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Costs of sprawl revisited


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Costs of sprawl revisited the evidence of sprawl's negative and positive impacts
Uniform Title:
Costs of sprawl
Running title:
Transit Cooperative Research Program (TCRP) H-10
Physical Description:
1 online resource (iv, 233 p.) : ill. ;
Burchell, Robert W
National Research Council (U.S.) -- Transportation Research Board
Transit Cooperative Research Program
Transportation Research Board, National Research Council
Place of Publication:
Washington, D.C.
Publication Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Land use -- United States   ( lcsh )
Local transit -- United States   ( lcsh )
Municipal services -- Finance -- United States   ( lcsh )
Urban policy -- United States   ( lcsh )
Cities and towns -- Growth -- United States   ( lcsh )
Suburbs -- United States   ( lcsh )
Infrastructure (Economics) -- Costs -- United States   ( lcsh )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )


Includes bibliographical references (p. 201-226).
Statement of Responsibility:
Robert W. Burchell ... et al..

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University of South Florida Library
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University of South Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
aleph - 028898191
oclc - 754221040
usfldc doi - C01-00077
usfldc handle - c1.77
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Costs of sprawl.

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l1o. Costs ol Sprawl-llevim.d Contenh CONTENTS PREFACE . . .... . ... . ................... ........ 111 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND ............. ...................... I CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND ANALYSIS OF THE LITERATURE ON SPRAWL ............... 9 CHAPTER 3 LITERATURE SYNTHESIS OF THE COSTS AN D BENEFITS OF SPRAWL ......................... 37 Analysis of the Literat u re .................................... .............. . .......... 37 I. Public and Private Capital and Operating Costs ........ ................. 39 II. Transportation and Travel Costs ................................ . ......... 54 III. Land/Natural Habitat Preservation ................................ .......... 65 IV. Quality of Life ................................................................. 73 V. Social Issues ...................................... ........ ........... . ..... ... 90 Overall Summary of the Sprawl Li t erature ................ . ................. ........ 98 CHAPTER 4 ANNOTATION OF KEY STUDIES .. ..................................... 119 I Public and Private Capital and Operating Costs ......................... 120 II. Transportation and Travel Costs ...... .................................... 139 Ill. Land/Natural Habitat Preservation ........................ . . .. .......... 161 IV. Quality of Life ............................................................... 168 V. Social Issues .... ............................................... .............. 178 CHAPTERS REFERENCE BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................. 201 APPENDIX LIST OF ANNOTATED STUDIES BY AUTHOR ....................... 227 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H lO


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In 1974. the Real E s tat e R esearc h Corpo ration published a threevolume study entitled Tire Costs of Sprawl. The study consisted of an Executive Summary, Detailed Costs Analysis (Vo lume 1}, and Literature Review/ Bibliography (Volume II). It encom passed more than one tho u sand pages. From the time of its publication until today. it has been regarded by the soc ial science community as one o f the most sig nificant critiqu es of spraw l and among the mos t influential studies eve r under taken. The Costs of Sprawl tlas been cited in countless environmental and planning reportS and journals; it has been reviewed-both positively and negatively-by more than one hundred journals and magazines ; and it has been presented as the seminal study o n growth impa cts to num erous Congressional co mmittees and bodi es. Tile Costs of Sprawl was funded jointly by the U.S. Co uncil on Environmental Quality, the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Environmental Protection Agency The Costs of like no other study before, sought to isolate both density and l ocation of developm ent as s ignificant co ntributors to the cos t s of deve lopment. Th e study analyzed six hypo thetical new ltutg.etl 8rookingt PoriCMit ltiMh t hoH ECONorthwest ii i ,,.rae. PREFACE comm unities of 10,000 dw elling unit s each, from high density ( 19-20 unit s per a cre) to intermediate density (34 unit s per acre); from communities with high levels of planning and design t o those absent significant planning. The s tud y impacts on infrastructure. hous ing, tra n s ponation, energ y, environ mental, and quality of life costs of s prawl (Real Est ate Research Corporati on [RBRC] 1974). Although The Costs of Sprawl was in flu entia!, it was also flawed The analy ses of community types allowed uni t size and number of occupants to vary, and the savings attributed to different community types were actually a function of the d iffering size (and types) of units and numbers of peopl e found there. The absence of spraw l was not th e reason for the savi ngs; sma lle r units and fewer people to service were the cau se of the sa vings. Yet. even though thes e shortcomings were uncovered the direction o f the findings so paralleled past and current intuitive feelings that the study contin ues t o be used toda y as one of the most cogent arguments against sprawled development patt erns. Why such interest in sprawl? Although Americans lik e their single-family TAANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) 11-10


residences, automob i les, and suburban li festyles, there is a nagging feeling that both the aesthetics of how communities develop and the efficiency of movement within and between them could be improved. In addition buried down deep is a recognition that Americans arc wasteful in their consumption of manmade (infrastructure) and natural (land) resources and that their development choices are selfish in terms of impacts on central cities and the populations within them But first it must be shown to the citizenry at large that there is a problem, because life i s good and "If i t ain't broke, don' t fix it.'' Is suburban sprawl different from an alternative form of development? Is it less efficient? Does it cause resources to be needlessly consumed? Is there an alternative? What do those who have studied this issue say? How substantively strong is the evidence they bring to bear? The s t udy that follows is a detailed examination of most of the information that can be assemb l ed on both sprawl and its costs in an effort to answer the above questions. The monograph views the costs of sprawl (with l ower case lett ers) as investigated in a variety of types and forms of about 500 studies These stud i es vary between those t hat: (I) focus specifically on sprawl, and those that deal with suburban or ex urban development; (2) are highly quant i tative, involving modeling or econometric analyses, and those t hat are qualitative and purely descriptive; (3) concern the "harder" or physical/engineering aspects of sprawl, and those that substantively involve "softer" or quality of life/social issues; ( 4) are primary analyses and break new ground, and those that are secondary analyses of the works of others that add R:..ngn Brookings Potlb n.s 8rindcetflolf ECONorthwe d IV very little; and (5) vilify sprawl and see no positive effects, and those that cham pion t h e development form as pure l y and unequivocally "American" with few, if any, negative impacts. With regard to the Iauer, this assemblage of material identifies and provides evi dence for both negative and positive impacts of sprawl in each of five impact areas. These are: public and private capitol and operating costs; traiiSportalion and travel costs; landlnaturallzabitot preservation; quality of life; and social issues. The work contained in this monograph is divided into five chapters. Chapter One contains an introduction to the concept of sprawl, including bo t h its defining trai t s and what is meant by the "costs" of sprawl. Chapter Two highlights signi fi cant events i n the history o f the evolution of the sprawl literature. Chapter Three divides the alleged impacts of sprawlmore than 40 in total, two-thirds negative and onet hird positive--into the above five categories and detennines whether evidence from the literature supports the impact and its direction, as well as its association with a land development pattern termed sprawl. Chapter Four individually analyzes and annotates about one-quarter of the sprawl studies Chap ter Five classifies the sprawl literature by category and method of analys i s. The review of the sprawl literature is designed to be historical, substantive, comprehensive, and integrative Presented in this way, the reader will be drawn into the argument about sprawl from its origins to the present TRANSIT COOPERAOVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H lO


1 INTRODUCTION AND DEFINITION INTRODUCTION The literatu re review that follows is an analysis of the writings and studies con cerning a pattern of land development in the United States termed "sprawl." Sprawl is the spread-out, skipped-over development that characterizes the non central city metropolitan areas and non metropolitan of the United States. Sprawl is two-story, single-family development on lots ranging in size from one-third to one acre (less acreage on the West Coast), accompanied by strip commercial centers and industrial parks, also two stories in height and with a simi l ar amount of land takings (Ewing 1997). Spraw l occurs oo a micro basis i n almost every county of the United States (although it occurs in significant amounts in only about one-quarter of the nation's 3 ,000 counties). Most U nited States counties that contain sprawl have it in itS residential form-i.e., low-density residential development in rural and undeveloped areas. Some counties are characterized by nonresidential sprawl, commercial and industrial development with floor -ar ea ratios less than 0.2 located 1 in the same types of areas (Burchell and Shad 1997b). Sprawl is the spread-out, skipped-over development that characterizes the non-central city metropolitan areas and non-metropolitan areas of the United States. -Ewing 1997 Sprawl occurs because local governments in the United States encourage this form of development via zoning and sub division ordinances which, in tum, reflect the desires of the citizens. This type of development is favored by the general public because it (among other factors}: I} distills congestion while accom modating unlimited use o f the automobile; 2} distances new development from the fiscal and social problems of older core 3} provides a heterogeneous economic nux; 4) fosters neighborhoods in which housing will appreciate; 5} fosters neighborhoods in which schools provide both education and TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO


appropriate socialization for youth; and 6) requires lower property taxes t o pay for local and school district operating expenses than locations closer in. (Burchell 1997a) Sprawl is so well-accepted by the public that the AAA-rated locations for both residential and nonresidential devel opment are increasingly farther out rather than closer in, and more rather than less segregated by type of land use (Gordon and Richardson 1997a). Gated com munities, farmettes, research parks, Large regional malls, initially located along unde,elope

conservation program and the adoption of numerous technological cost savers, fundin g infrastructure in thi s sta t e coul d require an increase in the gasoline tax of 2/gallon; an increase in the state sales tax of 0.5%; an increase in property taxes of 12 5%; the tolling of all interstates at 30mile intervals; impact fees on residential and nonresidential development of $2,000 per unit and per 1 ,000 square feet, respectively; and a mandatory 10 pereent set-aside for infrasuuerure in all state, county, municipal, and school dis uict general funds and i ntergovemmental transfer revenues (Burchell 1997b ). Despite massive road expenditures, t -395 in A rlington, Virginia. slow$ to a vrldlock during. rush-hour traffic. Source: Truman Haruhorn, l"t trJJrtti ng tile City. The big-ticket item in all infrastructure projections is roads In South Carol ina, roads are expected to cost S25 billion, almOSt half of the tOial $56 billion infrastructure budget. ln South Carolina, roads will cost 2.5 tim es what will be spent o n primary, secondary. and higher education infrastructu re; three times what will be spen t on h ealth infrastruc ture, including all hospitals, institutions, and all water-sewer treatment systems; ten times what will be spent on public safety, administration, and justice infrastruc ture; firteen times what will be spent on environmental protection infrastructure; and twenty-five t imes what will be spent on all cul tural and recreational infras tructure 3 Duall y supporting and ullderutilizing two systems of infrastructure-one that is being abandoned in and around central cities and close-i n suburbs, and one that is not yet fully used in rural areas just beginning to be developed-is causing governments to forgo the maintenance of much infrastructure and the provisio n of anything other than growth-related infrastructure. The United States, in other words, is funding road infrastructure by: I) not funding all 2) not fully funding developmental infrastruc ture ; 3) not repairing or replacin g mo s t types of infrastructure; and 4) not taking advantage of the techno logical improvements in rehabilitation, repair, and provision of infrastructure that could be passed on to t axpayers as savings. Still, by no means is an alternative t o the current pattern of land development the ultimate panacea. If South Carolina were to switch to compact developm ent and managed growth measures to curtai l spread development, the state would be able to save only about 10 percent of the pro jected $56 billion infrastructure costs, or approximately $5.6 billion. This is because about 40 percent of public infrastructure costs are not growth related, and only about two-th irds of the remainder i s new growthrelated. When development pauern savings are applied to the appro priate portion of new growth related infrastru cture costs, therefore, the saving is only 12-15 percent. On the other hand, increasing the gasoline tax by 2/gallon raises only $56 million in new revenues statewide-<>ne one thousandth of the total required infrastructure costs-and one one hundredth of the amount that potentially could be saved by altering land development patterns (Burchell l997b) TRANSIT COOPERAnYE RBEARCH PROGRAM ITCRP) H-10


7he Cosfs of Sprowf.....Revisited In sum, the majority of the American public i s not unhappy with the current pauern of development in metropolitan areas-it simply can no longer afford it. Thus, the primary concern about sprawl development. at a time wben tbe average American is satisfied with its outcome, is cost And costs need to be measured not just in terms of capital improvement but also in terms of resource depletion. Land in the United States is being consumed at triple the rate of household formation; automobile use is growing twice as fast as the population; and prime agricultural land, forests and fragile lands encompassing natural habitats are decreasing at comparable reciprocal rates (Landis 1995). In sum, the majoriJy of the American public is not unh4ppy with the current pattern of development in metropolitan areas-it simply can no longer afford it. As a result the professional transportation and city planning communities are beginning to look at sprawl to determine whether an alterna tive to this growth pattern can be con ceived, and even m ore importantly, whether it makes sense to pursue an alternative pa ttern o f growth. Does any altemati ve pose a viable option to current methods and forms of metropolitan development? A significant literature has developed in this area and is briefly overviewed below. CURRENT SPRAWL ANTECEDENTS Sprawl, in broadest sense, has long been an American zeitgeist. Aleltis de Tocqueville, touring the United States in the early 1800s, observed "no urban growth boundaries," but rather m arveled at "America . where everything is in lntrodudion/Oefini tion constant motion .. and where no boundaries were set to the efforts of man." Today's sprawl is the frontier of long ago; it is akin to the post-war suburb-both of which have been extolled as defining American influences. John Delafons, fellow at the Harvard/MIT Joint Center in 1961. chose as a research top i c a comparison of British and American land-use controls. His work, Land Use Controls in America, provides an insightful look at the growth of tbe U.S. "system" of controls from 1920 to 1960 by an outsider who came from a country with a very formal system of land use controls. Delafons describes the U.S. system of master planning, zoning, and subdivis io n control as heavily influenced by a "prairie psychology ." He explains that U.S. development patterns are characterized by: a) a supply of land which is viewed as virtually unlimited; b) land that is open to all and property ownership that are encouraged and protected by the U.S. Constitution; c) economic forces that arc barely understood and should not be tampered with; d) development professionals who prepare land for development and do not question whether the land should be developed (i.e., they make sure utilities are in place and feeder roads hav e been planned for); and e) a basic distrust of elected and appointed officials, so that all procedures arc codified and development that qualifies under these procedures does so "as of right," with minimal public review. (Delafons 1962) TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP/ H-10


U.S. de v elopment controls, he claims, are "static" and thus lack the ability to control tempo (timing) and sequence (which location first) of development. Development is free to wander and to take place incrementally in jurisdictions in the United States because existing land use controls allow this to happen (Delafons 1962) Many agree with Delafons i nsight Althoug h some view contemporary development patterns as a reflection of the invisible but sure hand of the market (Gordon and Richardson 1997a), the unbridled movement outward of leapfrog, low-density development is increasingly being viewed as an American ill (Richmond 1995). Sprawl has taken on both a pejorative as well as a descriptive connotation, an intermixing that makes a balanced discussion. wbich attempts to disentangle the costs and benefits of sprawl, difficult. U.S. development controls are "statk" and thus lack the abUuy to control tempo (timing) and sequence (which location first) of development. The shift to the suburbs has, of course, been manifest for more than half a century. In 1940, only 15 percent of the United States population resided in the suburbs (defined as metropolitan areas of central cities). As the millennium approaches, about 60 percent of the population is counted as suburban. Even the most vehement critics of sprawl recognize that suburban and ex urban growth patterns have been and will continue to be inescapable development forms in the United States. The recent population increase of some 20 million people per decade is likely to continue for at least the next quarter-century As a result, there will continue to be skipped over development in rural and 5 lntroduction/Defln.ition undeveloped areas. It would be totally unrealistic to expect even a moderate share of growth to occur solely in already built-up neighborhoods in cities or in close-by in. ner suburbs. Even the suburbs are being bypassed now by development seeking locations at the fringe of metropolitan areas (Nelson and Sanchez 1997) A WORKING DEFINITION 01'' SPRAWL Density, or more specifically, low density, is one of the cardinal defining characteristics of sprawl. But dens ity bas to be set in context; cross-cultural and place-oriented differences factor into the definition of sprawl. Densities in the United States overall are roughly one tenth what th ey are in Western Europe; in tum, Western European density is much lower than that of Japan and only a fraction of what is found in such locations as Hong Kong and Indonesia (Jackson 1985). And in all of the above locations, suburban densities are lower than the densities of central cities. Sprawl is no t simply development at less-than maximum density; rather, it refers to development tha t, given a national and regional framework (i.e., suburbs in various locations of the United States), is at a low relative density, and one that may be too costly to maintain. Sprawl refers to a particular type of suburban peripheral growth. It refers to development that expands in an unlimited and noncontiguous (leapfrog) way outward from the solidly built-up core of a metropolitan area. In terms of land-use type, spmwl includes both residential and nonresidential development. Residential development contains primarily single family housing including significant numbers of distant units scattered in outlying areas. Nonresidential JRANSIT COOPERADVE RESEARCH PROGAAM ITCRP) fl. I 0


The U:isfs ol Sprowf.-.Revisite

by automobiles in rural and undeveloped areas. this i s the point at which almost all tracking stops. Measures of leapfrog development or development that is spatially segregated are virtually impossibl e Measure s of how much development is being delivered by small developers in local jurisdictions is achievable but generall y unproductive. Finally although a measure of gross residential den sity ( number of dwelling units divided by area of jurisdic t io n ) is available from several sources and can provide some indication o f land taken per developed unit, the gross measure often masks the actual land takings of individual new developments On the otll hand there is lillie evidence to s ugges t that conventional developmen t in a given location is anything other than leapfrog, segregated, and land cons uming. Thu s, sp r awl develo pment can be characteriz ed with some certainty as low-density residential and nonresidentia l intrusions into rural and undeveloped areas. and with less ce rtainty as leapfrog, segregated, and land-<:onsuming in its typical form. A WORKING DEF I N I T ION OF T H E COSTS OF S PRAWL The "costs" of sprawl have bee n talked about for decades often without a full understanding of what these costs are and to what level they should be assigned In the original RERC ( 1 974) Costs of Sprawl study. costs were cal c ulated in six differen t substantive areas and assigned t o three different le ve ls: infrastructure and transportarion costs were assigned to the conununi ty, housing and quality-of life costs to the indi v idual, and ene rgy and environmental costs t o both the com munity and to society as a whole (RER C 1974). This is a characteristic of the sprawl literature which i s only beginning to be addressed at the end of a twenty 7 lntroduc&"(Dfini.'tion five-year observation peri od. The work of Sam Seskin of Pars ons Brin c k erhoff and Teny Moore of ECO Northwest o n full-<:ost accounting of tran s portation costs is breaking new ground in viewing the totality of costs of public policy deci sions (Parsons Brinckerhoff and ECON o rthwest I 996). Their work is the exception. Most cost accountin g ef!ons assign sprawl costs to either the easiest or the most common level of For definitional purposes, the "costs" of sprawl are the resources expended relative t o a type, density, and/ or location of developmem These "cost s" invo lve phy sica l monetary, temporal and sociaVpsyc hological resources Th e y involve c osts to the i ndividual, t o the community, and to society. Mo s t of the costs spec ified to date are physical or monetary, alt hough occasionall y socia l costs (e.g., the loss of upward mobility) or psychological costs ( e g ., the loss of sense of community) are documented. There is little evidence to suggest that conventional development in a given location is anything other tla an leapfrog, segregated, attd land-consuming. 'J"M "benefits of sprawl are mirr or ifiUiges of costs. They involve resource gains due to type of development pallem and include categories of gain similar tO those of losses stated above. This might involve a temporal gain i n suburb-to suburb travel time because mo s t residences and jobs are now both suburban, or monetary gains due to reduce d housing costs from building farther out, or social gains such as the ability t o achi eve bomeownership, again due t o location in more distant plaoes. Costs and benefi ts are reported in the f orm t hat the primary research provides In almost all cases, these are costs at the community level as opposed to cos t s at the i ndividual or societal levels, or benefits at any level. TIIANSrf COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TC.RP) HlO


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O.orvitw/H i>lory 2 OVERVIEW AND HISTORY OF THE SPRAWL LITERATURE EARLY CONCEPT U ALIZATION OF THE T ERM "S P RAWL" AND EARLY C RI TI C I SMS Sensitivity to the consequences of spraw l-like settlement predates the coining of the tenn. The 1929 Regional Plan of the New York Metropolitan area, for instance, warned of a steady decrease in farms and open-space acreage in the region and underscored the need for settlement patterns that encourage d "the face to face association that characterized the old village community" (Regional Plan 1929,23 and 216). At the same time, the Regional Plan spo ke approvingly of "many carefu lly planned outer subdivisions with good features" (Regional P l an 1929, 1). Concern about sprawl-like patterns of development was appropriate at this time. The Standard Zoning Enabling Act ( 1922), drafted under the aegis of Secretary of Commerce Herbert H oover, the Standard City Planning Enabling Act (1928), and the legal.ization of zoning that resulted from the 1926 Supreme Court decision (Euclid v. Amber Realty) unleashed a barrage of "model" zoning 9 and planning-enabling legislation across the United StateS. Euclidean zoning of segregated land uses and the emergence of the automobile began t o establish the first distant "suburbs" throughout the United States. It was not until roughly the lat e 1950 s and early 1960s, however, that sprawl as a planning tenn entered the literature. The land development pattern it depicted was typically criticiz ed Herbert Gans in 11tt uviuowntrs described Levittown development of the 1950s as "residents living in a sea of cell -like structures on a Levittown, Pennsylvania: post.\Vorld War II suburbia. Sourc1: Call Syoir and Assocjates ( New York). Counesy American Plann ing Association. TRANSJT COOPfRArtvf RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) /1.10


remote potato farm with cars spilling out of every street (Ga n s 1967). In 1956, a Canadian planning study described urban sprawl as "scattered building development" that had led to "inconven i ences in the placement of public and business facilities" (Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board 1956). A year later, William H Whyte, describing urban sprawl as leapfrog, scattered development, spoke of it as "a problem that had reached national proportions" (Whyte 1957). The political and social climate of the period, however, provided definite financial i ncentives for building homes i n the suburbs in the form of federally insured low-cost mortgages. This period also witnessed the massive federally subsidized expansion of U.S. highways ( 1956/nterstate Highway Act), including the establishment of the interstate system. The new roadway system, together with the growth in acces sible, mortgages, helped push development fat beyond the nation's central cities (APA 1997). Rela tively few people seriously challenged this new pattern of growth in the outlying areas or questioned the ch anges in central cities brought about by multi-lane freeways. Others soon entered the discussion, however. Marion Clawson, in 1962, described sprawl as a "lack of continuity in expansion," and noted it was both fostered by and contributed to, la n d spec ula t ion (Clawson 1962). Similar literature of the period, including Lessinger ( 1962), Harvey and Clark (1965}, and Bah! ( 1968} viewed spraw l as characterized by such features as low density, scatlered. and leapfrog patterns. H arvey and Clark ( 1965) identified the three cardinal traits of sprawl as low density, ribbon, and leapfrog development. Oter"'iew/HidOfY Even at this early stage, pundits acknowledged the difficulty in defining the term sprawl. Writing in 1972, David McKee and Gerald Smith observed that: Urban sprawl is rather difficuh to define. In some circles the term is thought to be synonymous with sub urbia. Certainly the problem exists in suburbia but suburbia itself is not the problem. Some equate sprawl with expansion. But this type of definition is not too helpful. (McKee and Smith 1972, 181-182) McKee and Smith went on to de scribe spraw l in four fonns: I} very low-density development (i.e., t woto five acre zoning); 2) ribbonvariety development extending along access routes: 3) leapfrog development; and 4} a "haphazard intermingling of developed and vacant land" (McKee and Smith 1972). The authors claimed that sprawl aggravated suburban problems (e.g., automobile dependence and the high cost of services and infrastructure) and also deleteriously affected cities by d e pressing real es tate values, among o t h e r things. The political and social climate of the period provided definite financial incentives for building homes i n the suburbs. Discu ssion of sprawl's effects tran scended economics. Although the 1973 R ockefeller Brothers Task Force publication, The Use of lAnd, did not speak of sprawl per se, it concluded that the dominant pattern of "unrestrained, piecemeal urbanization" was leading citizens to ask how such growth affected their quality of life" (Reilly 1973, 33). In a similar vein, The Langu.age of Cities and the Encyclopedia of Community Pl.anning and Environmental Management defined sprawl respectively, as: 10 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


the awkward spreading out of the limbs of either a man or a community. The first is a product of bad manners, the second of bad planning. Sprawl is a by-pr oduct of the highway and aut omobil e, which enabled the spread of development in all directions. As builders scrambl e for l ots to build on, th e journey to work is l eng thened and gree n spaces are co n sumed b y g as stations and clu uer. (Abrams 1971. 293 -294 ) the uncontrolled growth of urban development into prev iously rural areas. Sprawl refer s t o a mixture of land uses occurrin g in an unplanned pattern. Urban sprawl h as been strongly criticized a s a n unattractive and ineffic i ent u se of land and resources causing excessive infrastructure costs relaccd to exten d ing utilities t o remo t e areas It bas also been accused or eliminating environmentally imponant open space while l ea pf r ogging developable parcels. (Schultz and Kasen 1984. 378-379) THE FIRST STUDIES ON THE COS T S OF S PRAWL I n the 19 60s p rofessional research began to be undertaken in numerous areas relevant to the study of sprawl. Examples of this early research include Innov ation Versus Tradition in Community Develo pment (ULI 1963}, which loo ked at the effec ts of developm ent patterns on r oad lengths; Howard County Study (Howard County 1967 }, whi c h con si dered comparative countywide costs of roads, u tilities. schools, and open space under sprawl versus more planned scenarios; Urban Fonn and the Cost of Public Servi ces (Kain 1967). which considered public service costs at varying densities ; Planned Residential E nvironments (Lansing 1970), which looked at how different overall development patterns influence trip 1 1 generation rates and distances ; Toral Energy Demonstration (HUD 1 972}, which measured lik e ly savings i n energy consumption in planned communitie s; and The Relationship of Land Use and Tran.rponation Planning to Air QuLility M anagemem (Hagevilc 1972), which examined how development pl a nn ing affects air poll u tion on a regional basis Although not articulated, the substantive foci in analyzing sprawl versus alternatives-namely, the issues of transportation, infrastruct ure. public service costs, and land and environmental issues-were already being formulated. Many of these early studies were referen ced by the bellwether study 77e Costs of authored by the R eal Esta t e Research Corporation in 1974 As summarized by RERC : Thi s analysis presents a complete and internall y consistent set of e.s1imates for direc t costs and advers e effecl resu lting from prototypical h ousing types and land development patterns at n eig hborhood and community l e v els. Six n e ighborhood prototype s d i ffering in housing type and density-are analyzed. along with six community prototypes which represent different degrees of community wide planning .... Stated in the most general ronn the major conclusion of this s tud y is that, for a fixed number of h ouseho lds s prawl is the lll(ISI exp en s ive form of residential development in term s of economi c costs, enviro nmental costs. natur a l resource consumption, and many types of personal costs. (RERC 1974. 2 7) 77u Cosr s of Spra wl did n ot expl.icitly define the term "sprawl. As a matter of fact, those close to the study i ndi cate that the term appeared as an afterthought in the title and summary of finding s and was no t used explicitly elsewhere in th e s tudy. The analysis of six community l e vel growlh patterns within the stud y implied TIIANSJT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH P ROGRAM /1CRPI H-10


The Com of SprowJ-R.evisif9d that sprawl development had at least two major traits: low average residential density (3 unit s or less per net res idential acre), and a lack of overall planning at either the regional or community level. RERC did not define sprawl's specific density characteristics, nor did it defme its residential and nonresidential components. RERC considered approximately 20 individual effects (see Table 1). As seen in Table 2, the se costs can be grouped into four overall categories encompassing: I) public private capital and operating costs; 2) transportation and travel costS; 3) land and natural habitat preservation: and 4) quality of life. Not considered in The Costs of Sprawl, and not part of its research charge was any examination of sprawl's social effects, such as its on cities. } 'he of ... :21)_'1 in'ilividual -elfect}.'"f -' : The RERC study evoked a flood of commentary-much praise as well as some criticism. Two of the better known criticisms were articulated by Altshuler (1977) and Windsor (1979). Among other points Altshuler argued that RERC underestimated the demand for services by higher-density development and commingled the effects resulting from high density and size. Windsor, in paraJJel. criticized RERC for not disentangling density from other factors, and among other shortfalls, argued that RERC ignored the benefits of sprawl, such as its "response to consumer preference" for single-family detached homes. These early points of opposition on the costs/benefits of sprawl 12 Overvlew/HisiOt)' are still present twenty years later and can be seen in the recent exchanges herween Gordon/Richardson and Ewing on the subject (Gordon and Richardson 1997a; Ewing 1997). Not considered in The Costs of Sprawl, aiul not part of its research charge, was any examination of sprawl's social effects, such as its impacts on cities. Although the findings of The Costs of Sprawl dominated the literature for some time, new analyses continued to he published. Examples include David Popenoe's (1979) depiction of sprawl as low-density, scattered strip development, which focused on its adverse sociologica l implications. In 1981, David Mills described sprawl as scattered, leapfrog development, and discussed how it both abetted and resulted from land speculation. THE INTERIM STUDIES: MANAGED GROWTH COSTS IN CALIFORNIA; THE COSTS OF SPRAWL IN FLORIDA (DUNCAN AND FRANK) I n the early I 980s, in response to the rampant development of the 1970s, growth control ordinances began springing up in California and Florida cities. These included Davis (CA), Petaluma (CA), and Boca Raton (FL). Before one or more of these ordinances were challenged and set aside, initial inquiry concerned their p otential impact on local housing costs. If growth were curtailed through building permit or population caps or through adequate public facilities ordinances, would these factors contribute to increased housing costs? Almost everyone looking at these issues concluded that growth control ordinances did increase local housing TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-JO


TABI.E I REAL ESTATE RESEARCH CORPORATION ( RERC 1974a) TilE COSTS OF SPRAWL: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS fll Cotogory I Low Low Sprawl Planned High density density Mix M i x density I family ftJmily i Recreation $ 268 s 297 $268 s 297 s 297 I s 220 $ 2 74 ;: "l Schools 4,538 4,538 4,538 4 ,538 4,538 5 .354 5,354 Public Facilities t 662 1.626 t,645 t,62 2 t,630 f Roads/streets 3.797 3.377 3,235 2.708 2,286 3.080 2.661 Ulilities 6, t97 4,7 44 3.868 3,323 2.243 5,483 3 .649 .. lnfranructure 16 ,462 14.582 13,556 12. 487 10,995 14.137 11,938 Subtotal '1-Construction/Other" Total Unit Costs Is 51.456 $ 48.981 $37.283 s 35.753 s 28.706 I s 48.911 $ t .., I Total Acre$ NA NA NA NA NA DeVlicable lrM:Iudes construction cos t of the unit and o t he r expenses such ss land dedication. Lbs. per day. c Biltion liter$ per Million gallons pt.r year. t Billion BTU's. per year. Souru: RERC (1974) Vol. I. &('culivc Summary Clustered Aparunent Apar1men1 4 538 4,538 1,646 2,111 1,464 801 2 .369 t,579 958 9.292 7,83 3 3.628 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA 4.5 4 .5 913 730


7he Cosrs of SptowJ-Revisifed TABLE 2 REAL ES T ATE RESEARC H CORPORATION (RERC 1974) THE COSTS OF SPRAWL: SUBSTANTIVE AREAS OF INQUI R Y Topics Considered By RERC Public-(1974) Private Capital ond Operating Costs Capital and Operaling CosiS Capi!al Recreation X Schools X Public Facililies X Utilities X Road/streeiS Oneratino X Land Requirements Total acres Developed acres Vacant improved/semiimprolfed acres Vacant unimoroved acres PrincjpaJ Environmental Impac1s Nonauto air pollutants Sewage effi uent Nonauto energy use Water use costs (Katz and Rosen 1987; Schwartz et a!. 1981, 1989). Further, excessive growth management through protracted permining processes, including fiscal impact analysis, coastal zone management procedures, natural resource inventories, and other mechanisms, were also found to increase housing costs (Parsons 1992). By the late 1980s two important costs of sprawl studies were undertaken in Florida. J ames Duncan, a consultant working for the Florida Department of Conununity Affairs, studied the capital infrastructure requirements of sprawl (scanered) versus compact development forms. Duncan found that various forms of scanered development could be as much as 70 percent more costly than equivalent forms of compact development (Duncan et al. 1989). Transportation Land and Quality ond TraYBI Natural of Life Costs Habitat PrestnGtion X X X X X X X X X r:: 'h.,. Y : coulliybe as mU;ch. as 70 'costly : than ,.,. ,: deYelopment i; *" A colleague James Frank of Florida Atlantic University, in research conducted for the U rban Land Insti t ute, updated severa l early (1950s and 1960s) isolated costs of sprawl studies w ith 1987 data and prices, and assembled their resu lts. His fmdings were similar to Duncan's: "contiguous" development was 45 percent less expensive for roads, water, and sewer than "leapfrog, far out" development (Frank 1 989). The Duncan and Frank studies are cited throughout the costs of sprawl literature TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


CHARACTER I Z I NG SPRAWL: C R A B GRASS FRONTIER S AN D EDGE C I TIES Kenneth Jackson's Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United S t ates publis h ed in 1985, received much acclai m. Although s prawl per sc was not mentioned in thi s monograph, numerous traits attributed by Ja ckson to the :crabgrass frontier" were clearly s prawl like m character. These attributes were: 1) low reside ntial density and the absence of sharp divisions berwcen town and country 2) the so c ioeconomi c di s tinction betwee n the center and the periphery 3) a lengthy journ ey to work in t erm s of distance and time Jackson attributed the permanence of the crabgrass frontier to physical as well as political factors ( e .g., that America was land-ric h and had fmgmented local gove rnments). He also noted its problem s (e.g., high local publi c servic e costs and increased automobil e d e pendence) as well as its benefits (high l eve l of housing amenity and in di vidual ope n space). Approltimately six years after the publication of Crabgrass Frontier, JOUrnalist Joel Garre au published Edge Cuy: life on the New Fr o mier (portions of the book were actually in print before this time) Unique to Garreau's work was the con centration on periph eral nonresidential cluster s brought together at s uburban junctures of major beltways and axJal mterstate roads These "edge cities" formed a new kind of metro pol is because nonresid ential development was soon joined by high-density residential deve l o pment to form relatively self sustai ning urban clus t e r s at edges of built-up The se clusters were unique; no more than fifty existed in the U nited Stat e s, and they represented s prawl at an urban scale (Garrca u 1991). 1 5 Overview/Hittory Tyson' s Corner in Fairfax County, Virginia, the prototypicaJ .. edge d ty." Source: Pclcr Muller, Trtm.spQrtatiott and Urban Form During the early part of the 1980s, in a country with a newly refound admiration for capitalism. and in the Iauer pan of that decade in a recession t hat paid the price f or earlier deficit spending, the literature on sprawl was relative ly quiescent The trend has reversed itself i n the 1990s as will be seen, there has been an outpouring of studies These studies are revi ewed in Chapter 4 of this repon by s ub s tantive area. To give a sen s e of the c u rrent literature-and the current defini t ion o f s prawl and its alleged costs and benefits-a sam p ling is discussed here. These "e dg e cities" formed 11 new kind of metropolis. SPR AWL AND CIT IES: D OWNS RUS K AND BAR NETT In his 1994 book, New Visions for Metr opolita n America, Anthon y Downs adopted a broader approach for defining sprawl that primarily referred to density but included some other characteristics as well. Downs, building on an earlier w ork St u c k in Traffic (Downs 1 992), defined s prawl as encompassing five major elements: TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP)


TM Corll of SprawJ-Re-visjtod I ) low-den sity, primarily s ingle-family residential settlement (without any numerical density specified) 2) heavy dependence upo n private automotive vehicles for all types of travel 3) scatteration of job locations widely across the lands ca pe in mainly low den s ity estab lishments (als o without any numerical density specified) 4) fragmentation of governan ce authority over land uses among many relatively small localitie s 5) widespread reliance on the filtenng or "trickle down process to provtde housing for low-income households New Visions for Metropolita11 Am erica proposed a ba sic method for analyzing sprawl-i.e., comparing its results to the results that might arise from alternative forms of metrOpolitan growth. Downs described a way of formulating alternative outcome s through an analysis of the basic traits of different growth strategies Downs's approach is incorporated and described in m ore detail late r in Chapter 3. As is apparent. even the most cwrent literature on sprawl tends to describe its attributes rather than quantify them Very few quantified analyses of sprawl's impacts or relationship s to other variables appear anywhere in the literature. As a result, few studies have mathemati cally or s t atis ticall y link ed sprawl to other conditions or metropolitan traits. A limited attempt at quantification was put fonh in the 1993 work by David Rusk in Cities Without Sub urbs. He calcu lated an "index of elasticity that measured the ability of c ities to extend their boundaries to encompass surrounding wbaJtized development. "Elasticity" is essentially the same as annexation, i.e., movement outward from the city cent er (sprawl) without the creation of new political jurisdictions. R usk claims that cities with high indices of elasticity are superior to 16 tho se with low ind ices of e lasti city, in terms of income distribution, racial integration, populatio n growth, and economic development. The best CJl!es are "elastic" cities, he claims, and applies his index both to cities themselves as well as their metropolitan areas. Rusk himself did not perform mathe matical or statistical analyses relating the variables just described, but three re. viewers of his book d .id. John P. Blrur, Samuel R. Staley, and Zhongcai Zhang (1996) used multiple regression employing measures of growth and economic welfare over the period 1980-1990 as independent variables, against Rusk s index of el asti city as the dependent variable. These reviewers con cluded that Rusk's index of elasti city had statistically significant effects of the expected types on city employment, The most current literature tends to de sc ribe s prawl's attributes rather than quantify them. population, poverty, and per capita income growth and significant effects of the expected types on metropolitan area population and employment growth-:but not of the expected types on metr opolitan area per capita income or poveny growth H owever, even where the regressi o n equations identified st atistically significant effects, they had low R1s Oow explanatory power), an outcome that indicated that other unspecified variables were possibly not included in the regression equation An implication of this analysis was that either Rusk's index of elasticity is not a useful indicator of sprawl or the indicator itself due to its constructio n, inherently produced low levels of explanation City-suburban relationship s were also considered by Jonathan Barnett 10 his 1995 book, The Fractured M etropolis. TRANSIT COOPERADV RES&.RCH PROGRAM (TCRP}


This analysis of meuopolitan area uends is strictly narrative and advances the thesis that U.S. metropolitan areas are s plittin g into "old cities" and "new cities." Barnett proposes that future growth be redirected intO the "old cities. Much of h is work is s kewe d towar d physical de sign and planning; i t favors compact development over sprawl and encourages commercial development within. and the cre a tion of urban growth boundaries around. old metropolitan cities. SECOND GENERATION STUDIES ON T HE COSTS OF S PRAWL Research i nto meth ods t o add ress the costs of sprawl and a s tudy of the underlying data have been undertaken at both the Center for Urban Policy Research at Rutgers Unive rsity and at the Uni v ersity of California-Berkeley. Starting in the early 1990s, Rutgers University researchers, led by Robert W. Bu rch ell. beg an to quantify th e relative impacts of alternative patterns o f development. One or two years later, under John D. Landis, similar effortS were undertaken at the Institute of Urban and Regional Development at Berkeley. Both research organizations have looked at the prospective impacts of alternative deve lopmen t pattern s. Both research organizations dev elope d c omprehe nsive land use mod els to carry out these analyses (Burchell 1992a, 1992b; Landis 1994 1995) Costs are defined primari l y in terms of resource consumption at the community level. Spraw l is defined as skipped-over, low-den sity resid ential and n onres idential development. The Rutgers eff ort invo lved an anal ysi s of the differing effects of "trend de vel opment" (sp rawllike) and "planned 8rookiftg:t PetnOIU arincbd!olf fCONOrlhweJI 17 development" (compact form with man aged growth attributes) in New Jersey. The results obtained are show n in Table 3. This Rut gers stud y was preceded by similar work for the State of Maryland as pan of its original attempt at a Growth M ana gement Act. Significant efforts to confine sprawl to the Baltimore Washington corridor have been undertaken in Maryland. Sprawl is defined a s s kipped ove r l ow-de n sity residential and nonuside ntial development. 1 992a; Landis 1994 The New Jersey and Maryl and analyses were followed by similar studies for Lexington, Kentucky (Burche ll and Listokin 1994b), the Delaware Estuary (Burchell and Moskowitzl995), and the States of Michigan (Burchell1997a) and South Carolina (Burchelll997b). R esear ch i s also currently underway, at Rutgers, for the State of Florida as pan o f its Eastward Ho! initiative, a development plan aimed at keeping a large share of future devel opmen t e as t of Route l-95 in five southern co unties. In all i nst ances. florida's Future! Floridas Eastward Ho! initiative hopes to aven this potential future Tim Reilly, SwuhiM.: Maga:Jnt of Sooah FloridD. TRANSIT COOPEilATJVf RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) fi.l 0


TABLE 3 B U RCHELL (1991 )-NEW JERSEY IMPA C T ASSESSMENT : SUMMARY OF IMPACTS OF TREND VERSU S PLANNED DEVELOPMENT GrowtWDt.'tlo/""'111 TniUI Pla11Md TNNI VUJ'us }...,.,., 1 Dtrtl4,pMtlll 2 l'lattMI DfwWpmuet Di/futMt I. l'l:lruu foersonol 520.012 520.012 0 0 11. H '"'OWTM (bouse b o l d$) 431.000 4)1 000 0 0 lll. 'EMPtoY M tll' GR,()Wt'H f e moloveesl 653. 600 6 .$3.600 0 0 IV. INFRASTRUCTURE A R0.\0$ ( S mill io n s)3 Loca l $2.197 $1,63 0 $ 567 25 .8 S ta1e m ill ill l.U TOiaiRoods $2,924 $2,225 $699 23 9 B lii'Um;$-W-( S millions ) $ 634 $ $50 S84 13.2 c {$ $6.790 $6.313 $477 7.0 -------Tocal Utilities $ 7, 4 2 4 $6.863 $561 7 6 E S C HOOI.S ($ millions) $5.296 SS,I 23 $173 3 3 F ALL.lNFR.ASTRUCTURE lsu,; in$ millions) $ 15. 644 $14211 $1, 433 9.2 v. l...ANI>CONSUM.P'nON A 0\'er alll..lnd (aeU 1992a. b T ABLE 4 BURC HELL ()992-1997) FINDINGS OF SAVINGS OF COMPACT GROWTH VE RSU S C U RRENT OR TREND DEVELOPM ENT Lexington, KY arul Area of I mpact De laware Esruary I. Pubfjc.frivate Capital and Operating Cosu l. lnhaslr\ICture Roads (local ) 1 4 8-19.711> 2. Utilities ( w ater/sewer) 6 7-8.2% 3. Housing C o sts 2.5-8.4% 4. Cos t Re,cnue Impacts 6.9% n Lan d/Narural Habitat Preserva tion I. Developable Land lO.S-14.2% 2. Agrialhutal Land 819'k 3. Frail Land 20.27% S<>urc e: R obert W B urchell 1992 1 997 Rutgers &.rooldngt PotaOflt ltlMitrtloH fCONonf

polar development patt erns are contrasted-i.e., current" or .. trend' growth is measured against "compact," or "planned" growth The exact nomen clature in the studies is u nim ponant; w h at is impo nant are the diffe ri ng l and usc configura ti ons and their impacts, which are related belo w : Current. or trend. development is his torical development in an area. The land-use liter ature describes this type of development a s skipping over existing development: land-consumpt ive and inefficient use of available land at or near the core of the metropolita n and requiring s i g nificant accom panying infr astmcture in the form of roads, water and sewer lines. public buildings, and the l ike. Compact, or a more managed, type of de,elopment attemp t s t o direct growth to already existing locations of development while preserving yet-to-be developed areas Nationally the land-use literature ponrays compa c t development as more effici ent in its land-usc patterns and thus less land-consumptive Accord ingly, it often requires somewhat less development infrastructure. Compact development is also viewed as not limiting or restricting population or employment growth at th e county, regional. or state levels. (Burchell 1997a, A-ll BurcheU developed a series of quantitative model s rela t ing to land consum ption, road, tra nsit water/se w e r infrastructure, fiscal impacts. housing cost, and quality of life to examine the relative effects of alternative development patterns. Application of these models across the aforem e ntioned jurisd. ic tions indica ted compar able o rder -of-magnit ude findings. For instance, a shift away from sprawl to compact growth was projected by Burchell to reduce water/sewer utility infrastructure costs by 8 pe rcent in New J e r sey. 7 percent in Lexington 8 percen t in the D elaware Estuary, 14 percen t in Michigan, and 1 3 percent in South Carolina. Table 4 summarizes the array of findings from the various BurcbeU studies (1992 1997). Table 5 groups the effe cts of sprawl, some dozen in all, i nto five overall catego ries. The Berkeley effon employ s the California Urban Futures (CUF) model of the San Franc isco Bay Area to tabulat e land consumed under t hree sce narios: (a) "business as usual"; (b) "maximum environmental protection"; and (c) "'compact cities." These scenarios are differentiated, respec tively, by (a) not restrictin g development either within the city or within unincorporated areas; (b) applying a r.mge of environmental restrictions to both location s but not restricting growth per se; and (c) restricting growt h to acknowledge some env iro nmental limitation s and countywide minimum population proje ct i ons. The two laner alternatives sbow considerable overall land sav ings, panicularly sensitive savings relat ive to the business-as-usual s ce nario Total land saved in scenarios band c was 15,000 and 46,000 acres, respect ively. Scenari o b saved nearly 60,000 acres of prime agricultural land, 10,500 acres of wetlands and 3, 000 acre s of stee p sloped land ; Scenario c saved 29,000 acres of prime agricultural land 10,500 acres of wetlands, and 8 ,000 acres of steep-sloped lands (Landi s 1995). 19 STUDIED REACTIONS TO S PRA WL-LUTRAQ ( OREGON) AND CONCU RRE NCY ( FLORIDA ) In the lat e 1 980s and early 1990s, sprawl growth on the nonhwestem and south eastern coasts of the United States resulted in two different reactions--both supponed by so -ca lled "friends" organizations. I n tbc first case, the TR>Str COOPfRADVf RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP} H-10


