations of space are conceptualized spaces. These representations are the spaces of those who identify what is lived and what is perceived with what is conceived. This includes planners, urbanists, technocrats, and social engineers. Representa tional spaces are spaces that are directly lived through associated images and symbol s, and hence the space of inhabitants and users. It is through these pr ocesses that Lefebvre proposes that social space can be analyzed and explained. Lefebvres description of what he refers to as social space serves as a fundamental reason why we are experiencing the phenom enon of globalization. According to Lefebvre, the forces of production and tec hnology now permit an intervention at every level of space: local, regional, national worldwide (Lefebvre 1991, 90). Lefebvre writes that these forces of production and technol ogy lead to new productions of space. It is these new productions of space (and time because we are talking about space-time) that stakeholders of globalization are observing when they make statements like the world is getting smaller, and I dont have as much time as I used to, or the world is much faster today than it used to be.
16 2.2 Transportation Geography Transportation geography involves the study of movement, particularly how people move themselves, as well as goods and services through space. This includes transport systems themselves and the impact of transportation on soci eties. The analysis of transport systems focuses on the geogra phy of infrastructures that comprise the transport systems and why they were built the way they are, while the study of impacts on societies focuses on the social, cultura l, and environmental impacts of these transportation systems (Shaw et al. 2008) and (Black 2003). In order to inform my research questions, I have iden tified and reviewed the litera ture which encompasses four themes from transportation geography that ar e relevant to my thesis. These comprise globalization, space-time, economic development, and the mobilities paradigm. The literature on transportation geography addresses the subject s of globalization and space-time reconfiguration. Transportation plays a fundamental role in globalization and is responsible for the rec onfiguration of space-time. Rega rding globalization, Shaw et al. (2008) cite Hoyle and Knowles (1998) to poi nt out that greater levels of mobility are an attribute of an increasingly glob alized world space economy (Shaw 2008, 3). Transportation includes many modes such as air, road, rail, and sea. All of these modes contribute to the mobility that enables globalization, as documented by Rodrigue et al. (2009). They write that economic opportuni ties became global in scale and scope, particularly because of the capacity to ma intain an intricate network of trade and transactions through transport sy stems (Rodrique at al. 86). While mobility makes many processes of globalization possible, this relationship is not unidirectional. Once established, the pr ocesses of globalization that transportation
17 helped to make possible support the furthe r development of the same transportation networks that made them possible in the firs t place. In other words, transportation is an enabler and a manifestation of globalization. This reciprocity has been noted by many, but Graham and Goetz (2008) put it simply by stating that globa lization would simply not be possible without air transportation. Then subsequently note that the airline industry would be much less significant wit hout concomitant global expansion (Graham and Goetz 2008, 141). Having established that transportation is highly integrated with globalization, we can turn to Keeling (2007, 2008, 2009) who desc ribes how transportation is present in local, regional, and global c ontexts. Using Keelings work to summarize the relationship between transportation and globa lization is to link the loca l and the glob al through the regional. Keeling (2009) states that from a practical st andpoint the demand for, and supply of, transportation is always grounded in the local (Keeling 2009, 516). Thus, for examining transportations role in globalization, it is necessary to rethink the local within the context of the global. Kee ling (2008) theorizes that the region is the bridge between the local and the global by writing that it is the region that provides meaningful connections between the global a nd the local (Keeling 2008, 275). Transportation is involved with the rec onfiguration of space and time directly and as a manifestation of globa lization. A common theme in tr ansportation geography is how transportation is responsible for influenc ing a reconfiguration of space-time (Graham 2000; Grubesic et al. 2009; Adey et al. 2007; Sheller and Urry 2006; LHostis 2009). The most common way that transportation is de scribed to reconfigur e space and time is through the shortening of distances between locations and the time taken to travel
18 between locations. This is often described as a collapse of space-time. However, this collapse is not evenly distributed. Knowles (2006) argues that there is a differential aspect to it because not everyone has equal access to transportation. Thus, the effects on the practical and perceived reconfigurations of space-time are not evenly distributed. Knowles explains this uneven distribution by noting that transpor t innovations benefit advanced economies most, especially those c ountries and areas that are centrally located in relation to the worlds trade flows (Knowles 2006, 416). Another consequence noted by Knowles that results from a differential collapse of space-time is that the world has shrunken unevenly into a misshapen world in travel time (Knowles 2006, 420). A result of this change is that economies and societies have become more intermeshed and interdependent. In contrast to this convergence of spacetime, people are moving farther apart. Knowle s writes that social exclusion limits the access of individuals to transport modes and se rvices and consequently to activity sites (Knowles 2006, 420). Knowles attri butes this to unequal inve stment in modal capacity, routes and terminals at local, national and international scales This tends to enhance the importance of the largest demand centres in developed countries and of nodal centrality and intermediacy (Knowles 2006, 423). 2.2.1 Economic Development Transportation, especially air transpor tation, is a fundamental element of economic development. Since producers of goods and services are not usually in the same location as those who demand their goods and services, transpor tation is necessary to bring the producers and consumers togeth er. The question of what transportation infrastructures are necessary thus becomes an important question for cities as they decide
19 how they are going to situate themselves in the regional, national, and global economy. My research focuses specifically on air tran sportation in Tampa Bay. To investigate the importance of air transportation in Tampa Bay, I have made inquiries as to the appropriateness of air transport in the curre nt efforts to reposition Tampa Bay in the regional, national, and global economies. In other words, if air transportation is emphasized, then why is it being emphasized now and why in Tampa Bay? This is an important question for cities because transportation has a tangible effect on the economic conditions of a cit y. Keeling (2007) describes this as those regions and places that are be tter endowed with transporta tion have fared better overall, as measured by macroeconomic statistics of development, than those that are poorly equipped (Keeling 2007, 217). Just as transpor tation can benefit a city, the absence of transportation can have the opposite effect. Rodrigue et al. (2009, 83) conclude that when transport systems are deficient, they can have an economic cost in terms of reduced or missed opportunities. There are many modes of transportation and no single mode can be used to universally explain economic growth. Rodrigue et al. (2009, 85) point out that it has been observed that th roughout history no singl e transport mode has been solely responsible for economic growt h. Instead, modes have been linked with the direction and the geographi cal setting in which grow th was taking place. Air travel is a specific type of mobility that plays a prominent role in the processes of globalization. Adey et al. (2007) apply the mobilities paradigm as described by Sheller and Urry (2006) a nd Cresswell (2006) to air trav el. Sheller and Urry use the term mobilities paradigm to refer to the increased influence of the movement of people and goods in networks on shaping social ties. By applying the mobilities paradigm to air
20 travel, Adey et al. (2007) propos e that air travel is socially produced and consumed. Both Adey et al. and Sassen (2002) point out that air travel is the dominant method of international travel. To underscore th is phenomenon, Adey et al. use the term aeromobility to refer to the use of air transport. The notion of social justice is present in the mobilities paradigm in general, and in the concept of aeromobility, in particular. Technologies such as large volume air transportation infrastructures require large am ounts of resources to build and maintain, and the capability to do this varies across nati ons and cities. Furtherm ore, the groups that have access to use these infrastructures once they have been built also vary. LHostis (2009) and Knowles (2006) state that as certai n locations are connected by high-speed air travel, they gain advantages which the lo cations that are not being connected do not realize. This is because the places that ar e located between the c onnected locations are being excluded to varying degrees from the wider world. Large air travel infrastructures are a visibl e point of power and pride for cities that can afford them (Adey et al. 2007). This in cludes the number of direct international flights from a city and the volume of passenger and flight traffic handled by a citys airport. It is not uncommon for a city to incl ude its airport and air travel connections with the rest of the world as evidence of their wo rld city status (Sasse n 2002). The status of a city is important to note because airports ar e city resources and gr eatly facilitate city stakeholders efforts to promote economic de velopment for their city. To demonstrate this point, Grubesic et al. (2009) indicate that air travel can be representative of a city in the hierarchy of world cities wh ich Sassen (2002) reiterates in her work. This status is not static, however, because cities are subject to local, regional, and global events and
21 dynamics that cause fluctuations in an airpor ts place in the hierarchy of the global airport network (Grubesic et al. 2009). Graham (2000) writes of the constructi on of network spaces as premium spaces for the privileged. He elaborates by desc ribing the process by which these premium spaces are constructed. These pre mium network spaces are the re sults of the strategies of coalitions of interests within the cont ested and highly complex geopolitical and governance contexts of their respective ci ties (Graham 2000, 186). Graham continues by stating that these efforts at seceding from the wider metropolitan context are not guaranteed. They are countered by other social movements, protests and regulatory and governance processes. The consequence is a mi xture of the effort to withdraw into a premium network space and that which works to disallow or dismantle the premium network space. 2.2.2 Case Studies on Air Transportation The transportation geography literature in cludes a number of case studies that have used qualitative and quantitative methods to explore air transpor tation, its social and cultural impacts, and its use in economic development. Thr ee empirical studies relevant to my research have been conducted in th e city of Toronto, Canada (Keil and Young 2008); the Sanford, Florida airport (Vowels and Mertens 2005); and the city and airports of Berlin, Germany (Alberts et al. 2009). Each of these studies provide a picture of how the stakeholders in the subject city have approached economic development and how they have used transportation in repositioning their city in the regional, national, and global economies.
22 Keil and Young (2008) have concluded that transportation is a bottleneck that is preventing continued globalization of the re gion in which Toronto is located. The reason offered by the authors is that there is a disconnect between premium and everyday networks of transport in Toronto (Ke il and Young 2008, 749). Additionally, there is no collective actor that a ppears capable or will ing to bridge this disconnect. The primary reason for the lack of a collective actor is th at there is a contradiction between the use value and the exchange value of transportation in the region. This means there is a contradiction between the qua lity of life of people as th ey travel in and through the region and the efficient move ment of commodities in and through the region (Keil and Young 2008, 732). Until this disconnect is a ddressed, Keil and Young conclude that Toronto will be unable to m ove past the current bottleneck and realize additional economic benefit from globalization. Vowel and Mertens (2005) have explored the international airport in Sanford, Florida, to understand how the stakeholde rs have repositioned their airport. The stakeholders of Sanford Intern ational Airport (SFB) have deci ded to market the airport as a destination for foreign charters. SFB is lo cated in the metropo litan area of Orlando, Florida, which is served by Orlando Interna tional Airport (MCO) and is a large domestic and international tourist des tination. Over time and through fo cused development efforts, the stakeholders of SFB have turned it into the largest U.S. gateway for charter passengers as of 2000. They have done this wi th relatively little im pact on its neighbor airport MCO, by providing a complementary service which has allowed them to maintain more of a harmonious relationship with MCO. SFBs story is one in which stakeholders developed a vision for their airp ort and brought it to fruition.
23 Alberts et al. (2009) have examined the city of Berlin, Germany, and its airport system. Berlin has a unique hi story in many aspects, the most relevant of which is its political history and aviation history. There were three air ports in operation in Berlin when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 and during the unification of West and East Germany in 1990: Schnefeld, Tempelhof, and Tegel. The authors note that there were high expectations that Berlin would return to the status of a po litical and cultural global city whose airport would become a gateway fo r Eastern Europe. The main effort to accomplish this objective was to replace the ex isting three airports with a new airport called the Berlin Brandenburg Inte rnational Airport (BBI). Desp ite the efforts of Berlins stakeholders, they have failed to achieve their goal of repositioning the city of Berlin and the airport(s) in the global ci ty network. Alberts et al. offer two reasons for this. The first is that Berlin had a disadvantage because of its three airports and the competing interests of each airport. The second reason is that the ma rket structure of international air travel in Europe did not leave much room for Berlin as a node in its network. The authors point to the consequence of liberalization and globali zation that reinforces the advantages of already privileged places and the disadvantages of marginal places. These case studies provide the theoretical and empirical context for this thesis research which focuses on transportation, globalization, economic development, and space-time issues in the Tampa Bay area. Using the Keil and Young case study of Toronto as a model, I have examined econom ic development and air transportation in Tampa Bay through the use of stak eholder interviews. I then used the data that I collected in these interviews to analyze the economic development activities in Tampa Bay, and the role played by air transporta tion plays in these activities. In the next chapter, I will
24 provide a geographic definition of the st udy area and situate it in a historical, socioeconomic, and air transportation context.
25 3 STUDY AREA AND RE SEARCH DESIGN This chapter is organized into two s ections. The first se ction contains a description of my study area to provide the geographic cont ext in which I conducted my research. After describing why Tampa Bay is an appropriate study area for this work, I present the historical background and da ta on relevant socioeconomic and air transportation characteristics. The second section of this chap ter includes a description of my research design, outlines the different step s utilized for my research, and describes how it was conducted. 3.1 Study Area This section contains a description of my study area of Tampa Bay and several relevant aspects. First, I pr ovide an introduction and a descri ption of the geographic area and explain how I have defined Tampa Bay for the purpose of this research. I then include an overview of the history of Tampa Bay and how the area in which I am conducting my research evolved. I complete this section with a description of the social, economic, demographic, and air transportati on aspects of the ar ea in the form of qualitative data to provide the read er with a context for my research. 3.1.1 Introduction and Geography Tampa Bay serves as an appropriate st udy area for this research for several reasons. It is a metropolitan area of more th an two and a half million residents for the Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater Metropolitan Statistical Area, according to the Greater
26 Tampa Chamber of Commerce (2011). The area contains a number of actors who are engaged in economic development and ai r transportation acti vities. Economic development is taken up by both governme nt and non-governmental entities which include city and county organiza tions such as the mayors office of the cities of Tampa and St. Petersburg, city councils, and county commissions. The non-governmental entities include economic devel opment organizations such as Tampa Bay Partnership and The Greater Tampa Chamber of Commer ce. The economic development and air transportation actors in Tampa Bay are e ngaged with the globa l economy, as evident from the presence of internati onal businesses that were documented in the Foreign Direct Investment Survey published by th e Tampa Bay Partnership in 2009. On the transportation front, Tampa Bay ha s seven major air and sea transportation infrastructures. Four of these include air transportation: Tampa International Airport (TPA), St. Petersburg/Clearwater Internati onal Airport (PIE), MacDill Air Force Base, and Sarasota/Bradenton International Airport (SRQ). The remaining three interfaces are the sea ports of The Port of Tampa, Port Tampa, and Port Manatee. This research focuses on civil air transportation in Hillsborough a nd Pinellas counties which are home to TPA and PIE, respectively. The reason for focusing on these two airports is twofold. First, TPA provides the largest amount of air service to the Tampa Bay area. Second, Hillsborough and Pinellas counties are the mo st populous counties in the Tampa Bay area and are home to the governance structur es that manage these two airports. The stakeholders of these transporta tion resources and of Tampa Bay itself comprise elected city and county leader s and appointed board members of the Hillsborough County Aviation Authority wh ich has jurisdiction over TIA. Other
s t B C d c a o s e a r c o i n t akeholders i B ay and com p C ommerce. F evelopment a n play in t h For t h f Tampa Int e e rvice areas r ea is the T a o unties Hill s n cludes the c i nclude tho s p rise non-p r F inally, ther e of Tampa B h is process. h is thesis, th e e rnational A (Hillsborou g a mpa Bay M s borough, H c ounties of D F i s e involved w r ofit groups s e are citizen s B ay and hav e e geographi c A irport. The s g h County A etropolitan S ernando, Pa D eSoto, Har d ig ure 3.1: M w ith busines s uch as Ta m s who have a e definite id e c scope is T a s ervice area A viation Au t S tatistical A r sco, and Pi n d ee, Manate M ap of the T s and econo m m pa Bay Par t a personal i n e as about th e a mpa Bay a s is divided i n t hority 2006 b rea (MSA) w n ellas. The s e e, Polk, Sar a T PA Servic e m ic develo p t nership and n terest in th e e part that ai r s defined by n to primary b I-12). Th e w hich is co m e condary se r a sota, Sumt e e Area p ment for T a the Chamb e e economic r transporta t the service a and second a e primary se m posed of t h r vice area e r, and Citr u 27 a mpa e r of t ion a rea a ry e rvice h e u s.