TM Com of organ i zation was the 1000 F rie11ds of Oregon, i n the second case, the 1000 Friends of Florida. In the early 1990s, growth in the Portland region was believed to hinge on the construction of a Western Bypass around the city. An alt ernative plan was soug h t to try to aceomrnodate growth without the need for more highways. Sam Seskin of Parsons Brinc k erho ff, leading a team of researchers i n the Land Use Tr.mspor tation Air Quality simulation ( LUTRAQ), compared the transponation impacts of a transit-oriented development (TO D) plan to the impacts of a preferred Bypass alternative. The LUTRAQ alternative sh ifted t h e location of 65% of new residential units and 78% of new jobs to locations within walking distance of ligbt rail or bus transit lines by reconfiguring expected development i nto a series of mixed-use centers. The alternative Ovrvie w/History show e d a reduct i on i n vehicle miles traveled and a reduction of the use of the automobile (Davis and Seskin 1 997). Ponland voters responded by approving a $1 billion rail line along which TOO wiU occur, and Seskin received an Ame rican Planning Association award for the research effon Subsequent analyses produced by Genevieve Giuliano, however, found only small gains associated with non automobile mode shares and very small reductions in vehicu lar travel. Equally distressing, the magnitude of i n vestment i n transit services needed to be quite large to achieve the result i ng changes in mode shares The LUTRAQ study uninten tionally demonstrated the limits of making large inves tments in transit t o influence travel patterns (Giuliano 1995b). TABL E S BURCHELL (l9921997) ANALYSIS OF TREN D VERSUS PLANNE D DEVE L OPMEN T : S U BSTANT I VE A R EAS OF INQUIRY Public-Pri\ate Capilal and Topics Considered By OperaJing Burchell ( 1992997) Costs Water/sewu X infrasfn.ICture- Schoo] capita] X facilities Housing cost X Fiscal impacts X Roods Transit Land capacity Agricultural lands Frail lands Quality of l ife lntergovemmenta1 coordination Effecrs on urban and rural centers Source: Robert W Burchell 1992-1997 TranspcnOJU>n (liU} Tr(Jvel Cost s X X 20 lfwiand NaJu.ral Habit(JI Qualit y Social PreseTV(Jtion of Life Effects X X X X X X TRANSrT COOPER AliVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) /1. I 0


l n Aorida, meanwhile, the reaction to sprawl was to limit development if it could not be shown that sufficient public faciliti e s would be in place at the time that develop ment occurred (Aorida Growth Management A c t 1985). This procedure termed "concurrency," included both mandatory (transportation) and voluntary (schools) component s. At fi1St, those distant from tbe scene thought !hat the procedure was responsible for shutting down growth in the state. After !he dust from the housing recession of !he late 1980s settled, however, those originally opposed to concurrency reluctantly agreed !hat it had chann eled growth effec tively. I n t h e meantime. those who orig inally favored concurrency vehement ly opposed it because roads were being built and widened and new sc hools were being constructed (albe it at developer cost) too far from !he locus of existing development. Growth was slowed, but it also was accommodated in locations where it should not have been ( Mofson 1997) A T WHAT SCALE I S MEASUREMENT TO TAKE PLACE? URBAN FORM A N D TRANSPORTATION At about tbe same time !hat Burchell and Landis were looking at development form and itS effect on resource consumption, two other important considerations began to e m e rge Th e first was !he scal e at which transportation were bei n g viewed; the second was the effec t of transportation on urban form, and vice versa. lo other words, wnile attempting to define !he indicators of sprawl and more compact forms of development and their resulting impacts, it became apparent that one Deeded to specify at what l evel impactS were being measured individu al, community or societal. Almost all studie s to date have been undertaken with impacts specific to lhe Brooking Por.ou ECONoriflwe..ll 21 Overview/History community level. But Sam Seskin from Parson s Brinckerboff, and Terry Moore from ECONo rlhwest, began pursuing the issue of "full" costs of tran sportation, attempting to view the costS of transportation decisions at the individual and societal scales as well as at the communiry level. They determined, for instance, that although using an automobile was efficient at the individual and community scal es, it was expensive at a societal scale (air pollution). Although transit was efficient at individual and societal scales, it was expensive at a community seale (the cost to deliver transi t ) And wal king, a lthough efficient at co mmunity and societal sca les, was expensive at an individual scale (the cost of the individual's time) (Parsons Brinckerhoff 1996a; M oore and Thorsnes 1994). Seskin and Moore shifted lhe inquiry to issues of the impact of urban form on transportation, and vice versa. The urban form impacts o n transportation were much as expected. Se skin and Moore det ermined that sprawl developm en t could be served well only by the automobile; much more compact development led to transit solutions Mixed-use developmen t enabled walking and biking. Transportation impacts on urban form were not quite a mirror image of the first, however Significant use of the automobile led to unlimited spread development. Transit presence brought u sers who also neede d an automobile; mixed -use development promoted foot and bicycle use, but an automobile was still required. Land use can affect transportation mode and vice versa, but American society today remains heavily dependent upon the automobile (Parsons Brinckerboff and ECONorlhwest 1996). TRANSrr COOPERA71VE RESEARCH PROGRAM fl'CRP) Ho!O


CERVERO AND TRANSPORTATION ACCESSIBILITY MEASURES One of the most widely published academics in the field of transportation planning is Robert Cervero, from the University of California at Berkeley Ever since his first book, Suburban Gridlock, was published in 1986, Cervero has been solidly represented in the land use/transportation literature. His latest book, The Transit Metropolis ( 1998), will be released shortly. For the most part his work focuses on: (I) suburban congestion as we11 as measures for its relief (Cervero 1986, 1991 a); (2) the role of suburban activity centers as a lt ernatives to sprawl, and commuting patterns within these centers (Cervero 1989, 1991b, 1996); and (3) the feasibility of transit in suburban locations-i.e., the required density and implementat ion costs (Cervcro 1994a, J994b). Cervero s most interesting contributions from a sprawl perspective are two papers be co authored on suburban accessibility: (I) a 1996 paper co-authored by Kara Kockelman, entitled "Travel Demand and the 3Ds: Density, Diversity, and Design"; and (2) a 1997 paper co-authored by Timothy Rood and Bruce Appelyard, entitled ''Job Accessibility as a Performance Indicator: An Analysis of Trends and their Social Policy Implications in the Bay Area." In these papers, Cervero and his co11eagues show through factor and regression analyses the effect of current development patterns on employmen t accessibility. Th ey try to document, in other words, how well transportation serves employment m arkets. In the first article, Cervero finds that current sprawl development patterns have the largest impact on severely poor neighborhoods because they separate jobs from job seekers. Minorities are particularly because e ven with equal edueatton, vehicle avatlabthty, and accessibility, blacks still had disproportionately high unemployment rates. 22 Overview/HiUory In Cervero s second article, he looks at what can be done He measures the effects of density, diversity, and design on accessibility, and finds that compact mixed-use, pedestrian-friendly designs can reduce vehicle trips, vehicle miles trips; diversity affects both work and non-work trips, but has less of an effect than density; anti design affects primarily non-work trips. He upholds the views of the new urbanists-somew bat, because he shows that sensitive land design and building arrangements can reduce travel distances and alter modes of travel. THE BANK OF AMERICA STUDY: BUSI NESS EMBRACES THE ANTISPRA WL MOVEMENT In 1995, four groups-Bank of America, California Resources Agency, Greenbelt Alliance, and Low-Income Housing Fund-published a study on sprawl that quickly came to be known as the Bank of America Study. Those who champion land development alternatives to sprawl point to this study, the work of one of the private sector's most influential members, as a landmark. If the hanks finally realize that sprawl can no longer be tolerated, recognition of the impacts of differing land development patterns on society's resources has indeed hit the big time. The Bank of America study summarized changes in population, demographics, and employment that had taken place over the two decades prior to 1990. It also referenced a land-use pattern that had taken place during this same period of time and termed it "sprawl." Sprawl was characterized by decentralized employment centers and residential tracts TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP) H-10


accessed almost e x clusively by the automobile. Th e se decentralized locations were safe and c h eap places in whic h t o locate and bad p l u c k ed all fiscal and physical f ro m the central city Funher the study noted tha t the trend t oward sprawl w as aided an d abetted by t h e f ederal sub sidies given to the autom obile. If th e banks finally r ealil.e that s prawl can no l o n gtr be t o l e rat ed recogniiion of th e i mpa c t s of diffe ring land deve l o pment patterns on society s re s ources has indeed flit the big time. The Bank of Am erica repon w as criticized for it s in a bility to adeq uately interp ret the t ong-sta n ding criticis m s of RERC's (19 74) The Costs of Sprawl repon. 1be Bank of America study seemed to buy into many of the asgu ments that favored the anti sprawl positio n without an adequate look at contrary evide nce. Nonetheless, tho s e who c hamp i oned the study as a s ununary o f the ills of sprawl u sed the Bank o f America imprimatur to promot e the position tbatthe business conun unity at l ong las t was calling for managed grow th to conse rv e n a t ional reso u rces I S S PRA lYL LIKED OR DISLIKED B Y TH E GENERAL PUBLIC? l'ANNIE MAE VER SUS V I SION PRE FEREN CING SURVEYS A question discu sse d and d e b a t e d in a number of circle s i s whether American s li k e t heir current devel opment pa tterns. Ofte n t h o s e responding have difficulty making the distinction between shelter and locatio n and between both of these and way of life The r e is a popul ar l i t enuu r e that rates p l aces on such indices as cos t of living, publi c safety, climat e j ob g r o wth, t r ansponati on acces s ibilit y, and a c cess to cultural and recreational amenities ( Savageau and B o ye r 1993). C l early, suburbs in the Sout he ast and Southwest fare better on t his rating s eale than cities in the No nheast and Nonb Central r eg i o n s of t h e cou n try, or, for that matter, rur a l areas in any location. An eco nomi cs lit era t ure loo ks at the det ermi n an t s of w orker migra ti on, identifi e d as job availability, good c limat e, and lower h ousing costs (Duffy 1994; Greenwood et at. 1991; Robac k 1988; Rosen 1979) Psychological r easons for moving often paral l el the econ omi c determinants : physical (safet y ), phy sio l ogical (economic), belo ngingn ess (se n se of place), and per s onal sat isfactio n (cult ural and recrea tional amenities) (Zina m I 989). Again, s uburban location s appe ar t o d o be tter than u rb an loc a tions o n both of the above sets o f cri t e ria. Americans are asked abo u t their environ ments through two basic devices: a na tional, annual, in person, in-home Fannie Mae survey of own ers and renters on t h ei r housing ( Lang and Hom burg 1 997) o r a "visual p r e f erencing -type survey o n their envir onments (Nel essen I 994 ). Eighty percent of American s s urveyed iden tified the tradit i onal singlef amily home with a yard as the ideal place to live To afford i t th e y would rather live fanher out than take a second job, tie up savings, put children in day care, or incur heavier debt. Final l y they would rather occupy an average bouse i n a good neighbor h ood than a good house in an a v erage neighborhood (Fanni e Mae 1 99 4 ). R es pondent s often have diffi c ult y making the distinction betwe e n s helt e r and location and b e t.., ee n both o f th es e and way of life Visual preferencing surv e ys are typically emp l oyed by planners and architec t s to test sentiment for a redirect io n i n current devel opment p att erns and forms (Ne l esscn 1 994 ). These surve y s contras t the c urr ent versus an alternative d e v elo p TRA NSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP} H-1 0


ment pattern and an:hitecture and ask those surveyed to pick between the two. Often it is hoped by those who administer these surveys that the alternative develotr ment pa ttern will be chosen and, accord ingly, l ocalities will develop residential and residential areas in a differen t way (Ca lthorpe 1993). M ost of those who experie nce this exercise of choice op t for the alternative, which typically shows a denser, more traditional residential village center and less spread-out residential subdivisions and strip commercial developments (Nelessen 1 994 ). The results of most of the above categories of literature on consume r pref erence and sprawl indica t e that people feel comfortable with their cu rrent hous ing and its suburban locat io n but also think that sprawl has an ugly look and that suburbs are becoming increasingly congested. Whet her people would change their housing l)' pe (single-family), form (single-lot subdivision), or location (su burbs) to achieve a different "l ook" or "feel," o r to be free from co ngestion, rema ins an unans wered question AN UNUSUAL FINDING: THE CITY IS IMPORTANT TO T H E REG I ON ; THE US UAL F I NDING: PEOPLE DON'T CARE The United States has had a lovo-bate relations hi p with its cities for at least fifty years. Th i s has taken two forms. The first is inquiry into the continued importance of the central city; the second is whether or not people will choose to live and work there. In the mid-1990s, two anicles rekindled interest in, and attempted t o quantify the imponance of, the central cily to its surrounding area. One was written by Elliot Sclar and Walter Hook i n 1993, 'The Importance of Cities to the National Economy"; the other was written by Keith lhlanfeldt in 1995 and entitled ''The Importance of the Central City to the Regional and National Economy. At a lt'ltpn troo\inga lf'!ncbrholf ECONorthw.t 24 0e Mew{Hiakwy time when most scholars viewed the central cily's role in the region and nation as not critical and one of declining value, Sclar/Hook and lhlanfe l dt breathed new life into the debate on the role and future of the central cily w ith the following arguments: In most metro areas, the higher paying jobs are found in the central city. In the metro areas of the I 00 largest U.S. cities. half of suburban families had at least one worker employed in the central cil)'. Six1y-seven perc ent of suburban residents surrounding the 100 largest U.S. cities depend on the city for major medical care; 43 percent have a family membe r attendin g an insti tution of higher learn ing there. Cities provide low-cost housing for low wage workers employed in-and necessary for--the activitie s or suburbs. The overall appeal of a region is influenced by condition s prevailing within its ce ntral c ity. Sclar and Hooks argued that the United States subsid izes suburbs through homeownership income taX deductions and by federaUstat e cost-sharing of highway construction. Continued subsidization will cause increasing auto dependence, and a further channeling of most infrastructure expenditures to road building, at the expense of education operating costs According to the authors the United States ranks l owest among the seven most ind ustriali zed nati ons in percent of GNP that suppon s educa tion. lhlanfeldt finds that central cities possess certain "agglo meration economies" (the benefits of seale) that will sustain their primacy in a region. These include communications, labo r and producer concentrations Moreover, financial services such as investment banking, commercial banking, legal auditing, and actuarial services are provid ed primarily by ce ntral city firms to suburban markets TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (7CRPJ H.l 0


and in many cases to world markets. According to Thlanfeldt, these activities are not likely to be taken on by suburban firms, because few suburban firms have the appropriate scale to conduct them. The United States subsidizes suburbs through homeownership income tax deductions and by federal/state cost-sharing of highway construction. The second issue regarding urban areas is whether upwardly mobile households will continue to reside there In the 1970s, the United States experienced significant movement of jobs and residents to ex urban or rural areas. During this period of time non metropolitan areas were the locations of the fastest relative emp loyment and household growth (Stemlieb and Hughes 1983). During the 1980s there was stabilization, if not growth, of metro politan areas. Buoyed by significant immigration and a slowing of metropolitan to non-metropolitan out migration, metr opolitan areas were beginning to grow (Gordon, Richardson, and Yu 1997; Nelson et aL 1995, 1997). According to Peter Gordon, the latest Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) Regional Economic Information System (RBIS) data indicate that the trend is once again toward outer areas; indeed, over the l ast six years, outward metropolitan movement is almost as pronounced as it was during the 1970s. Gordon et al. finds that the one constant in all of this has been s tr ong suburban growth, with parallel rural growth tilting the scale to outward movement, and even stronger suburban growth with reduced declines of urban areas tilting the scale toward inward movement The consistency of the suburban component of this trend and renewed non-metropolitan growth (the outward movement) do not bode well for the future of the central city. Gordon and his colleagues conclude, citing additional Rutg:e.t 8rookitlg PorJOnl 81-lnekerhoH ECON

Connecticut. Pennsylvan ia Virginia. and the Midwest. and are heavily cited today The conclusions drawn always demonstrate this group's advocacy and point to farmlands a fiscal benefit to communities in which they are located. Regardless of methodology, the studies achieve their goal of representing farmland not merely as fiscally neutral but as fiscally positive. "Smart" comm unities should not want to lose this net revenue producer to other fonns of development (espec ially residential ), which would be more costly (AFT 1992b). Growing out of this new attention to farmland was the recognition that fanners, as owners of this land. were often opposed to growth managemen t (and thus pro-sprawl) and needed to be brought into the negotiation process. Otherwise, they would sell their land to developers before it could be acquired via public purchase or through some type of transfer of development rights. Farmers prevented passage of the original Matyland Growth Management Act and threatened to do the same to the New Jersey State Plan if their real estate interests could not be protected. In Matyland, it appeared that the farmers could not be assuaged, and the Growth Management Act1 failed In New Jersey, farmers were appeased at the eleventh hour with a promise from the New Jersey State Planning Commi ssion that their development rights would be purchase d at a price somewhere between crop and real estate value, and the planning statute passed. Randall Arendt. influenced by living in both walkable and planned open space communities in New Jersey as a child, and seeing these concepts implemented in 1 Maryland ultimately passed a diluted version of the original act and has adopted a vatiety or "sman gtowth" procedures. 26 England as an adul t. built upon Ian M cHarg's Design wirh Nature (1969) in an attempt to make current development patterns greener. In his latest books, Rural by Design ( I994b ), Conservalion Design for Subdivisions ( 1996), and Growing Greener (1997), he provides convincing evidence that open space adds to the value of surrounding real estate and tO the quality of life of those who live within i t Arendt sees the combination o f compact development and open space leading to interconnected networks of green space (Arendt 1994b) An area wide, interconnect ed greenway can extend open space and wildlife benefits to the larger region. Further, successful control of sprawl will retain the "traditional character" of communities (Arendt 1996). THE MECHANICS OF PAYI NG FOR SPRAWL: IMPA C T FEES, TAKINGS, AND PROPERTY RIGHTS In order to pay for sprawl and not impact current residents, local governments have turned to economists and land use anorneys to devise a system of assigning a share of new required public service infrastructure to new owners of developed property. These mechanisms are termed impact fees, developer exactions, or proffers and are based on the rationale of charging developm ent costs to those who have caused them. Impact fees are calculated by determining the specific costs that one new unit of residential development or 1,000 square feet of nonresidential development will cause in roads, water/sewer, public buildings (schools and municipal), and other capital infrastructure. Impact fees, developer charg es or whatever moniker they are known by, are currently the fastest-growing source of municipal revenues. Principal players in this group TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP)


are Jame s Nic holas of the University of F lorida and Chri st opher N e l son of the Geor gia Institute of Technology (Nelson 1988; Nicholas et al. 1991 ). Nicholas has con.sttucted impact fee schedu les in numerous cou nties and municipal jurisdictions; both Nicholas and Nelson have signific an t academi c and prof essiona l publicat ions in this area The iss u e with impact fees specifically, and growth management strategies g enerally, is that t hese m echa nisms pre suppose government capacity to regul a t e land T his amounts to a t aking and thereby a ffec t s individual property rights Although m ost of these teclullque s have been upheld when they become overly aggnessiv e, they are subjec t to judicial review. I n o rder to p a y for sprawl a nd not impact cu r ren t re si dents, local g o v e rnment s ha ve turn e d to a system of assigning a s hare. of new r e quired public service infr a s tructu r e to new owne r s of d evelope d property. Tllese mech anisms are termed impact fees. This gets to what land-use attorneys describe as the black hole" of takings jurisprudence. U ntil recently, a severe t est of a taking has been applied. A land use regulation is a takin g if it: (I) does not substantially ad vance a legiti mate state interest ; or (2) denies an owner all economically viable usc of his or her p roperty. Post-1990, ther e appears to be an casing of this test that favors property own ers. C harles Siemon (Si emon 1997) Robert Freil ich (Freilich and Peshoff 1997). and Jerold Kayden ( Young 1995) are recurringly involved in litigation concerning these issues or in designing land -use regulations to avoid s uch litigation. Suburban dev e l o pment ordinan ces that require payment for costs or link "soci al" objective s t o the development of real property will be 27 t e sted by the couns. To pay for s praw l local governments have become quite inventive at bolh derivin g fee schedu les and in locating property owners to whom the costs can be assigned. M uch as other forms of payment for s prawl are drying up, if governments are not caref ul, so too w ill these mechanis m s S P RAW L'S CRITICS A N D THE NEW URBAN I STS In 1993, a study conducted for the Chesapeak e Bay Program defined sprawl as "residential development at a dens ity of less !han three dwelling units per acre" (CH2 M Hill 1993). This definition did not have a "locational component" and was a modification of a definition presented in an earlier draft i.e .. "developments having gross deve l opment densities of less than three or four dwelling units per acre or minimum lor sizes of at least one q uarter of an acre, and frequently of a t least one acre." T he latter defin ition had been criticized by Uri Avin (1993) for includin g properties with too high a density; it c ould be applied t o man y e x isting. c lose -in subdivisions in bolh Maryland and Virginia. On the other h and, in California. sprawl is curre n tly taking pl ace o n 9,000.squar e-foot lots; the upper l eve l density cutoff varies co nsider ably by region. Sprawl and more generally, suburbanization were co ndemned in a polemical book by James KunsUer ( 199 3). The title of the book, The Geography of Nowhere: The Rise and De c line of America's Man Made Landscape, conveys h is messag e The strident tone of th e message is reflected by the following statement: W e have become accus tomed to living in places wher e nothing relates to anything else. where disorder, uncon sciousness, and the absence of respect r eign unchec ked. ( K unstler 1993) TRANSIT COOPf iiATlVE RESE4RCH PROGIIAM (TCRP) H.IO


Peter Calthorpe's boo k The Nut American M e tr opolis, published in 1 993 offe red a method for determining popula tion densities in an idealized form of modem settlement. He presented a scheme for clustering housing and other improvements around transit stops at s pecified dens ities which co uld, in tum, be used to compute overall densities for ideal future metropolitan settlements. His scheme involved creating Transit Oriented Developmen ts (fODs) around stations in a sys te m of rad ial fixed-rail transit lines emanati ng from a reg) on's major downtown. Thi s appr oach quantified aspects of an alternativ e form of future growth. However, Ca lth orpe did not present any method of measuring the costs and benefit s of sprawl, nor of the alternative form he s u gges t ed. Neither did he present any database to use in carrying out such measurements. Cal thorpe is a "new urbanist," part of an urban design movement called "nco traditionalism." Nee traditi onalism calls for the development of neighborh oods that resemble those of the past-i.e., with grid str eet pattern s, front e d by proximate s ingle-family h o u ses with p orc hes, s idew alks alleys. and other traditional features. The elements returned to neighborhood de sign include mixed uses, the grid -b ased Street StrUcture, highe r densities, pedestrian circulation, and transit use. The elements removed include singl e uses, cui-de sacs. low densities, and automobile-dominat ed neighborhood access The neo-traditionali sts. led by Andres Duany, and joined by Elizabeth Plater Zyberk (1995), Ant on Nelesscn ( 1994), Peter Calthorpe ( 1993), and others, vie w c urrent development patterns ( sprawl) as driven by eng ineering standards and, accordi ngly, devoid o f the cap acity for human interaction. Nco-traditionalism is often proposed as a design alternative t o spraw l even though dev elopments 28 Ov erview /Histocy incorporating this type of design can be found in sprawl locations. Nelessen's vision preferenciog analyses are sometimes cit ed by those who oppose spraw l as evidence that the Ameri can public is ready for this type of design The Duanyled new urbanist s propose that the ne w urban-like grids replace the current spra wl-like suburban networks. 7fadkional Urban Grids Contemporary Suburban Networl<:s pattern$ <>f versus c ypical subwban nc:igbborlloods. Source: Modifi-ed from Reid Ewing. But Pract iu:s. TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEAROI P ROGRAM (TCRPI H-10


MORE SPRAWL C RlTICS-"TRUSTS" AND OLD "FRIEN DS A critique of strip commercial development, and sprawl in general, penneates the current literature of the National Trust for Historic Preservation (NTHP ) and its leadership (NHTP 1993; Moe 1996). Richard Moe president of the National Trust, defines spraw l as 4poorly planned, land-consumptive, automobile-dependent developme.nt designed without regard to its surroundings." He identifi es two types: "sellscape" retail development fre quently spurred by major discount chains such a s Wai-Mart and K-Mart. oc-e. urring along major arteries and at highway inter changes; and ''spread out" residential development. usually consisting poimaoily o f sing le-family detached houses. located on the edges of existing communities or "leapfrogging" into previously undeveloped areas. (Moe 1996. 3) This view identifies commercial strip development as a manif estation of nonresidential sprawl. It also identifies low-d ensity single family subdivisions as a reside ntial sprawl type l n a later work, Moe and Caner Wilke (1997) indicate that sprawl is communities to be dysfunctional. Communiti es are either fighting for or los ing ratables because individual land uses are free to pick up and choose where they want to go in the metropolitan area. According to both authors, growth contro ls and the reus e of inner s uburban and urban areas offer the best chance s for successful land development. A much more comprehen s ive view of the components of sprawl is offered in Henry Richmond's 1995 book. Regionalism: Chicago as an Ameri ca n Region. Richmond's conceptuali zatio n of spraw l includes eight components: 19 I ) low residential density ; 2) unlimited outwar d extension of new development; 3) l eapfrog development; 4) spatia l segregation of different land uses; 5) decentralized land ownership; 6) primacy of automobile transportation; 7) fragmentation of governmental land use authority; and 8) disparity in the capacity of local govemm enL Com mercial strip development is a manifestation of nonresidential sprawl. Richmond, former director of I 000 Friends of Oregon and a panicipant in the LUTRAQ simulation SIUdy, offers a wide-ranging critique of sprawl and includes numerous carefully culled statistics supporting his allegations. Many of his critic isms also focus on the subject of his more current research-th e Chicago metropolitan area. His criticisms are the basis for his definition of sprawl. In defining sprawl, however, Richmond does not present specific alternative forms of growth, either conceptually or in terms of quantified analysis. I nstead, he pre sents a long agenda of specific poli cy actions lh

first took place in Washington DC, and was co-sponsored by the National Trust for Historic Preservation and The Brookings Institution. This conference brought all the nat ional actors on sprawl together in a debate format. Sprawl's good and bad attributes were debated before a national audience. This was the first appearance of the defenders of sprawl. Pet er Linneman from the University of Penn sylvania and P eter Gordon from USC proved to be strong advocates for the free. market meritS of continued suburbanilation, or sprawl. So successfu l was the conference in drawing national attention to the spraw l issue, as well as in drawing attention to the institutions that sponsored the conference, that the Lincoln Institute held derivative conference s in two locationsFlorida and California. Even though no debate was scheduled, again the issu e was raised : How bad is sp rawl ? Gordon, joined by colleague Genevieve Giuliano, provided a strong and cogent argument in favor of sprawl and presented findings c ontrary to the research of Seskin (LUTRAQ), Landis (California Futures Studies), Burchell (Rutgers Modeling Studies), and Down s (New Visions for Metropolitan America) The savings gleaned from LUTRAQ were described as minimal, and the landfmfrastructure sav ings of the California Futures and Rutgers studies were trivialized. Downs was also criticized for assigning causes of central city declin e to spraw l that could not be defended In I 996 and 1997, at the annual meetings of the Georgia Conservancy, sprawl was again the topic of consideration. Like the National Trust, the Georgia Conservancy shifted irs focus slightly from historic preservation and was making a major substantiv e thrust at curbing urban sprawl. These conferences, which again attracted national spokespersons on the 30 manifestations and costs of sprawl, were not a debate, but rather repres ented a summation on the ills of sprawl. The Atlanta region was growing at a rate of 55,000 jobs per year, and the econom y was in s uch a boom period that growth was flooding tbe arterials in and around the city. Sprawl needed to be contained, and the conferences were the beginning steps in an attempt to create a mood for regional growth managemenL However even though some sentiment for growth was apparent, the consensus was that political jurisdictions in Georgia were a long way from being able to implement, even on a regional scale the mo s t e l emental of growth management techniques (a growth bound ary). T H E S PRAWL DEBATE: EW ING VERSUS GORDON I N PRINT AND IN PER SON The debate over sprawl is brought front and center in two "poin t" and "counterpoint" articles in the Joumal of tire American Planning Association The point article by Peter G ordon and Harry W. Richardson (l997a) critiques the argumentS and evidence frequently presented in favor of compact development (i.e., energy. transportation, and infrastructu re efficienci es) and argues that the decentralized suburban pattern of devel o pment, in fact, offers many advantages, including reduced travel times an d lower housing costs, as well as higher cons umer satisfaction. In counterpoint, Reid Ewing ( 1997) makes a strong ease for the adverse effects of sprawl (as opposed to the benefits of compactness). Ewing point s to increased infrastruc ture cosrs, increasing travel distances, and significant amountS of developable and lost fragile lan ds as the adverse effects of sprawl TRANSIT COOPERAOVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H lO


The Cosh ol Sprowi-Revisitctl For the purposes of this review, the authors' respective definitions of terms bear note. For Ewing, sprawl is defined both by a series of three characzeriszics (J) leapfrog or scattered development; (2) commercial strip development; and (3) large expanses of low-density or single use developments -as well as by such indicators as low accessibility and Jack of functional open space (Ewing 1997). Gordon and Richardson do not specifically define sprawl (or compactness, for that matter). Instead, they reference various traits. Sprawl is alternatively denoted by Gordon and Richardson as low-d en sity, dispersed or decentralized development whereas compactness is associated with higher densities and a downtown or central-city spatial pattern versus a polycentric (or dispers ed ) spatial pattern (Gordon and Richardson 1997a, 95). Adverse effects of sprawl i11clude increased infrastructure costs, increasi11g travel dista11ces, a11d significant amou11ts of developable and lost fragile lands. Although the point-counterpoint authors address more than 15 different subjects in discussing sprawl and its alternatives, the can be grouped into five broad areas, as shown in Table 6. The deba t e moved from print to person in a forum held at the University of California-Berkeley in late November 1997. Both Ewing and Gordon had significantly increased the weaponry used t o support their individual positions. Ewing began the session with points of mutual agreement and spun out a longer listtban most expected. These included that ( 1) the market for transit was limited; (2) infrastructure costs were higher for sprawl development initially but could diminish over time with in fill; and (3) Rvtgtn Brookings POUOfll Brlnek rholf ECONortlw"''' 3 t Overview/Histo't automobile costs as a function of suburban residence were high, but few alternatives to this mode of travel and its costs existed. Ewing and Gordon continued to disagree about whether resource consumption (energy,land) differences under sprawl and compact development in light of national and global resources were sufficiently significant to cause concern, and whether the traffic consequences of sprawl (excessive travel and roadway congestion) could be argued away in terms of either current or future of resolution (higher trave l speeds, congestion pricing). The session was narrowly focused on primarily transportation issues and never reaJiy dealt with the social or quality-of-life of sprawl. CONTINUATION OF SPRAWL PRINT HOUSING POLICY DEBATE AND THE URBAN LAWYER SYMPOSIA One of the leading housing journals, Fannie Mae's Housing Policy and Debate, and a respected legal journal, 77le Urban l..Llwyer, both recently published symposia about sprawl. Several of the individual articles bear mentiorung, but an important fll'st point is that both housing and urban legal journals have come to recognize that suburban sprawl is an im portant topic for inclusion in their journals. This is significant. Both of the journals have had special issues on homelessness, exclusionary zoning, affordable housing, the economies of cities the spatial mismatch of the poor in cities and available jobs in suburbs, and so on. Neither journal strays far from housing and urban problems. T hus, implicit in the publication of the two special issues on sprawl is the notion that at least some component of spraw l impacts on housing issues and quality of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM {TCRP) /1.1 0


A ulh o r Swing (1997) Gordon and Richardson ( 1 997a) OveM.w/Hbtory TABLE 6 EWING AND GORDON R ICHA RD SON IN PRINT SUBSTANTIV E AREAS OF I NQUIRY Topic3 C otLSidered By Autho rs I n frauructure costs Public service costs Tran sit Vehi cle miles traYelcd Lo5sof resource lands Energy c onsum ptio n Psy chi c and SOCia) COSIS Impact on central cities Infrastructure and operating efficien cy Transit Econom)cal resource alloca tio n Conges t ion Open space ax! agricu l wtal land Energy g lut Densit y preferences Downtown impacts Equi ty Public hiWJI6 Capirat and O[H r (rllng Cos t s X X X X 32 T rarupqntJlion IJJndond ondT>awl NaJUral Habital Qualit y Social COl l i PreStl'\ltJtion of L if FJ!cts X X X X X X X X X X X X X TR>SIT COOPBIAllVE RESEARCH PaOGJIAM (TCRII


The Cotfs of Sprowi-Revisitec:l life. Sprawl does not onl y potentially cause excess resources to be expended in providing public infrastructure or, similarly, contr i bute to the loss of spec ial lands and habitats. Sprawl does not only chain user s to a single source of transpor tation for access to residential and employment opportunities. Sprawl has significant social and quality-of-life effects as well. In The Urban Lawyer compilation of articles Robert Freilich traces significant suburbanizing periods and carefully out their impacts on central cities. Spraw l, he notes, is the force that distills the city's economic base, and it is orchestrated by suburban land-use controls that p romo t e exclusion (Freilich and Pesho ff 1997) Charle s Siemon points to the very limited number of techn iques available to implement growth management and the difficulty of using them without encroaching upon property rights ( Siemon 1997). Suburban sprawl is an important topic for in housing and urban legal journals. In the Housing Policy Debate articles, Robert Lang points to the voracity of sprawl and terms it suburbanization that is thriving and will not be shelved. Lang further comments that it is not productive to refer to nonresidential sprawl as "edge cities," a very limited phenomenon whose time may be past. T o Lang, sprawl reflects market preference, and its direction is clear-a continuing ourward thrust from its urban core (Lang and Homburg 1997). William F ischel of Dartmouth also makes the point in the special issue of Housing Policy Debate that too much growth management may cause hou sing markets to diminish. If you continue to castigate sprawl, you may turn around and not find any growth (Fischel 1997). 33 Overview/History The upshot of this ongoing debate is that whereas at one time sprawl had only a solid line of inquiry detailing its costs, there is now a growing line o f inquiry detailing its benefits. If you continue to castigate sprawl, you may turn around and not find any growth. RESPONDING TO THE CHARGE: REGIONAL COOPERATION AND REGIONAL/STATEWIDE PLANNING A one-man crusade against factionalized government has been waged by Myron Ortield state representative for the City of Minneapol i s in the Minnesota House of Representatives. Orfield believes that the best way to control sprawl is to get local governments to cooperate in developing regional strategies, land-use policies, and regulatory mechanisms. In his hook Metropolitics, Orfield composes an aggressive regional strategy that links tax base sharing to affordable housing provision, farmland protection, and urban/inner-suburb redevelopment (Ortield 1 997). Orfield is a realist, however, and acknowledges that regional governments are not growing nationally but regional cooperation is. Currently, there is increased willingness to share selected municipal service delivery systems; there is virtually no interest in forming new regional governments (Petersen 1996). At another level, there is an ongoing effort to promote planning at state and regional levels and to coordinate planning with infrastructure provision. State plans and growth management initiatives have been successfully put in place for the entire states of Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, TRANSIT COOPERADVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (fCRP) H lO


Oregon, Rhode Island, and Washington, and for specific areas (e.g., the Coastal Zone, etc.) in California and North Carolina (DeGrove 1990). The guru of statewide planning who has followed it for most of his career and has testified as an expert witness in most state house hearings, is John DeGrave of Florida Atlantic University. DeGrove i s also politically astute and realizes that even the most encompassing state plan or growth management act will either be voluntary for compliance by subunits of govern ment, or non-punitive for non-compliance by these same subunits. New Jersey NJTPA The New Jersey Transpon.ation Planning Authority,1nc. (NJTPA) serves as a forum for coopcrati\'C decision-making in the 13-county, northern New Jersey regional area. Source: New JCJSey Institute of Tech n ology and Rutgers Uni\' e -rsity. TE/..US: Transportation Economic and Land Use System-Stale-of the-An lnjontUJJion System for the 2/st CtniUI")" (October t 997) No discussion of growth management would be complete without discussing the Rutpn Brooking& PouOfl ECONortftwJJ 34 OveM.w/HiJtory work of Douglas Porter of the Growth Management Institute. For a decade, Porter has been a focal point of the lite rature on growth management. From State and Regional initiatives for Managing Development to Managing Growth in America's Communities (Porter 1992 ; Porter 1997}, Porter has been involved in implementing managed growth alternatives. This includes model regulatory and programmatic techniques and pairing these specific techniques with a particular growth management issue or problem. One of tbe most difficult tasks in land use is to effect meaningful region wide growth management. Porter has been involved with most of these growth management implementation efforts na t ionally. RESPONDING TO THE CHARGE: SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND SMART GROWTH As yet another response for a new direction in land use, the sustainable development and smart growth movements have emerged in the United States. The U.S. sustainable developmem movement is a direct outflow of the World Congress on Sustainable Development held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. This philosophy of development reflects a desire to "develop today without compromising available resources for future generations." For the most part, overburdened U.S. communities in the South, Southwest, and West have j ustified growth management prognuns under the guise of compliance with this norm (Krizek and Power 1996). Currently. twenty-one communities in the United States have adopted sustainable development ordinances that essentially limit growth to the degree that public facilities and services are in place to TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H-10


The Costs of Sprawl-Revisited reflec(s a desrre ]!'itho '# t cqmprqmisi'f!g: aviiilali.le generations:!:. accommodate this growth Counties and regions are preparing development policies consistent with the goals of sustainability In Aorida, the Governor's Commission for a Sustainable South Florida in December 1 997, enacted an energy conservation policy for tbe southern portion of the state. Among energy conserving ideas, the Commission required utility companies to derive measures other than expansion of the user base, as appropriate indices of performance. Further, this Commission is deciding how improved transportation, education, and employment opportunities either add to or possibly detract from the goals of sustainability Precursors to current sustainability regulations were the 1970s' growth control efforts of California and Florida cities, and the concurrency requirement of the Aorida Growth Management Act of 1985. In the United States the President's Commission on Sustainable Development the U.S. Department of Commerce, the U .S. Economic Development Administration (EDA), and the U S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) have im plemented sustainable development objectives that their funded projects must observe. For the most part, the emphasis on sustainable growth ensures that capital projects respect the environment of which they are a part and do not unnecessarily spur growth i n locations where existing infrastructure cannot support the growth Sman growth is ao initiative of the American Planning Association (APA), the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Developmen t (HUD) and the Henty M. Jackson Foundation on the one 35 Overview/Hiltory hand, and the National Resource Defense Council (NRDC) and the Surface Transportation Policy Project (STPP) on the other The APNHUD initiative calls for an updating of land-use controls to make them more sensitive to the ongoing problems of lack of housing diversity, traffic congestion, and environmental degradation The initiative also calls for land -use controls that emphasize compact development to conserve resources ; that limit development in undeveloped areas while encouraging investment in older central c ities; that promote social equity in the face of economic and spatial separa tion; and that are sensitive to t he role of the private market and the need for simplicity and predictabil ity in land use {APA 1997). ; Twtnty'one communilie s,rin the : Uniied Siote s have ailopteil : sustainable development ordinances that essentially limit grqwth to the degre-e that public facilities ar.e in jJltzc.e to accommodate this growth, The NRDC/STPP Smart Growth effort consists of a "Toolkit" for policy makers that attempts to promote growth that is "compact wal.kable, and transit accessib l e" and will ultimately "compete better with sprawl in policy forums and in the marketplace." This ''Toolkit" contains: (I) three policy reports on sprawl's environmental, economic, and social impacts ; (2) research reports on sprawl induced fiscal impactS and infrastructure requirements (including ut. ilities and roads); and (3) a Smart Growth Guidebook" (NRDC/STPP 1997) Maryland bas adopted smart growth legislation at the state level. This legis lation will withhold or at least sharply limit, any subsidies for new roads sewers, or schools for political jurisdictions outside state-targeted smart growth areas (Maryland Office of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


Planning 1997). Rhode Island and Colorado have also introduced similar initiatives ( APA 1997). '/Jle Smart Gr:owth initiative updating of ,. controlS to make them more ,,,,_ .. ,.' ,-,-.,-..-sensmve.-to the ongoing of lilck .. of housing tliYersity, traffic congestion, and environmental degradation. Each of !he above t echniques has as its basis !he better management of growth and a component of !he program that emphas izes more compact development patterns for the purpo se of resource co nservation. SUMMA RY Sprawl is a type of growlh in !he United Sta t es !ha t even !he most unenlightened realize needs reth inking. Yet sprawl is so endemic to !he culture of the United States that it is almos t impossible to change. American s lik e its outcome. It provides safe and economical l y hetero geneous neighborhood s !hat are removed from the problem s of the cen tral city. In low-density, middle-class environm ents life is lived wilh relative ease, and when resid ents wish to relocate, they typically leave i n better financial condition-the result of housing appreciation The public service s available t o in spraw l locations are more than adequate-and their cost until recently, has been relatively inexpensive. But costs are beginning to increase. Americans are looking, albeit balfheai1edly for an alternative tO curre n t development patterns. There is a general sentiment that communities and individuals specifically, and society as a whole, cannot co ntinue to pay for the costs of sprawl. Costs have been held at a manageable level only because existing infrastructur e i s ign ore d and developmental infrastructure is not repaired or replaced adequately Over time, sprawl bas garnered a long list o f detractors, bu t increasingly observers are askin g that the issues be discussed fairly Mos t of the early literature criticized sprawl, but much of the recent literature asks for an analysis tha t deliberately isolates bolh the costs and benefit s o f sprawL This is the emp h asis of Chapter 3 of this study: to break down the phenomenon o f sprawl into its basic alleged impacts, bclh pos itive and negative, and to detail deliberately !he strengths and weaknesses of each impact statement with specific ci ta tions from the lit erature. Impacts are in five groupings. These arc : 36 I ) public-priv ate capital and o perating costs; 2) transportation and travel costs; 3) land and narural habitat preserva tion ; 4) quality of life; and 5) social issues. The above categories obviou sly contain signifi cant overlap. The objectiv e is not to define mutually exclusive groups but to begin t o point out and synth esize !he major conce rns of the literature TRJ.NSrT COOPERJ.IJVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


The Com of Sprowi-Revisife-d li toroturo Synthosis 3 LITERATURE SYNTHESIS OF THE COSTS AND BENEFITS OF SPRAWL The purpose of this chapter is to divide the literature on sprawl into major fields and subfields of imp act in an effort to synthesize the most important studies in a systematic way. This effort identifies what researchers on the subject have considered and debated; what data have been used and how the data have been analyzed; and where the gaps in the state of knowledge are. The chapter is divided into two parts. The first is a synthesis of the literature as described above. The second is a summary of the literature, including: ( 1) topical coverage, databases, methodologies, and deficiencies; and (2) alleged negative and positive effects Thus, the synthesis of the literature in the first part of the chapter serves as a basis for statistical summaries of literature by typ e, database, methodology, and cat egory of i mp act in the second part of the cbapter.The statistical summary is one of the flf'St of its type. Although different literature citations could signal different emphases, it is believed that these cita tions and resulting emphases are correct in both direction and magnitude. 37 ANALYSIS OF THE LITERATURE A search of the literature reveals that various commentators have attributed more than two dozen negative and more than one dozen positive impacts to sprawl. These impacts are set forth in Table 7. The li s t is not a scientific tax onomy; it does not include all the alleged effects of sprawl. Rather, in the judgment of those reviewing the li t erature, i t in cludes some of the most s i gnificant i mpacts. F urther, not all of the allegations can he substantiated; nor are they of equal importance. However, this inventory presents a comprehensive set of allegations based on the relevant literature summarized here. The allegations have been classified into five substantive categories: I) public-private capital and operating costs; 2) transportation and trave l costs; TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRPJ /1.10


a 'I' 0 f J r f f w .. !!l !i! i TABLE 7 ALLEGED NEGATIVE AND POSITI VE I MPACTS OF SPRAWL Subst#lf-tive Conctrn A. Alleged Negatie llnpacts B Alleged Impacts i I. Public-Private Capital and Opentting Costs I. H igher infrasuucture costs I. Lowu public operoting costs 2 Higher public operating costs 3. MOte expensive private residential and 2. Less private resident ial and n onresidential nonresidential development costs develOpment COSIS 4 More adverse public fiscal impacts 3 f-osters efficient development of "'lcapfrogg<'' areas s. Higher aggregate land costs U Transportation and Travel Costs I. More vehicle miles traveled (VMT) I. Shorter commuting times 2. Longer travel times 2. Less congestion 3 More automobile ttips 3. Lower governmental costs for transportation 4 Higher household transportation spending 4 Automobiles most efficient mode of transportation s. Less and effective rransit 6. Higher social costs of trave l 01. Land/Na1Ur21 Habitat Presvat io n I. Loss of agricultunollaod I. Enhanced penonal aod public open """"" 2 Reduced farmland productivity 3. Reduced farmland viability (water conslraints) 4 Loss of fragile environmental 13ftds s. Reduced regional open space IV Quality of Life I. Aesthetically displeasing I Preference for low..deosity living 2. Weakened sense of community 2. Lower crime rates 3 Oreater streSs 3 Reduced costs of public and private goods 4 Higher energy consumpti on 4. Fosters grelller economic wcllbelng s. More air pollution 6 Lessened historic preservation V Social Issues 1. Fosters suburban exclusion I. F osters home rule 2 Fos.tcn spatial mismatch 2. Enhances municipal divel"$ity and choice 3 Fosters residential segregation 4 WO

3) land and natural habitat preservation; 4) quality of l ife; and 5) social issues. Each of the alleged negative and positive impacts found in the literature search under these five substantive groupings is examined in depth following a common presentation format as follows: I) Topic. What is the specific subject matter of the alleged cost or benefit? 2) Allegation/Basis. Synopsis of the alleged cost or benefi t and the basis or logic of the supposed effect. 3) Literature Symhesis P ertinent studies on the allegation are cited, either s upporting or rebutting it. The presentation o f the literature synthesis is accomplished using both text and a matrix. The matrix distinguishes: a) Whether or not the alleged factual condition exists under conditions of sprawl (or more generally whether development pattern affects the item in question). b) Whether or not the alleged factual condition if it exists -has been significantly linked to sprawl (i.e., to development pattern). For example, one allegation is that "sprawl generates more vehicle miles of travel than higher-density forms of development." This literature synthesis first notes whether there is, in fact, agreement among observers who comment on this subject. (There appears to be general agreement in this regard.) The next observation addresses the question of whether there is agreement in the literature that the presence of greater vehicle miles of travel in low-density settlements is significantly related to sprawl. (There is again, general agreement on the second count.) For simplification these judgm ents are shown in the form of a matrix: 39 s' A$:1-1 "- X exitf hit mongty linkd IO X -'' An "x" is placed in the matrix cell that contains th e appropriate answer to the question on that line This matrix is not a rigorous measuring instrument. It could have been produced in a variety of ways. Even as currently structured, there is not always consensus among reviewers on how to "'score'' an item-i. e whether there is "general agreement" or "some agreement" in the literature. For that matter, there is not always consensus on how convincing the literature is i n its relationship of development impacts to sprawl. PUBUC AND PRIVATE CAPITAL A N D OPERATING COSTS I.A. Sprawl's Alleged Negative Impacts I.A.l. Higher Infrastructure Costs Allegation/Basis ltifrastructure of a wide scope-e.g local and regional roads, water and sewer systems, and schools-is more expensive under sprawl than under compact devewpment. This allegation alludes to i nfrastruct ure that is primarily public (i.e., state, county, or local government roads; public utility systems; and public schools) and occasionally private (i.e. privately owned utility systems and subdivision-level roads that are not dedicated to the public sector). TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) fl. I 0