28 3.1.2 Historical Context The U.S. government built a large number of military bases in the early 1940s for the purpose of training for World War II. Ma ny of these military installations were aviation related because the Fl orida climate was conducive to flying throughout the year. The history of both Tampa International Ai rport (TPA) and St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport (PIE) is linked to the military. TPA was constructed in 1928 as Drew Field Municipal Airport. In 1940, the City of Tampa leased Drew Field to the U.S. Government which operated a U.S. Army Air Corp training base until 1945 when the airport was returned to the City of Tampa. During World War II, the U.S. Army Air Corp trained up to 120,000 air crew members and greatly expanded the airport size. The increase in size of Drew Field during Worl d War II made it suitable to be the primary passenger airport in Tampa after World War II, a role that had been filled by Peter O. Knight (TPF) Airport, which is also located in Tampa, up to this time, according to the TPA website (Hillsborough County Aviation Authority 2011). In 1947, the City of Tampa purchased Drew Field from the U.S. War Assets Administration and named it Tampa International Airport and in 1951 it wa s designated as an in ternational port of entry (Kerstein 2001). PIE was constructed as Pinellas Army Airfield in 1941 in Pinellas County on the eastern edge of Clearwater a nd north of St. Petersburg. Pi nellas Army Airfield was a flight training base that trai ned pilots to fly the P-40 and P-51 fighter planes. After World War II, the U.S. Government gave Pinellas Army Airfield to Pinellas County which turned it into a commercial airport named St Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport
a c l a 3 t r m u s t i d c cording to t a yout of bot h 1.3 Gove r As m e r ansportatio n m ain comme r sing each ai r t ructure of t h d entified sta k t he PIE we b h of these ai r Fi g r nance Stru c e ntioned ear n infrastruct u r cial airport s r port as a st a h e two coun t k eholders w h site (2011). r ports. ure 3.2: Ai r c ture lier, I am e m u re in Tamp a s in the two m a rting point t t ies that are h o we r e int e The diagra m r port La y o u m ploying th e a Bay. For t h m ost popul o t o describe, host each ai r e rviewed to c m s in Figure u t of TPA a n e case study t h is purpose, o us counties compare, a n rport. Thro u c ollect data 2 illustrate t n d PIE to analyze t h I am focusi in Tampa B n d contrast t h u gh this met h about the e c t he current h e use of ai r ng on the t w B ay area. I a m h e governan h od, I have c onomic 29 r w o m n ce
30 development and air transportation devel opment activities within Tampa Bay. The following is a brief description of the govern ance structures of each airport (TPA and PIE), the counties in which they are located, and the cities of Tamp a and St. Petersburg. Tampa International Airport (TPA) is the largest commercial airport in the Tampa Bay area, based on its service area. TP A is governed by the Hillsborough County Aviation Authority (HCAA), which is govern ed by a Board of Directors. TPA is managed by this Board of Directors and an admi nistrative staff. The administrative staff is led by an executive director who has the following seven positions as direct reports: Executive Director, Director of Air Servic e Development and International Commerce, Director of Governmental and Legislative A ffairs, Director of Public Information and Community Relations, General Counsel and Di rector of Legal Affairs, Director of Performance Management and Internal Aud it, and Director of Human Resources. The Board of Directors of HCAA is composed of six members: Executive Director of TPA, the Mayor of the City of Tampa, a memb er of the Hillsborough County Commission, and three additional members who are appoi nted by the Governor of Florida. Hillsborough Countys form of government is specified in a Home Rule Charter according to the Countys website (Hillsbo rough County Florida 2011a). The charter requires an executive branch in the form of a County Administrator and a legislative branch in the form of a County Commissi on. The County Commission is composed of seven commissioners, four of whom are elected from single-member districts and three which are elected at-large. This version of the County Charter went into effect in 1985 but attempts to institute this form of government can be traced back to the 1950s. According to the website of the Hills borough County Board of County Commissioners
31 (Hillsborough County Florida 2011b), the char ter dictates that it is the Commissions responsibility to develop policy for the management of Hillsborough County and the policies are implemented by the County Administrator. The City of Tampa has a similar gover nance structure and history for the legislative branch in that it changed from all seats being at-large to a mixture of four atlarge and three district seat s (Kerstein 2001). The mayors office is the executive branch of the City of Tampa. The current system of mayor-council government evolved from 1927 when the commission-manager system of government in place at the time was replaced with a mayor-council form of government (Kerstein 2001). St. Petersburg/Clearwater Airport is operated by the Pinellas County government. The director of PIE reports to the director of Public Works and Transportation which reports to the Board of County Commissioners. The Airport Director is supported by the following staff: Deputy Director of Operations and Facilities Deputy Director of Finance and Administration, Airport Engineer, Opera tions Manager, Director of Air Service Development/Marketing, Commun ity and Media Relations Dir ector, Real Estate Property Manager. The Pinellas County is com posed of 24 municipalities a nd an unincorporated area. This results in 25 government bodies that are managed by a County Commission of seven members. These members are district seats. There is no independent executive branch, but there is a County Administrator that re ports to the County Commission. According to its website (Pinellas County Florida 2011), the County Commission is authorized to adopt ordinances, approve the budget, and set millage rates.
32 The City of St. Petersburg is govern ed by a mayor-council form of government. The city council contains eight district seats. The Citys charter was last updated in March 2007 by referendum. According to the City Charter of St. Petersburg, the mayor is responsible for the administration of all city affairs defined in the charter, whereas the City Council holds the legislativ e responsibilitie s of the City. 3.1.4 Social Demographics This section contains socioeconomic da ta from the U.S. Census Bureaus 20052009 American Community Survey 5 Year Esti mates. This data is collected through samples taken over five consecutive years a nd then averaged to produce an estimate for the five year period. The intent of this surv ey is to produce a continuous stream of data about the U.S. communities for the following population characteristics: demographic, economic, social, housing, and financial (U.S Census Bureau 2011b). I have selected data that describes demographic, economic, and soci al characteristics, which I present below, to provide an overview of thes e characteristics for Tampa Bay. In 2009, the total population of the Tampa Bay area based on TPAs service area of eleven counties is 4,222,758 according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2011a). As shown in Figure 3.3, Hillsborough and Pinellas ar e the most populous counties collectively comprising almost 50 percent of the population of this service area. Pasco, which lies to the north of Hillsborough County, and Polk County, which lies to the east of Hillsborough County, are the next two most populous counties. These two counties contain an additional 24 percent of the population of TPAs service.
C g h The m C ensus Bure a i ven in Tab l Table 3. 1 The U ousehold in c m edian age o a u (2011a). T l e 3.1. 1 : A g e Dist r A 65 U .S. Census B c ome at the c Figure 3. 3 o f the Tamp a T he age dist r r ibution of T Ag e Group 18-20 years 21-61 years 62-64 years years and o v B ureau (201 c ounty leve l 3 : Populati o a Bay popul a r ibution of t h T ampa Ba y Pop u 141 2,22 14 8 v e r 80 7 1a) has pro d l I have ave r o n b y Coun t a tion is 43.2 h e populati o y of 18 Yea r u lation Po p ,972 1,312 8 ,786 7 ,332 d uced a dist r r aged the c o t y years, acco r o n that is 18 r s and Olde r % of p ulation 4% 67% 4% 25% r ibution of t h o unty propo r r ding to the U years or m o r Populatio n h e annual r tions in eac h 33 U .S. o re is n h
i n i n a l l e pr a c a m i s p P n come categ n come distri b l most 55 pe r e ss than $50 ercent) and t Fi gu The U a te for those a lculated th e m ake up TP A s 8.23 perce n ercent. It is i inellas, and ory for the 1 b ution for t h r cent of the h 000, which t he U.S. av e u re 3.4: An n U .S. Census B who are 16 e average 2 0 A s service a r n t, compare d i nteresting t o Polk) have t 1 1 counties i h e TPA serv i h ouseholds i is slightly h e rage (49 pe r n ual House h B ureau (201 years and o l 0 09 unemplo r ea (Figure 3 d to the Flor i o note that t h t he lowest u n i n the TPA s i ce area (Fi g i n the TPA s igher than t h r cent) in the h old Incom 1a) also pr o l der and in t h yment rate f 3 .5). The av e i da rate of 7 h e most pop n employme n s ervice area t g ure 3.4). M y s ervice area h h e correspo n same house h e Distribut i o vides the c o he labor for c f or this pop u erage unem p .47 percent a ulous count i n t rates in t h t o generate t y analysis s u h ave an ann u n ding figure hold incom e i on for Ta m o unty level u c e. Using th i u lation for t h p loyment ra t a nd the U.S. i es (Hillsbo r h e TPA serv i t he househo l u ggests that u al income o for Florida ( e categories. m pa Ba y u nemployme i s data, I h e counties t h t e of all cou n rate of 7.1 5 r ough, Pasc o i ce area. 34 l d o f ( 53 nt h at n ties 5 o
35 Figure 3.5: Unemployment in Tampa Bay In order to set the context for the indust ries that stakeholders are targeting for economic development, it is helpful to see the distribution of o ccupations in the TPA service area. I have used the county level distribution of occu pations provided in the U.S. Census Bureau (2011a) data to create an aver age of the distribution of occupations for the TPA service area. This data (Figure 3.6) s hows that civilian occupations in the Tampa Bay area are heavily weighted towards service oriented occupations. The following chart shows that 79 percent of all occupations ar e categorized as profe ssional, service, and sales with the remaining 21 percent of the occupations being related to agriculture, construction, and production a nd transportation industries. 0.0% 2.0% 4.0% 6.0% 8.0% 10.0% 12.0%Citrus DeSoto Hardee Hernando Hillsborough Manatee Pasco Pinellas Polk Sarasota Sumter
3 p r n A a i a n D S o r e ( B g 1.5 A ir T r Air tr a r eceding thi ot only Ta m A irport (PIE ) i rports that a n d PIE. The D omestic Se g tatistics 201 f flights, or w e presents o n B TS) withi n overned by t Fi gu r ansportati o a ffic volum e s research a r m pa Internati o ) but three a d a re located w s e air traffic g ment Data a 1). This dat a w hat is com m ly non-stop the Resear c t he U.S. De p u re 3.6: Ta m o n e s in terms o r e depicted b o nal Airpor t d ditional air p w ithin the T a volumes ar e a nd 28IS In t a is referred m only refer r flights. It is c h and Inno v p artment of T m pa Ba y Ci v o f passenger s b elow in Fi g t (TPA) and p orts to allo w a mpa-Orlan d e based on d t ernational S to as seg m r ed to as a l e collected b y v ative Tech n T ransportat i vilian Occ u s enplaned ( i g ures 3.7, 3. 8 St. Petersb u w a compar i d o super re g d ata from th e S egment Da t m ent data b e e g of a fligh t y the Burea u n ology Adm i i on. This da t u pations i .e. boarded ) 8 and 3.9. I h u rg/Clearwa t i son of othe r g ion that c o e T-100 Dat a t a (Bureau o f e cause it rep r t In other w u of Transpo r i nistration ( R t a includes b ) for the 20 y h ave includ e t er Internati o r commerci a o mpete with a Bank 28D S f Transport a r esents seg m w ords, this d a r tation Stati s R ITA), whi c b oth U.S. an d 36 y ears e d o nal a l h TPA S a tion m ents a ta s tics c h is d
37 foreign air carriers on Form 41 Schedules T100 and T-100f. It is reported to the BTS on a monthly basis and made available as a publ ic version of the data and a restricted version. The statistics summarized in Fi gures 3.7, 3.8, and 3.9 represent the public version of this data. The first graph provides the number of pa ssengers that boarded flights where the destination was one of the five airports in each year, and includes both domestic and international flights. From these numbers, we can see the Orlando International Airport (MCO) is clearly the busiest of the five airports, followed by TPA. Both MCO and TPA increased their passenger volume during this period but MCO had a larger increase of 86 percent compared to TPAs increase of 56 percent. Both PIE and Orlando Sanford International Airport (SFB) indicate passenger volume increases of more than 200 percent. It is important to note that there are five years (1990, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995) for which data was unavailable for SFB. Sara sota/Bradenton Interna tional Airport (SRQ) was the only airport which experienced an ove rall decline in passenge r volume of about 41 percent.
l a P n u t r Fi g ur e The d a rgely simil a IE and for S u mbers for t r avel at the o e 3.7: Enpl a d omestic por t a r to the ove r S FB. Domes t t his data set o ther three a i a ned Passe n Int t ion of pass e r all trend. T w t ic passenge r (1990 for P I i rports was w ng ers b y De s ernational F e nger volu m w o importa n r volume fo r I E an d 1996 w ell establis h s tination fo F li g hts m es shows a t n t changes a r r these two a for SFB) w h hed. r Both Do m t rend (Figur e r e the rates o a irports beg a h ereas dom e m estic and e 3.8) that i s o f increase f a n at very lo e stic passen g 38 s f or w g er
p d a t v a n ( 1 e x q u 2 2 Fi g u r The i n assenger vo l ecline in int e t tacks of 20 0 olume, SR Q n d TPA dec r 1 990, 1992, x perienced n u ite volatile 007, SFB e x 009. This c h r e 3.8: Enp l n ternational l ume (Figur e e rnational p a 0 1. While M Q had the lar g r eased by 9 7 1993, 1994, n o change f r despite the x perienced a n h ange has b e l aned Passe passenger v o e 3.8). First, a ssenger vo l M CO experie n g est overall i 7 percent an d 1995) for w r om 1996 to drop in the e n other decli n e en more dr a n g ers for D o lume (Fig u it is import a l umes in the n ced an ove r i ncrease in v d 39 percent w hich data f o 2009. SFB s e arly 2000s d n e in passe n a stic than th e D estination f u re 3.9) diff e a nt to note t h early 2000 s r all increas e v olume (26 2 t respective l o r SFB is un a s internatio n d ue to the t e n ger volume e decrease c a f or Domest i e rs from the h at all airpo r s as a result o e of 110 per c 2 percent). V l y. There ar e available, b u n al passenge r e rrorist attac k that has co n a used by th e i c Fli g hts domestic r ts experien c o f the terror i c ent in passe V olumes at P e several ye a u t this airpo r r volumes w k s. From 20 n tinued until e terrorist att a 39 c ed a i st nger IE a rs r t w ere 06 to a cks.
3 q u a n 3 r e T W T W Fi g ure .2 Resea r This s u estions tha t n d my data c 2.1 R ese a To re i e garding ec o T PA and PI E W hat vision o T ampa Inter n W hat unders t 3.9: Enpla n r ch Desi g n s ection desc r t motivated m c ollection m a rch Questi o i terate, my t h o nomic dev e E This inves t o f Tampa B a n ational Air p t anding of g l n ed Passen g r ibes and su m m y researc h m ethods and p o ns h esis aims t o e lopment an d t igation was a y is drivin g p ort and St. P l obalization g ers for De s m marizes h o h the underl y p rocedures. o understan d d air transpo r guided by t h g the econo m P etersburg/ C do Tampa B s tination fo r o w my rese a y ing philos o d what facto r rtation in th e he followin g m ic develop m C learwater I n B ay econom i r Internatio a rch was str u o phical basis r s are drivin g e Tampa Ba y g research q u m ent plans o f n ternational i c develop m nal Fli g hts u ctured, the of my rese a g the decisi o y area relat e u estions: 1) f stakeholde Airport? 2) m ent and air 40 a rch, o ns e d to e rs of
41 transportation stakeholders have? 3) How doe s air transportation fit into the economic development plans of Tampa Bay stakeholders and how will each airport play a part? The first research question is designed to understand the stakeholder entities vision of Tampa Bays future, and more specific ally, the goals that are driving the entities economic development plans. These goals have been described by each stakeholder. It is possible that the vision of a future Tampa Bay will dovetail into the second research question. This second question is designed to understand how each stakeholder entity views todays globalized world. These views of the stakeholders are relevant because they will describe the world in which each stakeholder is operating. Gaining an understanding of the conceptual world of each stakeholder has helped me define what the stakeholder believes is possible based on how they believe the world and specifically the global economy is structured. The literature reviewed prev iously on globalization dem onstrates that this term has multiple meanings. Steger (2002, 2003) addre sses this issue by proposing that there is an ideology to globalization and demonstrat es how this ideology is presented as a definition of contemporary globalization. Sin ce Steger presents this common view of globalization as an ideology, he has argued that globalization is socially constructed. I am interested in this process of social cons truction as seen by Tampa Bay stakeholders. I have used Watts (2000) model of analyzing actions taken in the context of, and in the name of, globalization to critically examine the views of Tampa Bay stakeholders. For as Watts has argued, an individuals awareness determines how they formulate problems and the possible responses to the problems. I have examined the awareness globalization of Tampa Bay stakeholders and how this leads to their formulation of problems related to
42 the economic development and air transporta tion of Tampa Bay and the choices they make in response to these problems. The third research question asks how ai r transportation fits into the economic development plans of Tampa Bay stakeholde rs in general, and specifically, how each airport is to be used. This question addr esses directly the issues outlined in the transportation geography literature. As my review has indicated, there are several dimensions to transportation, and particularly air transportation. These include what part air transportation plays in economic developmen t, the social and cultu ral implications of air travel (Adey et al., 2007), and how large air travel infrastructures are a visible point of power and pride for cities that can affo rd them (Sassen, 2002; Adey et al., 2007). A recently emerging paradigm of transportati on is how mobility is one of the defining characteristics of modern society (Cresswell, 2006; Urry, 2000). Just as globalization and space-time are socially constructed, the mob ilities paradigm argues that mobility is socially constructed and this cons truction is embedded with meaning. One explicit source of a vision for Tampa Bay economic development and the part that air transportation plays in it is the Master Plan of the Tampa International Airport (TPA). There are several demand forecas ts included in the Master Plan of TPA. Several of these demand forecasts address international processes that can impact passenger traffic at TPA, such as an increase in globalized free trade, tourism, and the opening of Cuba as a market (Hillsbor ough County Aviation Authority, 2006). These demand forecasts are based on certain assump tions about the economic development of Tampa Bay. I analyzed these assumptions and compared them to the assumptions of the
43 other Tampa Bay stakeholders that I interv iewed in order to identify the political decisions that affect social justice and mobility issues of air transportation in Tampa Bay. The third theme that I addressed in the lite rature review is th e reconfiguration of space-time. All three re search questions address the issu e of space-time reconfiguration. Although this topic may not be addressed directly by each stakeholder, space-time reconfiguration is present in the processes of modern air transportation and other processes of globalization as the literature has shown (K nowles, 2006; LHostis, 2009; Adey, 2007; Graham, 2000). As I will explain be low, some of my interview questions are designed to investigate the st akeholders awareness of space -time. I hypothesize that this awareness of space-time reconfiguration makes a difference in how each stakeholder views contemporary globalization and by exte nsion what they believe is possible for Tampa Bay from a structural point of vi ew and how to get there through economic development and air transportation. The main theoretical approach for i nvestigating space-time awareness and reconfiguration is based on what has been proposed by Lefebvre (1991) and Massey (1993). My literature review described how Le febvre and Massey posit that space-time is socially constructed. Lefebvre proposes a rec onciliation of space-tim e as it is conceived mentally with how it is perceived thr ough the senses with how it is physically constructed. This reconciliation will then re sult in a full understanding of how space-time has been constructed. The tangible result of this three-fold interaction is what Massey describes as space-time that is defined by t he entities that inhabit them and not vice versa (262). In Tampa Bay, this three-fold interaction results in the construction of space-time by the stakeholders I have interviewed. These dimensions will contribute to
44 the understanding of the stat e of economic development, air transportation, and globalization in Tampa Bay. 3.2.2 Methodology This thesis research on the state of gl obalization and air tran sportation in Tampa Bay is a qualitative research effort that re lied on in-depth, open-ende d interviews as the main method of data collection. My selec tion of stakeholders was based on their participation in the decision making pro cesses of economic development and air transportation in Tampa Bay. After a brief re view of the recent methodological trends in transportation geography, the following sections describe why I selected the interview as my main data collection tool and its cont ribution to my research. I also outline my interview process and how I analyzed the interview data in order to find answers to the three research questions th at were mentioned above. A variety of methods can be used to i nvestigate transportation systems and the impact of transportation on so cieties. The current sub-fiel d of transportation geography was developed during the quantitative re volution in geogra phy, during the 1950s and 1960s. As the name suggests, the quantitativ e revolution was founded on the application of quantitative research met hods and models. It was not unt il the turn to humanistic geography in the 1970s that qualitative resear ch methods were used in transportation geography. The current state of transportation geography is repr esentative of this binary history. Goetz et al. (200 9) have stated that while there is a perception that most studies in transportation geography are quantitative, more qualita tive research has been conducted than one may think. They arrived at this conclusion by conducting a survey of articles published in well-known geography j ournals. In these published articles, they
45 noted the occurrences of tran sportation geography and identi fied whether quantitative or qualitative methods were used to conduct the research. These authors found a significant presence of qualitative research in tran sportation geography and concluded that the combination of qualitative and quantitative met hods can deliver richer and more critical transport geography. Adey et al. (2007) have also outlined the benefits of using qualitative research in transport geography. They write that because air transportation is socially produced and socially consume d, qualitative methods are appropriate for understanding the social and cultural implica tions of this mode of transportation. While Adey et al. argue that qualitative research is necessary to help move beyond the mapping of air routes and other empirically based st udies, quantitative research continues to contribute to trans portation geography as Goet z et al. (2009) have documented. LHostis (2009) demonstrates this by using time-space relief to create a visual representation of terrest rial and air transportation in the U.S. The researcher has proposed that time-space relief can be used to represent global distances and local distances simultaneously (LHostis 2009, 438). Based on the model created by LHostis, he concludes that the entry points to high speed transporta tion networks such as air transport are getting closer together while the interstitial space is le ft behind in the third dimension [on the time-space relief map] (L Hostis 2009, 439). The author adds that a consequence of this reconfiguration is th at high speeds do make selections of places which disadvantages places on secondary networks compared to primary global networks. (See Appendix D for the time-space relief map related to this article.) The differential in space-time that has been represented visually with quantitative methods by LHostis can also be effectively explored with qualitative research methods.