The effec.t of sprawl on the cost of infrastructure allegedly occurs for several reasons. At sprawl's lower development densities, various components of infrastructure that are linearly related (i.e., sidewalks, curbs, subdivision-level roadways, and water and sewer mains) serve a lesser increment of development than these components of infrastructure would serve at higher levels of density. The segregation of land uses associated with sprawl further increases infr a structure costs. Segregation of land uses by residential and nonresidential types often means that parallel infras t ructure systems have to be pro vided to individual residential and nonresidential locations Further, sprawl's leapfrog development, which locates growth away from eltisting development, does not capitalize on pockets of surplus infrastructure capacity that may already be present in and around existing development. Finally, fragmented governance, a seemingly natural accompaniment to sprawl, otlen leads to duplicative city balls police stations, courts, fire houses, schools, water/sewer treatment facilities, and so on. Literature Synthesis As shown earlier in Table I. The Costs of Sprawl (RERC 1974) found tha t cap ital costs per unit were higher in the "low diversity sprawl" and "sprawl mix" neighborhood prototypes than they were in the "planned mix" or "high-density planned mix" prototypes. The Costs of Sprawl also found that capital expenses per unit were higher in detached housing (more pronounced under sprawl) than they were in attached housing (more pronounced under compact development) The first finding of The Costs of Sprawl, although crit icized, has basically stood the test of time (Altshuler 40 literature Synthem 1977); the second finding proved to be the undoing of the study (Windsor 1979). Frank (1989) reanalyzed (using current cost numbers) several studies conducted between the 1950s and the 1980s that examined relationships between land use and infrastructure costs (including The Costs of Sprawl). Accounting for the limitations of The Costs of Sprawl study, he concluded that infrastructure costs were highest in situations of low density and for development located a considera ble distance from centralized public services (conditions of sprawl). In frastructure costs were lowest in situations of higher density and for development that was centrally and/or contiguously located (conditions of compact development). Duncan (I 989) analyzed the infrastructure costs of multiple Florida residential and nonresidential developments with varying patterns of development. Costs were higher for those with sprawl characteristics than they were for those with compact develo pment characteristics (see Table 8). Infrastructure costs were llighest in situations of low density and for development located a considerable distance from centralized public services. The longest-run modeling of infrastructure costs under different development sce nario s was performed by Burchell (1992 1997) in New Jersey and in other locations. The infrastructur e models applied by Burchell relate develo pment density and housing type to the demand f or local/state roads and water/sewer infrastructure. The studies found that the amount of land consumed for development was directly related to lane-miles of road required for two-lane (local) and four-lane (state) roads. Thus, densiry of development was found to be inversely related to lane-miles TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


Literature Synthelil TABLE 8 D UNCAN (1989)-FLORIDA GROWT H PATT ERN STUDY: CAP ITAL FACILITY COSTS UNDER SPRAW L VERSUS COMPACT DEVELOPMENT (pe r dwelling unit; 1990 dollars) Category of Average of Case Average of Case Sprawl Versus Capital Costs S t udies unde r Studie-s under Com pac t Development Spraw l Development1 Compact Development Difference Ill% Roads s 7,014 $ 2 ,784 (+) $4.230 60. 3 Schools 6.079 5.625 (+) 4 S4 7.4 Utilities 2.187 t,320 ( + ) 867 39. 6 Other 661 672 (-) 1 1 1.7 TOTAL $15 ,9 4 1 $10.401 ( + ) $5,540 3 6. 7 N<>tes: 1. Sprawl development as defined here include the following panems of urban form" anaJytod by the Florida study: sc -atter ed; "linear: and "sateiUte. '0\.e capital cost figures shown in this table are averages of the Aorida case studies c haracteritcd by the scattered, l inear. and sat e11ite pauems (i e .. Kendall Drive, Tampa Palm$, University Boulevmd, and Cantonment). 2 Compact deve lo pment as defined here includes the f oll owing pat1erns of 'urban form" analyted b)' the florida study: "contiguous" and ''compact." The capital co n figur es shown in this tabl e a r c averages of the Florida ease stud i es characterized by the con t iguous and compact patterns ( i.e Coun try$idc. D own t ow n Orlan do a n d Southpoint.) So.,rce : Memorandum from James Duncan and A ssociates to Robert w B u reheU and David Listokin. May 8, 1990 ; a n d Jame$ DuocAn c t al., The Search for Efficient Urban Grbwth Pauerns Report prepared for the Govem()t'S Task Force on Urt:>an G rowth Patterns and the Florida Department of Com m unity Affairs (Talla hassee. July 1989). of local and sta t e roads and their anendant i nfras tructure c o sts Housing type and to a lesser extent, density were related to the amount of wat e r and sewer services con s umed (measured in gallons) by developm ent. Almost all of th e difference in residential water usage rela t e d t o whether o r not occupants of residential and nonresidential facilities watered their lawns Lawn wat ering takes p lace primarily in single-family detac hed residences and h i gh-value research and commercial h e adquarters uses. The difference in water usage among various commercial and industrial uses is also related to t h e service or product that is genera t ed by the facility Rutgert P anon.s arincbrhcfi CONorthwe11 4 1 Larger and more signifi can t than wat er/sewer usage are differences observed in \vater/sewer infrastructure, particularly as related to the number of feeder hookups from the trunk line that an individual land use requires. Higher density, the clustering of land uses, and attached housing and linked nonresidential uses all contribu t e to a reduced number of infrastru crure feeder lines and reduced costs. A model sensit i v e to these differences, app lie d in New Jersey to alternative growth scenarios differentiated by sprawl-like versus more compact developm ent pauerns, s h owed the fanner's infrastrucrure costs to be considerably TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ fi, JQ


Billions of dollars on $pent annually on massive road infrasttucture project John Simonds, EorlhscnJU. higher. The findings were basically similar in order of magnilude across most of the other locations analyzed by Burchell (Burchell and Listokin 1995a) (see earlier Tables 3 and 4). The findings were also comparable to those arrived at by Frank (1989) and Duncan (1989) in their studies (see Table 9 below). Other relevant research indicating higher infrastructure costs under co nditions of s prawl includes Archer ( 1973) and Duensing ( 1977). Base data on infrastructure and its costs not related to development pattern, such as average capital outlays per single-family house or costs per linear foot of roadway, are provided by FACIR (1986), Fod or (1995), Nelson (1988), Nichols eta!. (1991), and California OP&R (1982). The above body of research which reflects, in part an approach dating back to Tile Costs of Sprawl. bas been criticized on several counts by Altshuler (1977) and Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez (1993) for the following reasons : I ) The higher infrastructure costs found in instances of lower versu s higher density ( i.e . sprawl versus compact development) are not meaningful because the hou sing units and their attendant scale found under the different developm ent alternativ es (i.e .. more detached housing under sprawl and more attached housing under compacl development ) are not comparable. 2) The higher infrastrucwre costs attributed to sprawl due to its leapfrog patterns will essentially be neutralized as areas that were initially passed ove r are ultimately devel oped. The next wave of growth will capitalize on the infrastructure 10 place. Thus, the higher initial cost will be recouped. "fhe cost of sprawl is the cost of supplying some infrastructure in advance of its TABLE 9 lnfrasttucrure RELATIVE I NFRASTRUCTURE COSTS OF SPRAWL VERSUS C T DEVELOPMENT FROM T HR E E MAJOR S TUDI ES COMPA Compact Development Costs AS Percent of Sprawl Developm ent Costs : Findings from Three Mjor Studies Sprawl Duncan Study Frank Study Bun:hdl Compact Development Cost Category Development (1989) (1989) Studies Coots : Synthesis from Three Roads (local) 100% 40% 73% Schools 100% 93% 99% Utili t ies 100% 60% 66% 42 (1992) Major Studies (in pernt, relathe to 74-88% % 97% oo9S% 86-93% TRANSIT COOPERATIVl RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) If. I 0


The Cosfs of eventual need and will ultimately be l ower the more rapidly that ioftll tak es place'' (Altshu le r and GomezIbanez 1993, 72 -73) 3) The higher infrastructure costs (under sprawl) attributed to the distance of development from central facilities does not consider potential economies of scale that could be realized in regionalized, oversized trunk lines or similarly located water/sewer treatment plants (Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez 1 993, 73). In other words, the added "cos t s of distance" because feeder lines are longer under sprawl are not significan t if the feeder lines are attached to regionally located (and oversized) trunk lines and water/sewer p l ants. Holding aside the above criticisms, at least one researeber, Richard Peiser, finds the cost difference in infrastructure between sprawl and compact devel opment patterns to be quite slighl Peiser (1984) examined infrastructure co sts for new residential devel opmen t in two Texas "prototype" communities one planned the other unp l anned. The planned and unplanned developments were located on 7 ,500-acrc sites in Houston. The planned community was designed to accommodate a population of about 80,000 residents in 26,500 dwelling units and a workforce of72,000 in 24 million square feet of office and industrial space The development was largely self-contained and near existing development in the form of a large center The unplanned development was located in a primary growth corridor at the urban fringe, typical of Houston's sprawl pattern (100to 500 -acre subdivisions, strip malls, and s h opping centers). The Houston develop m ent was designed to accommodate about the same number of residents (80,000) and workers (72,000) as the planned development. In Peiser's model. the difference in capital expenses for the planned and unp lanned scenarios was about 5 percent in favor of the planned development. The fmding in the Peiser study that contradicts other findings in the field was the inclusion in overall planned development infrastructure savings of higher road costs associated with planned as opposed to u nplanned development (Table 10). TABLE 10 Infrastruc t ure Costs ror Planned and Unpla n ned Development The Peiser Model Planned Infrasttueture Development Cost s (for 80,000 Component r

In sum, although there is general agreement that dev e lopment density is linked to infrastructure costs, there is less agreement about the interrelationship between sprawl (as a less carefully defined development form) and infrastructure costs. Literature Syn th esis Matrix .. ... 1;... ....;;!.., .... .,.._ I.,..,,. '""""""' X b If tronjfy liflkedto X I. A. 2. H ig her Publi c Operati ng Costs Allegation/Basis Sprawl generates greater IDCOVschool disrrict operating costs tluJn higher density foms of development This allegation rela tes to splintered public local and educational agenci es that provide duplicative ad ministrative and operating servtces. Lite rature Syn t hesis Openlliog costs are those costs that accrue on a day-to-day basis and form the annual expenses of local government. These include public w orkers' sa laries and benefits; normal expenditures for supplies repa irs, and replaeement i tems; and debt service for capital facilities purchased or contracted for at the local government level (municipal and county). The litenl!Ure is rich with descriptions of variations in local (county and municipal) costs as a function of jurisdiction size, wealth, growth rate, and density of development. Generally speaking, per capita local costs are "U" shaped as a function of 44 population size..-Le., they are e x pensive for ju .risd. ictions with populations under 2,500 and over 50,000, with points of most efficiency in those locations where the population is between 10,000 and 25,000. Schoo l district per pupil costs increase with school district size. Districts with more than 3,000 pupils spend 20 to 30 percent more per pupil than districts of fewer than 1 ,000 pupils; districts of 1,000-3,000 pupils spend 10 percent more than districts of fewer than 1,000 pupils (Stemlieb and BurcbeU 1977; Burchell and 1996). Both local (municipal and county) public service costs per c a p ita and school dis trict public service cost s per pupil also vary directly with the wealth of the jurisdiction. The citizens of wealthier jurisdictions demand greater qualities and quantities of local and educational public services and are willing to pay for them (Burchell and Listoldn 1996). co m ........ .,_. A IIYINUil c-.,. I ... _, .. __ ........ l ... _. ............ .a _,_____,_ --\. .,......,.,_,_ J --t.. -.......;..-" (KAAIOI IW IAoll U ,!l Fiscal Impact analysis compares the public cos t s versus public revenues generated by growth. Sour" : Burchell and LiMokin, in Fi.tcal lmJH'cl Analysis: A Manual dnd for Buiklers and Per capila local and school district costs also have been found to vary directly with density, and inversely with the growth rate of the jurisdiction. Generally speaking, the higher the density, the higher the per capi ta and per pupil costs; the faster the grow t h rate, the l ower the TJ!ANSrT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (ICRP)


The of Sprowi-RoviJ;fed per capita and per pupil costs (Ladd 1992 ). Two caveats are noteworthy, however. First, comparisons almost always are made between suburban and urban-level densities and rarely between densities tha t reflect more-versus less intense suburban development. Second, none of the analyses performed to date standardize the quality or quantity of public services delivered (Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez 1993). Thus, buried in the above fmdings is the fact that public services tha t are delivered in very large and dense local (municipal and county) j urisdictions are more complex and more individualized than those delivered in smaller, more sparsely populated jurisdictions. Foot patrol or rwo-person automobile police patrol takes the place of one-person automobile police patrol; full-time paid frre department employees take the place of v olunteers; and signifi cant numbers of special education teachers must be hired instead of contracting out special education services. AU these examples point to the service differences that complicate comparison of costs in more intensely populated versus less intensely populated jurisdictions Local government costs nationally average about $700 per capita; school district costs average about $7,000 per pupil (Census ojGovemments 1992). Of the former, about 60 percent goes toward salaries and benefits, 35 percent toward other expenses, and 5 percent toward capital purposes. Of the latter, 70 percent goes toward salary and benefits 20 percent toward other expenses and lO percent toward capital purposes. Compact or managed growth, the opposite of sprawl development, may encourage more regionalism in sebool systems and more sharing of non-police loca l public resources. It also reduces the 45 amount oflocal roads and water/sewer utility lines and hook-ups that are constructed and paid for by local debt service and maintained aod paid for out of annual operating budgets. Burchell in his analysis of the growth alternatives in the Impact Assessment of the New Jersey State Development and Redevelopmenr Plan, found that combined municipal and school district operational cost s could be reduced by 2 percent annually under planned (compact) growth, as opposed to tr end (sprawl) growth (Burchelll992a). Although the percentage seems small, the savings occur annually; they are not a one-time windfall, and the savings could potentially be applied nationally to local budgets that sum to $175 billion per year, and to school distri .ct budgets that sum nationally to $500 billion annually. Service differences complicate the comparison of costs in more intensely populated versus less intensely populated jurisdictions. I.n similar type studies in the Delaware Estuary, and in the state of Michigan, municipal costs were found to be S-6 percent less annually under compact growth scenarios than they were under spraw I development. Basically equivalent findings were also arrived at by James Dunc

cannot be used to draw appropriate conclusions, given their inabilily t o differentiate between l eve l s of service provided (Altshuler and GomezIbanez 1 993) Gordon and Richardso n indicate that Burchell' s prospectiv e alternative developm ent scenari os allow no tlexibilily for the trend (sprawl) scen ario to improve over time and no flexibilily for the plan ( compact growth) scenario to be worse than e n visioned due to the lack of full compliance with this alternative (Gordo n and Richard son 1997a). Literat ure Synthes i s Matrix = ,_ NoO.or swm"''"'r "Oc>llhU not":i: uiuf X hit ..... odlo X I. A. 3. Mo r e Expen sive Private Residential and Nonresidential Developm e nt C osts Allegation/Basi s Sprawl causes residential and nonresidential building and occupancy cosrs to rise d ue to the larger l ot and structure sizes in l ocations where land i s l ess expensive. Literature Synth esis D e velopment costs include land and imp rovement co s ts, and are impacted by the scale of each. Spa cious single -family dwellings on larg e lots are usually the most e xpe nsive types of housing; simil arly, spread-out, low-rise non residen tial development on large parcels of land are the most expensive 1ype of co mmercial and/or indu strial develop ment. Both are low-densily examp les of their respective development forms 46 To the degree that densily increases in residential develo pment and floor-area rati os increase in nonreside n tial development, holding all other struc ture/environmental amenities constant, residential and nonre sidential d eve lopment costs should decrea se. S i mil arly, to the degree tha t structures are smaller, holding all other strucrurel environmental amenities constant, residential and nonresidential development costs will also be less Median Monthly Merta Payments 19791989 Housing costs have been rising consisccn1ly during lhe past decade. & u rc : F Devaney, Ht> i n Amedca : /989190. Oth er f ac tors that affect the co s t s of res idential and nonresidential d evelopment include: I ) the amount of zoned land availa ble for development, as determined by the local zoning ordinance: and 2) the time it takes development to engage and c lear the permi ning process (which is also lar gely determined by local land -use regulations). If land is limited or inappr o priately zoned res id ential and nonresidential development costs will rise. If governmen t regulation s arc ex cessive, permitting time will i n crease, and the costs of development will also rise. In the Impact Assessment of the New Jersey State D evelopment and R edevelopme nt Plan, Burche ll (1992a) found that if new development is contained around existing developm ent and is also increased somewha t in term s of den sity and floor-area ratio, even with TRANSITCOOPfRAl!Vf RfSEAACH (TCRP) H-10


significant decreases in density to preserve lands a t the periphery, overal l residential and nonresidential development costs will be approximately 10 percent less per unit or per 1,000 square feet. Somewhat lesser savings (68%) emerged from studies conducted in Lexington, Kentucky (Burchell and Listokin 1994b), the Delaware E stuary (Burchell and Moskowitz 1995), and the state of Michigan (Burchell 1997a). O t her studies of residential development have produced essentially par.Ulel findings on tbe effects of increased lot and structure size on housing costs. Downs (1973), Schafer (1975), Seidel (1978), and others have found that large lot zoning and minimum building size increase the costs of new housing This same type of analysis applied to nonresidential development although not often l ooked at hy researchers in tbe field bas produced similar findings (Burchell 19921997). Some researchers have found that large lot sing l e-family zoning and minimum building sizes are associated w ith sprawl deve l opment. Smaller lot sizes (zero lot line) and different types and intensities of development (single-family attached and multifamily) are associated with compact development (Avin 1993; CH2M Hill 1993). Linking the above two sets of findings the savings noted by housing type should then extend to these two polar development fom1s. One cannot assume however, that housing preference changes will accompany deve l opment pattern shifts. In other words, if compact development is opted for, and denser foffilS of housing comprise this type of development, it cannot be assumed that market preferences will correspondingly shift and families previously occupying l ess dense types of housing under sprawl will 47 opt for the more intense development forms under compact development Further, if there is a crossover between housing types, one must carry the occupancy profile of tbe former to the new type of housing unit Otherwise, false conclusions could be drawn with regard to development cost savings associated with the often smaller and less intensely occupied housing of compact Large-lot single-family zoning and minimum building sizes are associated with sprawl development. development, and with the annual fiseal impact savings resul t ing from this development form. A critical error was discovered by Windsor in his review of The Costs of Sprawl (Windsor 1979). According to Windsor, The Costs of Sprawl study failed to account for the fact that the characteristics of new townhouse occupants who switched from detached single-fami l y occupancy (if they could be assumed to do so) woul d be closer to the characteristics of occupants of the units that they had left than to the characteristics of the occupants of units similar to their new housing. This lack of realization led to the erroneous conclusion that compact deve l opment (containing a larger percentage of townhouses) was less expensive to service than sprawl development (containing a larger percentage of single-family homes ), when the same households that occupied the former would likely be t he ones moving to the latter. Literature Synthesis Matrix X X TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP} H-10


I.A.4. More A d ve r se Publ ic Fiscal Impacts A llegation/Basis Sprawl generates more adverse fiscal impacts than compact development because public operating costs are significantly higlu:r and residential uses and artendant revenues d o not compensate for these costs. Further, fragmented govemmenJS compete for land uses according to these land uses fiscal superiority Most "good" (from a local fiscal impact perspective ) economic uses have been withdrawn from central cities and transp lant ed to suburban juris dictions. Since there are not enoug h "good" land uses to go around, only the wealthiest jurisdictions truly benefit fiScally from these land uses. Literature Synthesis In analyzing the impa cts of land uses, the notion that some types of land uses are better fiscally than others has become widely accepted. Nonresidential land uses, for the most part, have been shown to be more profitable than residential uses, and most standard forms of residential land uses less profitable (see Table I I ). Further within the nonresidential and residential sectors, varying degrees of advantage and disadvantage exist. Some land uses produce more revenues than costs; if service levels arc maintained at the same level after d evelopment. taxes could be decrea.scd. The reverse i s also true. In some cases, costs exceed revenues and, all things being equal taxes might have to be increased (Burchell and L istokin 1994a). Position on the fiscal impact hierarchy depends on the type of unit (the size or intensity of use) within both residential and nonresidential classifications. F iscal literature Synl'hesi.s position also depends on the service district in wbich impact is being viewed. Often. for instance, a small condominium or age restricted housing unit may be or have a slightly positive or negative impact on the municipal service jurisdiction, yet both may be very positive fiscal ratables in the school dis trict. On the other hand, larger townhouses may be just below break even in the school district yet significantly negative in the municipal jurisdiction Fiscal impacts and observed differences under sprawl versus compact growth are dependent upon two different influences from development pallems The tirst is the ability of the de velopment pauem to influence type of development. To the degree that dwelling type can be changed by compact development in sub-state seuings. the demographics and consequently,the public service costs of development will change The second is the ability of the de'elopment The Ftscallmpacl of Growt h Unplanned growth is believed to result in greater costs to municipalities. Sourer: MSPO. on the Lo1td. COOPERA!IVE RESE.ARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H lO


The Costs ol TABLE 11 THE HIERARCHY OF LAND USES AND FISCAL IMPACTS ResEARCH OFJ'lCE PARKS OFFICE PARKS INDUSTRIAL DBVELOPMENT HIGH R ISE/GARDEN APARTMENTS (STUDIO/I BliVROOM) AGE REsTRIC TED HOUSING (+) GARDEN CONDOMJNIUMS (/ 2 BEDROOMS) MUNICIPAL OPEN SPACE BREAK EVEN RETAIL FACILITIES TOWNHOUSeS (23 8/!.DROOMS) EXPENSIVE SINGLE-FAMILY HOMES (34 ( + ) SCHOOL DISTRICT BREAK EVEN TOWNHOUSES (3-4 BeDROOMS) (.) INEXP1>NSIV6 SINGLE-FAMILY (34 BCDROOMS) GARDEN APARTMENTS (3+ 8F.()R00MS) MOBILE HOMES (UNRESTRICTI!.D AS TO OCCUPANCY LOCALLY) Note: The above list contains too many disclaimers to inc. Jude here. Suffice il to say that spec ific fisc-al irnpacts of a lan d use must always. bf:. viewed in the context of other land uses' impac. ts and within the fiscal parameters of the jurisdiction in which the land use is being developed. Source: Burchell, Robcn W "Fiscal Impact Analysis: State of the An and State of the Practice ." Rlllgett llrooldnga Poflona lrin<:hrl\oH ECONorthwe..t 49 TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H-10


pattern to influence the intensity of development and geographic spread of new neighborhoods. If compact development can provide tighter development patterns, infrastructure provision will be l ess. So too will the annu a l debt service on capita l costs for roads, water/sewer lines, and so on, as well as the annual costs of maintenance associated with these new facilities The location where d e velopment takes place is also an important factor If located near existing development, excess service capacity may be drawn upon. If development is skipped over, public service infrastructure will almost always have to be provided at costs greater than if existing facilities were extended. If development is hJcated near existing development, excess service capacity may be drawn upon. Burchell s Impact Assessment of the New Jersey Stare Development and Redevelopmelll Plan (Burchell 1992a) employed a fiscal model to view the effects of trend versus planned development. The Rutgers fiscal impact model estimated the number of people, employees, and students that were generated under each of the development scenarios and projected th eir future costs and revenues to host public service jurisdictions Although at the regional and state levels population and employment projec t ions did not vary be t ween al t ernatives, at the municipal leve l the differences were significant. In the compact development case, urban communities w i th slack service capacity received more growth than rural areas with lesser amounts of p u blic service infrastructure The reduced infrastructure provision and potential l y reduced annual maintenance on this infrastructure led to diminished fiscal impacts for this alternative. 50 literature Synthesis Burchell s study in New Jersey found that: By containing population and jobs in already developed areas and by creating or expanding centers in newly developing areas, the State Plan offers an annual $112 million (or 2 percent] fiscal advantage to municipali t ies. This advantage reflects the ability under plan to draw on usable excess operating capacity in already developed areas as we ll as efficiencies of service delivery For i nstance, fewer lane miles of local roads will have to be built under plan, t hus saving municipal public works maintenance and debt service costs. Public school distric t s will realize a $286 million {or 2 percent! annual financial advantage under the State Plan, again a reflection of drawing on usable excess publ i c school operating capacity and other service and fiscal efficiencies realized due to the redirection of pop u lation u n de r the plan alternative Thus, municipal and school district provider s of public serv i ces could be ahead fiscally by close to $400 million annually under plan compared to trend while meeting similar population demands for public services. Under trend the s t ate's school districts will have to provide 288 .000 net pupil space s to the year 2010 (365,000 gross need les.' 77,000 usable excess space s); for plan, t he net need is lower at 278,000 pupi l spaces based on exc e ss space available in cen tr al cities Overall. if new s pace had to be built to accommodate net new stude nts, costs of n e w school facilities would be approximately $5.3 billion under trend and $5 1 billion under plan. Thus, $200 million (or approximately 3 percent) is potentially saved due to more excess capacity in closer -in areas being drawn upon by plan as opposed TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP) 11-10


to lesser amoun t s of excess c a pacity available to uend in suburban and rural areas (Burchell 1992a). Li terature Synt h es i s M atrix Nod-, .. ,.,, ..._, .... .,;.._, a....... (:Qf'ldilion X nolobly exil l f it tUOf'lgl)' linhd to X tl)rowlf I.A.S. H igher Agg r egate L a nd Costs A ll eg a tion/Basis Total/and costs of urban settlemellls are higher under sprawl This occurs even though t he a verage price of land per acre may be lower, because a g i ven total popu l ation occ u pies more s u burban land than under higher density urban forms of growt h Literature Synthes i s Most of the modeling effortS to date that involve prospective development futures h ave found that alternat ives to "status quo" development patterns (i.e spraw l ), consume less ove r all land than the spraw l deve l opment pattern does. In New Jersey Lexington (Kentucky), the Delaware Estuary, and Michigan, alternatives to sprawl consumed 20-40 percent Jess overall l and (Burch ell 1 992 1997) In the San Francisco Bay area alternatives to sprawl consume d 1025 percent less overall land than did sprawl (Landis 1 995) T hus, l and consumed under spr awl has almost always been shown to be more than land consumed under compact growth patterns. Further, in the Burchell ( 1 992-1997) studies, because densities were i ncreased to design levels under compact growth, 51 Liter otvro Syntfto,;, housing costs decreased as a resu l t of the reduction in land costs associa t ed w i th this alternative. In other words, in situa t ions where there were no growth restrictions, housing costs were higher Lan d consumed under sprawl has alm4st always bee n s h ow n to be mo r e tha n lan d con sumed under compact g r owth p a tterns. under sprawl because land costs were higher. In t h e above fou r Burc h ell study locations, for example, housing costs under sprawl development were more due to the land component of these costs. This uue becaus e under compact devel opment, the majority of devel opment taking p lace closer -in was subjec t to densi t y increases of 10 to 30 percent. Tota l land costs of urban settlements have been found to be generally higher under the sprawl alternative (See also Land/Natural Habitat Preservation Negative Impacts) L iterature Synt h es i s Mat rix s:. NoCf"r ,_., l'o- .. ..._. o .... -

Tltc Costs ol Sprowi-R.-visited meeting these demands increase with high er densities (compact development). Literature Synthesis Gordon and Richardson express this argument. citing the research of Ladd: Ladd (1992) argued that except within a range of v ery low densit ies. per capita p u blic service costs for traffic management, waste collection and disposal, and crime control. increase with higher densities. (Gordon and Richardson 1997a, 99) Again, this is the type of research that has not standardized for the quality and quantity o f public services delivered in jurisdictions of varying densities. Noneth ele ss, the abov e research indicates that without taking into account what serv i ces are delivered or who de livers them in a service district-operating costs, wha t ev e r they are comprised of appear to be less in jurisdictions of low dens ity than in jurisdictions of high dens ity. Operating costs appear to be. less in jurisdictions of low density than In jurisdictions of high density. However, comparisons of operating costs are usually made between locations of rural-suburban (I to 3 units per acre) density and those of urban density (16 to 30 or more units per acre) These studies may well be measuring the differences in range and complexity of public services delivered in densely populated urban areas versus rural-suburban areas, where the public services de li vered are very limited and much simpler (See also Negative Impacts-Higher Public Operating Costs). Rutgert. lrooklngJ Por.on.. ECONonllw.a 5 2 Uteroture Synthei s Literature Synthesis Matrix fifo Cr"r sw.!"No' ........ 1 ............. ""'-.... -nl I ::imr:: X I ttr"OIIf r linked to X I JProwlf I. B 2. Less Expensive Private R es id e nti a l and Nonresidentia l Developme n t Costs Allegation/Basis Sprawl has lower lwusing costs because it does notlimitthe amount of development Many managed approaches to growth seek also to control growth. Various fonns o f growth control limit housing production and drive up the costs of ho u sing. Literature Synthesis Does the overlay of regulations inherent in managed growth drive up the cost of housing? A number of studies reveal that in the imm ediat e area where growth restri c tions exist, housing prices increase (Fischel 1990). Schwartz, Hansen, and Green ( 198 I) followed the e ffec ts over time of the Petaluma (California) Plan which severely limited building permits, favoring dwellings w i th costly design features and developer-provided amenities and services to the community. Using a statistical (i.e., hedonic) pric ing technique, the authors compared tbe pnce of a standard bundle of housing characteristics to the corresponding price in nearby Santa Rosa, which had not adopted growth controls during the period. The authors found that after several years, Petaluma's housing prices had risen 8 percent above those of Santa Rosa. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH P ROGRAM ( TCRP) fi.IO


Schwartz, Zorn, and Hansen (1989) did a similar study of the growth controls in Davis. California, comparing house prices in Davis to those in a sample of other Sacramento suburbs. They found that growth controls caused house prices in Davis to be nine percent higher in 1980 than they would have been withou t them. In Petaluma (Schwartz, Hansen, and Green 1981) and in Davis (Schwartz, Zorn, and Hansen 1989), the effects on the housing stock affordable to lowand moderate-income households relative to control areas were also monitored. In Petaluma, the authors found that the percentage of the housing stock that was affordable to low-and moderate-income household s dropped significantly below that of a control group (Fisch el 1990). In Davis on the other hand, growth controls required those who received build ing permits to construct some units earmarked for low-income occupants Thus the limited growth that did occur in Davis contained both low-income and high-income housing According to Fischel ( 1 990), however, an unanticipated offset t o this apparent success occurred: the existin g housing in Davis increased not only in price but in quality. Fischel's in terpreta tion of this outcome was that older housing was filtering up rather than down. Where growth is controlled as opposed to m4naged, housing costs are higher. Katz and Rosen (1987) analyzed 1 600 sales transactions of single-family houses during 1979 in 64 communities in tbe San Francisco Bay Area. O f these trans actions, 179 involved houses located in communities where a building permit moratorium or binding rationing system bad been recently, or was currently, in effect According to Fisch e l (1990), this 53 literolvre Synfile,is s t udy is particularly valuable since, unlike the o t her California studies, it did not focus on just a single community. The authors found that the price of houses sold in the growth -controlled communities was higher than the price of houses sol d in other commun i ties Where growth is controlled as opposed to managed. housing costs are higher. Literature Synthesis Matrix c.:.:... No O.w ,._ "- eond'ttion X notobk_ ..xi.Jtf h it st r ong!)' 11n\ed to X !f!_rowl t I.B.J. Fosters Efficient Development of "Leapfrogged" Areas Allegation/Bas i s .,., Sprawl fosters efficient infi/1 development. Sprawl p e rmits appropriate, relatively high-density devel opment of still vacant close-in sites late in the development period of a metropolitan area, without hav i ng either to demolish existing on those sites at great cost, or to expend public funds buying such sites in advance and reserving them for later development. The "leapfrogging" aspect of sprawl leaves sizable tracts of land vacant and undeveloped Parcels remain vacant long after the wave of current growth has passed them by. These parcels can be developed later as "infill" sites at relatively high densities, which are more appropriate to their more central locat i ons. This process of deferred development is more efficient than first developing all peripheral land at low densities, and then tearing down the existing structures when the development marke t reflecting the preferences of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) /1.10 "'


suucture occupants, shifts to higher densities. Literature Synthesi s This allegation is considered by Peiser ( 1984) and is also discussed by Alts huler and Gomez-lbanct ( 1993). But it is often a highly neglected component of the analysis of infrastructure costs related to sprawl. Just as there are those who call for full costing methods to expand and account for the costs of sprawl to tbe private sector and to society as a whole, there are also those who believe that the second ary benefits of sprawl (i.e its lagged inftll economies) must be adequately tabulated in any account ing scheme related to development altemat i ves. Those land that a r e skipped over and initially not u std, become r easonably inexpensive to access and service seco n darily. Greenbelts provide open space for rocreational uses and for future infill development. SoiU'Ce: Daniel Mandelkcr,

miles of travel increased by 1 9 percent between 1983 and 1990, and vehicle miles of travel (VMT) increased at the even faster rate of37 percent. Ray et al. ( 1994 ) found that the number and length of vehicle trips were increasing at an accelerating rate between 1977 and 1990. Sprawl, creates the longer travel distances and increases dependence on the automobile, is a major source of increased vehicle use. The quest io n is what proportion o f the growth in VMT is due to spraw l versus other factors. such as a higher rate of women participating in the workforce, the baby boom generation being a t the peak driving years. or rising incomes that allow every licensed driver in a household to own a car. Thnee factors have contribut ed about equally to the growth in VMT --<:hanging demographics, growing dependence on the automobile, and longer travel distances (Dunphy et al. 1997). Thus, sprawl which creates the longer travel distances and increases dependence on the automobile, is a major source of increased vehicle use. Numerous s tudies have linked lower vehicle miles of travel with more compact mixed-use developments. In a 1990 analysis of the San Francisco Bay area and a 1994 study of 28 California communities, Holtzc law found tha t residents of the denser neighborhoods drove fewer miles per year In a second study, where Holtzclaw (1994) controlled for the levels of transit service and vehicle ownership, a doubling of residential densities was associated with 16 percent fewer vehicle miles of travel. Other research by Harvey (1990), 1000 Friends of Oregon (1996), and t he Urban Land Ins titu te (Dunphy et al. 1997) confum 55 that as densit i es increase per capita vehicle miles of travel decline The interspersing of residents, employment, shopping, and other functions can also reduce VMT, by allowing shorter trips and the use of non vehicle modes. An empirical analysis by Frank and Pivo (1994) in the Puget Sound region and a simulation of the Trenton region undertaken in central New Jersey by the Middlesex. Somerset, Mercer Regional Council ( 1990 ) show that greater land-use mixes (with a higher jobs-housing balance) decrease trip distances and automobile mode shares. 10.6 11.6 36.J 11.2 19.7 20.7 HJ.7 33.6 20 commule length 36. 5 percent from 1985 to 1995; the t.rend is continuing. So11rce: NPTS. Our N

Out" scenario with new development continuing at current typeS and densities with a "Growing Up" scenario that kept all growth within the existing urban growth boundary by reducing lot and introducing more multifamily housing. Average daily VMT was estimated to be 15 percent higher in the "Growing Out" scenario than in "Growing Up." Gordon and Ri chardson ( 1997a), however, do not agree that VMT would be reduced by more compact develo pment. They contend that market forces embodied in sprawl may ultimately result in less VMT as households and businesses locate near one another. They further argue, based on Crane's (1996) theoretical analysis of travel on the grid street networks of nco-traditional development. that this nco-traditional, or compact. type of development may produce more VMT due to the ease of automobile travel. But Ewing ( 1997) points out that the demand for activities is relatively inel astic and residents of more compact, neotraditional developments arc unlikely to drive more simply because of better street design. A preponderance of evidence contradicts Gordon and Richardson's claim that sprawl is not a factor contributing to increased VMT. Market forces embodied in sprawl may ultimately result in less VMT as households and busi n esses locate near one another. Literature Synthesis Matrix X X lllltgrs Brookings fonont ltiM.hrtoloff lCONonhw..Jt 56 U .A.2. Longer Travel Times A llegation/Basis Sprawl r eq uires that more rime be spent traveling than do more compa ct forms of development. The greater dispersion of activities in sprawl makes it neces sary to spend more time traveling between activities than in more compact. mixeduse areas where trips are shorter and can serve mul tiple purposes. Workers in mixed use settings can eat lunch or run errands at noon without using significant amounts of time for travel. Residents of compact neighborhoods can meet many of their needs at community shopping centers. Literature Synthe s i s The evidence is mixed on the effects of sprawl on total uavel times Ewing ( 1995c) has shown that total travel time varies with regional accessibility His Florida study found that residents of areas with high levels of access to a mix of uses including jobs, schools, shopping, and other servic es spent up to 40 minutes less per day in vehicular travel than residents io less accessible neighbor hoods Time was saved by linking trips into tours and by making shorter trips. Dunphy et al. ( 1997), on the other hand, also report that according to surveys. people are willing to accept longer travel times to work and shopping in order to have the quality of housing they desire. Thus, the segregation of l and uses and l ess expensive land at the periphery two characteristics of sprawl--<;art increase travel times, whereas mixed-use developments, wherever they are located appear to decrease travel times Others contend that travel times do not increase with sprawl because more trips are made by the automobile, the fastest mode of travel, and peopl e and activities IRANSrr COOPERATIVE RESeARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) Il-l 0


adjust over time to keep travel times relatively constant ( Gordon and Richardson 1997a). A s tudy by the European Conference of Ministers of Transport (1994) found that people in four c i ties wit h very different urban struct ures (Wismar, West Germany; Delft, The Netherlands; Zurich, Switzerland; and Perth Ausualia) made about the same number of trips and spent about the same amount of time traveling even though modal shares differed significantly. The average time s pent uaveling ranged only from 62 t o 69 minutes. Purvis (1994) reported that travel time budgets remained fairly constant in the San Franc isco Bay Area between 1960 and 1990.ln the latest survey. the number of trips per person declined, but travel times remained cons tant because of the longer duration of trips Purvis says the results are comparable to those in other metropolitan areas and consistent with the uavel time budget studies of the 1970s and 1980s. Reside n t s of a r eas with high levels of access t o a mix of uses including jobs, schools, s hop ping, and other spe.nt 40 minutes less per day m vehu:ular travel than residents of the least accessible neighborhood s Overall, the evidence is not clear about the relationship betw een spraw l and households' total travel times. On the on e hand, some metropolitan-wide data suggest that people have fairly constant uavel time budgets On the other hand, a finer level of analy sis indicates that the outward expansion of urban areas and the segregation of uses has boosted the amount of time some households spend uaveling to their daily activities. 57 Suburban residents spend more time commuting t o ,.,..orJc: than central ciry resident$. SourN : NPTS. Our No l i on 's Travel. (See also Positive Impacts-Shorter Commuting T imes, f or a discu ssion of the mixed ev idence on work uip duration under sprawl.) Literature Synthesis Mat rix a. .. ...a... Ww-.: . d -c..-. OOflditlon X notobly ttrong linbd to X lPIOwff II.A.3. More Au t omobile Trips Allegation/Basis A grtatu share of trips are made /Jy car and a lesser share /Jy transit walking, and /Jicycling in sprawled developm e llf than in more co mpact developmellf This assertion is almost uu e by definition since one of the defining characteristi cs of sprawl is that motor vehicles are the dominant mode of uansportation. Sprawl. with its low and segregation of uses, requtreS that vurually all trips be made by automobile, whereas residents of areas with higher densities and a greater mix of u ses have the option of riding uansit, bikjng. or walking. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H. I 0


Literature Synthesis An extensive literature shows that when development is more compact and land uses are mixed, transit and walking mode shares rise and vehicle mode shares decline. Research for TCRP H-1 (Parsons Brinckerhoff 1996c) shows that residents of denser more mixed-used neighborhoods were more likely to go by transit or to walk for all types of trips. Another part of this project showed that higher residential densities in rail corridors and higher employment densities in the CBDs increase rail use (Parsons Brinckerhoff 1996b). Empirical research by Cervero (1986, 1989 ), Cervero and Gorham (1995), Dunphy and Fisher (1 994), Frank and Pivo (1994), Handy (1992, 1995), Kenworthy and Newman (1993), and Kitamura et al. (1994) confirm that higher density, more pedestrian-friendly neighborhoods and employment centers support travel by non-automotive modes. Kenworthy and Newman compared the rates of growth in central, inner, and outer neighborhoods in the United States (where those with higher incomes move to the edge) and Australia (where those with lower incomes move to the edge) and found that automobile travel was growing rapidly in the outer areas of cities in both counties. Their conclusion: It is clear that the level of automobile usc is not simply a matter of how wealthy people are but is also heavily dependent on the stru ctur e of the city and whether transport options are available other than the automobile. Thus as cities become more dispersed and lower in density towards the edges, the level of compul sory automobile use rises mark edly, regardless of income level. (Kenworthy and Newman 1993, 12) 58 Litererl\.ore Synttwuis Transit Riders in tbt Uaittd States (t940-t989) Transit ridership fell drama t ically after World Wax II. The aucomobile accounts for the decline So11rce: Truman Hanshom. Interpreting the City. Even Gordon and Richardson ( 1997a, 99) agree that .. .the spreading out of cities reduces markets for conventional public transit (especially fixed rail, which is spatially inflexible and usually oriented to downtown) ... Residents of denser, mixed used neighborhoods were more likely to use transit or to walk for all types of trips. Literature Synthesis Matrix c;.:!o, NoC-r M;:n.tiol 1.,:: .... o.-.. 1 !f\'l conditio-n X not;bi.f -.xillf mon-g y X II.A.4. Higher Household Transportation Spending Allegation/Basis Households living in sprawl developments must spend higher TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) fl. I 0


Th Com of Sprowf-..Revis;,.d fractions of their incomes for transportalion Households undet sprawl s pend more for transport atio n than those in ltigber density forms of development because the residents of sprawl areas travel grea ter distan ces and make more of their trips in automobile s. Literature Synthesis That hoosehold spending on transport at io n is higher unde r sprawl woul d appear to be a logical conseq uence of the greater miles of travel and more travel by the autom obile. However only a few studies directly address the issue of household costs for tran s portation under differen t development sce nario s Holtzclaw (1994 ) concludes that residents of denSet, more transi t friendly neighborhoods are abl e to spend a small er share of their budge t s on travel due to greate r use of transit and walking. The impact is especi ally grea t if hous eholds can reduce their automobil e ownershi p levels because of the viability of other modes of travel. How e v er, it is unclear whether the lower tran spo ttation costs are a direct or indirect result of spr awl, due to the types of people who c h oose t o live in the denser, more transit-friendly neighborhoods. Residents of denser, more transit friendly neighborhoods are able to spe11d a smaller share of their budgets on trav el due to greater use of tra11sit a11d walki11g. Tbe current literature s u ggests that sprawl bas higher transportation costs, b u t more studies are need ed to substantiate this conclusion. S9 Literature Synthesis Matrix .. ::, ., '!. $ .. ,,.: ...... NoCf.ot ....... ""'-Di i8!J"..,.nt COI'Idltlol\ 1\0tobl y hlf X 11101'10 y . owl! X IJ.A.S. Less Cost-Efficient a nd Effective Transit A llegation/Basis Sprtnvl r e duces the cost-effici ellcy a11d ejfective11ess of transit service co mpared t o m o r e co mpact developmem Tran s it service i s not as efficient or effective in sprawl development because of the dispersion of origins and destinations. The higher ridership generated by denser developments improves the cost efficiency (cost per vehicle mile) and effectiveness ( passenger-mile s per line mile) of transit. Literature Sy nthe s is Researc h for TCRP H-1 has s h own that the use of light rail and commut er rail increases when more people live i n the rail corrido r and work in the central business di strict. Because density boosts ride rship, the coSt per vehicle mile declines and the passenger-mile s per line mile of transit increase. For example, consider a ten-mile light rail line se rving a corridor with a me

Tllo Com of Sprcwi-R..WJi .. d by 44 percen t (Parsons Brinck erhoff 1996b, I 996<1). TransiJ s ervice is not as effici ent or effective in spra w l d evelo pment because of. the dispersiOn o.r ., .. origins and destinations. As the S<:(:tion in this report on M ore Automobile Trips also s h ows, higher densities support higher bus use. Pushkarev and Zupan ( 1977) and a n u mber of other authors have identified thresh olds at whi ch transit use subs tantially increases Frank and Pivo (1994) using data from the Pugct Sound region, ide ntif y thres hold s of 50 to 70 employee s and 9 t o 13 persons per gross acre for work trips and 75 emp loyees and 18 persons per gro ss acre for s h op ping trips. D ue to the i ncrease i n ridership at these densities, the cost-efficiency and effectiveness of transit service increases Most suburbs do not h.a\'C the densities necessar y to make effecrive use or mas.s traM it. Source: Robert Cccver o. Gridl oc k Of course developm en t patterns are not the only factor affecting the efficiency and effecti veness of 1raosit. T h e level of 1raosit use is also related to the quality of the transit service and the ease of access (i.e., walking environment, park-and-tide facilities). Costs are also related to wages and other aspects of tr ansit ope rations. Rutge n PonOflt 84iMhthoH CONorthwelf 60 Lit.roturt Syn!Msis Literature Sy nthesi s Matrix c.::: ... ., .s .... ;.!.hol ,_ ,,..;._,, lAo-' .,_,, "' ':"_ o !" X nOI;w;e.Jdllf ,, l ltOf\81 )' t o X tprowl' II.A.6. Hi ghe r Social Cost s o f T r avel Allegation/ Basi s -Travel i n spr awl development generates hi g h er social costs than in nwr e compac t development. Soc ia l cost s include a ir and water pollution, waste barrier effects. noise, and the costs of parking and accident s that are not paid by the transporta tion user. B ecause more is by automobile in sprawled development, these cost rise Lite r ature Synth es i s Various s tudies of the full of travel have found that social costs are highes t pe r passe nger mile for single -occupan t vehicles, the dominant mode of trave l under sprawl co nditi ons. Studies using similar methods and location-spec ific data for B oulder, Colorado; Boston, Massachusetts; and Portland, Maine report that 16to 17 percent of the cos ts per pa sse nger mile for single-occupant vehic l es (SOY) are social costs, whereas only 1 to 7 pereent of the total cos t s for transit use and a negligible share of the cost s for walking and bicycling are social costs (Apogee Research 1994: Parsons Brinckerhoff 1996a). Todd Litman' s ( 1995) srudy estimating the national costs of !ravel reports thar social costs represent a higher share of total costs due to different assumptions He finds that43 percent o f th e cost per passenger mile by SOV i s a soc ietal cost compared t o 6 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH P ROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


percent of the cos t per passenger mil e by transit. Various studies of th e full cost of travel have found that social costs are highest per passenger mile for the single-occupant vehicle, the dominant mode of travel under sprawl conditions. Previous studies examined the social costs of travel from both a trip and a national perspe ctive. The issue of whether the t otal costs of travel vary with t he type of devel opment. however, has not been studied systematically and is one of the hypotheses t o be e valuated in the TCRP H-10 study Literature Synthesis Matrix ... o... w;.:. .., ,_ o.. X notobly xh.IJ h il 1ttongl)' lit'!ktd lo .... X II. B. Sprawl's Alleged Po s itive Impacts II. B.l. Shorter Commuting Tim es Allegation/Basis Commuting times are reduced in sprawl development compared t o those in more dense settings. The suburban -to s uburban commut e, which charac terizes s prawl. is shorter in time if not in distance, than commuter trips be t ween suburbs and central ci t ies, d u e to higher speeds of uavel. In add ition, more trips are made b y au tomobile, especially the sing le-occupant vehicle, the fastest and most direct mode of trav el. 61 Literature Synthesis Gordon and Ric h ardson (1997a) argue that b u sines ses follow people t o the s uburbs. thereby making trip s to work s horter as measured in time. not in di s t ance. The correct ion is not in s tantaneous but over t ime. businesses move to suburb an locations near w o rkers. creating a new eq uilibrium with shorter wor k times. Although some people have longer trips. especially during the adjustment period. on average, commuting times h av e not in creased due t o spra wl. Pisarski ( 1992a) found that av erage work t rip time s in the U .S incre ased by only 40 seconds in the 1980s Gord on, Rich ardso n and Jun (1991) and Levinson and Kumar (1994) found that work travel times remained stable over Lime in the co re counties of the 20 largest metropolitan areas and in the Washington, D .C., metr opolitan area, respec tiv ely. Dueker et al. ( 1 983), Zirrune r ( 1 985), Gordon, Kumar, an d Richard so n (1989) and Du bin (1991) all found that tbe subu rbaniza tion of jobs has s h ortene d commuting time s. alth ough not necessarily di stan ces. The suburban i za ti o n of jobs ha s sho r tened commuti ng tim es, although not necessar ily di s tances. But, there i s contrary evidence. Vincent et al. (1994) analyzed the Nati onal Personal Transportation Survey Data for 1 990 and found that commute times for residents of urbanized areas outside of central cities were longer tban tbose for central city resid ents. The average peak period commute length for suburbanites was 21.6 m i nutes compared to 18.9 minutes for ce ntral city residents. Likewi se, the average length of off-peak commutes for suburbanites was 19. 7 minutes com pared T RANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


JJ.e Cosh of Sf!owi-Revisifed to 17.2 minutes for central city residents. Pisarski (1992a) further reports that suburbanites had much greater increases in commute times between 1980 and 1 990 than central city residents. The average traveltime for suburban residents who commuted either to suburban or central city locations increased by 14 percent over the period, while the average commute time for a central city resident increased by only 5 to 7 percent. The extreme outward extension of urban areas may have also increased travel times. Davis (1993) found that the average commute of exurbanites i n the Portl and metropolitan area was seven minutes longer than that of suburbanites, holding constant occupations, household structure, and other factors affecting commuting times. Commute times for residents of urbanited areas outside of central cities were longer than those of central city residents. Thus, researchers have drawn substantially different conclusions sometimes utilizing the same data sets Most of their studies addressed issues other than the effects o f sprawl versus compact developm ent on commuting t ime, however l eaving the results unclear. Literature Synt h esis Matrix Nodot 1,::_, I ""'- -X

worsen ed in 4 7 out o f 50 ma jor U.S. citi es between 1982 and 1991. Two of the citi es where congestion decreased, Hou ston and Phoenix made siza ble investments in highway ca pacity during the time period This research points to a factor other than development pattern which contribute s to congestio n namely, investment in tran sportation. In most areas, highway capacity additions have not k ep t pace with the growth in traffic, due to lack of funds, opposition to road bui lding en vironmen tal regulations. and othe r factors ( Dunphy et al. 1 997). offic:eparks usually front wider, Jess congested roadways than their centnt.l city counterpans. Source: Robert Cervero. S11b11rlHm Grldi()Ck. Congestion worsened in 47 out of SO major cities between 1982 and 1991. Simulations also show t hat in additio n t o the pattern of development, roadway networks and cap acity con ges tion levels d e pend upon opportun i ties t o use alternative transport ation modes The LUTRAQ analysi s of alt e rnate development patterns for a s uburban county in the Portland Orego n m etropo litan area, for e xam p le, forecast the least congestion for a pattern of sprawled development with substantial investmentS in additional highway capacity and transport ation demand reduction mea sures, s u ch as pricing. Compact transit oriented deve lopment focused on an expanded transit system, 63 using the same transponation demand measures, had the second lowest levels of conges tion. Building h ighwa y s in spraw l development without controllin g travel demand had higher levels of con gest i o n than either of these two alternatives ( 1000 Friends of Oregon 1996). B ecause researchers disagree about how to measure congestion, they also disagree about w h ether congestion is getting bener or worse Re gardless. both sides agree that suburban ization is one of the major factors affect ing congestion l evels. Literature Synthesis Matrix c.::,.., N o Cr.or .......... .::::.... ""'""' o;.oa,......._., Do. X Mfo uhtf l::l.t"':"'>' X 11.8.3. Lower Governmental Costs for Transportation Allegation/Basis Muc h of the cost of buil ding and operating highways and streets. the dominant mode of travel under sprawl, is paid for by users, through gas taxes and licensing fees In contraSt, t ransit users pay a lowe r sh are of t he costs of building and ope rating transit systems. especially rail sys t e ms Thus sprawl, with its em phasis on highway investment r e quire s l ess subsidization of transportation systems even when governm enta l costs. such as highway patrols and publicly provided parking, are considered Literature S y nthesis Co n sidera ble disagreement exists about wh e ther transit or autom obile governmental subsidies are higher as JRANSrr COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRf/lf.l 0


evidenced by the debate between Gordon and Richardson (1997a) and Ewing ( 1997). Although government subsidies are a visible part of transit budgets, there is much dissension about what constitutes a subsidy for highways. As Deluchi notes: There is a good deal of argument about whether motor vehicJe users "pay" fully for governmentprovided infrastructure and services (i.e., Lee 1 994: Green 1995) This disagreement, of course, results from different opinions about what should count as a publicsector cost of motor vehicle usc, and what should count as a payment by motor vehicle users for motor vehicle use. (Deluchi 1996, 43) There is a good deal of argument about whether moto r vehicle use r s "pay" fully f o r government provided infrastructure and services. Most federal and state funding of highways derives from the gas taxes and registration fees that are dedicated to highways. However as Hanson ( 1992) Litman (1995) and Dunphy (1997) point out, local governments finance a considerable share of road costs with property and sales taxes None of the costs of t ravel studies have analyzed whether governmental costs vary depending upon the t ype of deve l opment. This issue is being addressed in the T CRP H lO study Literature Syn thesi s M a trix c..:.Or I -NoOor """""' ........... I UO.!. '!'II X notob itf b il lini:.d to X ... ...n 64 literotvr Synthlis II.B .4. A u tomobiles Most Efficien t Mode of Tran spo r tatio n Alleg ation /Basis Automobiles are the most efficielll mode of tra11Sportation i11 sprawl. The low density, dispersed patterns of sprawl developm ent were designed for automobile access and make the automobi l e the most efficien t means of travel for many trips. Literature Syn th esis An analysis o f the to tal cost of travel for ten diverse prototypical tr i ps in Boulder Colorado showed that t h e automobile is clearly the least costly means of travel for trips between dispersed, low-densi t y destinations even when estimates of user, governmental, and social costs are totaled Although the cos t per passenger mile of the s ingle occupan t aut omobile is higher than tbe cost of any other mode during peak times, aut omobiles are more efficient for many off-peak trips bec a use t hey can take direct routes, are faster and allow drivers to avoid waiting ti m es Gcuing to destinations that require bus transfers, taking trip s that link many destina t ions, or taking trips involving more than one person are often most efficient l y done i n the automobile t h e aulomobile can offer the convenience of door-to-door transportation. $Qurce: Randall Arendt, Rural by Design. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP) H. I 0


Jloie Costs of Literature Synt h esis Matrix c.;:,, .. ..:or ..... Hotf.or 1-'o- ,,.._, o...._ . i,his condition X notob l y 1 I tl'fong y to X ....... LAND/NATURA L HABITAT PRESERVATION lll.A. Sprawl's Alleged Negative Impacts IIJ.A.l. Loss of A g r i cultural Land Allegation/Bas i s S praw l remov e s m o r e prime agric ultural land from fannin g t h a n o ther mor e co mpact foms o f devel o pm e nt Three reasons are usually c it ed. Fir s t the low density uses inherent in s pr a wl' s reside ntial developm e n t patt erns require more s pace for the

l'Jt. Cosb: of On lhe domestic front, there are wide spread policy initiatives that see k to preserve farmland as much with the goal of maintaining a diverse economy as any other reason. Many states (e.g., Mary land, New Jersey, and Vermont) and othe r levels of government (e.g., Lancaster County Pennsylvania) have adopted programs in recent years, ranging from the purchase of devel opment rights to the enactmen t of "right to farm" Jaws, in order to foster land, panicularly farmland, preservation ( Nelson 1992b ). Numerous growth management plans attempting to reverse spraw l include fannland preservation as an objec tive (Maine 1988; Vermont 1988; New Jersey 1991). They address preservation as a goal of planned development, not merely an anempt to curtail sprawl. The limited empirical investigations of sprawl's impact on "co nsumin g" farmland-and in opposit ion, the impact of alternatives to s prawl on farmland-that have been done were performed by Burchell ( 1992-1997) in New Jersey. Lexington (Kentucky), the Delaware Estuary, Michigan, and South Carolina. and by Landis ( l 995) in the San Francisc o Bay area These analyses emplo yed land cons u mption models at the minor civil subdivision level to view differeDCCS between trend devel opment or "business as usual" sce narios and more environmentally co nscious land devel opment approaches. The business-as-usual sce narios embodied sprawl-lik e c haracteristics; the latter. more compa ct, planned development charact eristics. These models allowed future projections of households and jobs to be converted to the demand for residential and nonresi dential stru ctures. and ultimately to demand for residential and nonresidential land with allowances for spillove r to adjacent municipalities and to unincorporated areas. 66 ln both the Burche ll and Landis studies. historical rates offarmland takings were applied to land consumed und er existing development patterns. and the goal of farmland retention was applied under the alternative development patterns. (A similar procedure was used for environ mental land consumption compari so n s.) In the Burchell studies. agricult ural lands included such categories as cropland that is harvested.1aods in pe rmanent pasture. and woodlands that could be used for agricultural purposes. Frag ile environmental lands encomp assed floodplains and wetlands, acreage with s teep s l opes or with critical habitat designation, aquifer recharge areas critical sensitiv e watersheds and s tream buffers ( Burchelll992-l997) Numerous growth management plans include farmland preservation as an objective. The mode l s employing different d e nsities. development loc ations, and occasionally different housing types under the alternatives for future growth, calculated the total agricultural (and fragile environmental lands) that would be consumed. Burchell' s results s h owed savings in the consumption of agricultural acreage of roughly 20 percent in South Carolina, Michigan, and Lexington under plan versus trend developm ent; savings of abou t 30 percent in tbe Delaware Estuary ; and savi ngs of 40 perc ent in N e w Jersey (Burchell 19921997) (See Table s 3 and 4 for details .) Landis's results in the Sao Francisco Bay Area were even more pronounced His "scenario c (co mpact growth) saved n ear l y SO% of farmland acreage and steep-sloped areas, and close to 100% of wetland areas (Landis 1995, 449). TIIANSIT COOPEIIAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/11-1 0


Literatu r e Sy n thesis Matrix X X II.A.2. Reduced Farmland Productivity Allegatio n/Basi s The productivity of land being farmed near scattered sprawl settlements is reduced by the difficulty of conducting efficiem farming operations near residential subdivisions. Subdividing land into smal l lots for residential purposes inhibits fanners' ability to operate on large c ontiguous land parcels and thereby reduces the efficiency of mechanized agricultural operations. Furthermore under sprawl development, subdjvisions and farms may be interspersed, and residents often object to the odors, noise, trock traffic, and other l ocal conditions associated w ith active agricu l tural uses When this contiguous deve l opment occurs, local governments sometimes opt to impose restrictions on fanning. These conditions bring about an "impermanence syndrome'" that is antithetical to sustained farmland produc t ivity. Literature Synthesis There is an extensive literature on constraints to fanning in urbanizing locations (Lisanslcy 1986; Lopez e t a!. 1988; Nel son 1992b). In rural areas that can be readily developed high l and values often shift fanners' "objective function' from agricultural operations to capital gains from real estate sales. Real estate sales, in tum, reduce the average farm size, thus limiting the real i zation of Rvl'g4in arooltl ngs Parsons 8riMitrhoFf ECONorthwest eco n omies of scale-a characteristic of U .S. agriculture A variety of other restraints on farmland productivity have also been imposed, ranging from restrictive regulations t o recurring vandalism All of th ese factors generate an "impermanence syndrome"-a rel uctance by the fanner to invest in new technology and farm infrastructure. Land remains i dle, awaiting conversion to other uses. Studies involving sprawl development allege that this impermanence syndrome is deleterio u s to farmland productivity (AFr 1997). Increasing numbers of farms have been sold and convened into sprawl deve lopment. Source: AFT, in Density Relaled Pllblic Costs The djreet relationship of sprawl development patterns to farmland consumption was examined by Burc h ell (1992a) in the state of New J ersey In addjtion to projecting the total farmland that would be lost under sprawl versus planned dev e lopment, the New Jersey analysis identified the quality of farmland that would l ikely be consumed-"prime," "marginal," or "poor." The New Jersey 67 TRANSIT COOPERAitVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


No. analysis to date h as e x amined how de velopment patter n (i.e s p r awl v ersus comp act) would affect the p roductivity of farmland that r e m ains i n agricultu r al use. analysis showed that not only would continued sprawl development draw down more farmland, but since better quality fannland is the most a m enable for development (in that it is flatter, drains better, and so on), the Joss of farmla nd to sprawl would be concentrated in the HprimeH and "marginal'" categories. F armland consumpt ion under p l ann e d development woul d be J ess overall and wholly contained in the subprime or "poor" farmland category The Burchell (1992a) New Jersey study thus considered the association of farmland quality and development patterns-but only from a farmland consumption perspective No analysis to da t e has examined how development pattern (i.e., sprawl versus compact) would affec. t the productivity of farmland that remains in agricultural use. Lite rature Synt h esis Matrix r;. ,_. I ,;:.. NoOor ...::: .. """-':ftlJ X notobl v exi 1tf h il tlrongly linl:ed to X spr owit JII.A.3. Redu ced Farmla nd V iabilit y (W ater Constraints) A llegatio n !B a s i s I o!:!'m"' o l Growth through sprawl caus e s great expansion in the demand for water for urban uses, and thereby reduces the amount of water available for agriculture. The reduction in available water is 68 literotvre especially significant in the s o uthwestern regions where sustained shortages of water exist. However, agriculture currently uses much more water than urban se u lements in many states where farming depends upon irrigation, such Ariz o na, California, Colorado, Okla homa, and Texas As u rban settle m ents expand in the se areas, more water will h ave to be diverted from agric u lture to supply t h e basi c human needs of the resident popu l a t ion. This diversion will restrict the operation of farming in such areas. Furthermnre, single-family property owners and corporate commercial facilities often use vast amou nts of water for lawn spr inkling, an excessive use of this natural resource t hat is needed for food produ ction Literature Sy n thesis Multiple studies have examined how development in more arid l ocations, especially i n the West and Southwest Unit e d S t ates, is drawing down the water supply, p o tential l y in conflic t with the irrigation needs of agricul ture. The literature has not examined the s pec ific association of sprawl an d farmland viability with respect to water supp l y This would involve a multi-linked analysis of: I ) how development affects water demand; 2) whether de v elopmem' s consumption of water would differ under spraw l versus other forms of development in these areas; and 3) the r e lationship of steps (I) and (2 ) to the amount of water supply for agri cultural and residential sett l ements in given locations, compared to the total supply avail able there. Although a fully linked analysis such as the on e described above has not been undertaken, some research has been TRANSIT COOPERATIVE R ESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) K-10


undertaken on water demand relevant to steps (I) and (2) F or instance, the Army Corps of Engineers incorporates in its water demand forecasting model, among other factors the magnitude of l awn sprinkling, which is likely to be higher under sprawl versus compact devclopmem (Consultants 1980). The Hinman water demand model includes housing density as one factor a variable clearly different under sprawl versus more compac t development. In a similar vein, the multivariab l e IWR-Main water forecasting model (Ba u mann and Dziegielewski 1990) incorporates in its mul tiple coefficients development density and the number of housing units by type (detached versus attached)-variables that di ffer under sprawl versus compac t develo pment. Development. both residential and nonresidential, demands water thM its agricultural predecessors and neighbors. $()urce : Robcn Cerver(). Suburban Gridl()(;k. The Burchell ( 1992a, 1992b) analysis of trend versus plan development in New Jersey considered how water demand influenced water consumption under these two scenarios and incorporated some of the variables (i.e. housing type) noted above. Burchell found only small differences i n water demand by development scenario ; from 1990 to 2010 the in statewide water demand was projected to be 60 1 million gal l ons per day (MGPD) for trend, ver sus 58.0 MGPD for plan. This analysis did not, however, relate the 2 -MGP D 69 variation findi11g to the demands on water supply for residential development versus agricultural uses i n New Jerse y. Water supply is not a development constraining issue in New Jersey-as it is in more arid regions of the United States Literature Synthesis Matrix Nod.or """"' ...... ..,_, o,._ .... flllffll cond11ion X notobtV x.i&tt h i t Jh'on.g y lin ked lo IQrowlt X III.A.4. Loss of Fragile E n vironmental Lands Allegation/Basis More frail lands are destroyed by sprawl t/I(Jit by more compact seulement pal/em s. Because sprawl spreads urban development over a much lafger area than more compact settlement patterns, it inherently consumes more land. Because land development under sprawl is not centrally p l anned or supervised, there is a greater probability that fragile environmental lands will be converted to residential and other uses Local governments are lik ely to misjudge the consequences of environmental degradation becaus e they are no t concerned with the ovem.ll balance between environmental l y sensitive lands and developing land uses in the region as a whole. Lite r a t u r e Synthes i s Several studies document losses of, and threats to, fragile l ands. Dahl (1990) estimates that since colonial times the United States (48lower states) has lost about 110 million acres of wetlands about 55 percent of the starting wetlands inventory. The Michigan Socie t y of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-JO


The Cosfs of Planning Officials (MSPO) estimates that 20 percent of Michigan s forested, wetland, and steeply sloped areas was lost to development between 1970 and 1990 (MSPO 1995). Numerous growth management plansattempting to reverse sprawl-have evaluated how managed versus traditional development patterns would affect fragile lands. These plans include the Orlando Florida Urban Area Growth Management Program (Orlando, FL 1981 ), the Evaluation of City of San Diego Growth Management Program (1978), and the Report of the Year 2020 Panel of Experts (Chesapeake Bay Executive Council 1988). The Orlando study examined how managed growth versus a "continuation of past trends" would affect the preservation of wetlands and flood plains It projected a saving under managed growth of almost 20 percent in the inventory of these fragile environmental lands (i.e 20 percen t le ss acreage lost). The Michigan Society of Planning Officials (MSPO) estimates that 20 percent of Michigan's forested, wetland, and steeply sloped areas were lost to development between 1970 and 1990. Analyses of sprawl's impact on fragile have been conducted by Burchell ( 1 992-1997) in New Jersey, Lexington (Kentucky), Delaware Estuary, and Michigan. Similar studies were also done by Landis in the San Francisco Bay area. Burchell found that plan (compact) versus trend (sprawl-like) development would reduce consumption of fragile environmental lands by almost one-fifth. 70 Homes are being buih on unsuitable and unsafe::. but available and Jess-expensive Jands. Source: U.S. Oepanment of Agriculture. Soli Conservation Service The range of the saving was from 12 to 27 percent. depending on the starting l evel and location (see Tables 3 and 4). Landis found even larger land savings under his compact growth scenario. His findings were calcula ted separately for steep s lopes and wetland areas (Landis I 995) Liter-atur-e Synthesis Matrix X X III.A.S. Reduced Regional Open Space Allegation/Basis The setting aside of open space for public use by residents of an entire region may be "undeifinanced'' in sprawl-dominated areas, compared to those with more regionally oriented governance structures. Municipal governments, motivated by fiscal pressures to provide benefits only for their own residents, may be unwilling TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


7bt Cosff ol to devote resources to creating facilities for use by persons throughout a region. Many neighborhoods incorporate pocket parl:s. accessible only to residents. instead of relying on regionaJ open space. S ourc e : Rei d Ewing. Best De\'el(Jpme nt Pra ctitts. Literature Sy n thesis There is scant literature dealing with this issue explicitly; i t is difficult to determine whether a substantial consen s u s exists. The only literature that does exist finds that very l arge-scale developments and conservation developments, both generally "nonsprawl" in nature, frequenlly have significant for contiguous open spac e Most of the local ordi nances of the I 970s and the new countywide community general development plans of the I 980s called for mandatory provisions of continuo u s open space as an alternative to traditional subdivision development (Burchell, Listokin, and Dolphin I 993). Very large -scale developments and conservation developments, both often of a nonsprawl nature, frequently have significant setasides for contiguous open space Arendt (1994a) points to a movement away from golf course communities to open space communities that give the Rllfg n 8rool:ii\QI Pouon1 8rin.cbrl\oH 7 1 Llter otur. private and public sectors a greater chance to share in the land resources. The Sterling Forest Corporation, potential developers of a 17,500 acre sit e in Tuxedo, New York, p l edged 75% of the l and would remain as some fonn of private/public open space (Sterl i ng Forest Corporation 1995). Much of the site was later bought by federal and state governments. Lite rature Synthesis Mat rix L::_?:., ..... NoCJ.o.r ....... "- o.,o I X nolob -.x.islt b it t.tronifY !i;1kd to X row" III.B. S prawl's Alleged Positive Impact s III.B.I. Enhanced P ersonal and Public Open Space Allegation/Basis (a) Sprawl provides more open space directly accessible to individual households in the fonn of larser private yards arrached to their dwellings than is possible via more compact fonns of seulemelll. The average J ot size in sprawl se t tlement patterns is much larger than in more compact fonns of settlement and a higher fraction of dwellings have individual yards. Therefore, more households have direc t access to their own private open space and the space is larger, on average, than lhe equivalent in more compact settlements. (b) Sprawl's leapfros development pro vides both larger amounts of, and more accessible, open space withom significam public expenditures. by leaving larse unsettled sites "inboard" of the farthest out urban subdivisions. This provides TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


aesthetic and recreational benefits to the public without requiring use of taxpayers' funds Literature Synthesi s Personal open space contin u es to be high o n the Jist of the d esires o f most Americans ( Fanni e MAe 1995). In surveys conducted by the Federal National Mortgage Agency, prospective home buyers want not only yards, but yards on all sides In the mid-1990s, acco rding to the most current su rveys of buying preferenc e, single-family de tached housing was mor e popular than it was a decade ago. Much of the appeal is related to occup ants' disli k e of the instability or fee structure of condominium associations. But a t l east some of t h e appeal is related to the desire for more, rather than less. personal open space (Fannie Mae 1994). Large yards on all sides suburban home buyers. Souru: Tbe Ocorg.ia Conservancy. Bluepriltls for Suessfld Ccmm1111ltirs. A very limited literature indicates that the s kipped-over devel opment patte rns of sprawl create parcels o f land that can be used for inner-suburban or urban open 72 space as this becomes a local priority Except in the wealthiest and most resilient of inner suburbs, open space i s almost never a choice or option of l ocal government. Most government s in these l ocali ti es are pressed for fiscal resources and dispose of these land parc els to the highest bidder. Thus, the opposite t o what is popularly ass umed to be a trend often takes place Through the l ocal variance process, the lands frequently are Alth ough a potentUzl for in ner city/suburban open space appears to be the re sult of skipped-over lands rarely does this happ en in either developed or red eve loping n e ighborhoods. given a highe r intensity residential or nonresidential use des ignation. The abutting properties, rather than receiving permanently improved open space. are subjec t to more int ensi ve and occasionally disruptive lan d uses, wh ich can pay more in taxes than e i ther exist ing neighboring u ses or the previously undev e loped v acan t l and. Thus, althou gh a potentia l for inner-city/suburban open space ap pears to be the result of skipped -over lands. rare l y does new open space materiallu in either developed or redeveloping neighborhoods (Downs 1 994). Literature Synthesis Matrix X X TRANSJT COOPfAATJVf RESEARCH P R OGRAM (TCRP) H-tO


The Costs of Sprawl-Revisited QUALITY OF LIFE IV .A. Sprawl's Alleged Negative Impacts IV.A.l. Aesthetically D isp l easi n g AllegationiBasis Lowdensity patterns are less pleasing aesthetically and provide fewer cultural opportunities than high density pattems. An important element of the q u ality of life of any community is the aesthetic and cultural satisfaction of its residents in dail y life. If the environmen t !hey normally encounter is dominated by the homogeneous architecture o f subdi v isions and s t rip mall s, the absence of quality civic spaces and landmark buildings, and a la ck of pedestrian-scale ame n i t ies, !he aesthetic satisfaction people derive from their surroundi ngs is reduced Moreov e r sprawl does not easily lend itself to the formation of communities !hat have a feeling of coh esivenes s and can organi7..e to support the arts or other cultural institutions. Literature Synthesis The ae sthe tically less-pleasing aspects of sprawl, such as visual uniformity, are often cited as a cost of this form of development (Ne lessen 1994). Crit ics of sprawl often decry its ugliness. For example, Shore (1995) maintains that "spread city" is inherently ugly because the sett l e m ent pattern has no clear form; retail businesses located along highways must use rau cous" signs to attract passing motorists; and a significant portion of !he land is given over to the Brooking Ponont Brincker+-.oH ECONonhwe s t 7 3 literatur e Synthesil automobile James Kunstl er in a public presentation in Lansing, Michigan in 1996 described U.S. suburbs as "useless and w i thout purpose and occupied by people of the same make-up" (Kunst ler 1996b). Strip commercial development along traveled routes is both unappealing and unsafe. Source: John Simonds, Eanhscape. Low-density developments, however, are not necessarily lesspleasing aesthetically than more compact forms of development. Th e aesthetic s vary from development to development. Some low density residential developmen t s, particularly high-income ones, have much more open space and e laborate lands c ape designs than high-density residen tial areas. In fact, defenders of sprawl often contend that the individually owned, discrete open of spraw l make it more attract ive than co m pac t f orms of development. Sprawl does not e a sily lend itself to the formation of commu nities that have a feeling of cohesiveness and can organize to support the arts or other c ultural inst itutions. The litemture reflects the se two conflicting opinions. There is little evi dence within the literature, however t o suggest that Americans find spmwl less attractive than more compact forms o f de velopment or that ow-density Jiving provides them with fewer opportunities Visual prefe rence surveys TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM {TCRPJ H-10


Tho Com of Sprowl-llevisited have been used to gauge !he reaction of Americans to sprawl, allhough such studies are often criticized for failing to make a distinction between sprawl and factors not typically associated wilh !hat form of development (e g architectural design). Moreover, survey research does not consistently indicate !hat Americans overwhelmingly find sprawl to be aesthetically less pleasing !han compact forms of development. When shown images of both sprawl and traditional commun iti es, some surveys h ave revealed !hat individuals favor !he latt er by a wide margin (Neuman 1991). But some aspec t s of spraw l appear to appeal to Americans. Individuals were found to favor homogeneous neighborhoods over mixed neighborhoods by a margin of two to one (Bookout 1992). Survey research in F lorida has suggested that individuals there have a strong preference for low density or ex urban living (Audirac and Zifou 1989). There is little evidence within the literature, however, to suggest that Americans find sprawl less attractive than more compact forms of development. On !he subjec t of cultural activities, Shore ( 1995) contends that sprawl does not allow for the formation of conununities that easily organize to support activities such as the arts As a result, low-density residential communities may have fewer and lower-quality cul t ural activities than urban areas. Shore argues that a movement away from "spread city" and toward !he restoration of downtown areas would result in more cultural activities and other services !hat are typically supported by large communities. In general, few argue with !he belief !hat an attractive and aesthetically pleasing conununity increases the overall quality of life. Within !he economics and 7 4 literature Syntfle1it. migration literature, it has been well documented that a community viewed as having a high quality of life will attract and retain individuals. Studies of migration patterns find !hat a com munity's scenery, natural environment, and outdoor recreational opportunities are important factors in attracting and retaining individuals. A survey study of migrants to and residents of 15 wilder ness counties found that scenery and environmental quality were more important factors in attracting settlers than employment opponunities or cost of living (von Reichert and Rudzitis 1992). Two of the most imponant conditions that "lone eagles" (individuals who are able to live anywhere and telecommute to work) cited as influences on their decision to move to the state of Washington were the quality of the natural environment and the outdoor recreational found there (Salant et al. 1 996). Cushing (1987) demonstrated that proximity to mountains and coastlines influenced population migration because of these natural resources' aesthetic qualities and the recreational opportunities that they provided. Empirical resultS indicated that interstate were attracted to hilly terrain and major coastlines. As noted. however, there is only some agreement about whether low density developments are aesthetically less pleasing than more compact development patterns. In particular, the literature fails to indicate a significant causal relationship between sprawl and aesthetically less pleasing low-density development; there are numerous examples of unattractive higher-density inner suburbs in the Northeast and Midwest. What !he litera ture does indicate, however, is !hat the aesthetics of low-density areas vary from place to place, and that the preferences of individuals vary from person t o person. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) 11-J 0


The Costs of Sprowi-Revisited Literature Synthesis Matrix X X IV .A.2. Weakened Sense Of Community Allegation/Basis Low-density deve/opme111 weakens households cow1ections to both t heir inunediate neighbors and to the larger metrOpolitan conununity, and encourages unsocial values. Sprawl weakens the linkages of residents-both among nearby neighbors, and among all other resid ents of their metropolitan area. Linkages with neighbors are reduced beeause low residential density the heavy orientation toward car travel rather than foot travel, and the lack of neighborhood retail outlets and other meeting places diminish i nterpersonal contacts. Linkages with other residents throughout the metrOpolitan area are also diminished by the fragmentation of governance and fiscal resources that prevent commonality of purpose, and by the extreme diffusion of households and jobs throughout an area The resultant loss of sense of community makes it djfficult to generate support for region-wide attacks on social and other problems that cannot he solved by purely local policies and actions. Finally. because spraw l in its most pejorative manifestations is believed by most to he unaesthetic, and antisocial, i t does not nurture the important social values of ecology, sustainability, and conununity. 75 li t eroture Synthesis Literature Synthesis Critics of spraw l often cla i m that a loss of "sense of community" is one of itS greatest social costs (Ewing 1997). Defenders of low-density senlements, however, deny that residents experience any less "sense of community" than residents in big cities or more compact seulements (Gordon and Richardson J997a) In fact, the evidence from as far back as 1954 (Herbert Gans as cited in Jacobs 1961) indicates that some dense areas lack community while some suburban areas have it. Much of the controversy arises because "sense of community" is djfficult to define and even more difficult to measure. In his review of the literature o n "sense of community," Cochrun (1994) finds that the term has been used to describe a number of disparate elements but the most comprehensive definition developed by McMillan and Chavis (1986) McMillan and Chavis identified four factors that contribute t o a sense of community: I) membership; 2) influence; 3) integration and fulfillment of n eeds; and 4) shared emotional connection "Sense of community" is difficult to define and even more difficult to measure. Cochrun offers a definition of "sense of community" that incorporates the four factors identified by McMillan and Chavis: People who have a strong sense of community feel like they belong in their neighborhoods, they believe they exen some control over what happens in their neighborhoods while also feeling influenced by what happens in them, and they believe that their needs TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (JCRP) H-10


can be met through the collective capabilities of their neighborhoods. (Cochrun 1994, 93) In Edge City: Life on the New Frontier, Garreau (1991) searches for a definition of community, particularly within edge cities, and reaches the conclusion that community and neighborhood no longe r mean the same thing. Instead Garreau maintains that "mobility" and "voluntary" are two important tenns that help to defme community-individuals want to be able to both join and leave communities at their choosing. Moreover, Garreau contends that a community should be a "social grouping" that is readily available to individuals and does not interfere with individual freedoms. Curved -Streets and mixed uses help to crea1e a sense of communily. Source: Randa11 Arendt, Rural By Oesig11. I n partial contradiction, Lemann (1989), in an article examining changes in suburban Illinois found that community building efforts in Naperville, a fastgrowing suburb of Chicago, were hindered by tbe high rate of turnover of its residents. Critics of sprawl argue that residents in mixed-used neighborhoods have more sense of community and social interaction than do residents Jiving in low-density developments because they are more likely to walk from place to place and, consequently, they are more likely to Rvtgn lrookingt Ponont &rinoebrhorf ECONorfhw." 76 Utoroture Syntbesis have contact and interaction with others. Residents in low-density areas, on the other hand, r ely more on their cars for shopping and recreation trips and, hence, are less likely to develop contacts and friendships with neighbors (Nasar and Julian 1995). Drawing on the work of Glynn (1981), Nasar and Julian assessed the psychological sense of community across different neighborhoods and housing cond i tions in northwestern Columbus, Ohio. They found that residents of mixed-used areas had significantly more sense of community than residents of single -u se neighborhoods. Opponents of sprawl also maintain that low-density development weakens a "sense of community" by segregating residents (Duany and Plater Zyberk 1995; Kelbaugh 1993). According to Kelbaugh, suburban insularity breeds "ignorance, misunderstanding, and ullimately builds tension" among residents. Kelbaugh prefers high-density, mixed socio economic, racial, and ethnic neighbor hoods because they allow individuals to "rub shoulders" with fellow on a daily basis and work out differences. Similarly, Duany and Plater Zyberk contend that suburban housing fosters a breakdown of the larger community because i t segregates residents by income inlo enclaves. Kunstler (1996a) attacks sub urban sprawl and the zoning laws that have created it. The allegation that low -density residemial living lowers ''sen se of community" may be inferred from his remark that "The model of human habitat dictated by zoning i s a fonnless, soulless, centerless, demoralizing mess .... It corrupts and deadens our spirit." Like Duany and Plater-Zyberk ( 1995). Kunstler argues for development patterns that are mixed-use and provide housing for people with different incomes. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


Cosh ol Sprowi-ReviWed Sprawl may weaken not only neigh borhood connections but also connections between family members who occupy the same residence Some contend, for example, that sprawl reduces the amount of time parents spend with their children because more households must have two people working outside the home in order to pay for the multiple automobiles r equi red by daily lifc.2 This need to support the household 's transportation facilit i es may, in fact, even reduce the quality of child care provided by parents. Some contend that mothers working outside the home provide lower quality child care than those who stay at home. The subject is fraught with controversy (Joseph 1992). Meanwhile, Kelbaugh (1993) examines another potential noneconomic social cost associated w ith sprawl-the tensions that result from parents spending long hours commuting instead o f with their childre n or each other. Sprawl may weaken not only households' connection s to neighbors and the larger community, but it may also weaken connections between family members who occupy the same residence. The literature does not readily provide support for the opposite allegation-i.e., that lo w-density development strengthens households' connections to both their neighbors and large r commun ity. Ewing suggests, howev er, that low-density development does not provide residents with any less "sense of community" than higher-density development. After reviewing extensive literature on sprawl he concludes that there is not enough 2 Some have argued chat e\en i f only one person working outside the home could support a one-car family, mo5t residents of sprawl seulemenl!:i need two cars for conductin g daily family lif e. The low. densit y pauem of both hous-ing and jobs makes of public transit impractical for commuting and daily ertandrunning. 77 Sprawl development may be seen as a continuation of the "prairie psychology" of early American settlers who believed they could change their current situation by leaving existing homes and problems behind and moving west onto vacant land. evidence to determine whether a lack of an identifiable community is a_<;Soc iated with sprawl (Ewing 1994). One further issue related to a lack of "sense of community" is the emergence of a "throw away" mentality or, more elegant ly, the lack of value for ecology and sustainable life styles. Some argue that sprawl encourages the "throw-away" menta lity among households. In a sense. sprawl development may be seen as a continuation of the "prairie psychology" of early American settlers who believed they could change their s i tuation by leaving ex isting homes and problems behind and moving west onto vacant land (Delafons 1962). More recently, millions of American households have moved out of central cities and older inner-ring suburbs for the same escape the problems of those areas. They have left the problems behind for others to solve Few, if any, studies of sprawl have dealt with this issue, and none have proposed any way to measure the "throw-away" mindset. Literature Synthesis Matrix ., No Cr-or 2 """ ....... "'*r&e ....... 1 Does thi condition X e.(i .tf It it X TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) If. I 0


IV .A.3. Greater Stress Allegation/Basis Because people spend more time driving they have less free time and more stress. This allegation has two components: ftrSt, that sprawl increases the time people spend in cars relative to higher-density fonns of development and, second, that increased travel time leads to stress and other impacts. I t has also been alleged that commuting through the aesthetically unattractive environments of commercial strip developm ent that are typical of sprawl produces more psychological stress on commuters than would commuting through environments dominated by trees and open space. Literature Synthesis Here, as with many of the topics evaluated in this report there is substantial overlap with other topics and their alleged effects In this case, the overlap is with transportation which include allegations about traffic congestion and travel times. Much of the debate about commute time has been based on data that compare travel times for residents of suburbs and central cities. There is little data on travel times associated with density of development. Ewing ( 1997), in his analysis of household travel patterns in a sprawling Florida county, purports to show that households living in the most accessible areas spend about 40 minutes less per day traveling by vehicle than do households livin g in the least accessible locations (Ewing 1995c; Ewing ct al. 1994). Ewing states that this savings in traveltime is due almost entirely to shorter auto trips, and that the s i gnifican t land-use variable affecting travel times is regional accessibility, not local density (Ewing 1997). 78 literature Synthesi.t There is also evidence that greater commuting time increases the stress of commuters Novaco et al. (1990) found that increased travel impedance, as measured by commuting distance and time, i s associated with increased measures of stress. Travel impedance was also found to have statistically significant effects on job satisfaction, work absences due to illness, and overall incidence of co lds or flu. Subjective or perceived condi t ions of travel impedance were found to have statistically significant effects on mood at home in the everting and chest pain. Consequently, the study found that job change, in its sample, was primarily related to commuting satisfaction The study validated results from the author's previous work, which had found that impedance characteristics of commuting raise stress levels as measured by effects on blood pressure, tolerance for frustration, negative mood, and overall life satisfaction. This earlier work also found tha t the desire to change residence because of transportation conditions was related strongl y to high impedance (Novaco et al. 1979; Stokols and Novaco 1981; Stokols ct a!. 1978). The physical stress effects of impedance have also been corroborated by a study of the effects of average commuting speed on blood p r essure and frustration levels (Schaeffer et al. 1988). Increased travel impedance, as measured by commuJing distance and time, is associated with increased measures of stress. Koslowsky and Krausz ( 1994) directly addressed the links among commuting time stress, and workers' attitudes toward their jobs, in a statistical analysis of survey responses from more than 600 nurses. The researchers found that com muting is a poss ible source of recurrent stress, which can lead to undesirable organizational consequences. This study TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM /TCRP/ H-10


Th Costs of also found that the correlation between commuting time and stress was stronger for tbosc who drove to work than for those who used public transit. But the authors do not rigorously explore the reasons for this difference Koslowsk y and Krausz do cite prior litemture that found a relationship between the commuting experienc e and such organizational outcomes as absenteeism (Taylor and Pocock 1972), lateness (Gaffuri and Costa 1986), and turnover (Seyfarth and Bast 1986). Although the link between commuting and stress is weU established the li terature on the stress effects of commuting does not rigorously address the link between commuting stress and the density of deve l opment or urban form. Novacoet a!. (1990) begin to address this link with their finding that stress effects are strongly associated with freeway travel and with road exchanges ; they also assert tha t freeway travel in s outhern California has become increasingly congested because roadway capaci t y has not kept pace with continued growth. Lilerature on the stress effects of commuting does not rigorously address the link between com muting stress and the density of development. Although it has been alleged, as noted e arlier, that commuting through the aesthetically unattractive commercial strip development typ ical of sprawl produces more psychological stress on commuters than does commuting through envirorunents dominated by trees and open space, very little literature pertaining to this allegation exists One study, however, claims to have tested com mu ters psychologically and arrived at a finding that supports this claim (Ulrich et al. 1991). Rulg., 8roolrJng-s P ou0t1 ECONotthw.Jt 79 Uteroture Other sections of this report comment in more detail on the evidence regarding sprawl and travel time No conclusion is made here. The prof es sional literature suggests, however, that commuting can be shown statisticaUy to contribute to stress a happy coinc iden ce of science and common sense Literature Sy nthesis Matrix X X IV .A.4. Higher Energy Consumption Allegation/Basis Under sprawl, society consumes more scarce mergy, especiall y imported oil Sprawl requires more travel overal l and more of Ibis travel is by energy-inefficien t automobiles instead of more efficient modes of transit. Literature Synthesis Ewing (I 997) and many other researchers contend that the evidence consistently demonstrates that automobile use, and hence energy use, is higher with sprawL Yet, Gordo n and Richardson (1997a) are not convinced that the link between vehicle miles of travel, energy use, and density is firmly e$tablished. Coloring this argument are the differing perspectives on energy availability. Gordon and Richardson (1997a) speak of an energy glut and an OPEC cartel that has lost its clout while Ewing ( 1 997) cautions that energy sources are not TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP)


-.... Americans are among the heaviest c onsumers of energy in the world. Although oil is primarily imported, the government subsidizes and reduces the cost of gasoline. Sourcl!: Anton Nelessen, Rut.gets Uni \ 'etsity Urban Design Stud io unlimited, and reliance on foreign energy supplies is a continuing concern for United States foreign policy. Literature Synthesis Matrix X X IV.A.S. More Air Pollution AllegationfBasis Sprawl worsens the overall air pollution in a metropolitan area. Sprawl is alleged to generate more vehicle miles of travel than other forms of development and t o produce more total vehicle emissions as a result Under many local climatic condi tions, this can generate a greater total amount of air pollution, even though i t may result in less intense local pollution than would occur in some very high density portions of more compact regions. Literature Synthesis Most, but far from all, observers agree that low-density settlementS generate R.utgr lfookingt Ponol'lt ECONonhwett 80 literature Synthesis more total automotive travel than more compact settlementS, other things being equal (see prior discussion). Therefore, low-density settlementS are presumed to generate more auto-oriented emissions per 100,000 residents. However, the intensity of air pollution in each metropolitan area is affected by ntany factors, including the locat ions of major urban centers, prevailing winds, mountain barriers, temperature inversions, and general climate. Hence, there is substantive disagreement whether sprawl is a key factor in determining the degree of air pollution in each metropolitan area. Automobiles. especially when s1alled in 1raffic, emit pollutants into the atmosphere. ULI. The Comm1mity There is substantive disagreement whether sprawl is a key factor in determining the degree of air pollution in each metropolitan area. Burchell, in the Impact Assessmem of the New Jersey State Development and Redevelopment Plan, found that air pollution would be very s imil arly reduced in the future under either sprawl or compact development scenarios (Burchell 1 992a). Most of the reduction would be due to more stringent emission controls that would affect the entire motor vehicle fleet of New Jersey, as opposed to the region where fleet would be replaced. In other words, development pattern at TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


Th. Co.s:ts of Sprawi-RtMs;ted least in this instanc e, did not significantly influence air p<>llution levels (The New Jersey Impact Assessment also considered effects on water pollution under trend [ sprawl] and plan [co m pact] conditions Plan conditions were found to generate about one third less water p<>llution than trend, although heavy metal s in urban storrnwater runoff were increased under the plan development scenario.) Literature Synthesis Matrix ...:..,, .._ .. ;._. o .... 1 OO!.t:t'' s condition X not ab l y existf h it 1trong y l ink.d to '"""" IV-A.6. Lessened Historic Preservation Allegation/Basis SWI:nMI Oi'.OI:If..,.n t X Sprawl makes it difficult to preserve historically older structures Sprawl encourages economically viabl e firms and households to leave inner-city neighborhoods by permitting them to move to the suburbs without paying the full marginal costs of their doing so. In particular, those who move are no t required to compensate those who are excluded from suburban communities for losses the residents that remain behind suffer. Therefore, the economic base supporting older structures of historical significan c e located in inner-city neighborhoods i s weakened Neighborhood conditions in the vic inity of such structures also worsen because of the increased concentration of p<>verty; his t oric structures located there are eventually consumed by these forces. 81 lito.rahlre Syntho.Ms Literature Synthesis This allegation has been put forward main ly by t he National Trust for Historic Preservation in its various publications attacking sprawl. The following argument (Beaumont 1996a) summarizes the reasoning behind th e professed association between sprawl and preservation. Beaumont is one of the few obse rvers of sprawl w h o has commented on whethe r or not this association is valid Accord ing to Beaumont, sprawl affects historic preservation in five major ways: I) Sprawl adversely affect s older dowmown areas and neighborhoods, where historic buildings are concentrated. When the economic vitality of a historic area suffers, the buildings in it often become u n derused or empty. Over t ime, many of them are "demoli.shed by neglect" or tom down to make way for surfac e parking lots. 2) Sprawl destroys community character and the countryside. Cohesive main streets, old stone fences, historic trees, country roadsthese and other features of the American lands cape are rapidly being destroyed by sprawl development and the vast expanses of asphalt required to accommodate it. As and businesses Jeave lhe urban areas. older building are often a bandoned and begin t o decay. Surce: George Slemlieb, The Teneme1111Andlord. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


JJte Cosls ol SprawJ..-Revisited 3) Sprawl reduces opportunities for face-to-face intera ctio n among people, thereby making it more difficult to create, or retain, a sense of community. By scattering the elements of a community across the landscape in a haphazard way, sprawl provides no town centers and reduces the sense of ownership-and therefore also the commitment-that people have toward their community. 4) Sprawl forecloses alternatives to the automobile as a means of transport, thereby adding to pressures to cr eate or widen roads that often result in the demolition of historic resources or the degradation of their settings. 5) Sprawl leaves old e r cities and towns with excessively high concemrations of poor people with social problems, making these places a very difficult environment in which to revitalize communities. (Beaumont J996a, 264) Literature Synthesis Matrix c.:!ot ., ....... No O.or I 0-vo!. X not;bt; -.xitf 1 !' il llrOIIgly J inlced lo X SDrawU I V .B. Alleged Positive Impact s IV. B .1. Preference for Low Density Living Allegation/Basis -"' Many households prefer low density residential living. Many consumer preference surveys reveal that a key part of the "American dream" is ownership of a detached, single-family home with attached private open space in the fonn o f a backyard. More important than the stated preference, however, is the revealed preference : for the last 50 years, suburban development has been the 82 literoture see.sis primary fonn of metropolitan residential growth, and single family hous ing units have been the dominant residential fonn. Consumers clearly choose low-density suburban Jiving given existing alternatives and prices. Most housing developers consistently build low-density subdivisions because they are easier to market than higher-density developments. In order to make this low-density single family, detached housing affordable to most people, it is generally built at the urban fringe where land prices are lower (Downs 1994). Literature Synthesis The suburbanization of population and jobs in the United States has been well documented. In 1950, almost 70 percent of the population of 168 metropolitan lived in central cities; by 1990 over 60 percent of the population of 320 metropolitan areas lived in the suburbs, and a majority of jobs in metropolitan areas were in the suburbs as well (Rusk 1993). The process of suburbanization has lo wered average population densities in urban areas. Between 1 950 and 1990 the number of residents in urbanized areas, with populations over one million in 1990, increased 92 percent, while average population density decreased 44 percent (Wendell Cox Consultancy 1996 ) The fact that so many Amer i cans choose to live in low-density areas has been cited as strong evidence that Americans prefer that lifestyle. The fact that so many Americans choose t o live in low-density areas has been cited as strong evidence tluzt Americans prefer that lifestyle. A preference for suburban living has also been shown in other studies The most recent annual survey by Fannie Mae (1996) shows that homeownership is a TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) /1.10