46 As I noted previously, the geography of tran sportation involves both spatial and temporal processes. Exploring how space and time have b een and continue to be reconfigured by transportation and globalization can be problem atic due to the complex nature of the concepts of space and time. One way of inve stigating this subject is through exploring statements like the world is flat, or the world has gotten smaller, or time moves so quickly today. It has been demonstrated by many researchers such as Knowles (2006) that the time-space collapse described as a part of contemporary globalization is differential. Therefore, it is necessary to describe the context a nd the actors who are experiencing the collapse and those who ar e not. Defining the context and the actors lends itself to qualitative research because the social implications can be much better investigated through qualitative research methods. These methods include in-depth openended interviews and focus groups and can be used to determine who is experiencing a change in space-time awareness and who is not Further, the spatial element of where people are or are not experien cing it, and what they believe are the impacts of this change, can also be investigated. My choice of methods for this case study is indicative of the research paradigms on which my research will be based. These research paradigms are philosophical hermeneutics and social cons tructivism. Philosophical herm eneutics focuses on clarifying the conditions in which understa nding takes place. It ha s the philosophical goal of understanding what is involved in the pro cess of understanding (Linge, 1977). Social constructivisms epistemological base is th e idea that humans construct knowledge. This includes the inventions of con cepts, models, and schemes to make sense of experience. Further, these inventions are continually tested and refined. I regarding meaning, what is
47 real, and what is true as situ ational, or mediated. This a pproach follows the tradition of human geography that focuses on human interact ion with the landscape. This interaction results in a specific human meaning which includes knowledge about the world and the self. My case study research follows the met hodological approach utilized by Keil and Young (2008) who conducted a survey of transportation, gl obalization, and regionalization of Toronto. In their resear ch, Keil and Young examine how transportation has been used to enhance Torontos comp etitiveness in a regional and global economy. They look specifically at Torontos Pearson International Airport and how it has been used in the process of economic developm ent and integrated with other modes of transportation. These researchers also look at how the governing structures involved in this process that range from the local to the regional to the federal have evolved to take part in the process of managing tran sportation and economic development. 3.2.3 Data Collection I used two methods to gather data: the artifact review and the semi-structured, open-ended, and in-depth interview. The semi-structured, open-ended, and in-depth interview is the primary method that I have employed in my research to collect data. I have spoken to a number of individuals whom I have identified as be ing stakeholders in the economic development of Tampa Bay and development of air transportation in Tampa Bay. I have selected the interview as my pr imary data collection method for several reasons. Interviews in the social c onstructivist approach, as defined in The New Language of Qualitative Method (Gubrium and Holstein 1997), as cited by Elliot (2005, 18) focus
48 on questions that ask how. These questi ons ask how meaning making practices are identified and understanding the ways in whic h people participate in the construction of their lives (Elliot, 2005). The interview is a ve ry appropriate method of data collection for my research, because it has allowed me to explore directly the world in which the stakeholder is a co-constructor. It also allows me to identify what driv es their decisions as they work to construct and reconstruct Tampa Bays global economic position in a globalized world. In semi-structured, ope n-ended, and in-depth interviews, the interviewee has had the freedom to define what is meaningful to th em in response to the questions I asked them. There are major benefits to using inte rviews that make this approach an appropriate choice for my research. First, face -to-face contact with research participants allowed me to build a rapport with the partic ipants which increased the chances that the participant shared more meaningful info rmation with me. Second, interviews are a flexible method of gathering data. Throughout my interview process I was able to modify my interview questions and techniques to meet the individual and the context. I was able to continually apply what I learn through the interview process as I proceeded through the interviews. I would not have been able to do this if I had been conducting structured survey interviews. The research interview process requires a large amount of time to plan, schedule, conduct, and then transcribe interviews. Th e time available did affect the number and individuals that I interviewe d. Interviewees availability played a factor in securing several interviews. I planned for this by devel oping a long list of candidates to pursue, in case I was unable to secure an interview from a candidate. Another consideration for
49 conducting research interviews is the time spen t after an interview transcribing the data. This effort, however, was a benefit to my resear ch as it resulted in a verbatim record of each interview that I was able to analyze. In addition to producing a written record of each interview, it was helpful to listen to each interview because it allowed me the opportunity to gain deeper insights on the data. I took into consideration the influence that I, as a researcher, may have had on the interviewees. Care wan taken not to lead an interviewee to say things they normally would not say. It is impossibl e not to have any influence on the interviewee. However, the influence should conform to the position of the research paradigms of social constructivism and philosophica l hermeneutics on which my research methods are based. The interactions between me as the researcher and the interv iewee are considered data in the research paradigms of philosophical hermeneutics and social constructivism. Therefore, this potential disadvantage is a potential benefit as long as I exercised awareness during the interview so that I realized when I was about to cross the line and inappropriately influence the interviewee. 3.2.4 Interview Format and Process My interview format was semi-structure d, but open-ended and in-depth. It was semi-structured because I was researching a subject and looking for meaning from the interviewee on the subject of economic development in Tampa Bay in the context of globalization and the part that ai r transportation plays in this process. My interviews were open-ended because I wanted the interviewees to define the boundaries of discourse for the field of research. I allowed them to do this by giving them the freedom to determine what is important and what is meaningful. My interviews were in-d epth because I did not
50 limit the responses of the inte rviewees. My interview proces s consisted of three phases: 1) pre-interview preparation; 2) interview; 3) post-interview activities, as described below. I completed each of these phases accord ing to the steps defined in my interview checklist included in Appendix B. My interview process began with a prepar ation for the interview. The first step was to schedule the interview. As I stated previously, interviews can be problematic because they require flexibility on the part of the researcher in scheduling the interview. An interviewees time is valuable and if a potential research participant agrees to an interview, their window of ava ilability may be small. Thus when contacting the potential interviewee, I was prepared with my available times so that I was able to quickly identify when the interviewees schedule can be accommodated. Once scheduled, I made the arrangements necessary to ensure that I would have the time to complete my full interview process. Before each interview I conducted a final re view of material on the interviewee. Since all of the potential inte rviewees I identified are empl oyed in professional positions with at least some public exposure, it is not uncommon to find men tion of the interviewee in news articles or in publications by the interviewees organizat ion. For example, an organizations web site is a good resource for its latest activities. For the final preinterview step, I reviewed the interview questio ns that I prepared and made final changes based on any new material I may have encount ered in my review of material on the interviewee. My interview protocol can definitely be categorized as formal. I spoke to interviewees who are often classified as el ites, because they are policy makers. Thus, I
51 was formal in my appearance, manners, and spee ch. With this said, I did have a flexible approach to the interview. I paid particular at tention to the dynamics of the interview. If I found that an interviewee is willing to have a more informal discussion then I changed my style to accommodate this. I recorded each interview when the in terviewee and context allowed. For each recorded interview, I made a digital record ing that captured both my questions and the interviewees responses. The recorder that I used was small and unobtrusive so as not to attract attention during the interview, but it was also easy for me to operate and did not interfere with the discussion during the interview. My post interview process consisted of writing up all of my thoughts and reactions to the interview in the time immedi ately following the interview. Capturing my thoughts and reactions to the in terview served the purpose of capturing insights I had of the interview. I categorized this data as theo retical, format related, or content related. I was then able to use this information to re fine my interview format and skills throughout my research process. It also allowed me to capture responses to what transpired in the interview so that I would not forget importa nt observations and thoughts. Another reason for this self-debrief was to capture my pe rsonal experience so I would have reflexive material to use in my data analysis. The more I identify my experien ce, the more I expose my biases that potentially in fluence my interpretation and analysis of the data. This exposure of my biases has brought mo re objectivity to this research. I ended each debrief with a follow-up email to the interviewee. In this email, I thanked the interviewee for their time and conf irmed any agreement of future contact that they may have committed to. I also confirmed any commitments made by myself to
52 provide the interviewee with written or record ed material resulting from the interview. In all cases, the interviewee either asked for or responded in the affirm ative when I asked if they would like a copy of my completed research. 3.2.5 Who I Interviewed My research questions and objectives we re used to determine who should be interviewed. Specifically, I sought individuals who are involved in the economic development of Tampa Bay and air transporta tion processes in this metropolitan area. These processes of economic development and air transportation may be mutually exclusive in the minds of those invo lved in both of these processes. Economic development takes place on multiple levels. I focused on entities that define and promote the economic development policies for the Tampa Bay area. Although there could be influences at higher le vels in the governmenta l structure such as the state and federal level, I limited the scope of my research to those entities that make decisions only at the city a nd county level. If any repres entative of these entities I interviewed raised the subject of influence from these higher levels of government, I took note of this but I did not seek the perspectiv e from the state and fe deral level of economic development in Tampa Bay. At the city leve l, the obvious actors who define policy are the offices of the mayors of the City of Tamp a and the City of St. Petersburg. The leaders in these positions make decisions in conjuncti on with members of the city council in their respective cities. Some of thes e decisions directly address th e issue of global position as is evident in the City of Tampas Global Business plan published in 2005. The source of my data collection was de termined by the governance structure of the two main airports in the Tampa Bay area: Tampa International Airport (TPA) and St.
53 Petersburg/Clearwater Internati onal Airport (PIE). I targeted stakeholders of each airport beginning with upper level of organizationa l management. One notable gap in my completed interviews is that I was unable to se cure an interview with a representative of PIE. From these airports, I focused on stakehol ders at the county and city levels of the largest city with in each county. My list of transportation f acility stakeholders and gove rnment stakeholders, and non-profit economic development, and private business interests repr esents only two of the counties in my study ar ea: Hillsborough and Pinellas. As the two most populous counties in the area they are appropriate for this case study, but it must be kept in mind that their view of my study ar ea is from their geographic perspe ctive. It is important to note that the interviewees comments are their own. And while they are expressing opinions from their perspective, sometimes th e point of view they expressed is their personal one and sometimes that of the organization they represent. 3.2.6 What I Asked Considering that my data collection in strument is the semi-structured, openended, and in-depth interview, I asked interviewees questions that directed them to the field of research that I have defined as a st arting point for the interv iew. I did allow them to add their boundaries and definition to th is field by having them tell me what is meaningful on the subject, i.e. what should be included in the field according to them (see interview questions in Appendix C). 126.96.36.199 Tampa Bay and Economic Development To investigate the state of economic deve lopment of Tampa Bay, I first needed an overview from each interviewee on how they vi ew the world today, Tampa Bays current
54 place in this world, and a future vision of Tampa Bay. This information gave me an indication of what processes of globalization the interviewee is aware of, and how they believe Tampa Bay is affected by them or is influencing them. 188.8.131.52 Globalization With respect to globalization, I also aske d about is how much choice the actors believe they have in todays globalized wo rld. Watts (2000) pointe d out that both those who argued for the deregulation of the Australi an dollar and those w ho argued against it feel that there was no choice in the matter. According to Steger ( 2005), globalization is often presented by its proponents as something that is inevitable, something over which the world has no choice. I explored this concep t with the interviewees to find out what they think the possibilities are for a coastal city like Tampa Bay in a globally connected economy. I wanted to explore the possibilities that each interviewee believes exist and how this affects their thinking and behavior. 184.108.40.206 Space-time Awareness Another subject I asked about is the space-time awareness. This can be a confusing subject because it is not normally ta lked about directly. Instead of addressing this subject in terms of space-time reconfigurat ion, I broached this subject with a couple of anecdotal questions that ask about space and time in a way in which it is often talked about in the context of globaliz ation. Regarding space, it is not uncommon to hear people say that the world is smaller than it used to be. Or, in talking about time perception, it is not uncommon to hear people make the stat ement that we lived in a fast paced world today. These are levels of space and time awar eness that most people are able to relate to, and thus allowed me to explore their aw areness of space and time. If these probing
55 questions did not lead anywhere with an interv iewee, I considered this to be data. This told me something about how an interview ee thinks about today s globalized world. 220.127.116.11 Transportation When I spoke to research participants who are involv ed with air transportation processes in Tampa Bay, I first wanted to fi nd out what role air travel plays in the economic development of a city, and specifica lly Tampa Bay. I did not expect only those participants who work for the airports to have something to say about this topic. I expected that air transportation would be on the radar of every one that I spoke to. However, those who work for the airports wi ll have a unique perspective. Since they work in the processes of air tr ansportation, I would expect them to have a more insightful view of what air transportation can and cannot provide for a city. Once an interviewee told me what part th ey believe air transportation plays for a global city, I asked them if they think that current air transport capabilities in Tampa Bay are sufficient to place Tampa Bay in a desi rable position in the global economy. I was interested in the matching of transportati on capabilities to the desired economic position of a city. If an interviewee stated that air transportation capab ilities are or are not sufficient for the desired economic development, I expected the interviewee to have specific ideas on what part air transporta tion should play in Tampa Bays economic development. I believe the element of time to be an important determiner in this subject. I expected the interviewees answers to ques tions about air transportation and economic development to be qualified by time. In other words, economic development may be described in terms of what is happening now as opposed to what is planned for the
56 future. If an interviewee did not qualify their response with time I asked the interviewee if they were making decisions with the futu re in mind or did they have a present day mindset, or perhaps both. The aforementioned issues and quest ions formed the foundation of my conversations with interviewees and spaw ned additional questions that I used in subsequent interviews. Being able to adapt interview questions is an example of the flexibility of the interview as a research method which makes it very useful for evolving discourses such as those on air transporta tion, economic development, globalization, and space-time reproduction.
57 4 RESULTS This chapter summarizes the data collected from stakeholder interviews, based on the type of stakeholder for each theme of my research: Tampa Bay and economic development, globalization, space and time, and transportation. Within each theme, the views of each of the stakeholde r groups are compared, and rele vant artifacts are included. Several of my interviewees are affiliated with organizations that have published documents on the subject of economic development of the Tampa Bay area. I have reviewed one artifact from each of the stakeholder categories to supplement the information provided in stakeholder interviews. It is important to be awar e of two considerations of my list of interviewees. First, by design, my list of transporta tion facility stakeholders and government stakeholders represent only two of the counties in my study area (Hil lsborough and Pinellas). So, it should be kept in mind that their view of my study area is from their geographic perspective. Second, it should be noted that the interviewees comments are their own. And while they are expressing opinions from th eir point of view, so metimes the point of view they expressed is thei r personal one and sometimes th at of the organization they represent. 4.1 Artifact Review In this section, I review th e contents of four artifacts that are relevant to my research. The first one is the Master Plan of Tampa Internat ional Airport. The second is
58 the Master Plan of St. Petersburg/Clearwa ter International Airport. The third is a document maintained by the Tampa Bay Re gional Planning Policy. This document was created to implement and further the goa ls and policies of the Florida State Comprehensive Plan, and serves as the input from the stakeholders of the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council (TBRPC). For all official responses to my interview questions, stakeholders V and W referred to documents produced by TBRPC. This document was the most relevant document for my research produced by this entity. The final artifact I reviewed is the super regi on study produced by the Pennsylvania School of Designed that was commissioned by the Tampa Bay Partnership and the Central Florida Partnership. This document presents a view of economic and social development across central Florida, from Tampa Bay and Orlando to the east coast of Florida. 4.1.1 Artifact Review: Master Plan of Tampa International Airport (TPA) Tampa International Airport has a master plan (Master Plan-TPA) which provides additional insight into the role of TPA in the Tampa Bay area. This plan was last updated in 2005 and describes the demand scenario s that the Hillsborough County Aviation Authority has identified which the plans with in the Master Plan-TPA were designed to meet. This Master Plan is a projection to the year 2025 of how the airport will be developed to meet the six demand scenarios. These conditions are as follows: (5-6) 1. Aggressive International Traffic Growth : This scenario would be triggered by increased globalization of local businesse s and bilateral free-trade agreements, as well as increased air service to the Caribbean/South America/Central America, and Europe. While Asian ma rkets were also discussed it was generally assumed that most of that activity would likely access TPA via an existing U.S. gateway airport. 2. Aggressive Population Growth in th e Region along with Higher Economic Growth: This scenario was based on poten tial activity growth generated by additional population migration into Tampas Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) over and above that currentl y taking place, and by growth in
59 employment in a variety of industries in the Tampa Bay Region, including the medical and bioscience services industry. 3. High Tourism Growth: This scenario was developed in recogn ition of the role that tourism plays at a number of Florida destinations, taking into consideration the increase in demand th at might be triggered by potential future attractions, such as the emerge nce of another large-scale theme park that would foster an increase in tourism demand in the region. 4. Alternate Operational Activity Levels Resulting from Fleet Mix Adjustments: Changes in domestic airline business m odels have caused significant growth in the use of regional jet aircraft and significant expa nsion in the role that commuter airlines play in meeting dema nd for service in various markets. An increased use of regional jets by airlin es serving markets to and from TPA was assumed in this scenario. 5. Liberalization of Cuba: In this scenar io, the effect that the opening of the Cuban market to business w ith the United States could have on travel to and from Cuba via TPA. In developing this scenario, it was assumed that the liberalization of Cuba would occur by 2010 and would initially consist primarily of tourism activity, with fli ghts serving Havana, eastern Cuba, and north-central Cuba from TPA. Additi onal frequencies and new destinations were assumed in subsequent years of the forecast period to reflect business needs and the expansion of des tinations in the Cuban market. 6. Alternate Air Service (Low Cost Carrier Impact/Focus City Combined): This scenario is defined by an increase in th e low cost carrier market share at the Airport and the emergence of a low cos t/low fare carrier choosing the Airport as a focus city or mini-hub to serv e as a domestic/international market interface for service between the United States and the Caribbean and South America/Central America. The Master Plan-TPA contains goals to s upport the community. Page four contains the following two goals: Develop the airport in a manner that s upports local and regional economic goals and plans, while providing the flexibili ty to accommodate new opportunities and shifts in development patterns (4). Foster public confidence and support by proactively seeking input from and collaborating with the public throug hout the Master Plan process (4).
60 A review of the document did not reveal detailed plans for how the fostering of public support would occur beyond the creation of the Master Plan-TPA. For example, one section contains input from airport us er and stakeholder surveys. These surveys asked users about various aspects of the airport through 28 questions. The questions focused on the geographic origins and destinatio ns of travel, the number of travelers in a party, the purpose of travel, and the travelers experience of the airport. In summary, the Master Plan-TPA appear s to be a very comprehensive document in terms of identifying the infrastructure need s to maintain the current and expected level of service that users of the airport have come to expect. The document includes plans for an additional runway and an additional terminal which will have the capability to handle international travelers that c ould be generated from the demand scenarios identified in the document. The Master Plan-TPA focuses on the preparation for the demand but not bringing the demand to fruition. There appears to be a delineation of responsibility between the role of TPA and the role of those who woul d focus on developing demand scenarios. 4.1.2 Artifact Review: Master Plan of St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport (PIE) As mentioned in Chapter 3, I was unabl e to secure an interview with a representative of PIE. Thus, this review of the St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport Master Plan Update (Master Plan-PIE ), updated in January 2004, serves as almost the only input from PIE representa tives. The Master Plan-PIE re fers to the service area of the greater Tampa Bay area. However, a definition is provided in the economic
61 development plans into which PIE has been in tegrated. In chapter 2 of the Master PlanPIE on pages 2-74 and 2-75 the following econom ic development plans are described: Tampa Bay Strategic Regional Policy Pl an (SRPP) created by the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council (TBRPC) Comprehensive Plan for Pinellas County The Pinellas County Metropolitan Pl anning Organization (MPO-Pinellas) St. Petersburg Comprehensive Plan The most specific definition of the geogra phic boundaries of Tampa Bay that can be taken a definition of PIEs service area is f ound in the SRPP. The Master Plan-PIE states that the SRPP defines the Tampa Bay area as being composed of the counties of Hillsborough, Manatee, Pasco, and Polk. One of the goals of the SRPP is to create a regional transportation system and the Master Plan-PIE states the importance of PIE contributing to the meeting of this goal (2-75). The additional economic development plans are specific to Pinellas County and the City of St. Petersburg. The Master Plan-PIE contains a series of ten goals. Goal number six is the most relevant to my research. This goal states the intent to [d] evelop an Airport that supports local and regional economic goals while accommodating new opportunities or shifts in development patterns (1-4). There are two objectives to this goal that relate to my thesis. The first is that PIE must [a]cheive a level of service and user convenience such that the Airport is a positive factor in regional economic development decisions. The second is that PIE must [d]evelop an airpor t layout plan that easily integrates with existing and proposed transporta tion infrastructure, and encour ages economic growth. In this goal and the two underlying objectives, we can see the awareness of a regional
62 outlook and intent to integrate into a multi-m odal transportation system. We can also see some foresight in the focus of integrating in to a multi-modal transportation system in the Master Plan-PIE. The Master Plan-PIE refers to the integration of ground transportation and specifically mentions high speed rail. It is interesting to note this reference to high speed rail, considering the Master Plan-P IE was updated in 2004, well before 2010 when most of the funding for the first high speed rail line in Florida was secured. PIE stakeholders had a longer term outlook regarding high speed ra il when we consider that as late as 2009, the executive director of TPA expressed the view that that high speed rail between Tampa and Orlando would probably be no impact (Hillsborough County Aviation Authority 2006b, 78. A specific example of accommodating new opportunities can be found on page 12-1. The Master Plan-PIE specifies that PIE should remain cognizant of changing market conditions that would impact passenger volumes and thus impact the Master PlanPIE. One possible change in market conditions relative to this rese arch is the possibility of expanding international corpor ate flight service at PIE. Th e Master Plan-PIE contains a specification for an increase in the length of the longest airport to from 8,800 feet to 10,000 feet in order to accommodate non-stop flights to Europe and Latin America. Overall, the Master Plan-PIE indicat es a regional outlook for a different geographic area than that of TPA. While there is cooperati on between PIE representatives and the surrounding regional economic stakeholde rs in Pinellas County as evidenced by references to the SSRP, Comprehensive Plan for Pinellas County, the MPO-Pinellas, and the St. Petersburg Comprehensive Plan, the effo rt does appear to be self-contained within the boundaries of Pinellas County.
63 4.1.3 Artifact Review: Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council I interviewed two (V and W) representa tives of the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council (TBRPC). For responses to my questions they referred me to documents that the TBRPC has published. Therefore, I have conducte d a review of several artifacts that were produced by the TBRPC or those on which th e TBRPC was a collaborator. According to its website, the mission of the TBRPC is T o serve our citizens and member governments by providing a forum to foster communica tion, coordination, and collaboration in identifying and addressing issues and need s regionally (Tampa Bay Regional Planning Commission, 2011). The TBRPC is an asso ciation of local governments and gubernatorial representatives. The TBRPC c overs the counties of Hillsborough, Manatee, Pasco, and Pinellas are required by la w to participate on the council. One of the main responsibilities of the TBRPC is the maintenance of a document that is titled Future of the Region: A Strategic Re gional Policy Plan for the Tampa Bay Region (amended September 2005) (SRPP-2005). The SRPP-2005 was created to implement and further the goals and policies of the Florida State Comprehensive Plan that is mandated in Chapter 186, Florida Statutes (FS), and Chapter 27E-5, Florida Administrative Code (FAC). The SRPP-2005 does not provide a mandate to implement policies that cannot be funde d by the local governments unde r its jurisdiction and the SRPP cannot authorize or require any activ ity that is not authorized by existing legislation (SRPP-2005, 3). The SRPP-2005 also aims to accomplish the following (SRPP-2005, 4): Establish public policy for the resoluti on of regional problems, needs, and opportunities.
64 Establish goals and policies th at provide a basis for review of regional issues for the TBRPC. Establish goals and policies to assist in the determination of consistency of local comprehensive plans with stra tegic regional policy plans. Establish land development and transpor tation goals and po licies that support regional transportation systems. Guide the administration of federal, state, regional, and local agency programs as provided by law. Identify significant regional resources, infrastructure needs, problems, and opportunities. Identify and promote the protection of significant natural resources within the region. Set economic development goals and policie s that promote regional development. Set goals that address affordable housing and emergency preparedness. The SRPP-2005 is a revision of the origin al SRPP created in 1995. The purpose of the revision was to evaluate the successes and fa ilures of the SRPP and to determine how the goals and policies of the SR PP were being used. These tw o activities resulted in the formation of goals that address the fo llowing topics: affordable housing, economic development, emergency preparedness, natura l resources, and regiona l transportation. The two topic areas that are most re levant to my research are economic development and regional transportation. Th ere are several economic development goals that promote Tampa Bays interaction with a wider geographic area. They are (SRPP2005, 9-12):
65 Economic Development Goals Promote the Tampa Bay region as a regiona l trade, hospitality, financial, and healthcare center for Florida and the Caribbean. Promote export of Tampa Bay region pr oducts and services, attract venture capital, and build businesses to ex pand the number and quality of job opportunities. Maintain and expand food, agriculture, or namental horticultu re, aquaculture, forestry and related industries production to be a competitive force in the national and international marketplace. Build and strengthen partnerships betw een the business community, education institutions, government entities, and nonprofit organizations to meet the Tampa Bay regions economic challenges. Improve the capability of small businesses, disadvantaged businesses and businesses within distressed communities to participate fully in Tampa Bay region's economic activities. Regional Transportation Goals Develop a regional transpor tation system which is c oordinated with land use patterns and planning and minimizes ne gative impacts on the environment. Plan, fund, build, and maintain a balanced and integrated multi-modal transportation system which ensures the safe, efficient, a nd economic long-term movement of goods and people. Ensure that the transportation impacts a ssociated with Develo pments of Regional Impact are appropriately mitigated. Develop a safe, coordinated, and effici ent regional intermodal transportation system. Recognize and promote regional activity cen ters as a growth management tool. Monitor the development of a high speed rail system in Florida and ensure its extension into the Tampa Bay region. The SRPP then identified the objectives that must be achieved in or der to achieve these goals. For the economic development subject, it identified education, vocational training,
66 and workforce development as objectives. The objectives for the transportation subject area are better land-use coordi nation, a regional approach to transportation, identification of additional funding sources, a multi-modal ma ss transit system, and an improvement in leadership over transportation issues. 4.1.4 Artifact Review: Super Region Study fr om Pennsylvania School of Design The artifact Connecting for Global Competiti veness: Floridas Super Region is a study that was commissioned by the Tampa Ba y Partnership and the Central Florida Partnership. The Tampa Bay Partnership is a non-profit econ omic development organization that describes th eir mission as the following: The Tampa Bay Partnership is the regi onal organization that works with its partners to market the region nationally and internationally, to conduct regional research and to coordinate efforts to influence business and government issues that impact economic growth and development. (Tampa Bay Partnership 2011)Tampa Bay Partnership defines Tampa Bay as the eight-county area that includes Citrus, Hernando, Hillsborough, Manatee, Pasco, Pinell as, Polk, and Sarasota counties. This organization began formally in 1994 with th e incorporation of Tampa Bay Partnership. Central Florida Partnership is the si ster non-profit economic development organization of Tampa Bay Partnership but one that is much younger than Tampa Bay Partnership. Central Florida Partnership, accord ing to its website, formed in December of 2007 as: an essential place for leaders to convene, set priorities, and address our regions toughest challenges and identify our great est opportunities. Serving business, civic and community leaders in Brevard, Lake, Orange, Osceola, Polk, Seminole and Volusia Counties the Central Florida Pa rtnership is a business lead initiative where regional leaders come together to share regional conversations moving ideas to results. The Central Florida Partnership is Amer icas Newest Regional Partnership and is a platform where regional leaders can learn to better collaborate, cooperate and
67 coordinate resulting in improved communications throughout the Central Florida Region. The Central Florida Part nership is where positive ideas are advanced on behalf of our region ideas that matter most to the millions of people who live, work, learn and play in Central Florida. (Central Florida Partnership 2011) These two organizations commissioned ur ban planner Jonathan Barnett and his City Planning 702 Urban Design Studio at th e University of Pennsylvania (Penn Design) to conduct a study to: demonstrate the poten tial advantages of coast-to-coast connectivity in order to deve lop a Super-Regional strategy for transportation and land use, economic and workforce development, e nvironmental sustainabi lity and quality of life issues (Tampa Bay Partnership 2010) This study compares two paths of development for the geographic region th at includes Tampa Bay, Orlando, and the Central East Coast of Florid a that the study refers to as a super region. One path of development extends the current trends to the year 2050 and the other path extends development that includes the presence of hi gh speed rail and integrated local transit to the year 2050. The study proposes benefits that will result from Central Florida communities working together as a super region in terms of quality of life, employment, and the environment. Much of the public input for the study was collected through the Central Florida Regional Growth Vision which was the result of a series of surveys, presentations, and meetings conducted from March 2006 to August 2007 (PennDesign, 14). The concept of the super region and the ex istence of this stud y exhibits a strong awareness of change in spatial awarene ss among those who commissioned the report. The report is based on the idea that historical community a nd political boundaries can no longer marshal the resources necessary to pr oduce the economic strength to maintain the quality of life and envi ronmental spaces that are expect ed by the residents of the super
68 region. Transportation plays a la rge part of the alternative plan of development and hinges on the development of high speed rail. Th e integration of high speed rail into local flows of transportation is n ecessary to provide access thr oughout the super region. This integration involves the development of light rail within the metropolitan areas of Tampa Bay and Orlando that will link the high speed ra il to major economic and residential areas such as airports, beaches, city downtowns, uni versities, and retail areas. The report makes references to features such as the Canary Wharf financial district in London, England and a university related research center in Tsukuba City,Japan, an d proposes that cities in the super region of Central Florida have the potential to develop similar features. The conclusion is that Central Florida will lo se its ability to co mpete in the global marketplace if actions are not taken to conn ect the Central Florida super region with mass transit, conserve the environmental assets of the super region, and create dense but livable urban areas that will attract a younger, capable popula tion or creative class as the report refers to this demographic (PennDesign, 101). In summary, the report concludes that the current trend of development is unsustainable for the super region. The cu rrent trend will resu lt in a decrease of environmental areas, more congestion due to continued population grow th that relies on inadequate transportation infrastructures and a growth policy of urban sprawl. The report recommends an alternative development trend that relies on a combination of three policy efforts to change the current development trends: economic competitiveness, transportation improvements, and proactiv e environmental conservation. Increasing economic competitiveness will result from leveraging the existing assets of the super region. These assets include economic factor s such as Central Florida being a major
69 tourism and retirement destination, as well as existing industries su ch as healthcare and technology (e.g. Kennedy Space Center). Thes e assets also include geographic advantages such as access to the Gulf of Mexico, Atlantic Ocean, the Port of Tampa which is the 16th largest port and Orlando International Airport which is the 22nd busiest airport in the U.S. (PennDesign, 28). Tran sportation improvements include high speed rail and regional light rail that integrates regional and local tr ansportation flows and recommends an aggressive timeline to implement many specific transportation infrastructures. Finally, the report st resses the importance of conserving the environmental assets of the super region for aesthetic, agricultural, and tourism activities in addition to basic issues such as preserving a sustainable water supp ly. This report also addresses the need to successfully adapt to clim ate change that will include a rise in sea level, intensified weather c onditions, disturbed ecosystems, and changes in agriculture yields (PennDesign, 46). The report concludes that by addressing these three areas will allow the Central Florida Super Region to co mpete on the global stage (PennDesign, 98). 4.2 Thematic Review of Interview Results This section focuses on the results of stak eholder interviews within the structure of the five themes that I used to explore my research topic: Tampa Bay and economic development, effects of economic developmen t, globalization, spacetime awareness, and transportation. Within each theme, I have pr esented the results and compared them across stakeholder groups. I begin each theme with a summary table which presents the subthemes that stakeholders identified within the theme. A brief description of each subtheme is also included.