Til Costs ol Sprowi--Slevisite

The Cosb ol Sprawl-Revi sited I) The suburos oflen rank below small towns, villages, and rural settings as a desirable place to live. 2) Home buyers, given a choice are evenly divided o n whether they prefer lowor mediumd e n sity residential settings. 3) Home buyers in high-priced housing markets often prefer small-lo t house s. 4) The public, given a choice, is almost evenly divided on whether it prefers mixed or single -use areas. (Ewing 1997) In his earlier study, "Characte ristics, Cause s, and Effect s of Sprawl: A Literature Review," Ewing (1994) offered additional evidence to bolster his contention that consumer preference surveys do not clearly suppo rt low density li viog ove r more compact forms of selllemen t Surveys where people are sbown images of both sprawl and traditional communities reveal that, for the most part, the latter arc favore d by wide margins (Neuman 1991 ). Some surv eys, however, have found that people favor homoge n eo u s neighborhoods over mixed -use neighborhoods by a margin o f about two to one ( Book out 1992), and that people prefer low den sity suburban or ex urban Jiving ( A udirae and Zifou 1989). Recent choice of U.S. households has been for low-density suburban living over high -densi ty urban living. Other surveys of consumer pre ferences have also shown mixed resu lts. A September 1995 survey of people who shop ped and ultimately bought units in p lanned communities indicated that 57 percent of the respondents agreed with the s tatement "I'm tired of living in the st erile uniformity of most su burbs ." Yet, more than three-fourth s of th e respon dents believed in the American 84 Pifty-uven percent of the re spondents agreed with the sta tement I m tired of living in th11 sterile uniformity of most suburbs." Yet, more than three-fourths of the respondents believed in the American dream of a big yard and a house set back from the street. dream of a big yard and a house se t bac k from the stree t (Bradford 1996) There may be something approaching univer.;al agreem e n t tha t U.S. residential patterns in metropo litan areas have become i ncreasingly suburbani zed (i.e., have lower density or sprawl). There is probably close to general agreement that many, if not a majority, of U .S. h ouseholds prefer single-famil y detached housing given current option s and pr i ces-albeit observers raise the issue whether bousebolds would move in significant numbers i f other options were available. The question about whether sp rawl is s trongly linked to these residential c h oices is a matter of interpretation. At one extreme, the choice of low-densit y h ousi ng is, in essence, the definition o f sprawl, so the question of whether it is caused by sprawl is a circular one Another interpretation is tha t the mere existence of the pattern (sprawl ) and its accompanying low-density h ousing influences people's preferen ces, like the adv ertising of any product. Literature Synthesis Matrix X X TRANSIT COOPEAAnY RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


Costs ol Sprowi-Rwisite

lnn<:r-ciIY, high-density areas are believed by some 10 foster crime and decay Ceocge Slcmlieb, safe indiv iduals felt i n t heir communities. Whe n as ked, "In th e past year do you feel safer not as safe, or about the same on the streets in your neighborhood?"' 14 percent of suburban residents. compared to 22 percent of urban residents felt Jess safe. On the other han d, 1 2 percent of urban r es idents, com pared to 9 percent of s ubur ban res iden ts, felt their safety had increased over the past year ( Pastore and Maguire 1996). Through interviews, Hummon (1990) determined that rural residents view dang er as both an integral p art of city life and an indicator of social p rob l ems. U rban residents, however consider crime and danger to be more a factor of socioeconomic conditions and location than an integral part of city life. Using surve ys of lo w-income, si ngle mother s, Co ok (1988) found that urban women were two times more like ly than suburban women to indicate they felt unsafe in their a partments and neighborhoods. R esearche r s w ithin the criminal justice field concl ude that percepti o ns of crim e and security vary with site chara cteristi cs and socioeconomic conditions; thu s, fear of crime does not always accurarely reflect actual crime rates. Instead, fear of crime is often derived from incomp let e knowl edge of crime rates, o bservable evid ence of disorder, and prejudices arising from neighborhood chang e (S kogan 1986). Other studies conclude 86 that the direct effec ts of the phys ical envir onment on crime rates range from small to moderate ( T aylor and Goufredson 1986). A low c rfme rate is one of the top 10 qualJtyoflife chara c teristics desired by Money magazine subscribe rs. Within the popular literature, there appears to be agreement th:lt crime reduces a comm unity's overall q uality of life . Studies from popular literature commonl y use crime as o n e measure of a comm unity's desirability. Quality-o f-lif e rankings of cities in the Places Rated Almanac ( Savageau and Boyer 1993), Money magazine's "Best Places to Live i n America" (Frie d et a!. 1 996), and Fortune magazine's "Be st Cities: Where the Living is Easy" (Precourt and Faircl oth I 996), all include some meas ure of crime as a component of a community's overall quality of life. In parti cular, Fried et al. found that a low crime rate i s one of the top 10 quality-of life characteristics desired by M o ney magazine subscri bers. In short, selected crime statistics obtained the Federal Bureau oflnvestigation mdicate that lower-den sity developments, such as subur ban and rural areas, have lower crime rates than high-density urban areas. Empirical studies that have examined the relationship between crime and density, howev er, have found mixed res ults-increase d de nsity does not neces sarily result i n higher crime rates. The mixed r esu lts may be a factor of how individual studies defme and measure crime and crime rates. There appears to be agreement that suburban residents pe rceive thcmsel ves to be safer than their urban counterparts. Although the literature appears t o demonstrate, at bes t correlation betwee n TRANSIT COOPEI1AnYf RESEARCH PI!OGRAM /TCRP/ H-10


density and crime, it does not demonstrate causality between sprawl and low crime rates. Studies have found that the effect of physical environment on crime rates ranges from minimal to moderate and that crime is more a factor of socioeconomic conditions than density. An argument might be made that sprawl reduces crime ra te s in a round about way-sprawl is correlated with higher incomes which, in rum, are often corre l ated with greater spending on home protection and public safety. This argument, however does not demonstrate tha t sprawl causes lower crime rates Literature Synthesis Matrix .,.:,., ., '*' ,_ c- ...... 1 eofld ition X 11otoblv e.l(itt h it l i nlt. d to X IV. B. 3. Reduced Costs of Public and Prhate Goods Allegation/Basis Many households find the cost of public services and some private services in suburban locarions a better value. For the public sector, suburban locations often provide better services (especially schools) for an equivalent or lower tax burden. For private-secto r goods and services, particularly retail sales, the lower land values in suburban areas aJJow lan d intensive development formats which include expansive ("big box") floor space and parking. These development formats, in tum, attract high-volume low-cost retailers 87 Literature Synthesis The alleged benefit for public services substantially overlaps the alleged benefits reviewed und e r the heading Social Issues in this literature review. Two of the alleged benefits discussed there are germane here: I) The ability of jurisdictions to define a relatively homogeneous population with relatively similar service needs (which also provides opportunities for both economies of scale and concentration), and the ability to drop services not needed by the homogeneous population (i.e., social services for low-income households) 2) The ability to have different tax levels and service qualities. There is an ongoing professional debate about the institutional structures by which public services are most efficiently and fairly provided and a large body of literature on the subject. Not surprisingly, the poles of the debate are occupied by those who believe in the efficiency of markets and those who believe markets operate imperfectly without government imervention In the 1950s, Tiebout ( 1956) laid out the basic arguments for market choice (which, when applied to government, is sometimes referred to as "public choice"). He argued in favor of multiple small governments that allow households to "vote with their feet choosing to Jive where th e combination of public services, quality, and cost best meet their preferences. Multiple small governments allow households to "vote with their feet," choosing to live where the combination of public services, quality, and cast best meet their preferences. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10


The Cos ts o f In contrast are those who argue (see, for example, Foster [1996]) that typical market failures in the provision o f public goods require larger units of governmen t so that external costs can be internalized, increasing tbe odds that s u ffic ient public goods will be provided. Arguments are made for the i mprove ment of both efficie ncy and equity. Because this topic is considered else where in this report, it is merely alluded to here. Tbere is certainly no agreement on this subject. Nor is any likely. since to come to a conclusion would require, among other things, agreement on t wo issues on which peop le s opinions derive as much from underlying philosophies as from the results of social science: I) the proper scope of government intervention, and 2) the trade-offs between efficiency and equity For private goods there is ampl e anecdotal evidence that big box retai l ers make their money by high volumes on low margins, which for consu m ers means low cost. The growth of these retailers (e.g., Wal-Mart, Home Depot, Cost co) is evidence of demand and suggests that they are giving consumers more of what t hey want. Additional anecdotal evidence sugges t s that many people who would oppose such retailers in their neighborhoods are some of the same ones who drive, often substantial distances, to shop at these stores in other parts of a region. T he n ext quest ion, howeve r is: To what ex t ent are low-density development patterns essential for these cost savings? Recent work done to help evaluare the impacts of managed growtb plans for metropolitan Portland, Oregon (ECONorthwest 1996) sheds some light on this issue. After q u antifying vacant land supply, researchers conducted focus groups and work sessions w ith retail Rutgert Brookings 8rnckr'hoff ECONortflw .. 88 literature Synthes.ii developers and brokers. Their opinion was that to satisfy today's consumers most retail development had to a c commodate the automobil e, and as a resu l t, vacant, lowpriced l and in sizable parcels was critical to retail development, especially big box retail. High density areas are likely to have higher land values, less vacant land sma ll er parce l s, and more existing residents to oppose the new retail development. A few central cities have seen new discount retailing. In most cases, however, the development has occurred on underutilized industrial parcels whose zon ing either defin es the retail use s as compatibl e or makes variances easy to receive. In these cases, low-valu e land is still the primary fact or all owing the development to proceed. Market f ail l!res in the provis,ion of public goods require larger units of government so that external costs can be in ternalized. There is reasonable evidence to conclude t hat people want goods at lower pr ices in lower density partS of metropolitan areas. As with other effects whether sprawl causes this effect is a matter of int e rpreta t ion. On one hand, spraw l is the e ff ect; the low-density retai l pattern i s what enables retailers t o reduce prices. On the other hand, a p attern of sprawl may be causal if it implies mor e retail of the same type is desirable and allowab l e, and if it creates a pattern that allows more lowcost land to be developed more easily. Sprawl probably does both. Literature Synthe sis Matrix ., ., No, go c """"" -.. _. .. .._ """"" -condition X norobi Y .xillf b il drongty G nbd to X tprcrwlt TRANSIT COO PERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM /TCRP) HlO


IV B.4. Fosters Greater Economi c Well-Being Allegation/Basis A s an o utcome of a free market, sprawl bene fits from the mark e t dec i s ions made b y individual hous e h o l ds and firm s to maxi mi z e their welfare (as meas u red by utility o r profit ) B y restri c ting these individual choices, efforts to limit s prawl will redu ce the overall standard of livin g. A central tenet of free-m ar k e t ec onomics i s that individual house h o l ds and firms a c t in ways to maximiz.e their welfare, and the result of the se individual d ec isions is t o maximiz.e w e lfare f or s ociety as a who le. In this con t ext, spraw l i s con side r ed to maxim ize welf are for socie t y be cause it represeniS the outcome o f indiv idual choices by households and fums about where to loca t e and how t o b uild homes a n d businesses Critics of free market eco n omic s poin t out tha t decisions arc base d s o l e l y on the costs and benefit s f aced by the ind i vidual h o usehold or firm, and so do no t cons i d er the cosiS o r ben e filS to others tha t may resul t f rom their decision (the cos t s and be nefits to others are ref erred to as externalities ) Critics of sprawl point out the n ega tiv e e xternalities-traffic co n ges tion, i ncrca se d public infrastructure cos t s and acce l er ated deve lopment of farml an d and open s p ace, for example-and ar g u e tha t thes e ex ternalities reduce social w e lfare. Critics o f s prawl o f ten s u gges t polici e s to address the nega tive externalities of sprawl. It is the debate over these po lici es that the all eged impact on economic we ll being is m ost often discussed. There is also exten si v e d ebate about the l evel of negative exte rnaliti es; whe ther these externalities are caus ed by sprawl, 89 L i ttratur. Synthesis and t he e ff ectiven ess of policies to address these extern ali t i es. This debate occas i o n ally t ouc hes on w h eth er the poli cies will affect the cosiS and faced by individ ua l household s a nd firm s. A primary co n c ern is whether p o l icies t o l i mit sp r aw l will increase the cost of housi ng-this impac t is addressed elsewhere in this lite rature review An argumen t tha t is also occasionally raised is whether po lic ies to lim i t s praw l will i n tum limit job growth in an area, t hereby reducing inco m e for area re s id ents and limit i n g e conomic dev elopm ent o p por tuniti es These are the impact s tha t are f oc u sed upo n in this section Literature Synthes i s In the New Jersey impa ct asses s ment, Bu rchell ( 1992a) found that New J ersey could aeoommodate similar m agniwdes of populat i o n and employment g r o wt h u nder both trend and plan developm ent p a tt e rn s. Dis tributional pa tterns would diff er h o w ever. Plan development would direct m ore job s t o urban a nd rural cen t ers and few er to s u burban areas t han t rend Sheppard ( 1988) rel a tes sprawl to the economic well-bein g of residen t s Sheppard found th at an increase in s pace availab l e t o a pan i cular class o f residen ts result s i n lo wer rents at all l oc ati o n s, in creased s uburbanization" for all cl asses and increas e d utility for all c lasses. Sheppard caution s the reader h o w ever, that the results c o n sider n eithe r externalities n o r the public g ood associated w i t h the e xercise of development co ntrOls. M ost authors argue s i m ply that sprawl mus t maximi ze welfare because i t res u l t s from freemark e t decision s ( Gordo n and Rich ar d s on 1997a). The ben efits o f spr awl that affect economic well-being IRANSif COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (ICRP) H-10


are most often addressed in argumentS against policies t o limi t sprawl. Th ese argum ents are base d on the co n sid erable literature that shows that i n creas ed density increases the cost of land It is argued that an increase in density will reduce job growth and economic development opponunity by increasing the cost or limiting the number of si1es available for commereial development, and by increasing the cost of housing, wbich in tum will limit the supply of labo r (ECONonhwest 1994) There is considerable evidence that measures to control growth cause the price of l and to increase. S hilling et al. ( 1991) found that state landuse co ntr o l s both restrict the supply and increase the demand for residential land, driving up itS price. Brueckner (1990) cites a larg e empiricalli1erature documenting the effectS of growth controls on housing and land marketS. His evidence pointS to the fact that growt h controls raise housing prices in communit ies where they are established (Dowall and Landis 1982; Katz and Rosen 1987; Sch wanz et al. 1981, 1989). Growth controls rai se housing prices in communiti es wher e they are eslDblished. Most of the literature that addresses the impac t of growth controls on land prices focuses on the residential land market. There appear to be v ery few anicles that address the impact of spraw l or measur es to control sprawl, on co mmercial lan d markets, the level of employment growth, or wage income. While there are logical reasons to suspect that uninhibited growth fosters more employ ment and wage growth than limit ed growth the literature does no t document tbis at al.l. Li t erature Sy nthesi s Matrix .. :... ...a... ...... ... .._.. .,_, I ..;;.-;_,. X Y llnhd IO X 16WOW" SOCIAL I SSUES 90 V .A. Sprawl's Alleged Negative Effects V. A .1. Fosters Suburban Exclusion Allegation/Basis Suburban exclusionary zoning increases the concentration of low-income l wuseholds in certain neighb or l wods. M os t l ow-and moderate-in come households cannot afford to liv e i n s u burbs where exclusionary zoning raises housing costs; thus such households become disproporti o nately concentrated within central cities and older inner-ring suburbs. Housing in many parts of these communities is generally older smaller, more functionally obsolete, less well maintained, and much l ess costly t o occupy than housing in newe r suburbs M o r eover subsidi zed housing units especially those in publi c housing projects-are heavily concentrated within older neighborhoods in central cities and inner-ring suburbs, because residentS of other areas-including most suburbs refuse to permit them within their boundaries. This further concentrates very low-income household s both within central cities and older suburbs. and w ithin particular i nner-c ity neighborhoods. The concentration of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H. I 0


high proportions of very poor residents within older, deteriorated neighborhoods fosters conditions that are adverse to the welfare of residents. These include high rates of crime, drug abuse, delinquency, births out of wedlock, welfare dependency, unemployment, alcoholism, and mental illness. In addition, the quality of education received in public schools in these areas, or where children from such areas dominate, is very low Literature Synthesis There is some disagreement about tbe degree to which suburban exclusionary zoning is for poverty concentrations in core-area neighborhoods. Some observers believe other factors are more important in produc ing such neighborhoods. The se other factors include negative behavior patterns among the that make them unwelcom e elsewhere; the concen tration of deteriorated, very low cost housing in such neighborhoods which attracts people who cannot afford better accommodations; the concentration of public housing units in such neighborhoods; the lack of public transportation in suburban areas that makes it difficult for poor persons without cars to live there; and the desire of poor households to li ve together in neighborhoods where public services aiding the poor are more easily accessible In contradiction, recent findings in New Jersey from the New Jersey Council on Affordable Housing (COAH) and similar findings from the Gautreaux (Chicago) and Special Mobility Program (SMP) (Cincinnati) studies indicate that those who occupy affordable housing in more suburban locations take on the employment characteristics, ambition levels, and success rates of the population of those jurisdictions (Davis 1993; 91 Fischer 1991; Wish and Eisdorfer 1996). In New Jersey, close to 15,000 afford able housing units have been built and occupied as a result of legislation emanating from the series of Mt. lAurel cases in that state. Occupants of these housing units are employed doing well at local schools, and inte grated without incident in neighbor h ood s they would not have had access to without the court decisions The Gautreaux and Special Mobility Program studies show that residents moving from the central city to the suburbs using housing vouchers have higher rates of employment and higher salaries, and their children have beuer school attendance and higher grades, than families who choose not to move. While the confounding issue of self-selection is clearly present here-i.e. the successful and ambitious families are the ones that opted to participate in the moves-a growing body of literature indicates that "place matters. T here is a "rub-off' effect of place wherein success patterns can be communicated by residents to newcomers who specifically wish to improve their current economic and social positions (Poisman and Botein 1 993). Literature Synthesis Matrix X X V.A.2. Fosters Spatial Mismatch Allegation/Basis The resulting "spatial mismatch" between where most new jobs are being created (far-out suburbs) and where many low skilled workers must live (inner-ciTy TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H


11'1 Costs oF Sprowl-ll.evisited neighborhoods) aggravates high rates of unemployment in inner-city neighborhoods. The unlimited extension o f urbanized uses on the periphery of the metropolitan areas permits many employers to move to locations that are very far from inner-city neighborhoods. Consequently, unemployed workers Jiving in those neighborhoods can neither readily learn about job opportunities in farout locations nor afford to commute to such jobs even if they learn about and qualify for them. This mismatch aggravates both high rates of unemployment in inner city neighborhoods and suburban shonages of unskille d labor. Literature Synthesis John Kain (1992) was one of the frrst to examine whether a mismatch exists between the increase in lower-skilled and otherwise attainable jobs in the suburbs and the high levels of unemployment of residents in central cities who should be able to access these jobs. Spatia l mismatch has also been examined by sociologists John Kasarda ( 1990) and William Wilson (1987) and by economists Keith lhlanfeldt and David Sjoquist (1990) Although the original literature related the mismatch to black workers of all ages, later studies focused on the spatial mismatch as it affected young black workers. Race as the causat i ve agent i s the main focus of inquiry throughout most of the studies mentioned above In other studies by Bennett Harrison (1974) and John Kasarda ( 1990), causes of the mismatch (which according to them may not be spatial) are extended to the inadequate skills and education of young black workers, and limited transponation or access to transportation. Findings on spatial mismatch, although not always consistent in unearthing a spatial 92 literature S)'!lthMis component (s ee Bennett Harrison [1974), David Ellwood (1986). and Jonathan Leonard [ 1987)), are persistent in their specification of a mismatch of some type Poor inne.--city residents often cannot reach jobs located in the suburbs. Source: Truman Hanshom. Interpreting the Cit). The reality of this mismatch is a population desiring to be employed in one location and available jobs going unfilled in another. Often, the unfilled jobs are lower order jobs that are not worth accessing by public transit if the prospective worker must also pay for child day care services to retain the job. Other jobs similarly located in the suburbs may require skills that applicants, even after training, cannot meet. Or they may be jobs that casual workers available during the summer or during college breaks can easily meet without training. The confluence of elements that create spatial mismatch is so complex that sprawl versus more compact development patterns probably play only a small role. Spatial mismatch will grow to be a major issue with significant consequences as workfare replaces welfare Moreover, the relationship between sprawl and central city unemployment rates, the bottom-line issue of the above discussion, is even more complex than relationships between sprawl and spatial mismatch TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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The Cosh of The confluence of elements that creates spatial mismatch is so complex that sprawl versus more compact development patterns probably play only a s m aU role. Lite r a ture Synt hesis Matri x NoO.OI ,_ .... -o.Atom 1 171Ft co ndition X notobl :xitlf bit llrongly llnbd to X .. ,o .... n V .A.3. Fosters Residential Segregation A llegation/Basis Residential segregation by race and income is greater under sprawl than where less fragmented govemance over land uses exists Exclusionary zon i ng by many outlying suburban communities inhibits the c o nstruc tion of relatively lowcost housing for lowand moderate income households This occurs because residents of each community control land use decisions therein. They usuall y take Euclidean toning by district can be used to foster homogenous neighborhoods with residenls of similar incomes. profiles. a n d backgrounds. Source : MSM Regional Council, The (irowrh Management Handb(J()k, into account onJy their own interests in making such decisions-not the interests of the region as a whole or of citizens in ... 93 literotvre other parts of it. They have compelling economic m otives for trying to minimize the number of low cost housing units within their own communities. These include maintaining housing prices as high as possible and excluding households whose need for public services-especially schools-will cost the community more than the taxes these households will contribute to the community Because Blacks and Hispanics have much lower incomes, on average, than o t her major groups in American society such income s egregation is also an effective means of achieving ethnic segrega tion in many areas. Literatur e Synthesis There is on l y partial agreement about this allegation Such a small number of metropolitan areas without f ragmented governance over land uses exist in the United States that statistical testing of conditions in them versus conditions elsewhere probably are not valid. Yet coming at this issue f rom another direction, those states and regions that have made overt efforts to provide affordable hous ing in locations where it has not before existed are achieving integration in those locations. In New Jersey where a municipali t y must provide its f air share of affordab l e housing or lose its right to zone, racia l and ethnic integration is taking place in what were once predominantly white outer ring neighborhoods. New Jersey's affordab l e housing program requires t hat those who fill muni cipal quotas come from outside the m u nicipality's boundaries but inside its commu t ing region. There are strict advertising and queuing requirements that ensure that minority households in central cities have an equal chance to occupy affordable housing in the suburbs. With these kinds TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H l 0

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of mandates, integration of neighborhoods moves quickly and directly (Wish and Eisdorfer 1996). Those s/4tes and regions that have made overt efforts to affordable housing in locations where it has not before existed are achieving integration in those locations. Literature Synthesis Matrix X X V .A.4. Worsens City Fiscal Stress Allegation/Basis Under sprawl, central city govemmeflfs become fiscally strapped or "squeezed," because they must provide costly services to large numbers of very poor hou seholds, while the propenies owned, occupied, or patronized by such households produce relatively low per capita tax revenues. Low-income neighborhoods in panicular have higher costs of crime and fire prevention, street cleaning, and public health and welfare services than middle and upper -income neighborhoods. Y ct the former produce lower property and sales tax revenues per capita than the latter. This situation forces city serving such communities to either raise taxes above those in surrounding communities or to provide lower quality and quantities of key public services to their residents. or both. 94 liJerotvr Synrht$4 Literature Synthesis Only limited agreement exists on the extent to which sprawl is regarded as a major cause of fiscal stress. The concentration of very poor households within inner-city neighborhoods is surely not caused solely by suburban sprawl; many other causal factors largely unrelated to the specific form of growth within a metrOpol.itan area also contribute to this resulL Unfortunately, it is probably impossible to decide scientifically how to allocate "responsibility" for this outcome among these causal factors-a fact which presents an obstacle to "proving that sprawl contributes significantly to this outcome. As stores and offices move out, central ci t ies must shift fiscal burdens onto those remaining. usu<:llly in the fonn of higher propert)' taxes. &urct: Truman Hartshorn, th.t City The a bility of households and employment to s h ift locations in a metropolitan area is virtually unrestrained. To the degree that households and employers seek safer and more aesthetically pleasing locations, even when these are found distant from the core, the households and employers will move there. If taxes are lower or tax incentives to relocate are offered, core-to peripheral relocation will also take place. If high-income residential and nonresidential properties are either "footloose" locationally or are being bid out of central locations to more distant TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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locations, only those households and employ e rs w ho are not footloose or are n ot bid o u t will remain. These are often the poorer househ ol d s and busin e s ses which demand highe r services and provide l ess revenues T he end result is a stra in on public service dis t ric t s in the form of higher service cos t s and reduced revenue receipts. When this h appens property taxes rise-sparking another wave of residential and nonresidential exodus (St emlieb and Burchell 19n). M os t o f the cen tral city fiscal deteriora t i o n for c es described a bove, alt hough largely i ndependent of devel op m e n t patterns, c ertainly need the defin i n g c hara c teristics of s prawl to operat e F ragme nted governme nts in co m petition with e ach othe r for the "better" land uses crea t e fiscal str ess for those governments that cannot compete (Downs 1994). Most of the central c ity fiscal deterioratiQn forc e s d esc ribed above, while largely independent of development patte rn s, c ertainly need the defining characteristic s of sprawl to operat e (See als o Public-P riva t e Capital Quality Costs-Ne gative Impacts-More Adverse Public Fiscal Impacts.) Lit erature Synthes i s Matrix No a."' Sl.
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The Cosh ol Sprowi-Revisited built outside the central city yet insid e the city's metropo litan area (St e mlieb and Burchell 1977). &:>1 ... - ""' r .. t -! -' 1 t -- J .. --!{ ... -' ---:--'l.:< .. .. -. .--; Row houses in Washington, DC lie decaying and empty as re-sidents moved into surrounding suburbs.. SQurce: Truman HartShorn, Interpreting 1he City. To the degree that significant amounts of housing are built farther out in the metropolitan area and the occupancy costs of this housing are comparable to or che aper than, existing ho u sing, this new housing will be sought in preference to closer-in housing (Schafer 1975). The most significant causal relationship to central city abandonment was the amount of housing buill outside the central city. Unfortunately, however, as with fiscal stress. it is probably impossible to decide scientifical ly how to allocate "responsibility" for this outcome among multiple causal factors. (See also Quality of Life--Positive Impacts-Reduced Costs of Public and Private Goods). Literature Synthesis Matrix X X 96 Literotute V. B. Sprawl's Allege d Positive Impacts V.B.l. Fosters Home Rule AllegationfBasis Sprawl keeps govemmenl decisions about land use at the local/eve/, where individual citizens have much more chance of influencing the results than they do where regional d ecis ion maldng predominates. Because sprawl involves fragmenlation of government powers among many relatively small localities, i t keeps land use decision making closer to the people most directly affected by it. This satisfies the strong American desire for local sovereignty. Like-minded citizens can pass zoning and other regulations that exclude types o f development from their communities they do not like. This in tum allows them to prevent "socially undesirable" influences in their neighborhoods and schools Such negative influences include potentially dangerous households with characteristics markedly different from the ir own, as well as region-serving land uses with negat ive local spillovers, like airports or incinerators Literature Synthesis The literature dealing with the merit of home rule praises "small government" democratic responsiveness, as is illustrated in the following quotations: Others came to suburbs for better schools. This has been due, at least in part, to the responsiveness of these schools to parental expectations rooted in tum in the sm aller size of many suburban school districts. Indeed, in an age primarily given over to state centralization, the suburbs have encouraged a countervailing decentralization governance, forcing a healthy kind of competitiveness onto local governments. (Carlson 1996) TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) Il-l 0

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The Costs ol Sptowi-Revisiftcl The trend in many place s has been for cities to iru:orporatc their surrounding suburbs, creating megaajurisdictions without local identity and administ rative nimble ness. This is a bad i dea Ins tead, cities ought t o b e breaking the m se lves into smaller political units that enjoy a degree of social consensus where governing can be done flexibly and with less impersonality. ( K otkin 1996) ..... , The State of New Jersey a.lone l\3s more than 500 independent municipa.J governments. New Jersey (State of). Suutmtnl of FintJN:iol Condition fJ/ COWttits and MIUlieipolitit s Obviously, the literature is div id ed on this point One statistic beyond refute i s that !here is li llie growth in reg ional govern m en t s on a national ba s is, and alt h ough mun i cipalities or counties may be willing to join t ogeth er t o distribu t e one or another carefully selecte d public serv ices, they appear unw illing to joi n together for common governance. Further oo a national basis, the number of regional school districts curre ntly desiring to split apart is grea1er than the number of school dis t ricts currently desiring to join t oge t h e r (Petersen 1996 ) 97 Ut.rotvre Synthesb One sta t istic beyond refute is that there is UJtle g ro wth in r egiotl41 governments o n a national basis. Literature S ynthesi s M a trix 1.:.' No cr .. Sv4uron/Nit o.-. ,.._,., I X I W.odto X V.B.2. Enh a nced Mun i ci pal Diver s ity and C h oice All egatio n / Bas i s : Sprawl provides citizens with a greot variety of localities with differing taX levels. public service qualities and housing costs, there by increasing the rdllge of choice available. The many individual local ities in a metropolitan area functio n like suppliers of "bundles" of tax levels, public servic e s and local amenities in a market C ompetition among them provi de s h ousehold s with many more choices of living environments than would exis t if alll:ey fiSCal and landuse decisions were made centrally and appli ed similarly throughout the metropolitan area. This process first conceprualized by Charl es Tiebout ( 1 956) is widely praised by economists for bringing many of the vinues of a free marke t to the publi c s e ctor thereby benefi t ing potent ial r esi dent s of suburban communities. L i te r a tu re Sy n t hesi s There is reasonable agreement that housing costs, public services (primarily education), tax lev els, and h ousing s tock aesthetics of a community form the bundl e o f goods tha t is bid for in conununity selection. W ithin a metropolitan ar e a, citizen s h ave TRANSIT COOPERACIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) /1.10

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significant choices of communities, and within a fragmented area, they h ave even more choices. Sprawl's contr ib ution to diversity in choice is the ma ssive amount of reasonable alternatives (not best or worst) that it offen the locational consumer Those who "sho p for communities take all of the elements listed above into account before malting a locational decisio n Sprawl's contribution to diversity in choice is the massive amount of r eason able altern atives (not best or worst) that it offers the locat ional c onsumer. Fragmented government s, primarily suppo rting residential housing, offer infinite variations of the bundles of housing, public services, and tax str\!Cture described above. Most of the varia t ions found at the periphety of me tropolitan areas are superior in housing value, school s y s t ems, p r operty tax levels and housing a m enities to locations found closer in. As such, these are the locations most often souglu; the closer-in commurtities are the locations most often left behind. The most significant vari a bles appear to be housing cost and housing appreciation, which in combination appear to be maximized in locations more distant from, as opposed to closer t o, the urban core (Downs 1994). (See also Quality of Life-Positive Impacts-Foster H ome Rule.) Literature Synthesi s Matrix ... -"""-I= .... .;.... ...... X I ;:nhd to X ..... = s.bsJ ;' 98 OVERALL SUMMARY OF THE SPRAWL L ITERA TURE I. TOP I CAL C OVERAGE DATA BASES, METHODOLOGIES D EFICIENCIES Necessary Disclaime r s One logical s tarting point for summrui.zin g the literature and analysis of thi s chap t e r is to review the distribution of the studies by t opi c and to see where there is more or less topical coverage This can be done quantitatively, that is, by examining bibliographies on the topic--such as the one assembled here (see Chapter Five), or by Ewing (1997), Gordon and Richardson (1997 a), or the Growth M anagemen t and Research Clearinghouse ( 1 993). An overview of the literatu re cou l d also be made by tabulating the numerical distribution of studies by subject type. This procedure raises i ts own issues, however, such as bias in the respective bibliographies (i.e., those studies critical versus supponive of sprawl) and differences that reflect the varying professional orientati ons of the bibliography compilers ( i.e., tr affic eng in ee r or historic preservationi s t) In doing a q uantitative census of the li terature and topi cal coverage of sprawl, there is also a question of how to count multiple studies by the same author o f a similar type. Shoul d the Altshuler criticism of The Costs of Sprawl methodology, originally enunciated i n 1 977 and then essentially repeated in a jointly authored monograph by Alts huler rUNSIT COOPEJIATIVE RESEARCH PROGAAM (TCRP) H-10

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and Gomez.-Ibanez ( 1 993). count as one or two entries in this census? Should Dow ns's pro lific publications involving the iss ue of suburban exclusion of minorit ie s which in some cas e s co ver s imilar materials be individually counted (Downs 1970, 1973, 1981, 1985, and 1994)? The same problem of counting arises with the parallel series of publica t ions by Gordon and Richardson (1989a. 1994a. 1996, 1997a. 1997b). Ewing (1994, 1995a, 1997), and Burchell (1992a, 1992b, 1994, 1995, 1996. !997a 1997b) Another issue in undenakin g a numerical tally of the literature i s whether all entries should be weighted simil ar ly. Do The Cost s of Sprawl (RERC 1974) and the New Jersey Impact As sessment ( Burchell 1992a, 1992b)-both influen tial analyses of hundreds of pages each-" weigh" the san1e as briefer and less subs tantive discussions? Over and above these questions, an attempt to quantify the topical coverage of the literature on sprawl is fmstrated by s u c h fundamental issue s as what i s meant by s prawl and what countS as literature on thi s subject Often sprawl is not defined in the literature, and i t s full elemental characteristics are not universally agreed upon. Should the literature tbat is t o be tabulated consis t only of materials on sprawl pe r s e (i. e. exam inati ons of sp rawl' s effec t s on inframucturc costs ) or s h ould it include broader topics relevant t o a discussion of spra wl? The quality of life (QOL) subset in this report is illustrative ; there is very little literature directly dealing with QOL and sprawL But there are many more studies on QOL that show impacts on quality of life by fonces analogous t o spra wl. Even though there are persistent problems, some general ce n sus of the approximately 500 citations in Chapter 5 is Since more than a year has been spent assem bling,, and analyzing the literature. clearly some statements ca n and should be made co n cerning its topica l concentration and, as well. methods and databa ses reli ed upon In the following analysis, except for related materials such as dictionaries and encyclopedias; economics, land use, housing. and zoning te xts; and so on, all of the remaining 475 citations ane in cluded and counted equally Citations are made pan of the analy sis whether or no t they repeat informat i on of anoth er study or deal directly or indirectly with sprawl. Topi c al CoverageSprawl Literature Given equal weighting, the following approximate distribution of the sprawl literature appears as follows: lmpiJ C I Catl'gary Percent oftltt Uttrature I. Public and Privot Copitol and OperotinR Costs -20% II. Tl on tporto li on and Travel Coh % IU, land/Natur a l Hobitot Pr..MNotion tO% w oltilo 20% v SoOolbw % With out providin g a detailed s tati stica l count but clearly paralleling co ncentra tions found in the bibliography of Chapter 5, the literature is almo s t evenly dis tributed between the "harder," more quantifiable categories: transporta tion/travel and public and pri\I{Jte capital and operati ng costs; and the "softer," less quantifiable impact categories: quality of life and soc ill/ issues. These two combined ca t egories represent about 90 percent of the literature Comprising the r emaining I 0 percent of literature i s material dealing with either the l oss of land or n atural habitats related to sprawl, TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H. I 0

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7he Cosh o( SptawJ....Revisifed Impact Category (I) Dtscriprive: Lirtle or No Analvsis I. Public and P rivate Cop itol a n d Ooeratina Ca.r s 1 5% I I. T ronsportofion Travel Cosls = 10% Ill lond/Notu r o l Habitat Preservation 45% IV. Quolitv of l ife AO% v. Soc iolluuu -=30% or growth management as an alternative t o sp rawl. Clearly then, bot h social and quality-of life considerations are significantly part of the sprawl literature and are represented far more than these categories are usually given credit for. M e thodologies Sprawl Literat ure The re are differences in the analytic quality o f the literature, as is indicated in the tab l e at the top oflhis page. In terms of analytic methods employed, transportation and travel costs have !he most quantitative analyses (col umns 2 and 3), followed by public and private capital and operating costs In reverse fashion, land/natural habitat preservation and quality of life have the least quantitative and the most descriptive analyses (co lumn 1). The more rigorous quantitative simu l a tions are found in public and private capital and operating cost studies, whereas transportation and travel costs studies rely most on the U.S. Census, the Nationwide Personal Transportation Survey and other empirical data. The literatur e SynthesU Levels of Analysis (2) ( 3 ) Empirical: Simulctiotr: Census or Econometric or Cast Studv Modelin =50% =35% =80% u lO% ,..35% =20% =SO% =10% =60% = 10% social issues studies also rely h eavily on national census type empirica l data. Beyond this gross categori7.ation, little can be said except that studies in the "harder'' impact categories appear to address sprawl directly and by that term, whereas studies in the "softer" impact categories typically address sprawl indirectly as a form of low density exurban or fringe-suburban development. Exa m p les o f Data Employed by Imp ac t Cat egory The five impact literature categories int o which this report is divided apply both common and sub j ect-distinctive data sources Across all categories, soc i o economic information from the decennial census (population and housing), the triennial American Housing Survey (AHS), and similarly broad databases are frequently tapped Both published (e.g printed census reports) and compu t erized (e.g. Public Use Microdata Sample of the decenn ial census) sources are accessed Land-use information of various types is also employed across all literature categories. These include both descriptors o f a gross or aggregate nature, such as population density derived from the County and City Data Book, and finer grained land-use 100 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-1 0

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TJ.. c .... ol Sp...,wi-ReviJilo
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{e.g ., providing security for petroleum sources), t o global warming. One final note: Much of the data in the sprawl literature is of a secondary nature-that is, collected by one party and reanalyzed or cited by another. The Co.rts of Sprawl neighborhood protot ype data originally assembled by RERC in the early-to mid-1970s (see Table I), for example, is still being relied upon some two decades later by commen tators on the subject of sprawl (AltShuler and Gomez Ibanez 1993; Ewing 1997: Gordon and Richardson 1997a) Exa mple s of M ethods E mployed by Impact Category Multiple choices are available to the analyst when considering specific meth ods As mentioned previously, one choice is empirical-that is, one that observ es something tangible : another method is a simulation wherein events are modeled rather than observed. Both types are found in the literature on s prawl, with the incidence varying by subject. In the public and private capital and opera ting costs literature, because development's effect on infrastructure is projected into the future, many studies are simulations. Among these simulati on s tudies are The Costs of Sprawl { RERC 1974); Downing's (1977) capital exten sion supplement to RERC's original work; Peiser's ( 1984) analysis of infra structure costs in a hypothetical large subdivision; and Burchell's ( 1992-1997) and Landis's (1995) analyses in New Jersey, the Delaware Estuary, Kentucky, and Michigan (Bwcbell ) and Cali fomia (Landis). Operating costS, including operating expenses per c apita, are also simul ated in these types of studies { al though not necessarily linked to develop ment pattern): other financial parameters, such as tax rates and levels of intergov ernmental revenues, receive similar llteroture SyntheP. treatment Udd's (1991) regression analyses relating density to per capita government operational spending, and the DuPage County {1991) regression of observed nonresidential development to observed tax rates, are good examples. A s noted earlier, because travel informa tion i s routinely studied and counted, much of the literature on transportation and travel costs is empirical Examples include Pushkarev and Zupan's srudy ( 1977) linking density and transit use in 100 urbanized areas; Cervero's (1989) study examining density and modal choice in 57 "su burban employment centers"; and Parsons and ECONorth west' s (1996) study examinin g the effects of density. urban design, and mixed use on the demand for transit in various locations, ranging from II metropolitan areas to individual cities (Chicago and San Francisco). At the same time, the transportation and ITavel costs literature, reflecting the underlying discipline of transportation engineering with its model ing prowess, also in corporates some large -sc ale simulatio ns, such as the 50year simulation by Metro ( 1994 ), and Downs's (1992) Stuck in Traffic modeling. The remaining literature categories (I.Aiui/Natural Habitat Preservati011, Quality of Life, and Social Issue s). though they apply some simulations. such as The Costs of Sprawl modeling of lan d consumption in alternative neighbor hood prototypes, arc largely a combination of empirical and descriptive analyses. The Green Index of locations (Hall and Kerr 1991) incorporates more than 250 quality-of life indicators relared t o environmental quality {e.g., air and water pollution, and community and workplace health statisti cs). The literature on urban decline focuses mainly on such observed characteristics as unemployment, housing loss and tax 102 TRANSIT COOPEIIATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ 11-l 0

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1JJe Cosb: of Sp!ow'-R e visit.J base decline ( B radbury, Downs, and Small 1982). Some of the empirical w ork tends to be microanalysis. The cas e s tudy and per capita engineering studi es are commonly u sed to describe what occurred at one or more locations. Exampl es of format include Duncan's ( 1989) analysis o f infras tructure costs in a number o f Aorida developments ; E wing's {1995b) analysis of household travel patterns in a Aorida county; and Ewing. Haliyur and Page (1994) and Cambridge Systematics (1994) examinations of travel in Palm Beach County, Florida and Los A nge l es, C alifornia, respectiv ely. Not c oincidental l y, most of the case analyses and pe r ca pita engineerin g studie s are focused on l ocat ions e xperiencing rapid growthoften Sunbelt l ocations In fact, so many of the investigations of travel profile as it relates to urban design have taken place in Califo rnia, especially around San Fran cisco an d Los Angeles, that questio n s about tbe replicability of the results observed to the res t of the counlry are beginning to be rais ed by tne research community. Descriptive analyses are found in signifi can t numbers in the impact categories o f landlnarural habitaJ presetWtion, of life, and social issues. These analyses include Arendt's various ( 1994a, 1996, I 997) guides to devel oping with ope n space ; Kunstler' s (1993) description of urban and suburban neighborhoods; and Moe and Wilke's (1997) prescription for improved metropolitan areas. Various q u antitative skills are incorporat ed in the literature The per capita infrastructure studies, for instance are esse ntially ari thmetic compilations; but higher order applications are also found, especially within the transportation and travel cost s analyses. These s tudies apply such sta tistical testS as analysis of variance-e.g., comparing travel be h avior in auto-oriented versus transiH>riented neighbo rhoods (Handy 1995) a nd multivariate regression-e.g. u sing r egre ssion to show that much of the variation in transit use can be explained by density (Pus hkarev and Zupan 1 977). Even the most "statistical" of studies, however. are s till cross-sectional In the travel literature, for examp l e, they show the correlation between current urban form (i. e ., low to high densities. and segregated or mixed uses) and current travel be havior (i. e., mode choice or VMT). But they do not show b ow changes in urba n form have influ e n ced change s in travel choices Thi s i s one of numerous deficiencies in the literature noted below. L imitatio n s o f the L ite r ature o n Sprawl I. Almost no analyses of sprawl adequately define it. Surpri singly, the landmar k s tudy, Th e Costs of Sprawl (RERC 1974), did not d efine sp rawl explicitly, and the omis s ion of a definition has continued throug h out the literature. Where sprawl is defined, or at least characterized, reference is often made to a limited number of traits such as low-density or leapfrog scaltered development (Ewing 1997) Many studies, however, omit s evera l other defining traits that cause many of the all eged negative impacts of sprawl, suc h a s dependence on the automobile and fragmentation of governm ental l and use authority. These are admittedly difficult to quantify. 2. M ost analyses of sprawl f()(;us too narrowly on only a few of its uy aspects. An adequate definiti on of spraw l mus t include the causal elements that underlie sprawl's many alleged negative impactS in order for 103 TRANSJT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (fC RPJ H-10

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subsequent analysis to respo n d to those i mpacLS effectively. T herefore, a ke y pan o f this literarure sear ch is to s pec ificall y rel a t e the negat iv e and positive impacts of spraw l to their defming characteristics. Almost no analy ses o f sprawl adequately define it. 3 Other definitional cum measuremenJ questions remain Take, for instance, "den s ity." S everal studies focu s on t h e density of a region and relate ce rtain c harac t e ri s t ics, s u ch as travel behavior or infr astructu r e co s t s to the region's density Ho w e ver densities vary widely with i n regi o n s and the real question is: How does t he density of the specific places where people Jive and work affect say, their travel c h oices? The densities of these places may be substantially different from region w i de averages For instance Gordo n an d Richardson (I 9 89b ) u se SMSAs as the unit o f measurement in their analysi s of d ensities and commuting times in 82 SMSAs. But i s this meaningful, give n that no SMSA bas u nifonn densi t y t hr ougho ut? And at the SMSA level, pe rhaps density is a proxy for ag e of dev elopm ent, city size, or some othe r facto r that affects travel behavior (i.e t ran s i t u se), as opposed t o the variabl e de nsity per sc. In parallel are prob l ems with the definition and m eas urem ent of segregation o f u ses." What is the definition of ''uses"? At whic h geo gra phical scale is separation or integration measured? Cervera (1996) found that the job-housing ( JH ) b alance a t the city l evel was not s i gnificantly associa t ed with the v ariation i n e xternal ( t o the c ommunity) commuti n g. Does this mean that land u se Integration as Rllfgen trooling fortOfll lrlttckerho H ECONotthwatt li t erature Synthe a it reflected in the JH ratio does not affect travel be havior? Or does it mean tha t land-u se i ntegration really does affect travel be havior-but tha t the m easure of land-use int eg r a tion is los t whe n the JH is seat e d a t the co mmunity-wide, as opposed to a n eig h borho od. level? Quality-of-life measures also pose a defmitional conundrum, as do other seemingly easi e r to-ascenain effects. Take, for instance, land consumpt ion. Although it a taut ology that d eve lopment consum es land, does a sing le-family home built o n a 50a c r e farm "consume" all of those 50 acres? I f i t c onsumes only a frac tion o n what basi s is that fraction appo ni o ned ? 4. Most critics of sprawl do not ucognize that it provides Sllbstanrial benefits to many households; hence, they do n o t take accou m of those benefi t s in their analyses. Several c r i tics o f sprawl, su c h as Kunstle r (1993). engage in rhetorical exagg erati o n to emphasi?.e their nega t i v e v i ews of spra wl. T h ey present only one side of the issue instead of a balanced descriptions Thls polemical rhetoric cann01 be classified as a scientific-<>r accurate --observ ation about the reality of American s u burbs. Significan t e x agg e rati o n is a lso emp l o y e d by some defende r s o f sp r awl, such as Gordon and Richard s on ( 1997a). Most criJics of sprawl do n o t r ec ognize that it provides s ubstantial benefits to many household s; hence the y d o n o t take account of those b e nefiJ s in their analyses. 5 Only a limited number of comprehensive empiri cal an a l yses I OA TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.JO