70 The list of different stake holders I interviewed and ot her relevant details are provided in Appendix E, Tables 7.1 to 7.3 (p ages 132-133). Each st akeholder has been assigned a letter that is used in the text to refer to the stakeholder in describing the information I received in an interview. I interviewed these 26 people in the course of 20 separate interviews. As I present the results of the interviews below, I will refer to the stakeholders in the plural in an effort to main tain confidentiality. It is for this same reason that I do not identify the title of any stakeholder within their organization. 4.2.1 Tampa Bay and Economic Development The theme of Tampa Bay and economic development contributes to my research primarily to answer my research question What vision of Tampa Bay is driving the economic development plans of stakeholders of Tampa International Airport and St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport? In this section, I present the results of my investigation of this theme with stakeholders by describing the economic development goals of stakeholders in terms of a future Tampa Bay and how they propose to reach this goal through economic development plans.
71 Table 4.1: Tampa Bay and Economic Development Thematic Review Sub-Themes Findings Restructuring of Economy Tourism and construction can no longer be relied upon as drivers of the economy of Florida and Tampa Bay. Economy must be restructured but to what there was not a consensus. Key Industries Industries of healthcare, corporate headquarters, I-4 Corridor, medical technology, high-tech were common industries that were pointed to as being key industries for Tampa Bay. Region A regional outlook is necessary for Tampa Bay to be competitive in the global market. For some stakeholders this incl udes the concept of a super-region that includes Tampa Bay and Orlando. Young and Professional Demographic Many stakeholders expresse d a need to attract a young and professional demographic that will bring innovation and help create and maintain new business activities in key industries. Rail is Key High speed rail is key to the future of Tampa Bay. There was a large amount of consistency in the descriptions of a future Tampa Bay by stakeholders within and across stakeh older groups. The most notable description of the future Tampa Bay expressed by all stak eholders is the need for Tampa Bay and for Florida to restructure its economy. This restru cturing will be a move from a reliance on tourism and population growth (i .e., home construction) to a reliance on a diverse range of industries. All stakeholders said that tour ism and home construction will remain part of the economy, but will not be the drivers. There were a variety of suggestions on what the range of industries should be, but there wa s a large overlap among these suggestions. The most common industries suggested were medi cal technology, healthcare, research and development, high-tech in the I-4 Corridor, corporate headquarters, and international
72 trade that would take advantage of Tampa In ternational Airport (T PA) and the Port of Tampa. Stakeholder L of the Tampa Bay Partners hip raised the issue of the need to restructure the Tampa Bay economy by saying that there is a need to now behave differently as a city, metropolitan area, regi on and super region. This interviewee related a conversation that he had prior to my in terview with him in which a participant questioned whether the Florida economy would come back lik e it always has due to the strength of growth in th e form of construction and property tax revenues. This stakeholder said that this was a sobering realization and caused them to realize how important it is to have a plan to create a new vision of Tampa Bay. This leads one to the question what do we do when we acknowledge that we cannot rely on the historical foundations. Stakeholder Z was more brash in their assessment of the historical foundations of the economy when they sa id that relying on tourism and population growth is no way to build an economy and re ferred to it as the third world model of economic development. As expected, the TPA stakeholders (A a nd B) stressed the part that TPA would play in the economic development of Tamp a Bay. For example, these stakeholders proposed that TPA can facil itate the mobility of upper income mobile residents who choose to reside in Tampa Bay. This is ir onic because stakeholder A of TPA also described the most common type of tourist th at is attracted to the Tampa Bay area as being in the lower income scale. This w ould include people described as being middle class or working class and often families, both domestic and international. Both TPA representatives described th e act of supporting the economic development of Tampa Bay
73 as an exercise in planning ahead, but being flexible enough to accommodate changing conditions and requirements of the communit y. Representative A stated that the old philosophy of build and they will come no l onger works for airports. It is a question of how TPA leaders can assist the community lead ers to expand and develop. This requires a connection to the community by being a critic al thinker and a political thinker with the community. It is no longer an issue of just building infrastructure to meet demand as was done in the past but rather, as this representative said, i n todays global market one has to look at the broader sense. Another commonly repeated theme was th e expansion of geographic outlook. All stakeholders said in one form or another th at Tampa Bay needed to become more of a regional metropolitan area. Being regional ra nged from thinking of, and acting on behalf of, the Tampa Bay area as a multi-county area that matches the service area of TPA to Tampa Bay being part of a super region stre tching eastward to Orlando and ultimately to the east coast of Florida. The most comm on reason expressed by stakeholders for the need to think and act regionally is to pool re sources in order to become competitive in the global marketplace. This is even more important in the current economic climate of Tampa Bay and in Florida, since resources are limited due to the recession. Acting regionally, regardless of the definition of region, for each stakeholder meant having a regional multi-modal transportation system that includes high speed rail and light rail. The future Tampa Bay will have more densely populated urban centers which residents can travel to and from using mass transit. However, many stakeholders said that an expanded geographic outlook also comes with challenges because it creates many more voices that must be coordinated to
74 act on behalf of Tampa Bay as a region. Severa l stakeholders said th at there are so many municipalities just within the counties th at make up the Tampa Bay area that making progress at the county level can be difficult. Fo r example, stakeholder E said that we all have to get in the game [because things] cant be handled just on the basis of the city boundaries. Then there is the question of Tampa Bay speakin g with one voice to work together with Orlando in the context of a s uper region. Stakeholders as diverse as A of TPA, L of the Tampa Bay Partnership, and P of the Caribbean-American Chamber of Commerce described the geographic divers ity as both a blessing and a curse. The theme concerning Tampa Bay that cont ained the largest difference in opinion between different groups of stakeholders wa s governance structure. This difference was between the transportation st akeholders of TPA along with the government economic development stakeholders and a number of stakeholders of non-profit economic development groups, and private business interests. For exam ple, both TPA stakeholders and Port of Tampa stakeholder K commented on the governance structure of Tampa Bay by pointing out that geographic awareness ha s increased to include actual cooperation with Orlando with the development of high speed rail and with talk of additional forms of cooperation with a geographic area extending pa st Orlando to the eas t central coast of Florida as a super-region. However, stake holder A of TPA concl uded discussion on this issue by saying that they did not think that the creation of a regional or super-regional airport authority is realis tic. The governmental economic development stakeholders commented on the need for regional outlook a nd pointed to organiza tions like TBARTA (Tampa Bay Area Regional Transportation Authority) and the Hillsborough Metropolitan Planning Organization, but stoppe d short of advocating a radi cal restructuring of these
75 types of governmental structures to accomm odate a regional juri sdiction. Rather, they advocated increased cooperation among exis ting governmental and non-profit economic development entities. TBARTA was created in 2007 by the Florida St ate Legislature for the purpose of improving mobility and expand multimodal transportation options for passengers and freight throughout the seven-c ounty region according to its website (Tampa Bay Area Regional Transportation Au thority, 2011). The MPO is an organization that has developed a strategi c transportation plan for the Tampa Bay area and to which stakeholder H is a contributing member as a representative of the Planning Commission. According to its website, The Hillsborough County Metropolitan Planning Organization (2011) is a: transportation policy-making board comp rised of representatives from local governments and transportation agencies. A ccording to federal and state laws, the Hillsborough County MPO is responsible for establishing a continuing, cooperative and comprehensive transpor tation planning process for Hillsborough County. Key responsibilities are the cr eation of the twenty-year Long Range Transportation Plan (LRTP) and the five-year Transportation Improvement Program (TIP). The representatives of non-profit econo mic development groups and private business interestsexpressed the view that th e governance structure of Tampa Bay is not conducive to a regional outlook. There are t oo many groups and indivi duals that have a place at the table of Tampa Bay economic development and often these different voices have competing interests. The reasons given by stakeholders for competing interests may be due to a different opinion on an issue, or b ecause of an interest in protecting ones turf. Although the stakeholders of TPA and governmental economic development did acknowledge the number of voices at the table, they did not express the view that this was an insurmountable obstacle. However, the non-profit economic development and
76 private business interests group of stakeholde rs expressed the view that the governance structure of Tampa Bay must change befo re significant progress can be made. The opinions on what an effective governance st ructure should be were varied and not expressed completely, but there was a large degree of agreement among this group that changes are required. This point was illustrated by stakeholder P who said that they are on different time lines, they are on different sc hedules, but they are not working together to that common goal. Now they know of each other. They talk back and forth. But there is no common vision and [no effort to] move forward together by th is specific date. It appears that the non-p rofit economic stakeholders and the private business interest group of stakeholders hold this opinion because to some extent they feel left out of the process since they dont have enough of a voice at the tabl e. They seem to be a bit more frustrated than the government group or the transportation group. It appeared to me that the reason for this frustration is that they do not feel what they want is coming at all or quickly enough. Their stake is both personal and civic; where civic is the business community and specifically the bi-national business community that they represent. Many stakeholders described a change in demographics for a future Tampa Bay where a young and professional class of people will be attracted to the Tampa Bay area. A couple of stakeholders used the term creative class to describe this type of person, which is a refe rence to a book titled The Making of the Creative Class by Richard Florida (2002). The qualities of Tampa Bay that would entice this group of people were described in many ways. Tamp a Bay would provide a desira ble quality of life which would include professional opportunities, an ur ban experience that would be conducive to a mobile lifestyle, cultural experiences, and na tural attractions. Many stakeholders stated
77 that it is necessary for Tampa Bay to be pe rceived as an exciting, trendy, or hip location in order to attract th e young professional which is the type of person necessary engage in a diverse range of economic activities that will grow the Tampa Bay area economically. For example, stakeholder R said that what Tampa Bay lacks is an international image Tampa doesnt have the image of a really exciting place to be or to live. Stakeholder Z described this demographic by saying that creating a cluster of curious people that is really the secr et between cities that work and cities that dont work and cities that remain competitive. Nurturing and culturing young and old curiosity in them. Several stakeholders across the variou s groups said that another desirable demographic are people who can bring a lo t of resources to Tampa Bay. One example provided by multiple stakeholders is business ow ners who have the flexibility to live in a location other than where they conduct their business. This was a view of stakeholder E who said that the City of St. Petersburg is we ll suited for this type of individual because it offers a great quality of life with a number of cultural and natural attractions of the Tampa Bay landscape. In keeping with the regi onal outlook, this stakeholder said that the accessibility of TPA would allow quick access to air transportation to wherever the individual needs to go to conduct business. Another theme expressed by many stakehol ders across the groups was the ethnic and cultural diversity of Ta mpa Bay. This diversity was noted as a strength by many stakeholders such as stakeholder P who said that that the identity of Tampa Bay is its diversity. Several reasons were provided for identifying diversity as a strength and one of the common reasons given is that it creat es a desirable community for international companies because a multi-cultu ral metropolitan area would be attractive to international
78 workers. Another reason that ethnic and cultu ral diversity is seen as a strength is the economic potential of different cultural gr oups. There are a nu mber of different ethnicities in Tampa Bay that have connections with their na tive countries. Stakeholders commented that these connections have economic potential that could be built upon. Many stakeholders concluded that this dive rsity within Tampa Bay from an economic perspective to be both a blessing and a curse by stakeholders. This idea also extends to ethnic and cultural diversity. This is because the different ethnic and cultural groups speak with different voices and do not work t ogether in the interest of common economic growth. This effort to attract outside resources is a very prominent tre nd in the thinking of Tampa Bay stakeholders. A majority of stak eholders across all stakeholder categories stated that there is a need to attract business to the area. What they were not saying, but implying, by this focus is that there is not as much possibility for organic growth within the Tampa Bay area. This thinking is furt her reinforced by the views expressed by stakeholders that there is a need to attr act young and professional people to the area who will be willing to innovate and take the risks necessary to create new forms of wealth within this metropolitan area. From these views we can conclude that stakeholders response to the global economy is to identify the economic, capital, and intellectual resources that the global ec onomy has produced and import them to the Tampa Bay area. One of the tools that will make this possible in the eyes of stakeholders is a multi-modal transportation system. This in cludes air transportation, but at the time of my interviews with the stakeholders, the fo cus was on the development of high speed rail
79 and light rail networks that will link the ai rports to the Tampa Bay area to Orlando and the East Coast of Florida. Another tool that stakeholders are attemp ting to use to attract global resources to Tampa Bay is name recognition. A number of stakeholders pointed out that Tampa Bay does not have enough name recognition outside of the U.S. to compete with other Florida cities such as Orlando and Miami. An additiona l tool that stakeholde rs see as a resource includes the natural assets of Tampa Bay (i .e. the physical geogra phy) which leads to a desirable quality of life that has the potential to entice outsiders to bring resources to Tampa Bay either by becoming a resident or by moving a business to the area. Finally, the internal economic development potential of the existing medical, healthcare, and university related research provides a foundation upon whic h to build organically. In summary, the tools that Tampa Bay stak eholders have to work with to attract outside resources from the global economy are multi-modal transportation system, appropriate demographics, and name recogn ition. These tools are going to require a longer amount of time and a large volume of resources to attain. For example, a referendum to fund a light ra il network in Hillsborough County was defeated in the November 2010 elections and the officials el ected in this electi on are questioning the plans to build the mostly funded high speed rail link that will c onnect Tampa Bay to Orlando. Tampa Bays more immediate prospects appear to be more likely to come from existing organic growth opportunities such as the healthcare industry, high-tech companies in the I-4 corridor, and public-p rivate partnerships related to university research and development.
80 4.2.2 Effects of Economic Development Plans I included the theme concerning the eff ects of economic development plans to investigate the claims of Tampa Bay stakeh olders about the benefits of globalization. Specifically, I wanted to explore one of the claims that Steger (2009) proposes is part of the market approach ideology to globalization and that is the claim that everyone benefits from globalization. Being a case study, I attempted to identif y the thoughts of Tampa Bay stakeholders on this subject by asking w ho they thought would benefit from their economic development plans. Table 4.2: Effects of Economic De velopment Plans Thematic Review Sub-Themes Findings Everyone Will Benefit All stakeholders respond ed that everyone will benefit from economic development plans. Contradictory Views Some stakeholders engaged this subject in depth and with candor. In this discussion some qualifications were made that contradicted the view that everyone will benefit. The response from stakeholders to the question of who would benefit from the economic development plans and the future Ta mpa Bay that they described to me was overwhelmingly consistent. Each stakeholde r responded that everyone will benefit. My research did not collect the data to determ ine the positive and negative effects across all social and economic demographics. However, the indications provide d both directly and indirectly by the interviewees are such that their vision of a future Tampa Bay is one that focuses on the demographic(s) that can build and sustain a Tampa Bay which will be competitive in the global marketplace. This demographic group was described as being young, professional, mobile, and with enough mean s to select Tampa Bay as a place of
81 residence even though they may not work in the area nor live full-time in the area. Thus, the direct goal of the economi c development plans articulated by the stakeholders of this research project is to create a metropolitan ar ea that appeals to the type of person who can add to the economic value of Tampa Bay. In many cases this type of person was described as someone who is not currently a resident. In other word s, it is someone who needs to be enticed to come to Tampa Bay to take part in its economy. However, several stakeholders said this also includes young pe ople who graduate from the universities in the Tampa Bay area. Stakeholder X argued that economic deve lopment and globalization will benefit everyone. This stakeholder explained that there will be greater job opportunities if economic development occurs while the envir onment is protected and quality of life is maintained. This interviewee then explai ned that often economic development and protection of the environment and quality of lif e are seen as mutually exclusive, but if you have economic development but have bad air and water quality then people are not going to remain or come to the area. On the other hand, if there is no economic development then there is most likely not going to be funding for maintaining the environment or other quality of life factors. The stakeholder continued by saying that it is possible to solve inequality and bene fit the underprivile ged through economic development. Stakeholder X quoted an unnamed co lleague who said that the best social program they know of is a job. This stakeh older then said that we should have the dream goal of putting every social service ag ency out of business because of lack of business. The stakeholder then acknowledged that this probably will not happen but it would be nice to have this as a goal.