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Mr. Gary L. Brosch Director Center for Urban Transportation Research University of South Florida 4202 E. F owler Avenue, CUT I 00 Tampa, FL 33620 Dear Mr. Gary L. Brosch: Enclosed is the final literature review on sprawl. This will be followed shortly by the revised research plan The research team has elected to spend a reasonable amount of time on the revised literature review--{his sets the tone for the rest of the smdy The effort i nvolved in the literature review revision bas been done at no cost to the research sponsor. The research team truly believes that it is necessary to set down in one place the p layers and history of the research of sprawl. We think it has been accomplished here. We look forward to moving on with the rest of the study. SincereeU<....--------._ Principal Investigator At4'\, . i> ,, .\11!1'-' RUTGERS 33 Livingston Avenue, Suile 400, New Brunswick, New Jersey 08901 1982 Tel: 732 932 3 1 33 fox: 732

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have been undertaken. There is much discussion on sprawl but far fewer "facts" in the form of empirical, quantitative studies. The paucity of data is illustrated by the frequency of studies using "secondhand" or once removed information. A good example, as noted earlier, is the reanalysis of The Costs of Sprawl (RERC 1974) neighborhood and community prototypes some 20 to 30 years after the fact by Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez (1993). Frank's 1989 review and reorganization of prior studies conducted over three decades in his Costs of Alternative Developmellt is yet another example. It is not that reanalysis or categorization per se is unimportanton the contrary, it can be quite va l uable. Rather, these studies point to the dearth of new empirical research on sprawl In a parallel vein is the tendency of the empirical research to be of a case study nature. Case studies provide valuable insight, but they are place-specific. The ability to generalize from them is quite limited. 6. Even when a quantitative analysis is attempted, the topical coverage is uneven. with much more attention paid to the "physical side" of irifrastn
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The Costs ol $prowl-Revisited costs of leapfrog development, as noted below: Estimates probably overstate the added costs of leapfrog development in communities that expect continued growth and e\entual infill development on the vacant land. Compared with the planned communities, the sprawl communities contain substantially more vacant land that is improved or semi-improved by some road and utility access. Developing improved vacant Jand in the future presumably would cost less than developing unimproved land. If infill development is expected, then a portion of the added cosL' of leapfrogging eventually will be recouped-the costs of sprawl would be the costs of supplying some infrastrUcture in advance. of its eventual need and would be lower the more rapidly infill was expected. (Altshuler and GomezIbane z 1993, 72) 9. Most commentators do not recogniu that two types of fragmented governance-those over land uses and over fiscal resources""""'re fundamental causes of many of the most widely al/acked results of sprawl. The main reason for this failing is tha t the analyses are not comprehensive enough. They focus on a few of the most obvious elements of spraw l and their consequences, rather than look at the entire relevant spectrum of elements and consequences. In addition, many observers hesitate to recommend changes in such fundamental American precepts as local control over land uses and separation of communities' fiscal resources. Several recent opponents of sprawl have recognized these connections Rutgn 8tool:ift8:1 Porson1 8rindr:rl
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g) The future benefits of eliminating or substantially altering, X are significantly larger than the costs and di sa d vantages of using those other method s. All c ritics of spra w l post ula t e con ditions (a) and (b), but many stop there. S ome proceed through conditions (c) and (d) as pan of their prescriptions for change. But few deal with condition (c) and almost none address conditions (f) and (g) which require the ability co measure both the costs and benefits of X and ics eliminati on. Yet realis cic s ocial analy sis requires meet ing all o bservable condi t ions. Even the m ost detailed quantitative analyses of sprawl 's costs tend to defme only one alternative to it, and compare the costs of future devel opment under just those two scen ari o s. That limitation is present, for exampl e in che series of analy ses directed by Robert W B urch ell (1992-1997) Spr awl i s a comp l e x p h en omenon co ntaining multiple future develop ment scenarios, no t just two. The refore, an adequate analys i s of sprawl's coscs compared to the costs of alternative forms of settl e ment must allow for more than two alternatives. Conversely, no analy sis ca n be useful if it presents dozens or hund reds of alterna t ives as e qually plaus ibl e. The best a pproach i s to defme t hree or more (but less Chan ten) major alternative settlement patterns an d to conduct multiple sensitivity analyses concerning key elements in each of those patterns-a very comprehensive and expensive process. II. The modeli ng of the analys i s is ofte n o v erl y simp l istic. T h e pe r ca pita engineering stud ies, for instance, literotur S}'nrhe1l s relate capitaVoperating costs linearly to lane-miles of roads and related factors. B u t the y h ave been criticized (rightly) for not i n corporating any informa tion on h ow c os t s can i n crease as thresholds o f d ensity increase, due to cong estion, pub lic safety needs, and the lik e. Incorporating this d i mension would increase the cost of compactnes s (Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez 1993). Comparisons of sprawl and its aiiCrnatives als o criticized for not sufficiently ad dressing th e qualitative diffe .rences in hou sing amenity. Most ana lyses o versimpli f y the differen ces, alleging that the amenities are uniformly superio r for the detached units tha t characterize sprawl (Gordon and Richardson 1997a; Windso r 1979) The m o d eling of the ana l ysis is often simplisti c T h e limited depth of many ana l yses also renders the associati o n s tha t are drawn open t o q u esti o n I nadequate l y specified models or c ontrols are pan of the problem For instance, Newman and Kenworthy ( 1989a) applied only a single variable--urban density-to exp l ain automobile use, whereas other fac t ors are clearly involved These t w o authors, in analyzin g per c a p i t a automobile depen dence, used gasolin e consumption pe r capi ta as a proxy f o r automobile d e pendence. That equiva l ence is questionable. given the fact that many o th e r factors, such as gas prices and fuel efficiency chanlCteristies, affect per capita gasoline consumption. Holtz.elaw ( 1990) related density to VMT witho u t con trolling for income l evels or oth e r household characiCris t ics t h at influenc e VMT. Cervera' s (1989} 107 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGR A M (TCRP) /1.10

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analysis of 57 suburban employment centers did not control for the centers' transit availability or the quality of the pedestrian environment. Similarly, the Cambridge Systematics (1994) study of suburban work sites did not control for these sites' level of transit service. The difficulty in extrapolating the factors that influence these dynamics, and the difficulty in incorporating controls, are illustrated by the scholarly analyses of the effect of urban design. Many researchers are interested in whether nco-traditional design features (combined with a greater mix of uses) will result in travel behavior d ifferen t from the pattern observed in typical suburban development. There has been too little experience with these new types of suburban development to answer the question. Therefore, studies look at older neighborhoods that have a more pedestrian-friendly environment and a finer-grain mix of uses. But it is not clear whether behavior of long standing residents of older neighbor hoods accurately predicts the behavior of residents of new neighborhoods, who in all likelihood are more accustomed to using cars. Furthermore, the matched pairing of existing neighborhoods into "transit versus auto-{)riented" or "trad itional versus suburban" to test the effects of alternate design patterns on travel runs headlong into the practical difficulty of coming up with these pairings. Neighborhoods often don't slot neatly into those two polar categories. Even if this demarcation can he realized, variables other than overall design can affect the travel behavior equation-e.g., resident income, occupation, and age. Matched pairing is a diffic .ult exercise Uteroture Synrhesis to accomplish, since design preferences and household profiles often interrelate. The cross-sectional nature of many studies compound all these problems. Infrastructure costs rise as development is effected in a sprawl pattern; thus, sprawl gets tagged with the heightened capital expenses. Clearly, however, many other factors, from rising income levels to changing amenity levels, are also at work (Altshuler and Gomez-Ibanez 1993). Gordon, Richardson, and Jun ( 1991) link decreasing commuting times to the suburban deconcentration of job and residences that bas occurred at the same time. But does the former cause the latter. or is it merely coterminous? Similarly, Richardson and Gordon ( 1989) hypothesize that increases in nonwork trips are due to suburban decentralization. Again, this hypothesis could be true, or it could be unrelated to the spatial pattern and instead fostered by such influences as rising incomes, greater participation of women in the work force, and societal changes in leisure activities. In short, there is much peril attached to drawing conclusions from cross sectional research-precisely the kind o f research that characterizes many sprawl studies. The obverse of these defic.iencies must be employed to guide future research. As detailed elsewhere. sprawl and its alternatives must be explicitly and formally defmed. This effort can build from the literature. As noted in Chapter 2, some of the more recent studies on sprawl have differentiated i t from other types of development. In New Visions for Merropolitan America (1994) Anthony Downs defined sprawl as characterized by low-density, primarily 106 TRANSITCOOPUATIVHESEAACH PROGRAM (TCRP) HIO

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The Costs of Sprowf....Revisitetl single family, development, with widespread reliance on filtering to provide low-income housing. Henry Richmond's Regionalism: Chicago as An American Region (1995), brought forth eight componeots of sprawl (lis t ed earlier). To Richmond's sound base. this literature review adds two more-( I) the commercial strip development described by Richard Moe ( 1995), and (2) a dependence on the filtering process to provide housing for low-income households as indicated by Downs (1994). Altogether, then, sprawl must be viewed as a form of urban development that contains most of the following ten elements: l. Low residential density 2. Unlimited outward extension of new development 3. Spatial segregation of different types of land uses through zoning regulations 4. Leapfrog development 5. No centrali7.ed ownersh.ip of land or planning of development 6. All transponation dominated by privately owned motor veh.icles 7. Fragmentation of governance authority over land uses between many local governments 8. Great variances in the fiscal capacity of local governments because the revenue-raising capabilities of each are strongly tied to the propeny values and economic activities occurring within their own borders 9. Widespread commercial strip development along major roadways 10. Major reliance upon the filtering or "trickle-down" process to provide housing for low-income households. Rutgen Brooldng1 Pon0t1a lrind::whoff ECONortkwe.-Utecotuce SynthasU T he above definition both builds from the literature on sprawl and stands in marked contrast to the studies that either do not define sprawl or else characterize it too simply and/or pejoratively-e.g., as a "lack of continuity in expansion" (Clawson 1962); a "low-density ribbon or leapfrog development" (Harvey and Clark 1965); or an "awkward spreading out of a community" (Abrams 1971). This literature review underscores the need for a comprehensive look at the effects of sprawl. To end. a full menu of benefits as well as costs of the different development scenarios must be considered These benefits and cos t s must span the range of physical as well as social consequences. Funbermore, tbe ben efits and costs analysis must be tenitorially comp l ete-encompassing urban, suburban, and cxurban locations as well as developing and developed areas. The span of analysis must also be long enough to encompass the dynamic of sh.if ts over time, to show what happens, for example, t o areas initially leapfrogged under sprawl that are subsequently "filled in" by development. The analysis of and benefits must further incorporate the complexity of influences e.g the varyi11g threshold influences of density on capital-operating costs and the recognition that varying density thre sholds as well as other factors, affect travel. Moreover, caution must be exercised so as to not ascribe causality when the underlying evidence is merely cross-sectional. This literature review underscores the need for a comprehensive look at the effects of sprawl. I 09 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP) H-10

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II. ALLEGED NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE EFFECTS Linking Sprawl's Defi n ing Traits to its Alleged Impacts With a detailed analy sis of both the def inition of sprawl (Chapters I and 2) and its impacts (Chapters 2 and 3), it now becomes possible to link the two. Tables 12 and 13 evaluate the causal imponance of sprawl's ten defining traits in relation to its alleged 27 negative and 14 positive impacts. In each matrix, spraw l's defining traits are set fonh from left t o righ t as venical columns. The impacts are set fonh from top to bottom as horizontal rows, grou pe d into the five impact categories defined earlier Each cell in the mauix indicates a "sco re" that represents subjective judgments concerning the degree of influence of tbe defined trait (at the top of the column) on producing the indiv idual impact (at the lef t of the row). The "scores" are reflected by the follow ing symbols: + 2 Ind icates that the trait has a major influence in co using the alleged impact. + 1 Indicates that tho trait has a moderote or minor i nAuence in causing tho allogod impact. 0 I ndicates that tho has no inRuonce in causing tho alleged impact 2 Indicates that tho trait has a negative inRuence in causing the alleged impact; that is, the lends to reduce tho incid ence of tho impact Scores are summed at the bottom of each column to indicate the overall importance of a defming trait of sprawl in producing either positive or negative impacts. The order of importance of a trait (relative to other traits) reflects its surruncd importance and is also found at the bottom of each column. T h e Importance of Sprawl's Defining Traits Determining, in a rough mann er, the rela tive overall significance of a trait to its impacts can be achieved by examining the t otal scores of the trait in a matrix. For example the column label ed "lea pfrog development" in the negative impact matrix (se e Table 12) contains s ixteen "major influence ratings,'' five "moderate or minor influence ratings," and six "no influence" ratings. Th ese sum to a total of 37 for this trait and rank it the most significant of all sprawl's traits. Similar observations, summations, and rankings have been carried out for the other nine defining traits. Based on these calculations. three of sprawl's defining traits appear to be especially important in causing negative impacts. These are leapfrog developmem, low density, and unlimit ed outward extension, each of which score in the thir1ics for importance. Two others the spatial segregation of land uses and variance in local fiScal capacity-both scoring 10, seem to be of relatively weak significance. Among the remaining traits, widespread commerc ial strip development, highly fragmented land use governance. and no central ownership or planning (scoring in the low twenties or high teens), see m somewhat more significant than transport dominan ce by motor vehicles or reliance on filtering for low -i ncome bousing (both scoring 15). Negative Impacts of Sprawl Some individual sprawl traits, more so than others, negatively affect the five potential impact areas (public and private capital and operating costs transportation and travel costs, land/na t ural habitat II 0 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROORAM /TCRP/ H-10

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-i J. - r -( ---(\ 8 ; 2 ... o -<> H T ABLE 12 REL AT I ONS HI PS BETWEEN CHARACTERISTICS OF S P RAWL A N D I TS NEGATIVE EFFECTS -------D EF I N I N G CHARACTRISTICS OF SPRAWL TRANSPORT HIG HlY GREAT RELIANCE ON UNliMITE D LAND USES NO C E N TRA!. DOMINANCE FRAGMENTED VAAIANCE I N,IERCIAL n TERilG FOR N EGATMIII PACT S ( 271 lC/N OUlWARD SPATIAl.l Y LEAPFROG OWNERSIII P BY MOTOR lANO.IJSE lOCAl FISCAl sm:MEif lOW-INCOME TOTAl CAUSAL POINTS-> OOo< .....n..., "' .....,..,.-W.' 1. Higl>o< 1-COSls 2 2 I 2 1 0 I 0 0 0 2. Higl>o< piA>Iie of)Of>ll>g (X)St$ 2 2 I 2 1 0 I 0 0 0 3 Mono txpensNo priV>Ie ond -enllof devefo!>menl COlts 2 1 0 2 I 0 2 I I 0 .. --(>bile fiscal ;,pacts 2 1 I 2 1 0 1 1 0 0 5. Hf91ler -" fond O>Ois 2 I 0 2 I 0 1 0 0 0 __ . --:. :.t {)!;t ..;,;, ;,. .. ;_. .... .... .. ...... v' I Mono wllido ...... ,...., (VMT) 2 I 2 2 I 2 0 0 2 I 2 2 1 2 0 0 0 0 I 2 I 2 I 2 1 0 2 I 4. ltgher household transponation spending 2 2 I 2 0 2 0 0 2 I 5 lets CI:I$'Hfftcia11 and lfective 2 2 I 2 0 2 I 0 0 0 6 Nigl>o< oosls ., ..... 2 2 1 2 1 2 I 0 0 0 ' PRSai VATION ....... ..;-=ct o; f-' :: .. .-. .. .. .:v .. (:}, . } ... i-t;i .. I. loss olagrlcuiUnJI fond I 2 0 2 I 0 0 0 1 0 2 Red-fatmland produc:IMiy I 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 Ro6Jced lafmlond mi>Mity 0 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 4.l ... ollraglle __ ... 2 2 0 2 I 0 0 0 I 0 s.-Sj)ICO I 0 0 0 I 0 I 0 0 0 '', rt-::.rf a : . ' !'c '<-+ ""' ., ... .. > ... <: .. I ..... lhebll)' 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 Weakentd sense of community I I 0 2 0 I I 1 I I 3.G! 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 4 Hfgller ""'9'/ CCIIS....,flon 2 2 0 2 0 I 0 0 I I 5 -f)OIVIIon 1 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 I 0 6.leeuned hi>lcric-icfl 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 I lll_!j','""" ... .... ; __ ' .. .. ,._ -.-. ., ., ''1!' kii&V I.Fcolotl"""- . :{_-;_ a '1 MojOt' CGYJOIII rlolion I Modrote Ot m1n01 CO\IIO u 0 C OUIO rlol'tol\ 2 NtOQiiv ()(IUIO I fet o lion 'i "' t r "' t

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f t:' t f ( t t N i I iii 2 Q;: ;t': TABLE 13 RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHARACTER ISTI CS OF SPRAWL AND ITS POSITIVE EFFECTS DEFINING CHAIV.CTERISTlCS OF SPRAWL TIWlSP()!T HIGHLY GREAT WIDESPREAD UNUMITEO lAND USES NO CENTRAL OOI.IINN:, .' :; ... .... ......... 1. Lower plblie operaling cos\s 2 I 0 2 I 0 0 0 0 2 privtte residential nornskfential deYtlopment cos'IS 2 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 -3. Fosters efficient development of "leapfrogged' areas I I 0 2 I 0 I 0 0 L T!Wm'ORTAT1011 AliD TRAVEL COSTS .. : :.. ", : .<-. : .. 1>,., ..... ,,.__,.....,., '%'. I.Shctt-glines 2 2 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 2.l8$$ congestion 2 2 I 2 0 I 0 0 I 3. lower govemmenlal eosts lot ltansp0f1a1ion 2 2 0 2 I 2 0 0 0 .t. Automobles mos.1 efficient mode ol transportalion 2 2 2 2 0 2 0 0 2 I '"" I . '"" PRESERVATION ..... ;,...., ,,, ., ... ''.; 1 Enhanced pei'SOf'llal and public open sp$01! 2 2 0 2 0 I 0 0 0 IV. QIJAUTY OF ,,, _., . ._,. '..,_ ',r '-1>$, "' I. Pteferenoa fot k:M-4ensityiving 2 I 0 I 0 2 I 0 0 2.lowcr <::rime rates 2 I 0 I 0 I 0 0 0 3. Redoced cools of good$ ond ,.,. .. 2 I 0 I 0 I 0 0 2 4 Fosler's great>er economic: well-being 0 I I I 2 0 2 2 0 .... .. .. ' . ' : 0 I 0 I 2 0 2 0 0 2. &lh"""' municipal diYtl$lly and choice 0 I 0 I I I 2 2 0 ifOTAL"T ... . / ,,.-:-; .... ;.-; ;' :;;:.: .;:;: v t :;, SUM 21 20 .. 4 22 .. 3 '' 13 ... 3 :i.:..;.;: .: --d .. '. ,,. .. ,." . . '. ,.. .-.:! IIIPORTANCE 2 3 9 I ,. 6 .;;: 4 c.r:' 5 -.:_:;..:;$ 1{:;: Ky: 2 Mojor CO\I.OI rlolion 1 MO
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preservation, quality of life, and social issues). For instance, leapfrog development, low density and unlimited outward extension n egatively affect public and private ca p ital and operating costs (becaus e res i de ntial development and nonresid ential d evel opm ent are distant from t h e c o r e and from eac h other, and thus are difficult to service) Three of sp r awl's defining trails appea r to be especially i mpo rtan t in ca u sing alleged negative impacts. These are leapfrog d eve l opment, low density, a n d u nlim ited outward exte n sio n. Following the above. trallsportation and travel costs are negativ ely impacted by the same three traits p l u s transport dominance by motor vehic les. and widespread strip development (again because develop mentis distant, spread out, and expensive to access) Basically similar to the nbove, land and nawral habitat preservati o n seems to be negativ e l y i m pac t ed by l eapfrog develop ment, unlimited outward ex t e nsion, and low-density traits of spraw l (which con sume significant amounts of land) yet by few others. Quality of life is negatively impacted by widespread commereial strip development and leapfrog development (due to the poor aesthetics of develo p ment and lack of sense of comm unity). Social condi t ions are negatively affected by spr awl's relia n ce on tiltering for housing, gr ea t variance in l oca l fiscal capac ity, and highly fragmented l and-use governance (due to lack of affordable housing, declining tax bases. and an absence of regional services). Obviously, the above are primarily inferences-but intuitively, these i nferences appear to s tand up Positive Impacts of Sprawl Th e analysis funher suggests (see Table 13) that the same three defining traits leapfrog developme nt, low density, and unlimited outwar d exte nsi o n-appear to be the most important in causing p ositive impa cts as well. The above three traits each score in the twentie s and rank I 2. and 3 respectively. Next in relative imponance is transportation dominance by private motor v ehicl es, followed by highly fragmented land -use governance, and no cen tral ownership and planning. Thes e range in score from a high of 1 3 to a low of 8. Leas t significant are the use of filtering for l owi ncome housing spatial ly segregated land u ses, great variance in capacity. and widespread commer cial strip development. These range from a low of I to a high of 5. ln tenns of the positive effects of s prawl, public and privaJe capital and operating cosrs are lower (because they are not as complex and there is l ess demand on them) due to leapfrog and lowd e n s ity development, and unlimited outward extension. Transponation and travel cos r.t are lower (due to suburban-to-suburban commutes. reduced inner-suburb an congestion, and use of the aut omobile) as a result of the above three traits plus transport dominan ce b y motor vehicles, spatially segregated land uses, and widespread commercial strip development. Quality of life is better (residents like w h ere they Jive; communities h a v e l o wer crime mtes) again due to the above three traits ( leapfrog development, low density. unlimited o utward extension ) as well as to transport dominance by motor vehicles. Social conditions are better (more municipal diversity and choice) due t o highly fragmented land-use governance and no ce ntral ownership or planning. 113 TIIANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) II-I 0

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TABLE 14 CategQrit.t of Alleged Negativs Impacts I. Public-Private Capital and Operati ng Cos t s ll. Transponation and Trave l Costs lli. Land/Natural Habitat Preservation IV. Qua l i t y of Life V. So cial Issues Categories of Alleged Positive Impact s I. Public-Private Capital and Operating Costs 11. Transportation and Travel eo. .. ts III. Land/Natural Habitat Preservation IV. Qua lit y of Life V. Social Key Dsfining Traits Underlying Those Impacts Leapfrog Developmen t Low Density Unlimited Outward Extension Leapfrog Development Low Density Unlimited Outward Extension Transpon Dominance by Motor Vehicles Widespread Couuneroial Strip Development Leapfrog Development Unhmited Outward Extension Low Den.'>ity Widespread Commercial Strip Development Leapfrog Development Reliance on Filtering for Low-Income Housing Great Variances in Local Fiscal Capacity Highly F ragmented land-Usc Governance Key Defining Traits Underlying Those Impacts Leapfrog Development Low Density Unlimited Outward Extension Leapfrog Developmen t Low Density Un1imited Outward Extens i o n TranspOrt Dominan ce by Motor Vehicles Spatially Segregated Land Uses Widespread Commercial Strip Development Leapfrog Development Low Density Unlimited Outward Extension Leapfrog Development Low Density Unlimited Outward Extension Transport Dominance by Motor Vehicles Highly Fragmented Land-Use Governance No Central Ownership or Planning IU TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H l O

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f r f 'I! r [ 1 f -.. i I "' ::; Q !gO H TABLE IS M A T R I X SYNTHESIS O F THE LITER A TURE O N S PRAWL O RGANIZED BY SUBSTANTIVE A R EAS Does Condition Notabl y Exis t ? I s It S trongly L i n ked T o Sprawl? + 2 +I 0 2 +2 +I 0 General Some No Cle r SubstOlntial GeneJ111 S ome No Cle or Subs tant ial Substantiv e Con cern Agreement Agreemen t Outcome Disagreement Agreement Agreement Outcome Disagreeme n t ]. PabllcPrtvaiec Capllal and ... ' Co s t s :J; .. ' ,; ,t. ; ::. .;,:, A. Alleged Negative Impact s ., ... 't::' ..:: ... .. . I. Higher infrastruct u re costs X X 2 Higher p u blic operating cos1s X X 3 More expensive private residenriaV nonresidentia l development cos1s X X 4. M ore adverse pub l i c fiscaJ impacts X X S Higher a ggregte land COS!S X X .. -. .. . B Alleged Positive I mpA cts ,. _.,, : ' . I. Lowe r public operating costs X X 2. Less-e xpensive private residentiaJ/ nonresid ential developme n t costs X X 3 Fosters efficient development o f .. .,... X X JT. Traao portaliolii-.i.nd Travel Costs1 . '..\. < '' < t .. '"<: _'- ... .;:1.J.tJ.r A. Alleged Negatlvo Impact s .-;, I. M= veiUcle mile s trveled (VMT) X X 2 Longer ltave l times X X 3. More automobile t rips X X 4. Higher household uanspon a tio n spending X X s. Less and effecti vc transi t X X 6 Higher social costs of ttavel X X B. Alleg ed P o sitive Impa c t s . I. Shoner commuting rjmes X X 2 Less cong est ion X X 3 Lower go\emmenta l cos t s for transportation X X 4. Automobiles most effi cient mode of transoon ation X X -'f ... :;: I "' J li

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f r f ;: I t -.. i 8 Iii -<> H TABLE IS (continued) MATRIX S YNTHES I S OF THE LITERATURE ON SPRAWL ORGANIZED BY SU BSTANT I VE AREAS Does Condition Notably Exlsl? Is It Strongly L in k e d T o Sprawl? +2 +I 0 -2 +2 +I 0 -2 General Some No Clear Sub s lanlial Generol Some N o Clear Substantia l S ub s t a ntive Coneern Agreement Agreement Outcome Disagreement Agreement Agreement Oull:Ome Di.s3greement OJ. Laad/Nataral Habitat I Preaenatlo D A. Alleged Negative l mpa !!. "' t J f

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Th. Costs of Sprawi--ReviUr.d Clearly, there is a great deal of similarity between the positive and negative matrices of sprawl (Tables 12 and 1 3) as shown in Table 14. Paradoxically, the traits that seem key causes of many of sprawl's negative impacts also appear to be key causes of many of its positive impacts. This is true for such impact categories as public private capital and operating costs, transponation and travel costs, land and natural habitat preserva tion, and quality of life . The fact that sprawl can be simultaneously with both costs and benefits in relatively narrowly defined fields shows how complex t he phenomenon of sprawl is. The literature synthesis is summarized in Table 15. E vident from Table 15 is that the field tend s to be much more prolific on criticisms (27) leveled at sprawl rather than itS defense (14). There are about twice as many allegations of sprawl's negative impacts as there are of its positive impacts. With regard to recognition tha t "costs" oj development exist, there is more agree ment (general agreement and some agree ment categories combined) in the areas of public and private capital and opera t ing costs, quality of life, and social issues than there is in travel and transportation costs, and land/natural habitat preser vation. That these "costs" are linked specifically to sprawl (holding aside the issue of cau sality), there is more agreeme nt on pub lic and private capital and operating transporta t ion and travel costs, and social issues than there is on land/natural habitat preservation and quality of life. Thus. more impact categories identify themselves as being Rufgeu &rookinga Po110t11 ltitH:kthoH ECONorthwett lireroture Synthesis affected by development; fewer categories identify themselves as being impacted by a type of development that is akin to usprawt.' Areas of Future Research Tbe literature clearly signals areas of future researc h thrusts. On the "harder", more quantifiable, physicaVengineering side--that is, the issues of infrastructure, transportation, and land consumptionthe studies, to point to multiple appropriate measures to be cons i dered (e g., vehicle miles traveled [VMT) and congestion), as well as important relationships to be examined (e.g., density's effect on modal choice and travelt i me). However, these analyses must be brought together more defini tively and areas of outs t anding disagree ment from prior work (e g are com muting t imes shorter or longer under sprawl) must be examined empirically so that answers can be had. The field must attempt to fill in the lingering gaps in knowledge concerning the effect of d ev elopment patterns on operating cos t s, impact on productivity of farmland, and so on. As to sprawl's effect on the "softer less quantifiable, quality of life and social i ssues the challenge to current research is even more formidable. Here, interre l ationsh i ps are more complicated measurement is more elusive, and the association w ith development patt ern whether sprawl or otherwise--much m ore o b tuse. 117 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (J'CRP) H l 0

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4 ANNOTATIONS OF STUDIES This chapter contains detailed information on specific source materials of the literature on sprawl. The information is presented according to the five basic categories of sprawl's impacts I. Public and Private Capital wul Operating Costs l Alternative Development Analyses 2. Fiscal Impacts, Exactions, and Impact Fees 3. The Effects of Growth Controls on Housing Costs 4 Urban Form and Sprawl II. Transportation and Travel Costs I Changes in Automobile Travel 2. The Effects of Density on Travel Choice 2.1 Simulations 2.2. Empirical 3 Unlimited Outward Extension 4. Spatial Segregation of Uses (Land Use Mix and Urban Design) 4. I Suburbs (Employment and Residential Areas) 4.2 Activity Centers 4.3. Neighborhoods 5. Dispersed Employment 6. The Costs of Travel Ill. umd/Natural Habitat Preservation I Land Preservation and Community Cohesion 2. Land/Habitat Preservation: Empirical Studies IV. Quality of Life I. Popular Literature 2. Indicators, Report Cards, and Benchmarks 3. Economics Literature 4. Sociology Literature 5. Psychology Literature V. Social Issues I The Growth of Cities and Metropolitan Areas 2. Urban Decline 3 Urban Renewal The annotations included here are the most significant of the literature on sprawl and form the for the judgments on strengths and weaknesses of the literature contained in the previous chapter. Sprawl has a rich and full literature as will be documented through this compilation of annotations TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM ITCRP) H-10

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PUBLIC A N D PRIVATE CAPITAL AND OPERATING COSTS 1 ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMEN T ANALYSES Burchell, R o bert W. 1 997b So uth Carolinn lnfrastrutture Stud y: Projetrion of Statewide Infrastructure Cots, 199 5 2015. New Brunswick NJ: Cen ter for Urban P olicy Research, R utgers University. This study involves a 20-year projection of infrastructure need in the State of South Car o lina. It encompasses all public and quasi-public infrastructure required in the state including dev elopm e ntal (roads, brid ges wat er /sewer), educational, commercial, public safety, public health, rccre ationaVcultural, and envir onm ental. Twenty-eigh t individual categories of infrastruCture are contained in the above seve n groupings listed abo ve Findings for the state are as follows : S56.7 billion in required infrastructure cos ts from 1995-2015 $16 7 b illion in potential infrastructure savings due to techn ology. differing means of provision, and cos t s of s prawl savings. Much of th e above savings to come from technology and dif fering me ans of provision, oppo s ed to costs of sprawl s avings Uuee-quaners of the remaining $40 b illion ($2 billion per year for 20 years). or an ave rag e of $1.5 billion annually, could be raised via 10 percent infrastructure setasid es in all state, county, municipal, and school distri ct general fund budgets Annototiol'lt and intergovemmcntallransfer revenu es The remaining $500 million annually must be raised from a variety of revenue sources, including propeny tax, sal es tax, the tollin g of roads, deve l opment impact fees water/sewer charges and the like A 2/gallon gasoline tax increase would raise only $56 million in revenues annually for infrastructure purpo ses. Bur c hell, Robert W 1992a. Impact As sss ment of the New Jersey Interim and Red#velop mtnt Plan. Report /1: Findi ngs. Tre nton: N e w Jersey Office of State Planning. This study is an analy s is of the effects of implementing a managed growth strategy in the state of New J ersey in the form of a State P lan Two alt ernati v e futures are modeled-one with development as usual (TREND). and one with development according 10 the proposed State D evelopment and Redevelopment Plan (PLAN) The s tudy s howed that the state could save $1.4 billion in inf rastructure funding over 20 years for roads, utilit ies, and school s, if it followed the PLAN versus the TREND schem e This savings occurred mainly through more in tens ive use of ex isting in fras tructur e, as opposed to build ing additional infrastructure. The PLAN approach directed new growth to where excess capac ity existe d, rather than to vir gin territories. The PLAN scheme was also more compact than the TREND scheme there for e requiring less dist ance to be covered when linlting developments by local and county roads. In addition, conce ntrat ing lar ger number s o f people in more compact areas provides for economies of scale, suc h as larger water 111/T COOPERAtiVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (Tear) K-Jo

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T#tt Co1#s of and sewer treatment facilities, with lower costs per individual user. The Rutgers study, using the same increases in population (520 000 persons in 20 years), jobs, and households, for both TREND and PLAN, found that PLAN wou l d save: $699 million in roads-a 24 percent savings $561 million in water and sewer costs a 7.6 percent savings $173 million in school capital costs a 3.3 percent savings $1. 4 billion, overal l or j u st under 10 percent of all development related (roads, water/sewer, pub l ic buildings) infrastructure expenditu res llurcheU, Robert W et al. 1. The Economic Impacts of Trend versus Vision Growth in the Lexington Metropolitan Area Report Prepared for Bluegrass Tomorro w Lexington, KY. 199Sb (November). 2. I mpact Assessment of DELEP CCMP versus STATUS QUO on T welve Municipa/itUs in the DELEP Region. Report Prepared for by the Government Committee of the Delaware Estuary Program. Philadelphia, PA. August 15 1995. 3. Fiscal Impacts of Alternative lAnd Development Patterns in Michigan: The Costs of Current Development Versus Compact Growth. Southeast Michigan Reg i ona l Council of Governments. 1 997a These three studies extend and broaden the application of Burc h e ll 's New Jersey mode ling of development alternatives (sprawl versus compact growth) to different geographic settings A broader base enables refinement and testing of the m odels under d i fferent taxing structures, differing means of providing and funding infrastructure, and differing geographic le ve ls of investigation. Ru,.n Brooking 8rinckmoK ECONOfttvwtst 1 2 1 Annototioni Each of the studies Lexington, Kentucky, the Delaware Estuary and the State of Michigan-looked at the land infrastructure, housing, and fiscal costs of sprawl versus compact development. Compact development was differently defmed in each study; sprawl which was equa ted with historical development, varied only marginally from place to place. There was much more consistency in the definition of tren d devel opment or sprawl across these studies than there was in the specific alternatives to sprawl. F i ndings from the studies are included i n the following table: COMPACT GRO WT H VERSUS SPRAWL DJ;;VJ;;LOPMENT: FINDINGS OF MULTIP L E STUDIES Area of Impact Savings : Savings : Compact Growth Compact Ove r Sprawl Growt h 0\er Deve l opment Spraw l (Lexington, KY Deve l opme -nt and Delaware (State of Estuary Studies) M i chigan) Deve lopable Land 20. 5 24.2% 1 5.5% Agricultural Land 18-29% 17.4% Fragile Land 20-27% 13. 1 % lnfrastn1ct u r c Roads 14.8%-19 7% 12.4% Utilit ies (Water/sewer) 6 7 8 .2% 13.7% Hou sing Cos t s 2 .5.2% 13. 7% F iscal Impact s 6 9% 3 .5% Duncan, J ames E. et al. 1989. The Search for Effteient Urban Growth Patterns. Tallahassee: Department of Community A ffairs. This analysis encompasses detailed case studies of the actual costs (and revenues) incurred by several completed residential and nonresidential p roj ects throughout Florida. The projects chosen are representative of five different development patterns ranging from "scattered" to "compact." Although the Florida study did not intend such an analysis, it is possible t o group the five TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARC H PROGRAM (TCRP} H-10

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deve l opment patterns into two aggregate development profiles, "trend" and "managed/planned" growth The "trend" includes the Florida development panems labeled .. scattered," "linear," and lisatelliteu; the tenn managed/planned" refers to the Florida patterns of "contiguous" and "compact" growth With this grouping, the relative capital costs for trend versus managed or planned growth can be detennined from the base Florida case study infonnation The data show that the total public capital costs for a detac hed unit built under trend conditions in Florida approached $16,000; under planned development the capital cost was about $11,000 p e r unit, or roughly 70 percent of the cost o f "trend" (see table below) !cAPITAL FACILITY COSTS UNDER TRE!'ID VERSUS P LANNED DEVELOPMDIT !PER I>WELUt
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$24,500 per unit. He provides a breakdown as shown in the table below. Fodor concludes that Oregon (like other states) is only recovering a fraction o f the publ.ic inf rastructure costs through system development charges and other development fees Rather, he postulates that conununities are subs i dizing growth by keeping hous i ng prices artificial l y low Implementing growth management strategies, while providing these subsidies, works at cross purposes. Fodor suggests that conununities should pursue alternativ es, such as the public acquisition of land to prevent development, as a viable cost-saving pol icy for growth management. DEVELOPMENT COSTS (PER OWEl.UNG UNTI) Public Ser\'i<:C: A mount Schoo l Facilitks $ 1 1 ,3 77 Sanitary Sewage Facilities 5.089 Transportation Facilities 4 ,193 Water System 2.066 Patks and Recre
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o ne development panem to another. To achieve lhis aim, Pe iser conducts a quasi-controlled experiment co mparing th e planned developmem of a 7500-acre ttact in sou thwes t Hou ston with the hypotheti cal "unplanned" developmenl of the same tract. Peiser patterns unplanned d evelopment afler develo p me m that occurred to the oonh of Houston in an area called Champions. The author evaluates the capital costs associated with land development and transportation for each of lhe two development alternatives. Olher social costs are also examined in a qualitative analysis. Unlike previous studies Peiser includes nonreside n t ial land u s e s in his a n a l ysis Peiser m akes four assumptions in h is comparison. First total density and total acreage of each case is assumed to be equal. Second, he assumes that each community derives the same level of total benefits. The relative advantage of one community over the other is detcnnined by the differences in costs associat ed w i lh eac h type of d eve l o pment. Th ird, the study focu se s upon t he differences in costs of t h e overall c ommunity design, notlhe cost s associated wilh differen ces in housing, building types, interior streets or utilities for residential subdivisions. F"mally, ttavel costs are accounted for to and from the edge of the development site. Peiser finds that planned development produc e s highe r net benefits t han unplann ed d evelopment for the three cost com po nents investigated : land developm e m, ttansportation, and social issues. Overall, tran sponation costs provide lhe greatest net benefit. However, the magnitude of lhe difference is small, only accounting for one to three percent of total costs. Furthe r Peiser acknowledges the obs t ac les to p lanning large-scale deve l o pments He highlights seve ral Annofation-5 constraints associated with such development including lhe cost and availability of fmancing, lhe labyrinthine pennitting process, and the difficulties of managing large-scale project s. Real Estat e Co rp or a tio n ( R ERC). 1974. The Co.
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Th Costs of Sprowf..-R.evisited I) The high-density planned community would be opt i mal with reference to all four key indicators examined : energy cost environmental impact, capital cost, and operating cost The low density spraw l community would be least desirable with reference to all four. 2) T he high-density planned community would require 44 percent less energy than the lo w -dens ity sprawl community. 3) The high-density p l anned community would generate 45 percent less air pollution. 4) The high-density planned commun ity would require a capital investment 44 percent Jess than the low-density sprawl community; the largest proportionate savings would be in road and utili ty construction, but the largest absolute saving would be in the cost of residen tia l construct ion itself 5) The operating cost of community services would be about II percent lower in the high density planned community than in the lowdensity spraw l community A classic in its field, The Costs of Sprawl has not failed to attract criticism. Perhaps the most glaring limitation is that its energy, pollution, and capital cost comparisons all require correction The authors assumed different space standards for the different types of dwelling units. The savings in capital and operating costs calculated in the report are mainly a function of the difference in size, not where these units are located or the density of their development. Furthermore the energy savings attributed in the report to high density development appear significantly overstated; and since the estimates of air Rutgers 8tOokingl Pors.ont &rindt.rhoff ECONortt.weJJ 12 5 Annototion:l pollution reduction was made a direct function of energy savings, these estimates must be deflated to a similar degree. Despite these qualifications, The Costs of Sprawl the close attention of those interested in an analysis of urban form. Although it is important to recognize the fragility of the main conclusions of The Costs of Sprawl, it is equally appropriate to recognize this report as a landmark from which most research on the consequences of urban form has branched. Souza, Paul. 1995. New Capital Costs of Sprawl, Ma.rtin County, Florida. Gainesville, Fl: University of Florida. This is a study of the capital requirements of growth in a developing county in South Florida. Souza assumes tha t Martin County's population will grow at a similar rate as the rest of South Aorida. He then calculates the density and distance-related costs of providing certain public infrastructure. Costs associated with providing roads, a potable water supply, and sanitary sewers within three different housing densities (3 5, and 10 units per acre) are assessed using Martin County specific unit costs and development assumptions. Souza then computes costs associated with connecting three sites at varying distances f r om the urban servtce area. Souza finds that the provision of infrastructure within the lowest density development is over I 00 percent more costly than the provision of infrastruc ture within the highest densiry development. He a lso finds that distance costs can not be separ.tted from density costs As distance from the center increases, density decreases. 7RANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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The provision of infrastructure to the lowest density housing pattern situated on the site farthest from the urban service area is 181 percent more costly than the provision of infrastructure to the highest densiry housing pattern situated on a site within the urban service area. Low-density sprawl is significan t ly more costly than high density non-sprawL Roads comprise the largest proportion of both densityand distance related costs. Tischler & Associates. 1994. Marginal Cost A11alysis of Growth Alternatives King County, IVaslington. Bethesda, MD: Tischler & Associates, Inc. This paper was prepared for the IGng County, Washington Growth Management Planning Council (GMPC) to evaluate options for future development. The analysis consists of three basic land-use scenari os with and without high capacity transit between planned urban centers, yielding five alternatives for study. Tbe study identifies the costs of new development for each alternative over a twenty-year projection period, estimating costs and revenues associated with growth for roads, transit, water and sewer utilities, and government administration. The study draws the following conclusions: The alternatives with more development in the urban centers and cities are more fiscally bene ficial when roads, utilities, and general fund activities are cons idered. The scenarios using eight centers generate higher net revenues for the general fund and utility districts than those with fourteen centers because Ruten 6rool:ingt Panon 8rinckerhoH ECONonh.,.,..ll 12 6 Annotation' the eight-center scenarios assume fewer new households in the unincorporated counties inside the urban growth area (UGA) than do the fourteen-center scenarios. The fourteen-center scenarios indicate net road costs which are II percent below those of the eight center scenarios. Road costs (especially rights-<>f-ways ) are higher for the eight-center scenarios because these alternatives include major increases in new households and jobs, which entail both the construction of new roads and purchases of rights-of-ways in the maturing urban centers. Windsor, Duane. 1979. "A Critique of The Costs of Sprawl." Journal of the American Planning Association 45, 2: (July ) 279-292. This article is a critical review of the RERC study, The Costs of Sprawl. The frrst part summarizes the findings from the RERC study. The author then critici?.es RERC for not disentangling density from other factors. Windsor criticizes RERC for using different size units for different densities i.e., smal.ler units for higher densities. Because smaller units have lower floor areas, they are less costly to build. This is a major reason why larger lowdensity, single-family units are considered more costly to build and to publicly service than highe r-density units. Total floor area is 44 percent lower in high -rise developments than single-family neighborhoods. Differences in housing costs and public capital largely parallel these floor area differences. Windsor recomputes the RERC analysis assuming all housing units are 1,200 square feet. This computation greatly reduces the housing and capital cost TRANSIT COOPERAfiVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H-10

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advantages of high density, though the advantages still exist. However, this approach is equally unrealistic. In reality higher density units are indeed smal l er, on average so RERC is not entirely wrong W indsor concludes that the only way to avoid the problem is to calc ulate results for both methods on a per sq uare foot basis and compare them Another criticism Windsor levels at the RERC study is that it assumes structure costs are highest for single-family homes, lower for high rise construction, and lowest for walk-up units. Windsor, in contrast, beli eves that high-rise units should have the highest costs per square foot. He also takes issue with RERC s assumption that developers have to contribute more land to the public sector under single-family development than under high-rise development. RERC assumes tha t clustering in higher density patterns results in savings of vacant land. But, Windsor argues that if the model assumed that a given amount of land is developed at different densities tbe total population accommodated on the land could vary Some abili t y to account for saved land when h ave more land immedia t ely around them than permitted by existing zoning should have been developed. The author also criticizes RERC for: "the underlying assumption t hat cost minimization is an appropriate principle for planning and development ... Cost minimization is not a planning pri nciple unless benefits are constant." Since RERC ignores the benefit side, its conclusions of reduced costs ignore the reduced benefits. However, the author thinks it is no t necessary to measure benefits. He claims the prevalence of low-density settlements reflects the benefits t o consumers: "Consumers choose to live at high densities only lutg.-a lroollillg" Por10n-1 8ril'lckerhoH 12 7 Annotolions where land costs are very higb, as in central cities. Where land costs are lower, as in suburbs, they prefer low density environments The author claims that suburbs res i st high density on several grounds, not just costs. "Vo te rs are opposed to rapid population growth, the possible charac teristics of new residents, the fiscal implicatio ns, and t he loss of suburban amenities like open space, semi-rural ambiance, etc E xclus ionary land-use contro l s are int en ded, i n part, to force low density development; they funct ion as a form of growth managemen t." ( 291) By ignoring these nuances, says Windsor RERC "does not properly evaluate the relative economic efficiency of alternative development patterns." (291) York, Marie L 1 989. Encouraging Compact Development in Florida. For t Laude r dale, FL: Florida Atlantic Unive rsity-Flo r ida International University Joint Cen te r for Environmenta l and Urban Probl e ms. York analyzes three areas: growth management programs from around the country (Maine Massachusetts, N ew Jersey, Oregon, Vermont); innovative developmen t strategies by region; and problems with redevelopment. The ana l ysis of the statewide consists of descriptive summaries of state policies designed to address increasing growth management problems, as well as summaries o f the situations that prompted the development of these policies. Eac h state's section concludes with a discussion of bow well the policies and legislation have worked in achieving the state's goals. Some of the difficulties, noted by York, revolve aro und TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H lO