82 Some stakeholders were engaging in conversation about the effects of globalization and went beyond their initial re sponse that everyone will benefit. From these comments, it is apparent that there is a delineation of responsibility for the welfare of the residents of a city. Stakeholder Ms co mment is representative of the stakeholders who believe that it is not th e responsibility of economic developers to ensure that everyone benefits from globali zation, although this is an argu ment that all stakeholders used. They articulated this point by saying th at whether or not it helps the man in the street, you cannot influence, thats got to be the people of the nation themselves and the government. But, clearly they are reaping th e rewards financially and otherwise that globalization brings because they have produc ts, services, commodities that others have an increasing demand for. Stakeholder D said that there are some factors that are beyond the control of economic developers. Despite th eir best intentions, th e actions of economic developers will not always have the desired eff ect of bringing a benefit to all residents of a city. Stakeholder E mentioned that reside nts of Tampa Bay should take a long term view and support the measures that need to be taken to increas e jobs even if the residents may not see an immediate benefit to themselv es. Stakeholder O addressed this issue by saying that there was inequality before globalization, so the f act that there is inequality during the time of globalization is no t necessarily due to globalization. 4.2.3 Globalization The theme of globalization provides context to my research. In my thesis I looked at Tampa Bay against the backdrop of the global economy. Specifica lly, I investigated how Tampa Bay stakeholders may or may not be responding to the global economy when they make their plans for a future Tampa Bay and when they formulate their economic
83 development plans to achieve their vision. Globalization is also the context for my investigation of how air tr ansportation may or may not be used in these economic development plans. In this section I pr esent the stakeholde rs understanding of globalization. Table 4.3: Globalization Thematic Review Sub-Themes Findings Economic Phenomenon All stakeholders understand globalization from a primarily economic perspective. Other Dimensions All stakeholders acknowledged other dimensions of globalization such as political, social, and environmental. Personal Perspective What each stakeholder includes as part of globalization appears to be driven by personal experience and awareness. Hard to Articulate It appeared difficult fo r many stakeholders to articulate non-economic views of globalization. Social Several social aspects of globalization were mentioned by stakeholders (e.g. a global village, everyone is your neighbor, a necessity to be accepting of different people and cultures) Do More with Less Globalization requires one to do more with less. Region A regional outlook is necessary in globalization. For example, it is necessary to pool resources across a region to be competitive in the global economy. Risk To be successful in the globalization one must be willing to take risks. Stakeholders understanding of globaliz ation was overwhelmingly from an economic perspective, across all groups. This was not surprising, since the professional focus for each of the stakeholders interviewed was the economic development of Tampa Bay. The economic understanding of globalizat ion was expressed in terms of a global
84 market, business without frontiers both physical and virtual, pursuit of profits and costssavings, anyone is your customer, and access to all for all. For example, stakeholder A called globalization a global ec onomic situation. Its free tr ade. Its an opportunity for profit: which was also echoed by stakehol der L of Tampa Bay Partnership. This stakeholder said that I defi ne globalization as connectivit y, connectivity of markets and access to buyers and sellers. They expa nded on the concept of access to markets by saying that the international ac tivities of ports and airports are important because in a global economy one needs access to people. I need not just you and me to buy stuff locally here, I need someone in China to buy product, that money comes to us that wasnt there before and now we have the ability to spend it and invest it. So its not you and I trading pennies back and forth. But its us getting new pennies on the table or whatever. So thats the charm of it. It makes my pie a lot larger without having to bake a whole other pie or having to le arn how to bake it. The economic dimension of globalization ex pressed by all stakeholders is very similar to the market approach to globaliz ation described by Steger (2009). As a reminder, the market approach to globalization is one in which a laissez-faire approach is applied to the global economy which challenges traditi onal political, social, and geographic boundaries. One interesting comment that more than one stakeholder made (e.g., Q, L) was that if one doe s not take advantage of the to ols that enable globalization such as communications and transportation technologies then one will be unable to compete with anyone who does. This comment appears to confirm one of the claims of the ideology of the market a pproach of globalization (Stege r 2009) that there is no choice in the matter of globalization. In contrast, a num ber of stakeholders (e .g. D, L, Y) pointed
85 out that the economy of Tampa Bay needs to be restructured, but how that will happen is yet to be determined. While the perspective of gl obalization of each of the stakeholders was economic, almost all stakeholders identified additiona l dimensions of globalization. However, the stakeholders did not express a consistent li st of dimensions or properties for commonly identified additional dimensions of globa lization. These additional dimensions of globalization identified by stakeh olders ranged from social an d political to geographic. A geographic dimension to globalization was noted by many stakeholders and these are summarized in the discussion on space and time awareness (section 4.2.4 of this chapter). Several stakeholders comment ed on social aspects of gl obalization by referring to the world either as a global village, or noting that everyone is our neighbor, or that there is a global market which is not homogenous because of social and cultural differences. For example, stakeholder Q said that we now live in a global village and we are all connected which transcends political boundaries. Seve ral stakeholders (e.g., M, N, P) also commented on the social aspect of globalizati on by saying that it is important to embrace the diversity across the globe in order to collaborate and do business in a global environment. Stakeholder Q said that globali zation raises the ques tion of human rights, because human rights are determined by the various political systems in the world. Since there is more contact between the people of these political systems due to the processes of globalization, the differences in human right s are very evident. The issue of inequality was also mentioned by stakeholder F. This pers on pointed out that globalization is also a source of job loss because of outsourcing. This comment exposes a moral issue of globalization which, according to this stakeholde r, is not often addressed in discussions
86 of globalization and economic developmen t. Stakeholders M and O said that globalization makes the world a safer place because it makes it more stable and provides more opportunities to people for business and employment. As stated previously in chapter 2, Watts (2000) provided an example of how an individuals awareness influences their choi ces as they engage in the processes of globalization. This is also evident in the desc riptions of globalizati on from stakeholders. There were a number of comments made by Tamp a Bay stakeholders which indicate that they believe choice is a part of globalization and that it is not a forgone conclusion over which there is no control, as stated by the proponents of the market approach ideology to globalization (Steger 2009). Stakeholder F pointed out while talking about the development of the I-4 corridor that we really get the opportunity to realign the population to the place where you want it. This is a clear statement of belief that there is choice in the process of economic developm ent in the context of globalization. There were several other comments that express the view that choice exists in globalization. Stakeholder K said that globali zation is not finished and that there are no mature markets because they are still being developed. This comment was shared by stakeholder Q who said that globalization is an open question for Tampa Bay. Stakeholder C said that globalization requires ideas and resources which will influence the processes of globalization and are thus not predefined. Finally, stakeholder G said that we are no longer dependent upon a particular place. Additional evidence to suppor t the idea that there is a mental aspect to globalization was provided by a number of stake holders. Stakeholders B, D, M, O, and P all pointed to their international travel experi ence as being a factor in their view of the
87 world and understanding of globalization. These stakeholde rs look upon this experience as an advantage because they have seen diffe rent ways of living and doing things. They said that they know first-hand that there are different people and pl aces out there and now want to engage with them.4.2.4 Space-Time Awareness As I demonstrated above in my literature review in chapter 2, the literature on contemporary globalization and transporta tion geography shows that globalization involves changing perceptions of space-time. Thus, in my case study of Tampa Bay I have investigated space-time awareness among Tampa Bay stakeholders In this section I present what turned out to be a very rich them e to research in this case study despite my anticipated difficulty in addressing this subj ect in the context of research interviews.
88 Table 4.4: Space-Time Awareness Thematic Review Sub-Themes Findings Time Compression Is Bidirectional and Time is Faster but Not as Regimented All stakeholders acknowle dged that there is an expectation to respond quickly in globalization. However, the speed provided by communication technologies also allows one the flexibility in when they can respond to communications. Don't Feel Distance The stakeholders that acknowledged that "the world is getting smaller" expressed the view that distance does not matter as much and that they don't feel the eff ects of distance anymore or as much as they used to. Blending of Personal and Work The flexibility of co mmunication technologies blurs the line between personal and work lifestyles because the communications are not contained within the time or spatial boundaries of each. This allows one the choice to blend these two lifestyles. Do More with Less It is necessary to do more with less Region It is necessary to realize that what happens throughout a region and globe has a direct impact upon local life. Multi-modal All stakeholders stress ed the necessity of a multi-modal transportation system in Tampa Bay. All stakeholders acknowledged that awar eness of space and time perception is changing for them and for at least some other people. Some stakeholders said this without being asked whether or not they are aware of these changes, and others acknowledged only after I asked the question. There were two notable observ ations about this changing awareness displayed by stakeholders. The first is that the change is not unidirectional. My question to stakeholders on this subject is whether or not they observe others making comments to indicate that the world is getti ng smaller or that time moves faster than it used to. All stakeholders acknow ledged this change in percep tion in one form or another. Stakeholders U and T of the Scandanavian and Baltic Trade Asso ciation observed that
89 globalization requires an increased speed in or der to survive. While stakeholder U said that the effect of globalization [is that ] people, money, goods, they are going to flow faster, ship faster, stakeholder T said that the ones who make decisions and put them into effect the fastest are going to do well. A number of stakeholders described how time not only seems to move faster, but also how they experience more time. For exam ple, stakeholder B said that there is an expectation to respond quickly to emails whic h drives the person to continually monitor their Blackberry. However, stakeholder B reported that when the person they are communicating with cross time zones, they have more time because it reduces the awkwardness of having to schedule around phone calls. Stakeholder F also voiced an awareness of contradicting perceptions of space and time and also attributed it to communications technologies. This stakeholde r described how they can participate in work related communications with a Blackberry which eliminates the need to be in the office for a fixed schedule. The result of this is a blending of work and personal lifestyles that provides one more personal freedom on ho w they structure their time. Stakeholder O said that they no longer feel the distance between their in ternational coworkers. They continued by saying that the ability to co mmunicate easily with anyone regardless of where they are makes the distance or differe nce be gone. Despite these attestations to the benefits of virtual communication no stakeholder said that communications technologies will replace face-to-face contact a nd some stakeholders, such as L, M, and O) pointed this out. These stak eholders said that in-person contact is necessary to begin relationships and although relati onships can be maintained to some extent through virtual contact, they cannot survive on virtual communications alone.
90 A second observation is that changing perceptions of space and time are not just in the abstract. One tangible result in Tampa Bay is the formation of a regional transportation authority, Tampa Bay Area Re gional Transit Authority (TBARTA). The spread of the SARS virus in the early 2000s, according to stake holder J, was an event that had tangible effects. In response to the risk of this virus, nationa l governments began to quarantine travelers and residents of some countries began wearing masks to protect themselves from the virus. One of the changes in perception of space and time that the risk of this virus caused was a view that the world felt smaller, because the spread of this virus in Asia was a direct threat to stak eholder in U.S. This also affected the stakeholders perception of time, because air travel decreased the time it would take for the virus to spread to other countries and increased the chances that it would spread. Another reason given for changing perceptions of space and time is economic conditions. Because of the recession, there ar e fewer resources available so one must do more with less. One way of accomplishing this according to stakeholders L and Y, is by employing economies of scale which means looking outside ones borders to find economic opportunities. Stakeholder L said that this situation will affect the role of Tampa International Airport (TPA ), because its role must be rethought. This stakeholder said that it is not necessary to duplicate the air transportation capabilities of Orlando International Airport (MCO) at TPA because Tampa Bay stakeholders may need to pool resources with Orlando stakeholders so that TPA and MCO complement each other to the benefit of the Tampa Bay and Orlando super region.
91 4.2.5 Transportation Transportation is a prominent theme in my research. I am primarily interested in the response of economic development in term s of air transportation infrastructures. As my literature review on transportation geography has shown, transportation is one of the enablers of globalization and this is especially true fo r air transportation. How Tampa Bay stakeholders use or do not use air transportation in processes of economic development in Tampa Bay provides us with an example of the application of air transportation in response to the global ec onomy. And, in the context of my case study, how air transportati on is used or proposed to be used in Tampa Bay also provides us with a picture of what is to come in Tampa Bay if the plans of stake holders are realized. Table 4.5: Transportation Thematic Review Sub-Themes Findings Air Transportation Air transportation canno t stand on its own in Tampa Bay. It is a necessary part of whole transportation system and must be seamlessly integrated. Rail is Key High speed and light rail are key to the future of Tampa Bay because they are necessary for globalization. They are also key to a multimodal transportation system. Air Transportation Is Necessary for Globalization Air transportation is a necessary component of globalization and a tool for being competitive in the global economy. Region Tampa Bay's transportation system must be built with a regional scope. This not only includes the counties that make up Tampa Bay but includes Tampa Bay and Orlando. Stakeholders across all the categories ac knowledged that air transportation will play an important part in the future of Tampa Bay. However, there was not much
92 consistency on just what that ro le will be. The most common role that air transportation is expected to play is provide a global connec tion to support intellectua l capital, provide a steady supply of passengers for the cruise sh ip industry, and suppor t the development of import and export dependent industries. All stakeholders stressed the necessity of creating a multi-modal regional transportation system for the Tampa Bay area of which air transportation is one mode which cannot stand on its ow n. A regional approach to transportation was stressed by all stakeholders with the largest reason being that in order to compete on a larger economic scale, the Tampa Bay area must consolidate its resources. This included the representatives of TPA (stakeholders A and B), but this may be more of a recent opinion at TPA and could be attributed to the recently planned high speed rail that is s upposed to connect Tampa Bay a nd Orlando. The 2005 Master Plan document contained a supplement which includ ed the minutes of a TIA Master Plan Update Technical Working Group held in September 2009. In this meeting the TPA Executive Director expressed the opinion that high speed rail between Tampa and Orlando would probably be no impact (Hillsborough County Aviation Authority 2006b, 78). This contradicts the view expressed by stakeholder F, who described a very thoroughly thought multi-modal transportation sy stem that took into consideration the number of trees that have been planted on th e streets of St. Petersburg to facilitate pedestrians. The role of TPA in the Tampa Bay area is regarded in most aspects as positive by all stakeholders that I interviewed. They point ed out the benefits of TPA as being a wellrun airport, accessible in terms of its proxim ity to the downtown areas of the City of Tampa and the City of St. Petersburg as we ll as the Gulf Coast beaches in Pinellas
93 County such as Clearwater. The criticisms th at were presented during interviews were small in number and in frequency. The largest criticism is the lack of international nonstop flights to and from TPA. While no interviewee denied that that the addition of these flights would be desirable and a benefit to the area, there were opposing opinions on the realistic number and type of non-stop internationa l flights. This debate highlights how much the role of TPA is evolving. On one hand of this debate are the representatives of the bi-national chambers of commerce and private business intere st stakeholders who have a vision of TPA being a larger interna tional airport with many direct international connections. On the other side of this debate are certain stakeholders of government or non-profit economic development groups who, wh ile not against it by any means, held what is in their view a more realistic role of TPA. This group of stakeholders believes that there will be niche international market s that will be appropriate for the Tampa Bay area which will stimulate the de velopment of new international non-stop flights. There were a couple of different dynamics offered fo r this view. One is the development of high speed rail between Tampa and Orlando, and the other is the nature of demand potential in the Tampa Bay area. A few stakeholders who held the view th at economic development should lead the development of transportation, expressed th e following argument. Stakeholders B and F said that demand needs to support air travel growth, but the air port needs to stay a step or two ahead of the demand to not be a roadbl ock. In other words, it must find a balance. Stakeholder D compared the air travel dema nd for TPA and MCO to point out how each metropolitan area interacts with the global processes of tourism and business. This stakeholder said that MCOs demand is worldwide and spread out among countless
94 destinations. In contracts, TPAs demand is lo cal and is directed outward to a relatively small number of locations. Ther efore, it is no surprise to th is stakeholder that TPA would not support the number of non-stop international flight s that MCO does. This observation illustrates how local flows of transportation interact with global flows of transportation, which is one example of th e relationship between air travel and globalization. A proponent of the argument on the side of tr ansportation leading economic development was stakeholder O of the US-Indo Chamber of Commerce. This stakeh older said that we dont have a lot of real intern ational flights. One can get to anywhere in the world from TPA, or to TPA from anywhere in the worl d, but it takes many legs of flying to do so. Having more direct international flights will al low people to save time when they travel to TPA, which will mean more business will come to Tampa Bay. St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport (PIE) was not consistently included in the economic development plans of stakeholders. The re presentatives of TPA do take PIE into consideration in their tr ansportation plans. They summarized the relationship by saying that when possible they do cooperation with PIE representatives in the development of air transportation. This c ooperation consists of recognizing that TPA and PIE serve different markets a nd it is in the best interest to foster this complementary relationship. However, when there is overl ap in markets between TPA and PIE, as stakeholder B put it, at the end of the day they are competitors. The governmental economic development stakeholders D and E both take PIE into account in the economic development picture. Stakeholder D sees this airport as playing a part in the air transportation syst em of Tampa Bay in the following ways: 1) it provides market forces (i.e. completion) fo r Tampa International Airport (TPA); 2) it
95 provides regional opportunities th at TPA may not be able to support, or may not be the best airport to support such as low cost airl ines like Allegiant; and 3) it does provide international travel [in the form of seasonal low cost airlines or chartered flights] which provides additional global connections for Tampa Bay. Stakeholder E echoed the opinion that PIEs strength is as provide r of a low-cost leisure travel. The awareness of PIE among the non-prof it economic development and private business interest group was least consistent. For example, stakeholders L of the Tampa Bay Partnership said that PIE is definitely part of their economic development plans, because PIE provides a complementary service to TPA. This contrasts with stakeholder M of the Tampa-Hillsborough Economic Development Corporation who said that PIE is not on their radar. This stakeholder explaine d that their focus is Hillsborough County and this may explain why PIE does not come up in their plans. There was general acknowledgement among st akeholders that th e Master Plan of Tampa International Airport is appropriat e for the economic development plans they described. The familiarity with the Master Plan ranged from stakeholders knowing some of the details of the plan to knowing that the plan exists, but not be ing familiar with the details. My observation was that the Master Plan seemed to be regarded as more of a concern for TPA stakeholder rather than some thing that all stakeholders could use and have input to.
96 5 DISCUSSION This chapter focuses on the different conclu sions that I have dr awn on the basis of artifact reviews and in-depth, semi-structure d stakeholder interviews This discussion of my results is presented in the same thematic structure used to summarize the results in Chapter 4. 5.1 Tampa Bay From stakeholder comments on the subject we can conclude that governance structure is one of Tampa Bays biggest ch allenges. Political a nd geographic boundaries are embedded in the current gove rning structure. This make s the job of governance from a regional perspective difficult for entities that have a regional outlook or mandate like the Tampa Bay Partnership, TBARTA, and the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council. In order for the change that these organizati ons are advocating to occur, there must be a significant change in the governance structure of all stakeholders involved. We can see cases where a stakeholders job performance is dependent upon a geographic area that is at odds with the regional outlook that they may advocate. For example, stakeholder A stated that it would be a good thing for TPA, PIE, SRQ, and MCO to plan together but then followed this statement by saying that at the end of the day their job is to increase flights at TPA, but not at PIE or at other air ports. When we consider what form a regional governance structure for air transportation may take, it is possible to imagine the creation
97 of a super region airport authority that w ould have jurisdiction over TPA, PIE, SRQ, MCO, and SFB. Two key conclusions can be drawn from these comments. First, geography does still matter. It is not unc ommon to hear the proclama tion that geography no longer matters or that the world is flat. If this were true, then there would be no reason for someone to move jobs or themselves to anot her location. Rather, the existence of internet communication and transportati on technologies allow people who have access to them the means to select locations for jobs and residents based on geographic specific properties such as the cost of labor or the at traction of a location to an individual. Second, Tampa Bay stakeholders believe that Tampa Bay does not contain th e intellectual capital necessary to transform Tampa Bay. This out ward looking view illustrates the perceived shortcomings of Tampa Bay in the lack of abili ty to attract this t ype of demographic and also the acknowledgement of the inability to generate it from within. From the descriptions of a future Tampa Bay that Tampa Bay stakeholders have provided, we can discern attempts to reposi tion Tampa Bay in the global city network. But just how Tampa Bay is to be repositioned is seen differently across stakeholders. One model of global repositioning is the global city hierarchy defined by Sassen (2002). In fact, one stakeholder (D) referenced Sassens ranking and stated that they believe Tampa Bay to be a second tier global city. Despite th e aspirations of this stakeholder and a few others, it does not appear that upward move ment on the global city hierarchy will be quickly realized. For example, there was wide acknowledgement among the Tampa Bay stakeholders that the diversif ication of Tampa Bays economy includes an increase in the presence of corporations. However, base d on past performance, the reality of
98 stakeholders attracting enough advanced produc er services that would increase Tampa Bays links to the world interc ity relations (Derudder et al. 2009) does not seem likely, or at best a very slow process. 5.2 Beneficiaries of Development Plans There are many claims that make up the market approach to globalization that Steger (2009) describes as an ideology. On e of these is that globalization benefits everyone. From what stakeholders said in response to my interview question who will benefit in the future Tampa Bay from th e economic development plans that they have described we can conclude that there are certa in requirements that must be met for someone to benefit. However, these requirements were not explicitly acknowledged by most stakeholders. For example, we can conclu de that one requirement is that one must be a productive member of th e economic community as define d by the market to directly take part in the flows of gl obalization. The global-local conn ection is controlled by those who directly engage in global processes, and as they make decisions they are deciding where to direct the resources that are involved in these proc esses. In this process, both those who are included in these flows and excl uded from these flows have the potential to be affected positively or negatively. Regarding those who will be affected negatively, or those who will be excluded from these flows of resources, stakeholder M said that it is up to the local government to see that its reside nts are taken care of. From this thinking, we can conclude that the most immediate de mographic to be impacted by the economic development plans presented by stakeholders w ill be those who can be convinced to take part in the economic activities proposed by th e stakeholders, or those who cannot help but be a part of the processes.
99 One of the demographic groups that are likely to benefit from these economic development plans in Tampa Bay comprises those who control the economic activities on which the stakeholders are focusing. These in clude those who own or run the businesses in the key industries that are thought to be the most appropria te industries to diversify the economies of Florida and Tampa Bay. We can dr aw this conclusion because when social practice creates infrastructures such as trans portation infrastructures, the social relations become embedded in the transportation infrastructures and this has both positive and negative effects on the population. Accessibility to transportation in frastructures is one example of this. We can look to Lefebvre for confirmation of this as he wrote that in spatial practice, the reproduc tion of social relations is predominant (Lefebvre 1991, 50). One notable observation I made about the stakeholders, as they described the benefits of globalization and economic development, is that they displayed a sense of sincerity in their belief of the benefits of economic development a nd globalization. There was an excitement expressed by several stak eholders about the idea that globalization will benefit everyone. The concept, as presen ted by the stakeholders, made rational sense to them and there was an appreciation for the beauty of the idea that the global processes that they described would have such fa r reaching effects upon a population. It did not appear to me that this view of economic development and globalization is challenged during the normal course of business for mo st stakeholders. However, there were a number of stakeholders, as I pointed out above, who were ve ry willing to engage in a discussion that challenged their view of gl obalization. Further, in these conversations
100 these stakeholders were candi d and up front about the challenges to the ideas of globalization and economic development that they described. 5.3 Globalization Discussions with stakeholders show that they perceive globalization as primarily an economic phenomenon. Further, this understa nding is similar to th e market approach to globalization described by Steger (2009). While many stak eholders claimed that one has no choice but to use communications and transportation technologies to compete in the global marketplace lest they fall behind, ma ny of these same stakeholders indicated that globalization very much involves choice. From these conflicting views, we can see that the reality that many of these stak eholders face in the business of economic development does not always support the claim th at globalization is a one-way street with only one way of doing globalization or that globalization is a forgone conclusion. Almost all stakeholders identified additio nal dimensions of globalization, but they did not express a consistent list of dimens ions or a set of properties for commonly identified additional dimensions of globaliz ation. This leads me to conclude that a stakeholders acknowledgment or understanding of globalizati on is not a function of their professional perspective. Both Roberston and Steger (2002, 2003) point out the part that ones awareness plays in globali zation. This is visible in how stakeholders describe their understanding of globalization that extends beyond an economic understanding. Perhaps the most literal endorsement of this idea comes from Stakeholder O who said that globalization requires a change in mindset because people must change their way of thinking and acting.
101 An interesting observation I had of st akeholders as they described their understanding of globalization is a difficulty in articulati ng their views of non-economic dimensions of globalization. All stakeholders expressed similar views of globalization from an economic perspective. It appears th at they are most familiar with the popular economic view and articulation of globaliza tion but did not have much experience in discussing other dimensions of globalization. 5.4 Space and Time Communication and transpor tation technologies were the most common reason given for peoples changing perceptions of sp ace-time. Stakeholder K said that travel changes ones mindset and thus ones awaren ess of space-time. Stakeholder C said that travel leads to more familiarity which l eads to openness which leads to a reduction in mistrust. However, this experience does not extend to everyone, as noted by several stakeholders. Since stakeholders attri buted communications and transportation technologies as the main reason for changes in space and time perceptions, those who do not have access to these tec hnologies may not experience the same change in perceptions. The result is an uneven distribution of sp ace-time perceptions across a population. This was articulated by stakeholder F who said that they believe that peoples perception is based on their distance. We can see in stakeholders comments on time that the change in perceptions of space-time is not unidirectional. Stakeholders such as B and F described that while they have experienced an increase in the rate of the activities of their daily professional lives, they have at the same time experienced a decompression. The reason for this is that access to mobile communication technologies al lows them the flexibility to maintain
102 threads of communications regardless of th eir geographic position. This allows these stakeholders additional time options to respond to communications. What results, according to stakeholders B and F, is the opt ion to blend their professional and personal lifestyles because they do not ha ve to make the effort to be in a certain location to have work related communications and in anothe r location to have pe rsonal communications. One conclusion that can be drawn on the basis of stakeholder comments on spacetime perceptions is that geographic differe nces can become more important. Since individuals and entities can sp read activities across a larger geographic scale, it makes geographic differences more meaningful b ecause people now have more options to choose from when they decide where they wish to involve themselves We can see this in the comments of some stakeholders. For exam ple, stakeholder E said that we have the freedom to choose residence and employment location, stakeholder F said that we now have freedom from geography, stakeholders G, H, and I agreed that we are not dependent upon a specific place because of communications and transportation technologies, and stakeholder O said that one has the option to go anywhere one wants to go. It may seem contradictory to conclude that geography has beco me more meaningful from some of these comments, because the stakeholders are noting the freedom from restrictions of being in a certa in place. This freedom gives one the option to select a place that is more appropriate or meaningful for their activity. It also provides those with the means an alternative to remain in their current location because it does not provide opportunities that could be pr esent at another location. These examples illustrate the possibility of choice that stakeholders have in how they respond to the global economy. The findi ngs are consistent with the research of
103 Watts (2000) who wrote about how choice was involved in the decisi on to deregulate the Australian dollar. Watts pointed out how stak eholders on both sides of the decision to deregulate the Australian dollar felt that th ey had no choice in their response to the proposal to deregulate. The vi ews of these Australian stakeh olders also support Stegers (2003, 2009) argument that one of the characteri stics of the ideology Market Globalism is that there is no choice in the matter of globalization. Yet, we see in both Watts (2000) case study and this thesis that although stakeholders may cla im they have no choice, they clearly do. When I consider the data on space and time perceptions that I collected in stakeholder interviews in the context of Lefebvres theory described in Chapter 2, it seems to challenge two of the categories of space that Lefebvre proposes. As a reminder of these categorizations, Lefe bvre breaks down social space in to three concepts: spatial practice, representations of space, and repr esentational space. Spa tial practice is the practice by which society crea tes its own social space. Representations of space are conceptualized spaces. Lefebvre defines these re presentations as the spaces of those who identify what is lived and what is perceived and reconcile it with wh at is conceived. This space is defined by planners, urbanists, technocrats, and social engineers. Representational spaces are spa ces that are experienced by inha bitants and users of social space. The second and third categories are not consistently supported by the data from my interviews. This is because the informa tion provided by stakeholders cannot be easily classified into one of these two categories. The stakeholders that I interviewed fall under the definition of those who define representati ons of space, since each of the stakeholders is involved in transportation and economic de velopment or they ar e planners. According
104 to Lefebvre (1991),we must conclude that p roducers of space have always acted in accordance with a representation [i.e. repr esentation of spaces], while the users passively experienced whatever was imposed upon them in as much as it was more or less thoroughly inserted into, or justifie d by, their representational space (Lefebvre 1991, 43). However, when describing a future Tampa Bay and the economic development plans that are requir ed to achieve this future state, the stakeholders vacillate between identifying conceptualized sp ace and identifying lived experience. This inconsistency can be observed in the responses of the stakeholders to one of my interview questions which ask whether tr ansportation should lead or follow economic development. Lefebvre writes that the perceive d-conceived-lived triad loses all force if it is treated as an abstract model (Lefebvre 1991, 40). Therefore, when looking at the interaction of these three elements, one sees a different level of interaction if we are looking at the case where transportation lead s economic development compared to the case where it follows economic development. Wh at this implies is that the stakeholders do not regard the social space of Tampa Bay in the way Lefebvre proposes, because the stakeholders do not draw a definite line between representations of space and representational space. When the answer to the question of whether transportation should lead or follow economic development is that it must lead, then the stakeholder relies more on representational spaces, or space as they have lived it and combine it with spatial practices that they are aware of. When the an swer to the question is that transportation must follow economic development, or be a response to demand, then the stakeholder can play more of a role in developing represen tations of space, because the social space has already been produced in the form of demand.
105 5.5 Transportation A multi-modal transportation system is s een as a necessity for Tampa Bay by all stakeholders. In order for Tampa Bay to act t ogether as a region, it needs to be connected together as a region by multi-modal transpor tation. While all stak eholders acknowledged the significance of air transpor tation as something that must be present to compete in the global economy, air transportation cannot st and on its own. There was more emphasis and more excitement about the high speed ra il mode of transporta tion, compared to air transportation. High speed rail was promot ed as a key factor in the continued development of Tampa Bay as a region and as part of a super region with Orlando. From this observation it is possible to conclude that the successful integration of air transportation with high speed rail and light rail will have more of an impact on the economic development of Tampa Bay rather than the development of just air transportation as some stakeholders proposed. The expected roles of TPA and PIE that were articulated by stakeholders are representative of the ec onomic development situation for Tampa Bay. There was acknowledgement that TPA is a well-run and we ll positioned airport with an appropriate Master Plan to meet the areas air trans portation needs. The consideration of PIE in Tampa Bays future was not acknowledged by all stakeholders. Some of the stakeholders said that their focus is only Hillsborough County, which may explain why PIE is not part of their plans. This is indicat ive of the scope of the plans of these stakeholders concerning air transportation for the Tampa Bay area sin ce these are designed to be comprehensive transportation plans. This suggests that one must understand the geographic area to which these plans apply, because it cannot be assumed that they cover more than the
106 stakeholders jurisdiction even though th e stakeholder may advocate an expanded geographic outlook. The fact that there are numerous plans covering different geographic areas indicates the lack of a regional c ohesiveness among stakeholders within the counties that comprise the service area of Ta mpa International Airport. This can be seen most clearly in the comments of the represen tatives of TPA who said that TPA and PIE are competitors at the end of the day. These st akeholders made these statements and also expressed the view that TPA and PIE compleme nt each other and they do cooperate with PIE stakeholders when possible. Further, stake holder A said that it w ould be beneficial if TPA, PIE, MCO, and SRQ worked together on regional air transportation planning. This stakeholder concluded, however, that they do not see a single ai rport authority being formed for this purpose. This contradicti on displays one of th e limiting factors of economic development and air transportati on in Tampa Bay. The governing structure does not support the regional coope ration that the stakeholders ha ve stated in one form or another needs to exist for Tampa Bay to rest ructure its economy and become the future Tampa Bay that each of these stakeholders ha ve described. We can see in the master plans of both TPA and PIE, a delineation of responsibility for identifying demand versus generating demand. Both plans have identified demand scenarios, although the Master Plan-TPA is much more specific in this area. However, neither plan includes a program to reach out to the economic development stakeholders in Tampa Bay to attempt to bring the demand scenarios to fruition. It appears that TPA and PIE stakeholders see thei r role as identifying demand and then providing the infrastructure to m eet the demand. This contradicts the statement from stakeholder A of TPA who said that th e philosophy of build it and they will come
107 no longer works. While this may be the opini on of representative A, this opinion does not appear to be present at the time the Master Plan-TPA was updated in 2005. It appears that this cooperation of tr ansportation stakeholders and economic development stakeholders is a challenge for Tampa Bay, because the two groups have not yet figured out how to complement each other.
108 6 CONCLUSIONS The intent of my thesis research was to examine the role of air transportation in globalization, for which a case study was conducted in Tampa Bay, Florida. In this thesis, I have attempted to document how stakeholde rs are imagining the economic development of Tampa bay in a globally connected economy. In order to investig ate the role of air transportation and globalization, I have explored the role that air tr ansportation will play in their economic development of Tampa Ba y. Having presented and analyzed the data that I gathered in in-depth, semi-structure d, and open-ended research interviews, I can now respond to the research ques tions that guided this work. My first research question is What vision of Tampa Bay is driving the economic development plans of stakeholders of Tampa International Airport and St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport? The Tampa Bay economy is perceived by stakeholders as being in the process of a fundamental restructuring. The previous economic drivers of the Florida and Tampa Bay economies have been tourism and home construction, due to residential population gr owth. The consensus among stakeholders is that these two activities will st ill remain part of the economy of Tampa Bay but they will no longer be the primary drivers. It is necessary to identi fy and develop new industries that will diversify the Tampa Bay economy so that future downturns in one or two industries will not have the devastating eff ect that the recession that began in 2008 has had on the Tampa Bay economy.