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TFae Colts of Sprowf..Revisitecl de.finitions of rural urban uses; areas that are exempted from the legislation for one reason or another; property taxes as a disincentive to compact growth; opposition from and municipalities ; and the methods of determining urban growth boundaries. The innovative development strategies section of this document exam i nes the use of urban growth boundaries (UGBs)-a proactive growth management tool to contain, control direct or phase growth close to existing urban development. Basic to this strategy is the delineation of perimeters around urban development areas, w ithin which urban den s ities are normally encouraged, and outside which urban uses and densities are discouraged. Also discussed are of development rights, point systems, and revenue sharing as means of growth management. All four of the subsections conclude with the experiences of communities in several states that have implemented these strategies. The section on problems of in-fill and development provides overviews of issues and approaches followed by discussions of programs and projects in Florida and ot her states A secondary analysi s of several state studie s is undertaken to quantify the impact of UGB s on land prices. However York admits that th e data are neither complete nor consistent enough to draw firm conclusions concerning the land price impacts of urban growth boundaries. The report concludes with separate of recommendations for encouraging compact development, redevelopment, and in-fill development. The recommendations address land use, fiscal, and infrastructure issues. Annotations 2. FISCAL IMPACTS, EXACTIONS, AND IMPACT FEES Altshuler, Alan. 1977. "Review of The Costs of Sprawl," Journal of the American Planning Associo.tion 43, 2: 207-209. This short anicle reviews the RERC report and was published about two years afte r the report. The review is so clear and so well done that it chang ed forever the way the Costs of Sprawl report was viewed. For purposes of simplicity, Altshuler focuses on the two extreme cases analyzed by RERChigb-density multifamily housing and low-density single -famil y housing. He begins by summarizing the major findings of the RERC study. He then asks three questions: (I) Have the results of the theoretical analysis been calibrated against actual community experiences? (2) Does the report itself fully support the conclusions stated in its summary? and (3) Are the reported advantages of high-density ove r low density development clearly differentiated as to reason? His answer to all three questions i s N o"! One key issue Altshuler raises is wheth er density per se affects the demand for community services. RERC explicitly assumes that it does not, but Altshuler challenges that assumpt ion. Low-density areas often have n o sidewalks; they have above-ground utility lines, and infrequent street lights when measured against high-dens ity areas The demand for public safety services is also likely to be lower in low-density development. Further, RERC does not include any estimates of mass transi t spending in its study, though such spending would surely be higher in high-density communities that rely more on mass transit. Therefore, Altshuler maintains high-density settlements are likely to have higher TRANSff COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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The Cosh of Sprowi-RevisiteJ community service costs than low density ones, which would offs et many of the savings projected for the latter types of seUiements. According to RERC, the savings for high-density liv ing versus low-density living are only $238 per year in operating costs, for a density rise from 3.5 to 19. 0 units per acre plus more intensive planning. Four-fifth s of the savings are attributed to den s ity alone. Altshuler believes, given the omissions mentioned above, that this small amount would vanish if the analysis were done correctly He also makes the point, which Windsor later picks up on, that dwelling units in the high-density settlement are 34 percent smaller than those in the low density settlement, and this accounts for a large part of their differences in capital and energy costs. Five-sixths of the heating and air conditioning savings in high-density developmem is attributable tO smaller housing unit sizes. RERC funher assumes that average annual travel per household in high density dev e lopments is about 9,891 miles versus 19.673 miles per household in low-density developments. Generally. only local trips vary by density but RERC fallaciously attributes cost savings to the entire travel mileage. According to Altshuler, correcting this error eliminates four fifths of the claimed savings in auto energy consumption. With proper analysis, the total energy savings of high-density versus low-density development is about 3 percent, of which only l percent is attributable to density alone. Another issue Altshuler addresses is whether higher residential density leads to higher density in other types of land uses. He thinks not: "The case that low-density living is a highly expensive luxury remains to be made" (209). Nonetheless, the autho r commends RERC for having putting forth a systematic analysis that can serve as a starting point for other studies. Altshuler, Alan A., and Jose A. Gomez-Ibanez. 1993. Regulation for Revenue: The Political Economy of Land Use Exactions. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. The central i ssues and themes of this text relate to government-mandated exactions paid by real estate developers. Exaction s may be in-kind or involve monetary outlays. The legal theory underlying development exactions i s that governments, having reasonably determined that cenain public needs are "at tributable" to new development, may require that their costs be "i nternalized as part of the develop ment process. A key premise of the argument for exactions is that land development is a major cause of escalating local infrastructure demands and costs. This study looks at the costs of growth in built up communities. Alternative estimates of revenues and expenditures for the city of San Francisco are discussed, as are approaches for allocating public expenditures for growth among county businesses and residents in Montgomery County. Maryland. This text also critiques the Real Estate Research Corporation's The Costs of Sprawl study. As Altshuler found in his 1977 study, the principal problem with the RERC study is the meaning associated with the cost differences. Altshuler and Gomez Ibanez argue that the degree of variation between the quality of housing units from one JRANSir COOPERATIVE RESfAJICH PROGRAM (TCRP) HIO

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The Com of SprawJ.-Itevisited community to another does not allow costs to be fairly compared If conditions can not be replicated in future studies, community cost impacts will continue to be difficult to compare Overall, the chapter on fiscal impact analysis reflects at leas t one of the author's inexperience with this technique. Gomez Ibanez relies too heavily on secondary analyses and critiques Furthermore, the book does not give enough recognition to the role (both constructive and destructive) of fiscal impact analysis to either counter or abet development (sprawl) during the permitting process American Farmland Tru st1 986 Density-Reloted Public Costs. Washington, DC: AFT. This study tests the hypothesis that, in rural areas, public costs for new residential development exceed the public revenues associated with this t ype of development. Using Loudoun County, Virginia data, the study attempts to develop a methodo l ogy to estimate: (I) the net public cost s (public costs minus public revenues) of new residential development; and (2) how these costs vary with different development densities. The study's met hodology entails a four step process. First, major categories of public expenditures (education, health and welfare, and safety) and public revenues (property taxes, state funds, and other local taxes) are identified, based on the county's annual budget. Second, the demographic profile of a 1,000-household new development is determined, based on surrounding demographics, to consist of 3,260 residents (inclu
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This study is part of a series of studies on the costS and benefits of unimproved land as i t rela tes to a community's fiscal well-being. Th e b u lk of support for these analyses com es m ostly from groups desiring to pre serve agric ultural l ands in perpetuity as oppose d to gen eral a cademic i n quiry into this area. It is important t o summarize !he resu ltS of t h ese studies before talking abou t methodo l ogies In general, they conclude that: R esi dent ial development does no t pay its own way. N onresidential d evelopmen t d oe s pay its own way but is a magnet for r es idential dev e l opment. Open space o r agricultura l lands hav e higher revenu e-to-cost ratios !han bolh residential and non residential development. Several aspects of the American Fannland T rust studies cause concern For i n s tance, lh ese studies are not t e rmed fiscal imp ac t .. b u t ralhe r Cosr of C ommunity Service ( COCS) s tudies. T h e y are not appro ac h ed in a s tandard cost/ r evenue framew ork, yet they p r offer s tandard fiscal impact concl u sio n s. Further, no one is vie wed as being at home tendi n g .. the farm. The farm con tain s n o or workers The cos t s/ r ev enue s for residents are d eflec ted to othe r l and uses p redominantly resid ential. No c o sts are assig n e d t o agricult u ral work ers. a nd no highway costs garbage costs, t r affic costs, or health/ social service cost s are assigned t o the farm. Nor are municipal legal or e l ection costs factored in. If a reasonable cost -ass ignment met h od cou l d n ot be found, a default .. proc e d ure was u se d, which assigned costs b y the distrib u ti o n of revenues or by the value of property. Given the low agricultural assessments. predictably large shares of local costs were assig n ed t o res iden tial and nonresi d e ntial u s es; very smal l amounts were assigned t o agri c ultural uses The s tudy 's co n c lusions w ere blunt: T h e r esults of t h e stu d y show that the res i dential category i s being supported by the agricultural and ccmmercialfmdusttial ca t egories. The residential sector is demanding more in services than i t is contribu t i ng in reve nues. This stud y provid es a fisca l argum ent for the protection of f annland and o pe n spac e. Despite the lopside d findings of t h e study, the fact remain s that fLScal impact relationships between agricultural and other land uses are n ot well documented. Most of t he cost and revenue calcula tion p rocedures developed since T11e F iscal Jmpacr Han dbook (B ur chell a n d Li stokin 1 978). i gnore open space and agriculture as either a s i g n ificant cos t o r rev enue All c os ts are assigned t o the residential and nonresident ial sectors and all forthcoming revenues come e x clusively from developed propenies whether or nOI they have inclusive open space. Most studies assume t hat open space or unimproved l ands have neither a significan t n egative n o r positive cost/reve nue i mpact, whi c h i s probab l y a n accurateassumptio n Neith e r agricultural nor open space l ands cost very much o r provide muc h in local revenue !R.ANSfT COOPER/>.TrVE RESEARCH PROGAAM (TCRP/ H-JO

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Buchanan, Shepard C. and Bruce A. Weber. 1982. "Growth and Residential Property Taxes: A Model for Estimating Direct and Indirect Population Impacts.'' !.And Economics 58, 3 (August): 325-337. Buchanan and Weber's analysis is an attempt to detennine the extent to which population growth affects single-family residential property taxes, and how these effects are transmitted. To answer these questions, the authors examine both tax rates and assessed values of properties in Oregon, and the possible influence of increased population on each of these variables. Among other procedures, they study intermediate variables such as age of housing stock, personal income and population density. The authors find that up until 1979, increases in new single-family homes apparently both directly increased average homeowner assessments and indirectly increased tax rates on all properties. In 1979, however, the Oregon legislature enacted a taX relief program under which the average rates of increase in assessed valuation of both residential property and all other property on a statewide basis were limited to a maximum 5 percent per year. After this change was enacted, assessments and tax rates slowed in their rate of increase The costs of servicing new properties could no longer be "exported" to old properties beyond a fixed percentage per year. The authors suggest that similar legislation be enacted in other states where there is a quest for homeowner property tax relief. They assert that the model they developed for local governments in Oregon is generalizable to other states with similar tax systems. In addition, they believe that the model could be adapted for use in analyzing the Brookit!gs PonoM Brinckrfloff ECONonhwJ.t 1 3 2 Annotatio-ns impact of population growth on the tax bills of owners of all types of property. Dougharty, Laurence, Sandra Tapella, and Gerald Sumner. 1975. Municipal Service Pricing Impact.< on Fiscal Position. Santa Monica, CA.: RAND. This report analyzes the impact of alternative municipal service pricing policies on urban structure and on a community s financial position. A pricing policy is a method of allocating the cost of a service to one sector or another of the community (e.g., new residents, existing residents, the entire community). In this report, primary attention is paid to pricing policies for the capital infrastructure required to service new development. The pricing structures estimated in the report are developed using actual data from San Jose and Gilroy, California. San Jose is a fairly large city that has already experienced fairly rapid growth; Gilroy is a city that could potentially undergo explosive growth. Both are believed by the authors to be prototypical of a number of American cities. This analysis finds that pricing policies allocated to the largest base of payees has the least overall negative effect on the economy of the community. Downing, Paul, ed. 1977. Local Services Pricing and Their Effects on Urban Spatial Structure. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. The central claim of this book is that local governments are increasingly turning to alternative sources to raise revenues. Many now impose user charges. TRANSfr COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (7CRP) H-10

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The Cosfa of Sprowi-Revjsifed A user charge is an explicit price on the consumption of a public service. In addition to being a source of revenue, user charges are also a direct measure of taxpayers' willingness to pay for the services pcovi ded by local government. A user charge makes the payment explicit and directly associated with the public service that is being delivered. I t gives the taxpayer a better understanding of what the choic e s are, enabling a more intelligent decision regarding the array of goods pcovided by local government. In addition, the user charge performs the function of price. It rations demand, according to who values the service most highly The first section of this book presents the r ationale for developing new sources of revenue for local government. It identifies the possible scope of user charges as a means of filling this demand, and presents a detailed examination of how a user charge is designed and calculated The second section presents an analysis of spatial variation in the costs of providing public services. The third section is concerned with institutional systems and their effects on the financing and supply of services. The founh section argues that while location may not affect costs, political bodies are willing to account for cost differences in the way they assign user charges. The final section presents the author's conclusions about the findings and relates their i mplications for future policy. DuPage County Development Department 1989, 1991. Impacts of Devewpmmt on DuPage County Property Taxes. DuPage County, IL: DuPage County Regional Planning Commission. Five years ago, a brouhaha emerged in the Chicago area involving the cost of nonresidential uses. Debate in DuPage Annotations County centered on whether or not commercial uses paid for themselves A number of expens subsequently gathered to evaluate the findings of the DuPagc County Planning Commission's study, Impacts of Development on DuPage Co1111ty Property Taxes. A regression analysis by DuPage County inferred a strong relationship between nonresidential development and property 1(1)( increases. Although preservationists leaped to defend these findings, others pointed to the weaknesses of the study The most convincing of the critiques took a position in the middle-pointing out that some evidence backed up the fmdings of DuPage County, but the evidence was not nearly as strong as had been presented in the report. The DuPage County report is not a classic fiscal impact analy s is, but rather a regression equation in logarithmic form. The dependent variable is total propeny taxes levied; independent variables include change in nonresidential fmns change in ratio of nonresidential -to residential equalized valuation, median residential propeny tax levy, and the ratio of taxes to the total municipal equalized assessed valuation. Some critics of the analysis believed both sides of the regression equation formed an identity whose intercorrelation prevented solution. Some thought the research design should undergo significant alteration; others thought both dependent and independent variables should be recast. DuPage County, however, continued to defend both the analysis and its results. In reality, the analysis must be put into a fiscal impact frame wherein all costs can be compared to all revenues. In addition, the quality and quantity of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEAI!CH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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services, the relative levels of tax and nontax revenue, the presence of de.ficient or excess service capacities. and the effects of other land uses in similar situations should be viewed. A number of studies with similar conclusions about nonresidential growth's impact on property taxes have been documented. Most results can be traced to the nonaccountability of elected/appointed officials, which in tum Jed to significant service increases for primarily nonresidential properties. The DuPage study points out that nonresidential development and its associated surplus fiscal revenues could improve service quality and quantity i n a community. However it may also increase local expenditures. Without knowing the type and quantity of public services produced before and after the nonresidential development is put in place, no judgment can be made about nonresidential development and future tax rates. Logan, John, and Mark Schneider. 1981. ''Suburban Municipal Expenditures: The Effects of Business Activity, Functional Responsibility, and Regional Context.'' Policy Studies Journal 9: 1039-50. The authors set out to explain the variations in the level of suburban government spending. They first summarize existing explanatory models, which stress either local stratification and discrimination, the structure of local decision making, ecological position, or public choice. Th ese models suggest varying hypotheses about which suburbs spend more and which less. Logan and Schneider then evaluate each of the alternative models and propose major directions for further research. Annotations The authors conclude tha t each model has its strengths and certain hypotheses from each is supported by the data. Certain variables stand out, however, as having particularly strong explanatory power in all models. The strongest, in terms of determining suburban expenditures, is economic function Regardless of any other differences among communities, suburbs with strong employment bases spend more than thos e with weak employment bases Of nearly equal importance is the set of service responsibilities that a suburban municipality assumes. This finding may take historical inquiry to fully explain Finally, differences in SMSA structure are shown to explain part of the expenditure variation, although no simple reason is given for this influence. Instead, the authors call for additional research to be directed explaining what kinds of economic, hi storical, political, or social situations cause the differences in suburban expenditures detected in this study. 3. THE EFFECTS OF GROWTH CONTROLS ON HOUSING COSTS Katz, Lawrence, and Kenneth Rosen. 1987. "lnterjurisdictional Effects of Growth Controls on Hou sing Prices.'' Journal of Law and Economics 30 (A pril): 149-160. In this article, Katz and Rosen argue that the widespread proliferation of land use and environmental regulations, primarily imposed by local governments, forces the home-building industry to work within a much more complex and often more costly regula tory framework TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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TIM Com of Sprowi-Revisitod Local governments have used a wide variety of procedures to control residential developmem, and these controls have become increasingly comp lex and innovative over time. In many municipalities, traditional land-use controls have been augmented by environmental and fiscal impact procedures, urban growth management systems, utility connection moratoria, multiple permit systems, overall growth limitations. or a combination of these measures. l
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community's appearance, architecture, and natural environment. Both a subject-related analysis and annotations of the more important studies appear in this review. The author's general conclusion is that environmentally sensitive land use planning n eed not have a detrimental effect on real estate values, economic vitality, or the local tax base. Rather. tbe opposite is often true. The auth ors close on the optimistic note that the lessons contained in the studies may help Greater Yellowstone (near Bozeman, Montana) communities successfully manage rapid growth and change as they choose their own futures Schwartz, Seymour David E. Hansen, and Richard Green. 1981. "Suburban Growth Controls and the Price of New Housing." Journal of Environmental Economics and Management 8 (December): 303320. In this paper, the authors study the effects of suburban growth control programs upon the price of new housing. The programs that limit growth employ a variety of devices, including phased zoning, reduced development densities and increased development charges Some programs take an even more direct approach, by setting restrictions on the number of housing units permitted, or by imposing population or housing unit caps. The authors then analyze the e.ffects of perhaps the most direct form of control: the housing quota of Petaluma, California. To estimate price effects, the authors compare price changes of new single. family housing in Petaluma between Rutgers Brooking 8-tineblilolf ECONorthwe., 136 Annototions 1969 and 1977 (after the quota was enacted) to tbe price changes in two nearby communities The authors limit the analysis to new housing because it provides a relatively consistent basis for evaluation. The study's results suggest that Petaluma's growth control program was responsible for an increase in housing prices. Because of the complexity of the issue, however, a totally unambiguous finding is not possible. The authors art' more confident when describing the effect of growth controls on the quality of construction. Here they find evidence that higher construction quality and prices are anributable to grow th controls. The authors close by calling for additional research to analyze the of growth controls on housing price. Schwartz, Seymour I., Peter M. Zorn, and David E. Hansen 1989. "Research Design Issues and Pitfalls in Growth Control Studies." Land Economics, 62, (August): 223-233. In this article, the authors analyze the experiences of Davis, California, a community that attempted to mitigate the effects of growth contro ls on the price of housing The authors seek to determine whether D avis was successful in reducing the expected increase in the per -unit price of housing services due to growth control, and also to determine the extent to whicb Davis was successful in limiting tbe exclusionary impact of growth controls on lower income households. The authors discover that growth controls increased per-unit housing prices due to the reduction in supply, but that price-mitigating programs are also effective. Furthermore the TRANSIT COOPfRA11Vf RESfARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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incentives created by price-mitigation lead developers t o build smaller, lower qualiry Surprisingly, the study's results also show that growth controls increase the sales price of older housing. but the per unit price declines, implying an increase in the quality of old houses sold. This is explained by the fact that the decrease in the quality of new housing may have encouraged households desiring big her quality (larger) housing to tum to the older housing market, resulting in an increase in the demand for higher qualiry older homes T he authors conclude that price mitigat i ng measures are only partially successful in reducing the price e.ffects of growth controls, since they mostly shift the impacts of growth controls fl'()m the new to the old housing market. 4. URBAN FORM AND SPRAWL Ladd, Helen, and William Wheaton. 1991. "Causes and Consequences of the Changing Urban Form." Regional Science and Urban Economics (21): 157-162. The papers compiled in this work were initially presented at a conference on the Causes arrd Consequences of tire Changirrg Urban Fom. October 1990, run under the auspices of the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. The goal of the conference was to bring together empirical, theoretical, and policy oriented economists to improve the understanding of the nature, causes, and implications of pol ycentrism in metropolitan areas. Recently. older. traditionally monocentric cities, such as Boston and Chicago. have developed significant suburban subcenters. Other newe r cities, such as Phoenix, Dallas, and Los Angeles are perceived as lacking in any sense of "centrali!y ." Two of the papers in this collection provide on the nature and function of e mploym ent subcemers and decentralization; two d e velop and test empirical models that specifically include elements of polycentrism. One paper prov ides a new theory of subcenter fonnation in the context of a dynamic model ; and two more examine various implica t ions of changing urban fonn for labor markets. McKee, David L. and Gerald H. Smith. 1972. "Environmental Diseconomies in Suburban Expansion." Tire American Journal of Economics and Sociology 31 2: 181-88. In this paper, the authors set out to isolate and analyze the components of suburban sprawl. Causes of spraw l are discussed, and an attempt is made to specify the economic effects sprawl has on urban areas, people, and the economy. The authors intention is 10 develop suitable policy recommendations for dealing with sprawl. The authors conclude that spraw l appears to be the result of strong market forces. and that solutions to the problem may be beyond the abiliti e s of public policy makers to solve. They call for more govemment intervent ion, especially at the local level. and for action on the part of regional planning agencies. To date, these institutions have not been able to deal adequately with the problem, because of overlapping jurisdictions and ot h er political cons ide rations. The authors further call for greater cooperation and sharing of resources at all leve ls of government to find solutions to suburban sprawl. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) fl. I 0

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Mills, David E. 1981. "Growth Speculation and Sprawl in a Monocentric City.'' Journal of Urban Economics 10: 201-226. Mills presents an economic theory of sprawl in a growing, monocentric city. He posits that where decision makers have perfect knowledge, leapfrog development and discontinuous land rent functions may occur and be efficient in both an ex post and ex-ante sense. Where the extent of future growth is uncertain, decision makers become speculators, and the spatial pattern of development is more complicated Ex post inefficiency generally occurs In the context of Mill's formal monocentric-city model, three land-use patterns qualify as examples of sprawl. Leapfrog development occurs when a von Thuncn ring of undeveloped land separa tes rings of developed land This form of sprawl involves radical discontinuity. Scattered development, the second form of sprawl, occurs when there are annuli with both developed (homogeneously) and undeveloped land in them. Mixed developmelll occurs when there are annuli with more than one developed use. Scattered development and mixed development forms of sprawl involve circumferential discontinuity. Mills provides theoretical explanations for each form of sprawl. L eapfrog development can be explained by inter temporal planning on the part of decision makers who anticipate future growth with certainty. The essential idea here is similar to the notion put forth by Ohls and Pines (1975), that is, that land inside of the urban fringe is sometimes withheld from early development and preserved for more remunerative future options. Theoretical explanations for scattered and mixed development forms indicate that decision makers are Annotations uncertain about future growth and make speculative decisions. Several criticisms of sprawl are cited and addressed with evidence generated from the monocentric city model constructed for this analysis. Obis, James C., and David Pines. 1975. "Discontinuous Urban Development and Economic Efficie-ncy." Land Econ.omics 3 (August): 224-234. Many observers argue that discontinuous development (wherein land that is closer to urban centers is skipped over in favor of land further away) is inefficient for several reasons. First, this development pattern fails to make use of the most accessible land. Second, the expense of providing public services, such as roads and sewage systems, to new development is high. In contradiction, Obis and Pines argue that discontinuous development may be desirable and efficient in certain cases For instance, the development of retail and commercial services near the urban fr i nge must often wait for the maturation of critical scale. In rapidly expanding urban areas, contexts arise in which it may be efficient to skip over land for a period of time in order to reserve it for commercial uses after market scale mcreases. This strategy has been implemented in some planned communities. In Columbia, Maryland, for example, the planners of this "new town" explicitly reserved vacant land in residential areas for the development of shopping clusters in the future-after increased residential densities make such shopping enterprises economical ly feasible. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.JO

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Pe.iscr, Riebard B 1989. Densit y and U rban Sprawl .' uwd Eco11omics 65 3 (August) : 193-2 0 4 Jn this article, Peiser ar g ue s that, oontrmy to accepted thinking, if a free urban land mark et were aUowed to function it would inherently promote high erdensity development. H e offers theore tical arg ument.< and empirical evidence 10 sup po rt t h i s thesis. P eiser argues th at woif urmly low-& .-nsit y urlln d eve lopment is i n effic i e n t. because i t increases tran spo rtation costs, excessi ve ruuountS of land, and adds to the cost o f provid ing and oper ating publi c utilities M d public se rvices. Furthemtor e he claims that the dut a show that over t ime disco ntinuous develo pment pa tlcms actvaUy prom ote higher densi t y. So pUb lic policies aim ed :u preventing disconti nuou.< development ma y be m isguided. T bc y may lead to de velopmen t patterns i n which densities Jllight b e lower t h a n they or dinari l y would be without s uch a policy. Tb.rcc case studies (DaUas. TX; M ontgomery Co u nty. MD: and Fairf ax County, VA) arcpil' liented i n which arc exa m i n ed over t i me a l ong m a jor anerial roadways. Hishcr densities (i.e. sma ll er l o t are f oun d in later in-fill dev elo pment. Peiser that that e ncourage sequ ential dev e l op m ent s hould be avoided In s t ead, h e argues that competitive land mark et w ill uchicve higher density tbrOugh discontinuous dev e lo pment foUowed by later i n-fiU dc._.,l op mcnt. Anftototion' -----=== TRANSPORT A TrON AND TRAVEL COSTS 1. CHA NGES IN AU'l'OMOU ILE TRAVEL Cordon, Pete r liarrr W RJc h ardso n and Myung-Jln Jun. 199 1 The C ommutJng Paradox: Eviden<:e f ro m th e To p Twe nt y." Joumot of tile Amorican Planning AmJciatiun 5 7,4: 416-10. Thi s of .xmunu1i nll of re.
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dispersed; population grew by 30 percen t, employment grew by 85 percent, and the number of d aily motorized trips per person inc reased from 2.3 to 2.8. Yet differen ces of means test show that for most modes and purposes, averag e times for horneto-work and work -to-home were the same at the beginnin g and end of the period The au thors conclude that the "loca t ots" households and firms acted rationally and relocated to keep travel times constant Pisarski, Alan E. 1992. New Per.
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Rossetti, M. A., and B. S. Eversole. 1993. Journey to Work Trends in the United States and Its Major Metropolitan Areas, /960. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Transportation. The authors compare mean commuting times in 1980 and 1990 for the 39 metropolitan areas with populations in excess of one million in 1990. They find that commuting times increased in 35 of the metropotitan areas, and that the increases ranged from 0.47 percent in Philadelphia to 13.69 percent in San Diego. All four of the metropolitan areas with commuting time increases of more than 10 percent are Sunbelt cities: Los Angeles, San Diego, Sacramento, and Orlando. The only cities where commuting time declined are New York (.70 percen t ) Pittsburgh ( .05 percent), New Orleans ( -0. 57 percent), and Salt Lake City ( .92 percent). 2. THE EFFECTS m; DENSITY ON TRAVEL CHOICES 2.1 Simulations Downs, Anthony. 1992 Stuck in Traffu:: Coping with Peak Hour Congestion. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution; and Cambridge, MA: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. Downs develops a hypothetical urban area model to test the extent to which changes in the location and density of development would change average commuting distances The basic model uses values for the proportion of jobs in the CBD, central city, suburbs, and exurbs, and commuting distances similar to the averages for large metropolitan areas. Different densities are created by varying the size of the suburbs and exurbs (and adjusting the proportion of population and jobs in each area as needed to match the size). Brooking Porl(H'It lrindc:moR 14 I The study shows that the density of growth at the urban fringe has a significant impact on commuting distances; a move from very low to medium densities has the greatest impact. Increasing ex urban densities from 886 persons per square mile to 2,800 reduces commuting distances by 8 percent. An increase from 886 persons to 4,363 persons per square miles decreases commuting trip lengths by 14 percent. Beyond that, large increases in density shorten trips by only a smaJJ amount. Metro. 1994. Region 2040 Recom mended Alternative Decision Kit. Portland OR. This analysis of alternative urban forms of growth for the Portland, Oregon metropolitan area shows that more concentrated development, in conjunction with expansion of transit service, reduces vehicle mites of travel and use of the automobile. This study uses one of the most advanced travel demand models in the United States to simulate transportation outcomes. It determines that under continued current development patterns, the urban area would have to expand by more than half of its current size over the next 50 years. The study also tests three different scenarios that concentrate various amounts of growth in transit corridors, centers, and in neighboring cities. In the "Growing Our' scenario, a larger share of single-family housing is built than the region has at present, with more than one-fourth of future growth placed outside the current urban growth boundary. The "Growing Up" scenario keeps all future growth inside the urban growth boundary by increasing densities and building a larger share of multifamily housing. The "Neighboring Cities" scenario moves about one-third TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-l 0

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7he Cosh ol of the expected growth to other cities within commuting distance of the urban area. Not surprisingly. the highly concentrated development of the "Growing Up" scenario produces the highest transit use (6 percent of all trips) and the greatest reduction in VMf over base case levels (16.7 percent). The more disper s ed patterns, while consuming more land, bave lower levels of congest ion. Despite the results of thi s study, the ability to change travel behavior is limited, because much of the capital in frastructu re tha t will serve the built environment for the next 50 years is already in place. Some of the study's other proposed changes in the way the regions develop may also not be feasible to undertake for political and economic reasons. 2.2 Empirical Studies Cervero, Robert. I991b. "Land Use and Travel at Suburban Activi ty Centers.'' Transportalion Quarurly 45, 4: 479-491. This article analyzes the effects of den sity, land-use mix, and parking characteristics on commuting behavior in suburban activity centers. The study uses data from 83 randomly selected buildings in six suburban activity centers, collected as part of a project called Travel Characteristics of Large Scale Suburban Activity Centers, for the National Cooperative Highway Research Program The strongest relat ionship evidenced in the study was between density (measured as the height of each building) and transit use. Having retail operations in the building had only modest effects on mode choice; primarily it increased transit and walking l\ltge.rl ltooking Ponon 8Mdt.,hoff ECONonhwost 1 A 2 Annotations mode shares Parking supply had less effect on mode choice, probably because most of the office buildings bad generous supplies of parking spaces. Using buildings as the unit of analysis in this study poses some problems. For example, the study fails to consider other center characteristics that may play important roles in determining commuting behavior, such as distances between buildings and opportunities to shop and conduct personal business at other locations within the center. Cervero, Robert, and Kara Kockelman. 1996. "Travel Demand and the 3Ds: Density, Diversity, and Design." Transportfllion Research Digest 2, 3:199. The authors claim that a host of urban design philosophies new urbanism, transit -oriented development. traditional town planning-have gained popularity in recent years as ways of shaping travel demand. All share three common transportation objectives: (I) reduce the number of motorized trips; (2) of t rips that are produced, increase the share that are non-mOtorized; and (3) o f the motorized trips that are produced, reduce travel distances and increase vehicle occupancy levels. An expected outcome of weaning people from their cars, proponents hope, will be a lessening of the negative consequences of an automobile-oriented society namely, air poll u tion, fossil fuel consumption, and class and social segregation. Cervero and Kockelman describe bow new urbanists. nco-traditional ists, and other reform minded designers argue for changing three dimensions, or the 3Ds, of the built environment-density, diversity, and design-to achieve these objectives. While the effects of density TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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The Cosh ol Sprowi-RMsited on travel demand have been acknowledged, the effects of diversity and design have just as long been ignored. This paper examines the connection between the 3Ds of the built environment and travel demand. It tries to son through the relative influences of these three dimensions after controlling for other variables, such as travelers' demographic characteristics. It dces this by applying the technique of factor analysis to gauge the relative influence of each dimension as well as their collective impacts The research findings of this paper lend some degree of credibility to the claims of new urbanists and others that compact, mixed use, pedestrian friendly designs can r educe vehicle trips, vehicle miles traveled (VMT) per capita, and motorized travel. The research suggests that the effects of the Bay Area's built environment on travel demand were modest to moderate at best. Densities exerted the strongest infiuence on personal business trips. Additionally, residential neighborhoods that were spatially accessible to commercial activities, reflected by an accessibility index variable, tended to average appreciably less VMT per household. Diversity also had a modest impact on travel demand, a lthough where it was significant its influences was somewhat stronger than that of density. Having retail activities within neighborhoods was most closely associated with mode choice for work trips. Further, the dimension of walldng quality was generally moderately associated with travel demand Finally, several specific design elements of the built environment seemed to be particularly relevant to non-work trip-maldng. Notably, neighborhoods with high s hares of fourway intersections, as a proxy for grid iron street patterns and limited on-street parking abutting commercial establishments, tended to average Jess Annota tions single-occupant vehicular travel for nonwork purposes. The researchers believe that higher densities, diverse land uses, and pedestrian-friendly designs must co exist to a certain degree if meaningful transportation benefits are to accrue. Having nice sidewalks, attractive landscaping, and other pedestrian amenities in a low-density, residential only neighborhood is unlikely to prompt many residents to walk to shops and stores. However, the synergy of the 3Ds in combination is likely to yield more appreciable impacts. Dunphy, R. T., and K. M. Fisher. 1994. Transportation, Congestion and Densizy: New Insights. Paper presented at the 73rd Annual Meeting of the Transportation Research Board, Washington, DC: January. Using data on urbanized areas from Highwa y Statistics, 1990, the authors investigate the rela tionships (using graphs) between density and vehicle miles of tmvel and travel use. They find some correlation between urbanized area population density and transit use (26 percent) but little correlation between vehicle miles of travel and density (8 percent) However, using data from the 1990 Nationwide Personal Transportation Survey, the authors find that people in denser areas make nearly the same number of daily trips as people at lower densities, but they drive less. At most den sities the average number of person trips per day is just below 4.0; only at 30,000 persons/square mile or more do trip numbers dip to 3.4 trips per day. However, the average number of trips by car drops from about 3.5 at densities below 30,000 persons/square mile to 1.9 at 30,000 persons/square mile. People living at higher densities drive less because both transit and 7RANSfr COOPERA11VE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H -10

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walking/biking are more viable options. The authors, however, find a strong correlation between density and life cycle stage. T hey contend that demographics may be more of a contributing factor to differences in travel behavior than density. This study is descriptive, suggesting relationships that need further analysis with multivariate techniques to sort out the relative effects of household charac t eristics versus land-use density. The data analyzed in this study are also aggregate, oomparing whole regions rather than specific places within regions where people live and work. Dzur ik, Andrew. 1993. ''Transportation Costs of Urban Sprawl: A Review of the Literature." Stale Transportation Policy lniliatie. Center for Urban Transporta tion Re search. November. This article cites nine important studies that deal with transportation oosts and sprawl, including the classic RERC 17e Costs of Sprawl study (1974a) reviews by Altshuler (I 977) and Windsor (1979), and several others The first part of the article cites a I 965 study-"The Nature and Economics of Urban Sprawl" by Harvey and Clark-that defined three characteristics of sprawl, low den s ity, ribbon, and leapfrog development Automobile use was also viewed as the catalyst for urban sprawl. John Kain (1967) argued, however, that any savings from developing high density areas may be offset by higher construction costs per unit. RERC's report is cited extensively It estimated that a low-density sprawl community would require more than six times the amount of minor streets than a planned high-density community. Only road lengt h costs were considered as direct costs in the analysis of transAnnotations portation variations among these com munities. However, two indirect costs were also considered: travel time and air pollution. The RERC report assumed twice as much VMT in a low-density community, which accounted for a large difference in such costs. Dzurik' s article then cites Altshuler's criticisms of the RERC report. Altshuler's book The Urban Transportation System (1979) argues that the American public has strong preferences for auto transportation and low-density settlements. Therefore, Americans will refuse to live in densities high enough to bring about any changes in the problems associated with sprawl, which he believes have been exaggerated anyway. Bowler completed a study in I 977 that show ed that "user -oper ated transporta tion" accounted for about one se v enth of consumer spending, a proportion that stayed roughly constant from 1950 through I 973. He argues that suburban living results in higher use of energy and land resources for transportation than higher-density living. When the urban environment is modeled as polycentric, however, the percentage of subu rban dwellers who increase their travel distances for journeys to wor k no longer continues to rise, since work places also beeome decentralized. Yet many models assume that rising commuting costs are a major transportation oost of suburbanization. Gordon also argues that because work trips are declining as a percentage of all trips, the relative importance of accessibility to workplaces as a motive for choosing places to work and places to live is falling Gordon and Richardson argue that decentralization is an antidote to traffic congestion beeause it scatters both origin and destination TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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l1te Co1b of Sprowi-R.visiled points and makes suburb-to-suburb trips shorter than any other types. BART failed to replace the auto as the preferred means of commuting in the Bay Area, in spite of its enormous cost. Where light rail systems have been created, cities have experienced small gains in public transit ridership over pure bus systems, but they have also incurred ma jor cost increas es Light rail tends to replace bus travel more than auto tr'avel. Dzurik reviews the argument over com pac t development. One advantage compact development is supposed to have over sprawl is that it uses the excess capacity in existing infrastructures, rather t han create a need to build new infrastructures. This was a major source of the economies found in the New Jersey sprawl studies. But such savings do not a lways materialize. Dzurik discusses how much subsidy from local governments goes into highways and mass transit. In Mil waukee, Wiseonsin, for example, he points out, the loca l burden of highway costs equals 59 percent of the local property tax levy. Because user fees do not pay the entire cost of auto travel, more sprawl occurs than would otherwise take place. Dzurik's study claims that the transportation costs associated with urban sprawl have not been studied in the appropriate quantitative terms. Therefore most questions about this issue are s till unanswered. His article cites unfavorable views of sprawl's transportation costs in 12 articles and studies, with one-sentence summaries of their major complaints His article, however, contains almost no quantitative analysis; it cites studies expressing all types of viewpoint'>-i.utgeu ttooklng hnon &rin.c:brholf ECONorthwell 145 Annototlons many contradictory; and arrives at no conclusions. Frank, L. D., and Gary Pivo. 1994 The Relationship Between Land Use and Travel Behavior in the Puget Sound Region. WA-RD 351.1. Olympia, WA: Washington Stat< Department of Transportation .. The authors use data from the 1989 Transporzarion Panel Survey for the central Puget Sound region, along witb household characteristics from the 1990 Census, employment data from the state employment agency, and land-use data from the county assessor to identify the factors tha t affect travel behavior They find that density, mix, and jobs/housing balance are all related to travel behavior, with emp loyment density and jobs/housing balance having the strongest relationships. At higher densities, trips are shorter but take more time. More trips are made using alternatives to the single-occupant vehicle. As land -use mix increases, trip distances, times, and auto -mode shares decrease. As jobs and housing become more balanced, trip distances and travel times go down. The relationships between density and mode split are not lin ear The authors identify thresholds at which there is a substantial increase in transit use. These thresholds are 50-75 employees and 9-13 persons per gross acre for work trips, and 75 employees and 18 persons per gross acre for shopping trips. The use of carpooling however, seems unrelated to urban densities or other land-use attributes. The study controls for household characteristics, such as income and vehicle availability. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGAAM (TCRP/ H IO

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Gordon, Peter, A. Kumar, and Harry W. Richardson. 1989. "The Influence of Metropolitan Spatial Structure on C o mmuting Time.'' Journal of Urban Economics, 26: 138-151. Tbe authors combine data on residential and employment densities (residents or workers per acre of land zoned for that p urpose ) for 82 SMSAs from twelve states (from the U.S. Geological Survey LANDSAT file) with census data to id entify factors that influence commuting times by auto and transit. Their research finds that lower residential densities are associated with shorter commuting times both by car and by transit. For auto trips. concentration of industrial employment l eads to shorter travel times, whereas concentration of commercial employment i ncreases trip times The clustering of manufacturing produces economies in driving, but the clustering of commercial activities (such as in the CBD) produces congestion that reduces times Other variables (land area, income, economic structure) have the expected positive or negative influences, and the equations are fairly robust, explaining 61 to 87 percent of the variability in mean travel times. As a result, the authors conclude that polycentric or dispersed spatial reduce commuting times. The authors' use of SMSAs as the unit of analysis, however. raises questions about what density means. No SMSA has uniform density throughout. Perhaps lower regional density is a proxy for age of development, city size, or some other factor that influences transit use. Brooking Pon
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The Com of Sprawl-Revisited doub le, vehicle miles of travel decline by 16 percent, controlling for such factors as transit service intensities and vehicle ownership. Better access to transit also reduces vehicle miles of travel. Shopping opportunities and the pedestrian environment, on the other hand, are not statistically significant in explaining travel behavior. Although, income is controlled in this study, residents could still vary by number of children, number of workers, or other characteristics that influence travel behavior. While, this cross sectional analysis shows a rela tionship between density and automotive use in existing communities it does not demonstrate that if lowdensity communities became denser fewer trip s would be made by automobile. Newman, Peter W. G., and Jeffrey R. Kenworthy. 1989a. Cities and AuU>mobile Dependence: An International Sourcebook. Brookfield, VT: Gower Publishing. Newman and Kenworthy assemble a set of data on the transponation and land use characteristics of ten large U.S. cities, five Australian, twelve Western Europe, three Asian, one Canadian, and one Russian city for the period 1950 to 1980 Using gasoline consumption per capita as the primary measure of automobile dependence (other measures sucb as transit mode share are highly correlated with this measure), they identify the rel ationship between auto mobile dependence and urban density. Low densities are assoc iated with high automobile dependence, and high densities with less dependence on the automobile This relationship ho lds for regions as a whole, for inner areas (pre World War II parts of the cit ies). and for Annotation' outer areas As a result, the authors conclude tbat more compact cities would reduce automobile use. Reviewers, however, have questioned the validity of using gasoline consumption as the measure of automobile dependence, noting that many factors, sucb as gas prices and fleet characteristics, influence gasoli ne consumption. Newman and Kenworthy s analysis of automobile dependence also fails to make full use of tbe data collected, employing only a single variable-urban density-to ex plain automobile use, when other factors are clearly involved. As a result, the role of density may be overstated Parsons Brinckerhoff Quade and Doug las. 1996b. "Commuter and Light Rail Corridors: The Land Use Connection In Transit and Urban Form, VoL I. Washington, DC: Transit Cooperative Research Program, Transportation Research Board. October. This s tud y updates the work of Push karev and Zupan (1982) by analy z ing the effects of residential densities and CBD employment levels and densities on light rail and commuter rail boardings. The data are from eleven cities in the United States with a total o f nineteen light rail lines and six cities with a total of fony-seven conunuter rail lines. Boardings and transit service characteristic data were provided by transit agencies. Employment and population characteristics are from the 1990 Census The data are used to develop models of light rail and commuter rail hoardings and costs The empirical results are then used to estimate hoardings and costs for hypothetical light rail and commuter rail corridors. TRANSIT COOPERADVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) fl. I 0

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The study finds !hat residential densities have a significant influence on light rail boardings. A 10 percent increase in residential density within two miles of stations increases station area boardings by 5.9 percent, holding constant other factors affecting ridership, such as income. Residential densities matter less for commuter rail boardings. Commuter rail is a high fare mode of travel, and many of the high-income riders come from low-density suburban areas some distance from the city center. Both the size and density of the CBD influence light rail ridership. A 10 percent increase in CBD employment density raises light rail hoardings per station by about 4 0 percent, holding constant the number of CBD employees, the residential density of stations, and other factors affecting ridership For commuter rail a 10 percent increase in CBD employment densities increases station hoardings outside the CBD by 7.1 percent The study concludes that light rail is most cost-e f fective and efficiem in the cities with larger CBDs and denser corridors. Commuter rail works best with dense CBDs Other factors within the control of transit agencies, such as the availability of feeder bus serv i ce and park-and-ride lots, also influence ridersh i p and costs. Pu.
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Costs ol Sprawl--Revisited live farthest out most likely work in exurban towns. Parsons BrinckerhoiT Quade & Douglas. 1997 "TCRP Project H-13A-Draft Report: Consequences or the Interstate Highway System for Transit." Washington, DC: Transit Cooperative Research Program, Transportation Research Board. This report describes the intended and unintended consequences of the development of urban interstate highways for transit by examining four metropolitan areas in the U nited States, four selected cities in Germany, and one city in Canada. The report includes profiles of these communities, their transportation systems, and the positive and negative impact s of their transportation choices. The authors gathered infonnation from published articles, official plans, and interviews with officials and other knowledgeable people in each community. They also visited each site. Their goal was to understand the history of the development of the intersta t e h ighway system within the urbanized area and the int eractions between highspeed limited -access roads and changes in t he transit system and land-use patterns. The case Studies were selected to test two majo r hypotheses identified from the Jiteraturc review: that the interstate highway program biased transportation investments in favor of high-speed limited-access highways that made automobile travel much more attractive than transit use; and that interstate highways facilitated the suburbanization of households and firms, producing a pattern of development that is difficult for public transit to serve. Anoototions The authors present evidence from these case studies that confirms that the development of the interstate highway system adversely affected public transit. The data show declines in transit ridership, increasing difficulty in maintaining transit service l eve l s, and the decentralization and dispersion of households and jobs in case study regions with the highest use of interstate highways. Yet the authors correctly point o u t that transit was in decline well before the interstate system was operational, and other factors supported development in outlying areas, such as low property tax rates, inexpensive land, and the growth of competing local governments. The authors co u ch their main findings within other significant influences in th e decline of transit: I) The magnitude and certainty of publi c funding has influenced modal investment choices. These choices in tum, have affected regional travel. 2) Those cities whose citi zens have shown a continuous commitment to, and inves tment in, high-quality transit service have strong urban centers and high transit use. 3) Strong, well-respected institutions build and operate transit systems in the regions where the impacts of highways on transit are low. 4) Active, wellorganized citizen groups mitigated the impacts of highways by successfully opposing certain highway designs as well as highway construction itself. 5) Tbe integration of transportation and land-use policies, plans, and projects has mitigated the impacts of automobile infrastructure rRANSIT COOPERArrvE RESEARCH PROGRAM (rCRP/ HIO

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7he Costs of 6) In cities where highways' adverse impacts are fewest, public policies support the use of alternative modes of transportation. 7) In general, city centers with fewer freeways have experienced less adverse impacts fro m automobile travel. 4. SPATIAL SEGREGATION OF USES (LAN D-USE MIX AND URBAN DESIGN) 4 .1 Suburbs (Employment and Residential Areas) 1000 Friends of Oregon. 1996. Making the lAnd Use, Transportation, Air Quality Connection (1-VTRAQ): Analysis of Alternatives. VoL 5. Portland, OR. May. This s t udy compares auto-oriented versus transit-oriented alternatives of land use and transportation patterns in suburban Washington County, in the Portland, Oregon metropolitan area. Each alternative utilizes the same land area and has the same overall density In the auto-oriented alternatives, most new multifamily housing and jobs are at th e urban fringe. Tbe "no build" variation includes few transponation improvements, whereas the "highways" variation includes a bypass freeway and other highway improvements. With the transit-oriented alternatives, most new multifamily housing and j obs locate on vacant lands near transit routes. This alternative also takes into account tr.msit investments, retrofitting of pedestrian improvements. selected highway im provements, and a demand management program that includes parking charges for work trips. The region's travel demand model, which was enhanced to increase its sensitivity to density and Rutgra lrooklng 8f'iM:brhoff ECONorthwt 150 Anrtototion1 design, is used to simulate the transportation outcomes in 20 I 0 of each of the alternatives. The study finds that the package o f transit oriented develop m ent and transportation improvements that focus on non-automotive modes generates the following effects within the study area: Reduces auto ownership rates by 5 percent from auto-oriented levels Reduces single-occupant auto use for work trips to 58 percent compared to 76 percent in auto-oriented alternatives More than doubles the share of work trips made by transit ove r auto oriented alternatives (18.2 percent versus 8 8 percent) Reduces daily vehicle trips per house hold from 7.5 to 7.2 trips Reduces the delay over "no build" level s by more vehicle hours than highway building alternative (53 percent reduction versus 43 percent reduction) Reduces peak period vehicle hours of travel at three times the rate that the "highway" building alternative doe. s (15.7 percent reduction versus 5.6 percent) Reduces daily vehicle miles of travel by 6.4 percent, whereas the "highway" building alternative increases them by 1.6 percent. One caveat, however, is imponant to note The study area encompasses the fastest growing part of the Ponland metropolitan area The impacts would like l y be less if transit-oriented land uses and transportation improvements were built throughout the metropolitan area, since the remainder of the region has less growth to focus toward transit oriented developments. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.JO