109 Stakeholders universally responded that everyone will benefit in the future Tampa Bay from the economic development plans prop osed by the stakeholders. However, as I explored this view with a number of stakehol ders who were willing to discuss the issue, it became apparent that there are limits to who will benefit. There was a definite delineation of responsibility between who would be responsible for those who did not benefit, or receive the ill-effect s of globalization. It was said directly and indirectly by many stakeholders that it was not the responsibil ity of economic development stakeholders to see that all will benefit from economic de velopment and globalization despite their proclamations that everyone will benefit. The answer to the second research question What understanding of globalization do Tampa Bay economic development and ai r transportation stakeholders have ? is that stakeholders view and understand globalization from an economic perspective. This is not unexpected due to the fact that all of the stakeholders are involved in economic development in some form. However, all stakeholders acknowledged directly or indirectly other dimensions of globalizati on. The dimensions that each stakeholder identified and how they described it seemed to be driven more by the personal experience of the stakeholder rather than from a profe ssional perspective which framed their view of globalization as an economic phenomenon. Perceptions of space-time have and are ch anging for stakeholders. However, they are not changing uniformly for all stakeholders so this illustrates the uneven experience of space-time. All stakeholders could relate to the vernacular expressions such as the world is getting smaller and time passes mo re quickly than it used to. However, a number of stakeholders had insights into these observations that identified the bi-
110 directional nature of these perceptions. This means that time does appear to pass more quickly but it can also appear to expand because of access to internet communications technologies (e.g., Blackberry) can allow one to have more flexibility in how and when they conduct their communications and struct ure their professional and personal time. A change in the perception of space in the ge ographic sense was strongly observed by all stakeholders. They pointed for the need to th ink and act from a regional perspective when making economic development decisions for Tampa Bay. This ranged from the view that various air transportation author ities within the TPA service area should work together to Tampa Bay air transportation and economic development stakeholders working with Orlando stakeholders to achie ve economic development goa ls. Despite these opinions, the stakeholders were mixed in their view on the ability of stakeholders to make profound changes in the governance struct ure of Tampa bay and the regi on to realize a need to act within the regional framework that they said was now necessary. To answer the first part of research question 3 which asks how air transportation fits into the economic devel opment plans of Tampa Bay we must look at transportation in its entirety. There was uniform consensus amon g all stakeholders that transportation is a very important issue for Tampa Bay. All stakeholde rs held the view that it is necessary to develop a multi-modal transportation system to tie together the counties that make up Tampa Bay and also to link Tampa Bay to the region of Central Florida and the rest of the world. It is ironic since the transportation focus of this research is air transportation but air transportation was not a main focus of stakeholders as a group. All stakeholders acknowledged that air tran sportation is significant in Tampa Bays economic development, but as stakeholder E said, air tr ansportation cannot stand by itself. It must
111 be integrated into the transportation sy stem of Tampa Bay. During my research interviews, the majority of high speed rail ha d been recently funded and there was a lot of focus and excitement on this mode of transportation. This was to be a game changer for Tampa Bays and Floridas economies and repositioning in the regional and global marketplace. Many stakeholders believed that high speed rail had th e potential to link air transportation into th e local and regional flows of tran sportation. However, what this would mean for the role that Tampa Intern ational Airport and to a lesser extent St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport woul d play is up in the air. The opinions of stakeholders on this issue varied. Some argue d that TPA should be developed into a large international airport that would rival Orlando Internati onal Airport and would lead economic development in Tampa Bay. While othe rs held the opinion that the dynamics of Tampa Bay demand do not currently support this need nor would it need to meet this demand and economic development in the future. There was also a middle opinion in which public-private partnerships between ai rlines and businesses would be used to develop non-stop internati onal air service at TPA. From the information provided by stakeholde rs, we can answer the second part of research question 3 which asks what role with both TPA and PIE will play in the economic development activities of Tampa Bay These two airports have and will continue to play complementary roles for Ta mpa Bay. TPA is and will continue to be the primary air passenger service airport for th e community. As for cargo, this is split between TPA and PIE because FedEx and DHL server TPA and UPS serves PIE. PIEs passenger traffic, while much smaller in vol ume compared to TPA is more varied. PIE supports multiple low-cost carriers such as Allegiant, USA 3000, and Frontier Airlines.
112 PIE, as was described by several stakehol ders, is a good candidate for the continued development of low-cost air service and charte rs. While the two airpor ts are not operated under the same airport authority, the cooperation that TPA stakeholders said exists when possible is evident in the complementary serv ices that each airport provides Tampa Bay. The existing governing structure of Tamp a Bay is based on historical geographic boundaries. The current structure rewards the st akeholders for conducting their activities within the historical geographic boundaries wi thin which a given institution operates. For example, the Hillsborough County Aviation Authority, the Tampa Hillsborough Economic Development Corporation, the Tampa Bay Regional Planning Commission, and the economic development departments at the county and city level are constrained by spatial boundaries that prevent them from conducting their activ ities on a geographic scale that is appropriate for the proc esses of a globally integrated economy. This research shows that as city stake holders attempt to re position a city in the global economy, they engage in the reproduc tion of social space. This attempt to reproduce social space puts pressure on ex isting governance structures. Tampa Bay stakeholders indicated in one form or anot her that a different governance structure is necessary for Tampa Bay to compete in the global economy. This was mentioned indirectly by stakeholders when they said that a regional outlook is necessary for Tampa Bay. Several stakeholders such as TPA repres entative A directly stated that a regional airport authority w ould be a good thing for Tampa Bay and the Tampa-Orlando superregion. This research has demonstrated in Tampa Bay how economic development forces referred to by Freidman (1995) influence the formation of a city as it attempts to reposition itself in the hi erarchy of world cities.
113 6.1 Significance of Research The academic significance of this resear ch is the application of space-time awareness as a method of researching the repr oduction of social sp ace in the context of economic development. The investigation of space-time awareness in this study exposed the personal social spaces of the stakehol ders and illustrated their complexities. The results demonstrate that social space cannot alwa ys be delineated into the three concepts of Lefebvre (1991). The social spaces of stakehol ders in this research clarify that while they are conceivers of spaces of representation because they are urban planners, they are also users of space who live in the space they have described. The knowledge produced about Tampa Bay by this research is rele vant for at least two reasons. First, it could benefit the stakehol ders who participated in this research by offering them an additional view of the posit ions of their colleagues within the economic development realm in Tampa Bay. It is possi ble that this resear ch could stimulate additional discussion among these stakeholders Second, this research is relevant is because it offers insight into a transportation issu e that is one of the first to develop in the U.S. At issue is the relationship between air transportation and high speed rail that connects two metropolitan areas with airports As stakeholders pointed out in this research, air transportation is significant fo r Tampa Bay but cannot stand on its own. All stakeholders hold the view that a multi-modal transportation system is needed to reposition Tampa Bay in the global economy. The outcome of the relationship between these two transportation mode s and how they are used in the process of economic development will be an indication of possibilities in other U.S. regions.
114 This knowledge of Tampa Bay is relevant to the global events of the expansion of the Panama Canal and the easing of U.S. trad e and travel restrictio ns on Cuba. A number of stakeholders pointed to these events as being relevant for Tampa Bay economic development. In fact, the Master Plan of Tampa International Airport includes the possibility of trade with C uba as a demand scenario for air services at TPA. This relevance was confirmed in January of 2011 when the U.S. government expanded the possible cities that can provide air service to Cuba. Up to this point, only three airports in Miami, New York, and Los Angeles have been allowed to provide air service to Cuba (Leary, A. and B. Varian, 2011). TPA now meet s the new requirements and there is the possibility for Tampa Bay stakeholders to connect Tampa Bay to Cuba through trade and travel. 6.2 Future Research The findings from this thes is provide an important f oundation for future research. As described earlier, this research focuse s on capturing the view of Tampa Bay from transportation and economic development stakeholders in the counties of Hillsborough and Pinellas, which are the counties that ar e home to Tampa Intern ational Airport (TPA) and St. Petersburg/Clearwater In ternational Airport (PIE), re spectively. The scope of this research can be extended by expanding the list of stakeholders to include those in the other counties in TPAs service area. Th ese would include the air transportation stakeholders at airports such as Saraso ta/Bradenton International Airport (SRQ) in Manatee County, Tampa Executive Airport (VDF ), Plant City Municipal Airport (PCM) in Hillsborough County, and Lakeland Linder Regional Airport (LAL) in Polk County which lies to the East of Hillsborough County. There are additional sea port stakeholders
115 within Tampa Bay in Port Manatee, which is located on the south si de of Tampa Bay in Manatee County. Governmental and non-profit economic development stakeholders in the other five counties can also be included. Future research can be expanded even furt her to the East to include Orlando and beyond to the East Coast of Florida. With in this extended super region is Orlando International Airport (MCO) which was men tioned a number of times in stakeholder interviews as TPAs greatest competitor. Another significant airport that should be included in future research is Orlando Sanford International Airport (SFB). This airport is very close to MCO and provides service for a large volume of internat ional charter flights and, according to Vowels and Mertens (2005), was the largest U.S. gateway for international charter flight s in 2000. Economic development stakeholders outside the TPA service area include the Central Florida Pa rtnership, which is the sister organization to the Tampa Bay Partnership, and Orla ndo, Inc., which is the Orlando Regional Chamber of Commerce. Getting the input fr om these stakeholders and government stakeholders in what was often describe d as the Tampa-Orlando super region would allow one to develop a sense of how Tampa Bay and Orlando stakeholders are working and not working together to develop these two metropolitan areas as a region and what part air transportation may play in this process. Another interesting dire ction for future research is th e origin of the key industries which are the focus of economic development for many stakeholders. There seems to be a collective conscious that has formed and is continuing to develop. Stakeholders that I interviewed may or may not be able to trac e how they came to see these industries as viable targets for developmen t, but the idea started somewhere and is now infused not
116 only at the Tampa Bay level but also at the state level accord ing to stakeholder M. Future research could investigate this collective cons cious to discover why these industries were selected. The subject of high speed and light rail deserves much attention in future research. As this research has shown, rail as a mode of transportation for Tampa Bay and Central Florida has the potential to impact the economic development of Tampa Bay and Central Florida. Future research could examin e whether rail really is important, whether it is politically important, or wh ether is it just the topic of the day. One component of this research is the apparent di sconnect between the stakeholde rs who participated in my research and the Florida state officials w ho were elected in th e November 2010 election. Both the stakeholders and the newly elected officials can be desc ribed as pro-business and pro-economic development, but there ar e differing opinions on the effectiveness of high speed rail between the groups. Further moni toring of the evoluti on of this political situation has the potential to provide insi ghts into the subtler motivations of proeconomic development and pro-business stakehol ders not only in Tampa Bay but in the state of Florida. This can lead to a much improved understanding of the role played by multi-modal transportation systems in the U.S. in the context of a globally connected economy.
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128 Appendix A: Interviewee Consent Statement I, Clint Elbow, am conducting research on what pa rt air transportation is playing in the economic development of Tampa Bay in the context of globalization. I have contacted you to ask for your participation in this research becau se of your unique pers pective on this subject. You have agreed to participate in this research by being interviewed by me Further, if this interview is being conducted at your place of employment, then you state that your place of employment suppo rts your participation in this interview as well as it being conducted at your place of em ployments site. While conducting this research, please know that I am committed to conducting and completing this research in a way that will respect your right of privacy I will take every effort to keep the information you provide in this interview process anonymous unless you state that you would like to be identified by name. Please be aware that while I will keep all informati on you provide anonymous there is always the chance that someone may be able to derive your identity based on the information you provide and how I write this information up in my research. As I stated above I will never use this information in a way that directly reveals your identity. However, due to the nature of this subject in the context of a case study of the Tampa Bay area there is always the possibility for one to ma ke connections to events and knowledge that are outside my research process to information you have provided to me in the interview process which may lead to one to conclude your identity. Please know that you have the right as a research pa rticipant to review any in formation that you have provided to me in the interview process. This can take the form of recorded material or written material. Please know too that you have the right to request a copy of my final research document once I have completed it and it has been approved by the University of South Florida. Please know that you have the right to change your mind about your participation in my research. If at some point you change your mind about providing any information at all or just certain information you have already provided you may contact me to discuss its removal from my research Also realize that here will be a point of no return for this option. Once I reach the point in my research where I defend my research and submit it for approval by the University of South Florida it will become a document that will be available in the University of South Florida library system and I will not be able to retract it. If at any time during the time of your participation you have concerns about your participation please contact me at the following contact points: Email: firstname.lastname@example.org Phone: 727.692.5334 Please know that it is your right to decide if the inte rview(s) you agree to partic ipate in will be recorded. Has the interviewee agreed to have this and other interviews conducted with Clint Elbow to support his Masters research conducted under the guidance of Dr. Jayajit Chakraborty at the University of South Florida recorded? Yes No Does the interviewees place of employment support the execution of this interview or other interviews at their site? Yes No N/A Interviewees Entity: ____________________ Interviewees Position in Entity: ____________________ Interviewer Name: _____________________ Signature: _____________________ Date: ____________
129 Appendix B: Interview Checklist Pre-Interview Process: 1) Schedule interview a. Interviewee: b. Date/Time: c. Location: 2) Arrange work schedule 3) Familiarize myself with interviewee. (who they are, general information relevant to my research) 4) Prepare recording equipment: a. Recorder b. Batteries c. Memory card d. Back-up recorder Interview Questions: (see Appendix C for list) Post Interview Process: 1) Record post-interview thoughts a. Interview (questions, processes, techniques) b. Theory c. Reflexivity 2) Send thank you email to interviewee 3) Transfer recording to co mputer and convert format a. Make backup of recording 4) Transcribe interview
130 Appendix C: Interview Questions 1) What is your vision of a future Tampa Bay? 2) What economic development plans do you think need to be put into place to achieve this vision? 3) Does air transportation fit into your plans for economic development? 4) If yes, should transportation lead or follow economic development? 5) What is your understanding of globalization? 6) Are you aware that TIA has a Master Plan? a. If so, are you familiar with its contents? b. If so, do you think that it is appropri ate considering your economic development goals for Tampa Bay? 7) How is Tampa Bay connected to the global economy? 8) It is not uncommon to hear people say that the world is getting smaller or that the world moves much faster today than it us ed to. Do you ever find yourself thinking this? a. If so, what does it mean to you? b. Do you believe you now behave differently, or take different actions, or think differently in regards to matters of ec onomic development in Tampa Bay because of these perceptions? 9) How was the TIA Master Plan conceived and by whom? 10) What economic opportunities is trans portation linked to in Tampa Bay? 11) Are the synergies of multi-modal transportation being used in Tampa Bay? 12) How does air transportation in TB integrat e with the local, regional, and global transportation systems? 13) Who will benefit from the economic deve lopment plans and air transportation infrastructures that your entity promotes?
A A ppendix D : : Multimod a a l Shriveli n ng Time-Sp a a ce Relief M M ap of the U U SA 131
132 Appendix E: Stakehol der Interview Lists Table 7.1: Transportation St akeholders Interview List Identifier Organization Interview Date (2010) Length (hours) A Tampa International Airport September 10 1 B Tampa International Airport June 17 1 K Port of Tampa October 20 1 Table 7.2: Government Stak eholders Interview List Identifier Organization Interview Date (2010) Length (hours) C Tampa City Council September 10 D Hillsborough County Department of Economic Development June 23 1 E City of St. Petersburg Economic Development Department June 25 1 F St. Petersburg City Council July 15 1 G The Planning Commission (Hillsborough County) August 24 1 H The Planning Commission (Hillsborough County) August 24 1 I The Planning Commission (Hillsborough County) August 24 1 J Tampa Bay and Company September 7 1 V Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council August 10 W Tampa Bay Regional Planning Council August 10
133 Table 7.3: Non-Profit/Private Business In terest Stakehold er Interview List Identifier Organization Interview Date (2010/*2011) Length (hours) L Tampa Bay Partnership August 12 1 M Tampa-Hillsborough Economic Development Corporation June 18 1 N Tampa-Hillsborough Economic Development Corporation June 18 1 O Indo-US Chamber of Commerce June 30 1 P Caribbean-American US Chamber of Commerce June 30 1 Q Chinese American Chamber of Commerce September 9 1 R French-American Business Council of West Florida August 17 2 S French-American Business Council of West Florida August 17 2 T Scandanavian and Baltic Trade Association August 19 1 U Scandanavian and Baltic Trade Association August 19 1 Y Westshore Business Alliance October 14 Z Private Citizen January 6 1
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Elbow, Clinton M.
Up in the air :
h [electronic resource] /
b the global economy, economic development, and air transportation in tampa bay, florida
by Clinton M. Elbow.
[Tampa, Fla] :
University of South Florida,
Title from PDF of title page.
Document formatted into pages; contains 141 pages.
(M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references.
Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.
ABSTRACT: A globally integrated economy is one of the most prominent features of globalization and how city stakeholders respond to the global economy varies from city to city. Connecting to the global economy is often portrayed to be necessary for the continued economic development of a metropolitan area. Large transportation infrastructures such as airports represent one of the most visible ways of connecting to the global economy. Decisions made by city stakeholders regarding airports in order to reposition their city in the global economy have profound consequences for its residents. This thesis aims to examine the role played by air transportation in the processes of globalization present in Tampa Bay, Florida, and focuses specifically on investigating the following research questions: 1) What vision of Tampa Bay is driving the economic development plans of stakeholders of Tampa International Airport and St. Petersburg/Clearwater International Airport? 2) What understanding of globalization do Tampa Bay economic development and air transportation stakeholders have? 3) How does air transportation fit into the economic development plans of Tampa Bay stakeholders and how will each airport play a part? To answer these questions, this thesis uses a qualitative research approach that relies on open-ended, in-depth interviews and artifact review as the methods of data collection. Interviews were conducted with representatives of transportation facilities, government economic development entities, non-profit economic development organizations, and private business interests. These interviews focused on the themes of visions of a future Tampa Bay, stakeholder understandings of globalization, stakeholder perceptions of space-time, and ultimately how air transportation assets in Tampa Bay may or may not be used in the economic development process as a response to the global economy. The results reveal that Tampa Bay stakeholders largely share in a vision of a future Tampa Bay but are not in as much agreement on how to achieve this vision, particularly regarding air transportation. Governance structure is found to be one of the greatest challenges associated with stakeholders' response to the global economy. The subject of governance structure in this case study is tied to changing perceptions of space-time, brought about by the pressures of a global economy, which in the minds of stakeholders requires one to do more with less in order to compete in the global economy. The findings provide important insights on how Tampa Bay stakeholders use air transportation in the process of economic development as a response to the global economy.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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t USF Electronic Theses and Dissertations.