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The Com of Sprowi-Risited.'' Journal of tire American Planning Association 62, 4: 492-511. Using data from the 1980 and 1990 Censuses, Cervera compares the jobs housing balance of the 23 largest cities in the San Francisco Bay Area. His evidence shows that the jobs-housing balance generally improved during the decade, particularly as jobs increased in formerly housing-rich areas. However housing did not grow significantly in job-rich areas, largely because zoning and growth controls prevented housing growth Fifteen of the comm unities studied showed small increases in the ratio of internal conunuting to external commuting. Nonetheless, about twice as many people commuted in and out of the average community as conunuted within it. Thus, he concludes that despite less segregation of uses (measured at a gross city-wide scale), many people continue to commute considerable distances in part because of mismatches between the TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H -10

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jobs available in their community and the type of housing found there Among other things, this descriptive study demonstrates that the transportation consequences of spatial segregation of uses need more careful consideration than just a look at the numbers of residences and jobs. The mismatches between the incomes of employees and hous ing prices and between new jobs and housing availa bility also must be considered. 4. 3 Neighborhoods Cervero, Robert, and R. Gorham. 1995. "Commuting in Transit Versus Automobile Neighborhoods.'' Journal of the American Planning Association 61 2: 210-225. This study compares work trip mode shares and trip generation rates between matched pairs of transit-oriented and auto-oriented neighborhoods. Sev en of the pairs are located in the San Francisco Bay Area, and six in the Los Angeles area. Transitoriented neigbborhoods are defined as those built around streetcars or rail stations prior to 1 945, which have a grid street pattern. Auto-oriented neighborhoods are those built after 1945, with little orientation to transit, and with more curving and cui de-sacs. The neighborhood pairs in the study had sim ilar incomes and as far as possible similar levels of transit service. Six of the seven San Francisco pairs showed the expected of lower auto ownership and more use of transit and walking for work trips (In one pair with a large university in the transit neighborhood, the transit neighborhood had less incidence of driving alone but walking often substituted for trans it.) The difference in the share of driveRutgeor ltooklng Ponoru trlnclt.,moH ECONorlt.weJI 1 S 2 Annolations alone rates between neigbborhood pairs ranged from 2.0 to 17.5 percent of trips. The results were more mixed in Los Angeles than in San Francisco, however. Tile authors conclude that neighborhood design matters little in the Los Angeles area because of the overw h e lming dom inance of the automobile in this region. Tbe results may also be muddled because transit service levels were less closely matched in the Los Angeles pairs than they were in the San Francisco pairs. Ewing, Reid, P. Haliyur, and G. W. Page. 1994. "Getting Around a Traditiona l City, a Suburban PUD, and Everything In-Between.'' Transportalion Research Record 1466: 53-62. In this study, the authors compare six communities in Palm Beach County, Florida, on the basis of work accessibility, neighborhood shopping opportunities, and pedestrian accessibil ity They find little evidence that accessibility to retail affects mode choice or vehicle hours of travel per person. The shortest shopping and recreational trips occurred in a classic 1970s planned-unit development (i.e., a suburban auto-oriented community) because ample stores and recreational facilities could be found within the community. This result sugg est s that the mix of uses is as im p ortant as the layout of streets and other design features in determining travel behavior. TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H IO

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Handy, S. 1992. R egion.ol Versus Local A
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Th Cosh of Overall, however, the models deve loped in this study had limited exp lanatory power; they were able to exp lain only about I5 percent of the variability in the number or share of trips by various modes. Parsons BrinckerhotT Quade and Doug las. 1996c. "Influence of Land Use Mix and Neighborhood Design on Transit Demand." Unpublished report for TCRP H-1 Project Washington, DC : Transit Cooperative Research Program, Transportation Research Board. March. In this report, separate studies examine the effects of neighborhood land-use mix and urban design on the demand for transit and other alternatives to the automobile. The first study uses Annual Housing Survey data for 1985 for II large metropolitan areas to compare mode choices for work trips of residents in areas with and without easy access to a "comer store" or other commercial activities. A second study of the greater Chicago area uses transit and land-use data to identify the factors that influence individual transit trips. The third study compares the mode choices for work and non-work trips in "traditional" and "suburban" neighborhoods in the San Francisco Bay Area, using original survey data. All of the studies use multi linear regression techniques to control for income and other household characteristics. Overall, the studies show that the types and mix of land uses do influence the demand for transit, as well as the use of non-motorized modes. Peop le who live in mixed-used neighborhoods have a lower probability of commuting by car (3 to 4 perc entage points), a slightly higher probability of using transit (I to2 Annotolionl percentage points), and a much higher probability of walking or bicycling (10 to I5 percentage points) for work trips. In the Chicago area, a 10 percent increase in residential density is associated with an II percent increase in the number of trips by transit. Residents of "traditional" neighborhoods in San Francisco are more likely to use non automotive modes for non-work trips than residents o f "suburban" neighborhoods. The neighborhood comparison stu dy, however, did not find statistically significant differences in mode choice for work trips between the two types of neighborhoods Moreover. all these studies found it d ifficullto sort out the effects of land use mix and urban design, because these characteristics are so strongly correlated with density. When density i s included in an equation, mix and design variables generally explain little about mode choice. Each of the studies controlled for residential characteristics such as income and auto ownership. Because the studies are cross-sectional, however, they show only correlation between land-use characteristics and mode choice. not causality. 5. DISPERSED EMPLOYMENT Cervero, Robert; T imothy Rood; and Bruce Appleyard. 1997. "Job Accessibility as a Perfo rmance Indicator: An Analysis of Trends and their Social Polle y lmpllcalions in the San Francisco Bay Area." Institute for Urban Regional Development, University of California at Berkeley. The authors claim that "accessibility," as an indicator of opportunities to reach destinations efficiently, has gained increasing attention as a complement to transportation planning's more traditional mobility-based measures of TRANSJT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H-10

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The Costs of SprowJ-Revisifed perfonnance,like "average delays" and "levels of service ." They maintain that evaluating ttansportation performance in te rms of accessibility allows a more balanced approach to lransportation analysis and problem-solving. Increasing accessibility by bringing urban activities closer together through more compact development and the inter-mix of land uses, as well as by promoting tele-travel, can substitute for physical movements Although not a replacement for mobility -b ased planning, accessibility measures help gauge progress toward meeting other regional objectives like sustainability and social eq uality. The authors use census ttansportation planning data to study trends in job accessibility between 1980 and 1990 with the San Francisco Bay Area serving as a case contex t The objectives of the analysis are multifold: I ) The work seeks to advance the use of accessibility indicators as inputs to long range lransportation planning and monitoring; 2) The work a ims to enrich how job accessibility is measured by introducing an "occupational match" refmement; 3) The authors employ empirical measures of job accessibility to address the spatial mismatch question ; and 4) The work calls for more formally institutionalizing and expanding the use of accessibility indicators for evaluating and moni toring long-term lransportation system performance as well as progress toward achieving broader social welfare objectives. The research showed that the Bay Area's largely market-driven patterns of regional employment growth failed to improve job accessibility among residents of the region's poorest inner city neighborhoods. Minority neighborhoods in the inner East Bay and parts of downtown San Francisco AnnototloM averaged the worst occupational mismatches in terms of proximity to ava il able jobs throughout the 1980s Controlling for occupationally matched accessibility, educa tional l evels and vehicle availability, Bay Area neighborhoods with high shares of African Americans still had disproportionately high unemployment rates in 1990. Cervero, Robert and Kang-Li Wu. 1996. "Sulx:enterlng and Commuting: Evidence from the San Francisco Bay Area, 1980-1990." Paper presented at the 1996 TRED Conference on Transportation and Land Use. Cambridge, MA: Lincoln In st itute. October. This paper examines the growth of dispersed sulx:enters in the San Francisco Bay Area and the effects of this growth on commuting Cervera id entifies 22 employment centers with 7 or more workers per gross acre and 9,500 or more employees in 1990 Downtown San Francisco is the largest and most densely populated subcenter. Other centers are in Silicon Valley and the East Bay core area (Oakland, Berkeley and Eme ryville) ; 16 more are located further out in suburbs. Two of the sulx:enters did not exist in 1980 Employment in these sulx:enters grew on average by 23. 6 percent annually in the 1990s, increasing the regional share of employment in centers from 47.5 percent to 48.2 percent. The growth of these sulx:enters has produced an increase in vehicle miles of ttavel (VMT) for commuting trips. On average, one-way VMT increased from 7.1 to 8.7 miles during the 1 980s-a 23 percent i ncrease with the largest increases to be found in suburban centers. This increase in vehicle miles of !ravel is linked to both longer distances TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-JO

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and to greater use of single-occupant vehicles. Of these longer distances between home and work had more influence on VMT, since outside of downtown San Francisco and the eastern Bay Area, the vast m ajority of commuters used cars in both 1980 and 1990. Cervero estimates that more than four-fift hs of the growth in VMT is due to longer distances between home and work. Longer distances were especially important in increasing VMT in the more peripheral centers. While at least one of their previous studies suggested that job decentralization shortened commutes, this result has been explained mainly in tenns of recorded travel times, and typically measured at the aggregate, metropolitan-wide level. This study sought to refine the analysis of spatial implications on commuting by disaggregating data among employment centers, measuring highway and transit network distances, and examining commuting behavior during the 19801990 window of rapid suburban employment growth. When combining refined commute distance measures with data on shifts in modal distributions and occupancy levels, the finding is that employment decentralization is associated with substantial increases in commute VMT per employee. Cervero attributes these longer distances both to regional growth and to mismatches in the job and housing markets that necessitate long commutes. 6 THE COSTS OF TRAVEL Apogee Research, Inc. 1994. The Costs of Transportation: Final Report. Conservation Law Foundation. March. This report reviews the literature on the costs of transportation and estimates the per-mile costs of several modes for Rut-gon 8rookines Ponons 8rinck.rhoff ECONorihwst 156 At!.nototiol\1 Boston, Massachusetts, and Portland, Maine The study divides into three types: user costs, governmental costs, and societal costs. Extensive data were collected for the case study regions, in an effort to accurately reflect the cost of travel in these specific places. Some costs-land loss, water pollution, solid and hazardous waste pollution and social isolation-
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Tho Cosh of Sprowi-Revisite
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The Costs of Ewing, Reid. 19!)7. "Is Los Angele.< Style Sprawl Desirable?" and Gordon, Peter and Harry W. Richardson. 19!na. "Are Compact Cities a D esirable Planning Goal?" Journal of the American Planning Associ41ion 63, 1 (winter): 107-126. These two articles published in the American Planning Association Joumal debate the sprawl issue. The first article by Reid Ewing paints sprawl as undesirable. It defines sprawl not as suburbanization per se but rather as a wasteful form of ourward development. Sprawl is characte.rized by: I ) leapfrog or scattered development; 2) commercial stri p development; or 3) large expanses of low density or single-use development. Ewing points out two indicators that typify sprawl---suburban environments that are difficult to access and those that lack functional open space. Locations tha t are difflcult to access are those far from the core and from each other; locations that lack functional open space arc defined as those where open space is totally private and cannot he used to link neighborhoods, buffer incompatible uses, o r provide space for social interaction recreation or civic functions According to Ewing, sprawl is reinforced by consumer preference, technological innovation, public transportation subsidies, and the "more than shelter" concept of the hou sing market. Costs of sprawl include increased: I) vehicle mile.s traveled; 2) energy consumed; 3) public/private infrastructure; 4) depletion of developable and fragile lands; and 5) psychic and social stress. The cures for sprawl include more government oversight in the form of state and regional planning and more compact, mixed-use cluster development. Annotations The second article by Peter Gordon and Harry W Richardson attempts to attack "compact cities" as an alternative to spread-ou t metropolitan development or sprawl. Gordon and Richardson define compact citie.s as those with high densities at a macro or metropolitan level; 2) even higher densities at a micro or neighborhood/comrnurtity l evel; or 3) even higher densit ies at a downtown or central city level. Gordon aod Richardson reject compact cities because: I) people like low. rather than high-density living; 2) there is no real chance that at either a national or global level there will be a shortage of land; 3) there is currently an energy glut, and therefore no need to alter residential preferences to conserve fuel ; 4) the automobile is the most efficient and preferred way to access residential neighborhoods, and ideally suited to spread development; 5) suburbs are not congested and by their location have contributed to less inner-city and inner suburb congestion; 6) inner city ( compact) and suburban (spread) work and shopping trips are compatible; 7) agglomeration economies, once the province of cities, have now moved to suburbs; and 8) central locations have no market and continue to decline, and their rescue is a wasteful misallocation of public funds. Given these reasons, no case can be made for compactness as a deseription of desired urban form. Which article is right? The answer is probably both. People appear to prefer the accroutrements of suburban living but dislik e strip commercial development; 2) they want to distance themselves from urban problems, but worty about energy and land consumption; 3) they like their automobiles but see merit in transit; 4) they see a growing sophistication in sub urbs but acknowledge a need for safe and functioning cities; and 5) they travel and function in an environment TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP} H-I 0

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that is less than efficient and Jess than beautiful, but very, very comfortable. Hanson, M. E. 1992. ''Automobile Subsidies and Land Use: Estimates and Polley Responses.'' Journal of the American Planning Association 58, 1: 60-71. This paper estimates the subsidies of automobile use in Madison, Wisconsin, a mediu m-sized city, in 1983. Hanson uses data on highway costS and taxes in the city and detcnnines that direct subsidies for highway infrastructure. maintenance, and policing were equival en t to $0.024 per passenger-mile or $105 per person in 1983. I ndirect subsidies for air and water pollution, petroleum prices, land-use opportunity costs, and personal injury were estimated from national data, and are, therefore. les s precise than the highway data. Nonetheless, he calcu lat es that indirect subsidies were equal to $0.034 per passenger mile or $257 per person. In this estimation of costs, the largest subsidies were for personal injury (36 percent), highways (23 percent), and air pollution (15 percent) Hanson contends that subsidization of the automobile produces more dispersed patterns of deve lop ment than would occur otherwise. Furthermore, he claims tha t sprawled developmem limits transportation options by making the automobile the only viable source of travel. Litman, Todd. 1995. Transportation Cost Analysis: Techniques, Estimates and Implications. Victoria, BC: Victoria Transport Policy Institute. February. Based on a review of existing studies, Litman estimates the cost per mile for a number of different modes of R.utgn l tooking Ponon &Md::.morf ECONortlwr' 159 Annotation' transportation: average car, fuelefficient car, electric car, van, rideshare passenger, diesel bus electric bus/trolley motor c y cle, bicycle, walking, and telecommuting. Th e report includes cost estimates for 20 different factors that affect travel cho ice, ranging from the costs of operating a vehicle to the cost of lack of transportation options. Litman estimates tha t for urban travel during peak periods, a mile of travel by automobile cost s $1.33 Of this amount, $0.16 is anriblltable to variable vehicle costs, $0.25 to fixed vehicle costs, $0.31to user time and risk, and $0.61 to external or societal costs su ch as pollution and land use impacts. The same mile o f travel in an urban area during the off -peak hours co s t s S 1.06, with $0.14 attributable to various vehicle costs. $0.25 to fixed ve.hicle costS, $0.33 to user time and risk, and $0.34 t o external or s ocial costs. Litman does not separate out govern mental costs of trdvel. Those costS paid by users. such as roads bu ilt with gaso line taxes, are considered user costs; those paid through general taXes, such as policing, are l umped in external costS. The largest external costs in Litman's scheme are for air pollution, accident cos t s not paid by the user, the opportu nity costs of land currently used for roads, and external costs of energy consump t ion such as tax subsidies energy security, and environmental damage. Litman contends that land-use costs are a legitimate cost of automobile use because auto use encourages sprawl. It requires large amounts efland for transportation facilities and makes development of the urban fringe much easier. The effects include loss of prime fannland and wetlands, aesthetic degradation loss of community, and TRANSIT COOPERARVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HIO

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lhe of Sprowl-Revisited higher transJl()rtation costs. Indeed, Litman estimates that land-us e effects cost about 7 cents per mile, compared to 33 to 35 cents per mile for owning and operating the vehicle and 17 to 23 cents for travel time. This study provides relative measures of the various costs of using the automobile versus other modes of travel; the calculations are based on estimates made by others. The data used rarely cover the full range of modes for which the author estimates costs. Thus, the figures in his tables are oft e n simplified. The author attempts to moneti:re all costs despite the lack of hard data on many costs The numbers are average estimates and do not consider location spec ific fact ors such as differences in costs for urban and rura l road building or congestion. The types of outcomes that the author counts as land -u se impacts of transJX>rtation are generally counted elsewhere in an analysis o f the costs of the sprawl and should not be counted again. MacKenzie J. J,, R C. Dower, and D. D. T Chen. 1 992. The Going Rate: What It Really Costs to Drive. Washington, DC: World Resources Institute. Thi s repol't estimates the amount spent on automob il e subsidization in the U nited States; it defines subsidies as costs not paid directly by the user According to the study, road users pay only about 60 percent of the $53.3 billion annual governmental costs of building and maintaining roads They pay on l y 25 percent o f the $91.0 billion police fire, and other municipal costs associated with automobile use. Free employer-provided parking accounts for the largest portion of the subsidy. The authors estimate that 85 percent of the $100 billion cost of employee parking is Annotations not paid by the user. The reJX>rt also estimates that users pay virtually none of the air pollution costs (estimated to be $37 billion), security costs for maintaining a reliable supp l y of oil ($25 billion), petroleum subsidy ($0.3 bil1ion) or noise pollution costs ($9 billion) About 15 percent of accident costs, or $55 bill ion wonh, are also estimated to be paid by someone other than the resJX>nsible party. The authors were unabl e to estimate some costs, however, such as the oppol'tuoit y cost s ofland devoted to roads Estimates are based on data from pre vious srudies. Estimates of externality costs are more speculative than other costs. Parsons Brlnckerhoff Quade and Douglas. 1996a. Cost of Travel in Boulder. City of Boulder, CO. July 15. This study employs the methods of the Apogee srudy; local data for govern mental costs; and national data for s ocietal co sts; and local and national data for user costs to estimate the total cost of typical trips by various modes within tbe built environment of Boulder. The study i s based on acrual travel times to and from spec ific locations. The authors estimate that the cost of commuting to Denver (25. 5 miles) is $24 .61 by single-occupancy vehicle (SOV) and $15 79 by transit. The SOV trips breaks down as follow: $19.40 for user costs (mostly travel time ) ; $1.16 for governmental costs; and $4.04 for societal costs The transit trip includes $10.68 for user costs; $4.70 for governmental costS (mostly for transit provision), and $0.41 for societal costs. Although. in this case, transit is a cheaper trip, for a multi-purpose shopping trip of9.75 miles within the city of Boulder, an SOV trip costs much TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H IO

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less than a tranSit trip. $11.66 versus S29.17. Transit is more e x pensive because of the time involved and because of the relatively high governmental expen ses for off-peak transit traveL F or a short 2-m ile trip to dow n town B oulder, more options are co nsidered. An SOY trip costs $4 02, a transi t trip $3.43 a bike tripS 1.74, and a pedestrian trip $5. 59. The relatively high costs of pedestrian travel is due to the longer time needed to comp lete the trip. T h is stud y shows that travel costs vary with the environment and by type of trave L Transit costs l ess for long commutes ; walk ing and bicycling are viable alt e rnatives for s h ort trips in a comp act city; the car is be s t for linked trips. Voorhees, M. T 1 99Z. Th e True Costs of the Automobile to Sociel)l. City of Boulder, CO. J anuary. This study e st i ma t es the t o t a l annual cost of automob il e use in the U nited States i n 1990. T he author divid es costs into two main categories: I) the direct expenses of automobile ownership and use, including the cost of highways ; and 2) external costs, including direct monetary costs, for emergency medical care; lost economic gain due to air pollution and othe r externalities; and the opportunity costs of using land for roads and parki ng. Rely i n g on data from other studies, he es t imates tha t in 1990, the total cos t of automobile use in the U.S was S 1.152 trillion The largest were direct expendituieS for automobile ownership and use ($440 billion, or 38 percent ); land-use opportunity costs ($ 246 billion, or 21 percent); congestion costs ($146 billion or 13 percent); air pollution costs ($100 billion. or 9 percent); and highway cos t s ($80 billion, o r 7 percent). Annotations V oomees a l so argues that the automobile has two major land -use impacts; it consumes large amounts of land for roads and parking and it enco ur ages sprawL He d oes not try to estimate the costs o f sprawl. how eve r beca u se he la ck s data an d because these cos t s are alrea d y calcu l ated in the amount of fuel consumed and other costs of using the autom obile that result from a more dispersed pattern of development His external cost estintates are quite subjective and would easily be changed by making different assumptions. The cos t estimat e for land opportunity costs i s relatively large co mpared to estimates in other s tudies L AN D /N ATU R A L H ABITAT PRESERVATION 1. LAND PRE SERVATION AND CO MMUN I TY COHESI ON A r endt R an dall et al. 1994 b Rural by DeJign. Was hi ngto n D C: American P la nn ing Associatio n ln this volume, Arendt and h is fellow authors supply the reader with a grea t deal of material on a broad range of land design s ubjects, selected for their relevance t o residents and local officials in rural and suburbanizing areas The author's objective is to present pertinent information both to people working and living in small town s and to rural planners The book's emphasi s is on design issues and it provides m aterial that i s not readily availab le outside of t echnical publications. The authors wor k to provide answers to co mmon l y que s ti ons, and s upply TRANSIT COO PEAADVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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readers with numerous examples of rural residential and commercial projects that have used creative design techniques. Photographs and schematic site plans are used to show how these viable alternatives to conventional design approaches work. One section of the book contains extensive information devoted to the "traditional town i n the belief that these rural conununities wi.ll be able to conserve much of the i r remaining character and sense of place only if res idents and loca l officials gain a fuller understanding of some of the basic principals underlying the form and the functioning of traditional towns. The authors see it as their role to encourage new development that complements, enhances, and builds upon historic town patterns Arendt, Randall. 1996. Conservation Design for Subdivisio11s: A Practical Guide to Creating Open Space Networks. Washington, DC: Island Press. Arendt published this book in response to numerous inqu iries concerning two earlier books on rural design principles. Readers wanted to know more about the techniques available to landowners, developers, local officials and conservation organizations who w e re interested in conserving land in the development process They were all looking for ways that land could be assembled and positioned so that communities could enjoy open space for years 10 come In this book, Arendt sets out principles that are far from novel, but them in a way that is easily understood by lay people. He addresses residential development around a central organizing principle-land conservation. He describes a way that ope n space can be R.utgrs Brookingt PorSQM lrindtertlolf ECONortnwe11 142 Anno.totion.s arranged so that it will create an int e r connected network of protected lands. Arendt views the "conservation subdivision" as the key component of this conununity -wide system of open space. Arendt's vision is for land-use planners to work much more closely with conservation professionals, and with developers and landscape architects, to help strengthen the "Greenspace Alliance." The author believes that this can be accomplished in a way that respects both tlte rights of landowners and the equity of developers. According to his view, developers can build at full density only when their desig n includes meadows. fields and woodlands that would otherwise have been graded, and convert e d into house lots and overly wide streets Beaumont, Constance. 1996b. S11Ulrt States, Better Communities. Washington, DC: National Trust for Historic Presenation. In this book about restoring A m erican communities, Beaumont expends considerable effort on exploring alternatives to a uniquely American infatuation with "sterilized, similar modem suburbs." One can tell just from this statement the view that she holds about American suburbs. Beaumont e xamines the role of state governm ents in growth management, especially the way they deal with several primary aims of the historic preservation movement, such as protecting the economic viability of historic downtowns and neighborhoods; preserving the countryside and character of local conununities; and maintaining a sense of conununity. These are often exactly the objectives that are thwarted by current trend development, which rRANSI COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.!O

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Tht Co.sts of Sprowi-.Revi siNd results in older c omm u nity disinv estme nt, a radical transfonn a tion of t h e countrysi de and the creat i o n o f "cemerless, featurel ess settle ment patterns." Beaum ont begins her effon by first defining sprawl, and the n she exp l ains why sprawl create s probl e m s f o r co mmunity l i vability and hist oric p r ese rvation S he also e x amines tbe economi c assumptions underly ing sprawl -type d evelopmen t and loo ks at vario u s s tate po lic i es tha t aim t o man age thi s type of gr owth Dahl, Thomas E. 1990. l'lttlatrds Losses in the Uni ted States: 1780 s -1980s. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interi or, Fish and Wildlife Service. D ahl points out that in co l o nial America. about 400 mi llio n acres of wetlands exis t ed; by the 1980s the we tland s inv e ntory had dropped t o 250 miiUon ac res Wetlands occur in every s tate in the nation in varying s ize, s hape, and type. Variation occurs beca u se of differences i n climate ve g eta tion. so il s, and hydro lo gic c onditions Until recen tly w etlands were generally co n s idered a hin d ra n ce S wamp s bogs, s l o ughs, and other w e tl and areas were regarded as wasteland s, t o be drained, filled, or manipulated to "produce" services and commoditi es. Recently, however, wetland s have c ome to be see n as vital areas t hat co n s titute a p roductive and i nvaluable p ublic resource. A cco rding to Dahl i n order t o p revent c ontinued wetlands l osses, de ve l o pment mus t proceed in an environmentally responsible way. Development must respect the natural habitat s of wetlands lutg.n Brookings Pott
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Michigan SOOety of Planning Officials (MSPO). 1995. Patterns on the Land: Our Choices, Our Future. Rochester, Ml: Michigan Society of Planning Officials. This report by the Michigan Society of Planning Officials (MSPO) reveals that, over the past three decades, Michigan has experienced a major population shift to suburban and rural areas Spraw l is most apparent in Southeast Michigan, the Grand Rapids area, and Traverse City, but is also occurring in most of the lower half of the l ower peninsula, and in a number of northern counties. The study's authors claim that there is a growing sense of community degeneration, manifested by citizens at public bearings on land use. The authors warn that if this pattern of development continues. certain costs and problems will be created, including significant public capital and maintenance expenditures channeled to water. sewer. roads, and other infrastructure; the continued decline of urban areas; the loss of jobs in key resource-based industries such as agriculture, timber harvesting. and mining once open land is convened to residential and commercial uses; the loss of the aesthetic appeal of n atural open spaces ; and the l oss of a distinct edge between city and country in the developing landscape. The authors warn that, although the current pattern can be sustained for several decades, the impact on renewable resources and mineral deposits will be irreversible On a more positive note, tbe study concludes that an informed public can achieve a different future through coordinated and integrated land use planning creative use of new technology. and better information Annototion-1 Moe, Richard, and Carter Wilke. 1997. Cluznging Pliues: Rebuilding Communities in the Age of Sprawl. New York: Henry Holt. The authors begin with the premise that many of America's communities (new as well as old; suburban and rural as well as inner city) are not functioning as they should. There are a number of reasons for this. but Moe and Wilke stress the fact that the leaders and residents of these communities have either made bad choices, allowed bad choices to be made for them. or made no choices at all. They claim tha t communities can be "shared by choice" or they can be "shared by chance." In other words, we can continue to accept the communities we get, or we can insist on getting the kind of communities we want. Moe and Wilke assert that the design of most contemporary American communities is largely determined by highway engineers and superstore developers They have stepped into the void left by public officials (who are either resigned to, or eager for, this kind of development) and by citizens-who are either complacent or powerless. Communities are built in a series of steps, each one so apparently logical or innocuous that it goes unchallenged. The result, as the authors point out is rampant sprawl. a phenomenon that has reduced the social and economic vitality of traditional communities and filled millions of acres of fannland and open space with "formless. soulless, unconnected structures." Moe and Wilke put forth two alternatives to sprawl: (1) better planning of how we use our land; and (2) the use (or reuse) of the capacity of older neighborhoods, towns, and downtowns to a greater extent than they are used currently Both alternatives, TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP} H-10

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7ht Cosfs of SprowJ-Revisifed claim the authors, are essential if we are to successfully manage growth and contain sprawl before it bankrupts society and local economies. Nelson, Arthur C. 1992b. "Preserving Prime Farmland in the Face of Lessons from Oregon" Journal of the American Plilnning Association 58: 471-488. This article first reviews Oregon's effective combination of policies to preserve prime farmland despite intense urbanization pressures. It then proceeds to propose a scheme for comprehensive farmland preservation, building on Oregon's successes and mistakes. Prime farmland near urban areas is required for three imponant reasons: the production of truck and specialty crops; the provision of key environmental functions such as flood water absorption, air cleansing, and water filtration; and for open space protection and the provision of spatial definition to urban areas. Communities in every state have implemented farmland preservation techniques, with varying degrees of success. According to the author. for a policy to be successful it must influence the land market in the several different ways. It must increase the productive value of farmland; it must stabilize, reduce. or eliminate the value of the farmland tract as a single-family homesite (the consumptive value); it must remove the speculative value of farmland; and it must eliminate the impermanence syndrome. According to Nelson, property tax relief programs reduce the propeny tax farmers pay for urban and educational services which mostly benefit urban residents. As a result, this policy Rut9u 8rooking.t Por.on_. Brind;erfloff ECON:ortfwe ., 1 65 subsidizes housing costs and tums farmers into speculators. Rig1Jt-to1ann laws protect farmers from nuisance complaints from urban residents. However, although farmers usually win their legal battles, they often lose because of the heavy financial expense of the process. Transfer of deve/.opment rights (TDR) and purchase of development riglrts ( PDR) programs preserve farmland by compensating farm owners for maintaining their farmland However, these programs often fail because the programs are randomly applied and usually result in isolated farmland tracts being surrounded by urban development. A final common strategy. agricultural zoning, restricts land uses to farming and other open space activities. Non exclusionary agricultural zoning also restricts lot sizes to certain minimums. Smaller minimum lot sizes (higher densities) usually result in a form of development called rural sprawl. As a result, nonexclusive agricultural zoning is generally only e ff ective when large lot size requirements ( 160 acre minimum) are coupled with strict development review. Exclusive agricultural zones, on the other hand, restrict all non-farm activities and require that farmland be used for commercial activities. This stra tegy can only be effective when all prime farmland is zoned for excl usive agricultural use and urban development pressures are divened to other areas Oregon has implemented a statewide program to preserve farmland in the Willame!te Valley. This 4.000 square mile valley, contains one-!lurd of the state's prime farmland; 40 percent of the state's agricultural products; and houses more than two thirds of the state's population. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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Oregon's fannland preservation plan does not rely on a single strategy. Rather, it employs a multifaceted approach consisting of exclusive agricultural districts, urban growth boundaries, development restrictions in exurban areas, farm use tax deferrals and right-to-farm provisions Data from the 1987 Census of Agriculture suggest that Oregon s policies are working. They are preserving a viable agricultural economy, while at the same time accommodating a craze for hobby farms. The effectiveness of Oregon's effons can be further analyzed by comparing developments in Oregon with those in nearby Washington a state without a statewide farmland preservation plan. Oregon has lost more small farms than Washington, but it has gained more larger farms (over 500 acres), more commercial farms (over $10,000 in earn ings}. and more total farm acreage. According to the author, a successful farmland preservation plan relies on multiple tec h n iques and strategies which work together and reinforce each other. Z. LAND PRESERVATION AND SPRAWL: EMPIRICAL STUDIES Burchell., Robert W., and David Ustokin. 199Sa lAnd, Infrastructure Housing Costs, and Fiscal Impacts Associawd wilh Growth: The Literature on the Impacts of Sprawl venus Managed Growth. Paper prepared for "Alternatives to Sprawl" Conference, Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. March. This short summary paper reviews the major studies on sprawl through 1995. It draws heavily upon the research done by the same authors for the State of New Jersey, as well as the work of Annotation' James Duncan and Jam es Frank in Florida. This paper however, was prepared before Burchell's studies of Lexington (Kentucky}, the Delaware Estuary, Michigan, and South Carolina were released The paper examines the implications of planned development versus more traditional decentralized development in the areas of land consumption infrastructure costs, housing costs, and fiscal impacts. Most of the studies reviewed in the paper contrast sprawl with at least one other development pattern. Sprawl is described as development that typically i ncludes subdivision sty l e residential development and strip nonresidential development consisting of skipped over, noncontiguous land development, including low-density residential and low floor-area ratio nonresidential developments. In contrast, planned development is described as seeking to contain new growth around existing centers and limiting development in rural and sensitive environmental areas, usually accomplished by increasing the share and density of development close in to existing development The growth analyzed in this paper is assumed to consist of househo l d growth that in tum leads to job growth, which requires additional land. Ideally, this growth and the provision of facilities to accommodate it are handled in a timely, harmo nious manner. Traditional growth is shown to depart from the most harmonious possible path by locating residential and other development in "a new outer ring of the metropolitan area with access from this new outer ring oriented increasing l y to a beltway or interstate [highway] rather than central core job locations." Increasing under-utilization of core land and infrastructures result. This process is associated with the development of TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (fCRP) H-10

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n.. Com of Sprowi-RvUilod "edge cities," which, in tum, generate a new farther-out ring of bedroom residential subdivisions ''Th e core of the metropolitan area, absent redevelopment, become s relatively abando ned by a variety of necessary and blue-chip economic activities and a home by default for poor residents who canno t follow ... or are not allowed to follow upper-income residents to the suburbs (because of zoning) Even with redevelopment. the central core is a suuggling entity with no soft goods retail anchors, oo quality supermark ets or movie theaters, a declining upwardly mobile population, public school systems being replaced by private, and increasingly higher propeny taxes to pay for rising public service costs" (3). Traditional growth is costly because new infrastructure must be provided for those households and bus inesses located far out, and the old infrastructure must be maintained for those left behind Yet in the shol'l run traditional growth is not bad for a region. It distributes firms and house holds to localities that min. imize individual out-of-pock e t cos ts. No consideration is given to the larger societal costs or impacts of these individual choices. The alternative development pattern of planned growth channels the growth to more efficient location s over the long run. Most of the farout growth which arises in traditional development is contained closer to existing infras tructure and built -up areas. Thus. "in the final equation ... there is a more orde rly and Jess wasteful relationship between old and new development" (5). Another goal of planned development is the conservation of open space (i.e ., agricultural land. forests, and environ mentally sensitive areas). The New Jersey analysis compare s the impacts of development in New J ersey for the Rutg.e11 trlncUrfloR 167 period 1990 to 20 I 0 under two development scenarios-TREND versus PLAN. The authors developed a series of models to examine the relative effects of eac h sce nario. They found tha t more than enough land existed statewide to accommodate the projected twenty year development (I 990-20 10) of persons households, and employees under both traditional (TREND) and managed (PLAN) growth. The authors estimated that development under TREND would consume 292,100 acres, whereas PLAN could accommodate the same l eve l of growth but would consume only I 17,600 acres -175,000 fewer acres than the alternative (Burcbcll eta!. I 992b ). PLAN's overall land drawdown was 60 percent less than TREND. Managed growth would also offer the environmental ad\antage of preserving greater levels of frail and agricultural lands. If historical rates of loss are projected into the future, under TREND 36,500 acres of f rail lands would be co n sumed for dev e lopment during the 20-year period. By contrast under PLAN. frail and agricultural consumption drops to 7,150 acres, only 20 percent of the TREND scenario In other words, managed growth in New Jersey could accommodate future development and at the same time, save more than 30,000 acres of frail environmenta l lands. In a similar vein, although development under TREND would co nsume 108,000 agricultural acres between 1990 and 20 I 0. under PLAN, only 66,000 agricultural acres would be drawn down, representing a savings of 42,000 acres or 4 0 percent of prime agricultural land T!IANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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Land is, John D. 1 995. Improving Land Ose Futuru: Applying the California Urban Futures Model." Journal of the Amtrican PIJJntring Association 61, 4 ( Autumn ): 438. This article explains how the California U rban Futures (CUF) Model, a second generation metropolitan planning model works to help planners and other individuals create and compare alternative land use policies. Landis demonstrates bow the model simulates the impacts of regional and subregi onal growth policy and planning alterna tives. He expends much effon explaining the design principals and l ogic of the CUF model, and in presenting CUF model simulation results of t hree alternatives for growth policy and l and-use p lanning for the San Fran cisco Bay and Sacramento areas. The three alt ernatives offered are a) "business.asusual"; b) "maximum environmental proteCtion'"; and c) a "compact cities" scenari o. Each alternati ve is evaluated for its impact on overall land consumption and the c onsumption of environmen tally se nsitive lands in parti cular, at the county level. Alternatives (b) and (c) show considerable overall land savings and considerable savings in environmentally sensitiv e lands relative to the business as-us ual scenario T otal land sav ed in sce narios (b ) and (c) were 1 5,000 and 46,000 acres, respectively. Redirected growt h in scenario (b) saved nearly 60,000 acres of p rime agricultura l land, I 0,500 acres of wetlands. and 3.000 acres of steep sloped land; scenario (c) saved 29,000 acres of prime agricultural land, 10,500 acres of wetlands, and 8,000 acres of steep sloped lands. Landis believes that the CUF model breaks new groun d in that it incorporates GIS soAware to assemble, Ruf\t
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The Cosh: of SprowJ....Revisited' appreciation, good schools, low propeny taxes, low income taxes, and strong state government. Money out, however, that the rating of quality of-life characteristics differs by gender and by type of household. Although informative, the Money rank ing does have some drawbacks. Since the survey res ults are based on a poU of readers, the results are probably not representative of the U .S. population in general. Furthermore Money docs not reveal enough about specific measures or scoring method to assess whether its rankings accurately reflect the survey results In addition, because the survey asks Money subscribers to rate only 41 quality-of life characteristics, it may not include every characteristic that readers think are important. Overall, however, this article provides insight into how the topic of quality of life is typically treated in the popular li terature. Hall, Bob, and Mary Lee Kerr. 1991. 1991-1992 Green Index: A State-ByStale Guide to lh
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Precourt, Geoffrey and Anne Faircloth. 1996. "Best Cities: Where the Lhing is Easy." Fortune (November 11): 126136. This article identifies the 15 best U.S. cities and the five best international cities for worl< and family. Much of the article i s devoted to qualitative descriptions of the best cities with little explanation of the methods us ed for the rankings Among the variables considered are the crime rate . quality of schools, availability of cu ltu re, traffic congestion, number of doctors, tax rates, price of real estate, and costs of a martini and a first-run movie. The article contains a table showing the attributes of the cities in the following six categories: Demographics: Measured by 1996 population, projected percentage change in population 1996-2001 median househo ld income, and percentage of population with bachelor's degree Cosr of living: Measured by the cost of living index, high-end housing price low end housing rent, and the cost of a loaf of French bread and a martini Business: Measured by percentage employed in managerial posi tions, Class A office rental rate, best business hotel recommended restaurant, and average commute time Leisure: Measured by the number of art museums. public libraries. and IS hole golf courses. as well as the most visited attraction Climate: Measured by the number of days below 32 degrees above 90 degrees, and incidence of poor air quality Quality of Life: Measured by violent crime rate and doctors per capita lt'ltgen 8rool:ings Porsons 8rinclcerhorf ECONorth-st 170 Annotations Savageau, David, and Richard B oyer. 1993. Places Rated Almanac. New York: Macmillan Travel. The authors use an extensive set of criteria to rank 343 U.S. and Canadian metropolitan areas by ten categories. These categories, with their specific component measures are: Costs of Living: average house price, the cost of utilities, property taxes, college tuition the cost of food at home, the cost of health care, and the cost of transportation, all indexed relative to the U.S. average Jobs: the number and percent increase in new jobs Housing: annual payment for average priced home Transportation: commute time, and the cost of mass transit, national highways airline service. and passenger rail service Educarion: number of students enrolled in community or two-year colleges and private and public four-year or graduate-level institut io ns Health Care: number of generaVfamily practitioners, specialists, short-term hospital beds, and hospitals Crime : violent crime and propeny crime rates The Arts: number of concen or classical format stations, touring artists bookings ( classical music, dance, professional theatre ) resident ans companies (class i cal music, ballet, professional theatre), nonprofit art museums/galleries, and public library collections Recreation: number of public golf courses, good restaurants, movie theatre screens, zoos, aquariums, and family theme parks; incidence of parimutual betting, professional and college sporting events, ocean or Great Lakes coastlines, national TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (1CRP) HlO

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forests, national parks, national wildlife refuges, and state parks Climate: number of very bot and cold months, seasonal temperature varia tion, heatingand cooling-degre e days, freezing days, zero-deg ree days, 90-degree day s Each of the measures is convened into a score; The scores are then summed to rank metropolitan areas in each category. The scoring method implicitly weighs the specific measures and describes the relationship between the measure and quality of life. The ranks in each category are then summed for an overall score that is used to rank the metropolitan areas. Each category has equal weight in the overall ranking, however, the authors discuss how the reader can use his or her personal preferences to weight the categories to get a personalized ove.raJI ranking of metropolitan areas. Although this book puts fonh a commo n sense and anecdotal notion of quality of life, it provides no theoretical underpinning or review of relevant literature. The authors' scoring system implicitly weights the various measures with no apparent basis other than their own opinion. Although the book acknowledges that individual s will have different preferences, the method the authors s uggest readers use to apply weights ranking categories will not yield a ranking based on preference because it does not change the weighting of the speci fie measures that went into the ranks by category. nor will it address measures that were not considered. Mnoh:ltions 1. INDI CATORS, REPORT CARD S, AND BENCHMARKS Andrews, James H. 1996. "Going by the Numbers.'' Planning (September ) 14-18. Many states, cities, and hamlets use indicators to measure their own economic and social health, and to set furure goals. This article takes a look at these indicators which are often referred to as "benchmarks" or "vital s igns." Local governments often create these measures, but they are sometimes developed by community groups All indicator projects discussed in this at1icle used some public proce ss to identify specific measures. Cenain indicator projects have a specific focus, such as government performance or the environment; others are more comprehensive. Three examples are lis ted below. Jacksonville, Florida developed a Quality of Life index in 1985 and updates the index annually. A 1991 community review of the index revealed education as the community's top priority. The other categories in the index include the economy, public safety, natural environment, health, social environment, government and politics culture and recreation, and mobility Specific measures used in the index include the number of outdoor sign permits issued, the cost of 1,000 kwh of electricity, student fitness t est scores in 50th percentile or better, and repons of commute times of less than 25 minutes. Jacksonville has recently developed an equity index that provides a neighborhood level looks at measures from the Quality of Life index related to delivery of public services, such as police response times. "Sustainable Seattle" is an indicator project focused on the region's longTRANSIT COOPEAATIVE RESEAROf PROGRAM (TCRP) HIO

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The Costs ol S prowf-Revisite
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housing affordability, traffic congestion, threats to the area's water quality and naturnl environment and the perception that downtown office development tlueatened the city's music scene. These consequences were perceived locally to be caused by unmanaged development. In reaction, t he Austin Chamber of Commerce began a research program to measure trends in the area's quality of life. Leade rs of int.erest groups were interviewed to identify significant aspects of Austin's quality o f life; measures for these aspects were developed, and residents surveyed about tbe importance of these measures in their perceived quality of life. It was determined that residents placed more importance on concerns such as c rime, cost of living. schools traffic, and jobs, than they did on amenities s uch as shopping, restaurant s and entertainment. Sixty-two percent of recent migrants identified quality of life as an important factor in attracting them to Austin Oregon Progr ess B oard 1 994. Oregon Benchmarks : Standards for Ma s uring Statewille Progress and Ins titutional Per formance. R eport to the 1995 Legi slature. Sa l e m OR: Oregon Progress Board. December The Oregon Progre;;s Board is a pan of the State of Oregon's Economic Devel opment Department. Oregon B enchmar k s for Quality of Life" are measurable indicators used at the statewide level t o assess the state's progress toward broad stra t egic goals. Tbe categories and subcat.egories of measures used for the benchmarks include : Unspoiled Narural E11vlronmenr : air, water, land plant s/fish/wildlife, and outdoor recreation Developed Communities that are Con venient, Afforcklble, Accessible, and Environmentally Sensitive: commun ity design, transportation. housing access for persons with disabilities, access between commun iti es. and emergency preparedness Communities thor are Safe, Enriching. and Civic Minded, with Access to Essential Services: public safety, justice, access to culturnl cruicbment, sense of community, access to bealth care, and access to child care. Other measure have been devised as "Benchmarks for Peop le" and Benchmarks for the Economy." 3. ECONOM I CS LITERA T URE Duffy, N. E. 1994. T he Determ inants of S tate Manufacturing Growt h R ates: A Two -Digit -Level Analysis.'' Journal of R egiona l Scien ce 34 (2): 137 1 62. This examination of the nation's manufacturing industr i es illustrates the potential importance of amenities and their impact on migration patt erns. Duffy observes that, "One of the most not iceable economic phenomena of this century has been the change in the regional d istrib ution of manufacturing." Duffy examines the factors related to interstate differences in the growth of employment in 19 manufacturing industries between 1954 and 1987. He finds that for four of the 19 industries the pattern of employment growth was directly related to amenities In the study, amenities are represented by two variables: one that distinguishes states with a warm climat e from those with a cold climate; and another that identifies the states that exhibit both a high population of retirees and high in migration rates. Duffy also finds that 18 of the industries studied bad shifted TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM ITCRP) H.IO

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closer to their product markets and 16 had shifted closer to workers. Gabriel, Stuart Joe P. Mattey, and William L. Wascher. 1996. Comptn sating Di//trentiJJ/s and Evolution qf the Quality-
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empirically. Roback finds that regional differences in wages and land rents are largely explained by regional differences in amenities. The results of her empirical work indicate that crime, pollution, and cold weather are disamenities, while clear days and low population density are amenities. Amenities will decrease wages and increase land rents; disamenitics will increase wages and decrease land rents. Rosen, Sherwin. 1979. "Wage-Based Indexes of Urban Quality of Life." lo Peter Mleszkowski and Mabton Straszheim, eds., Cu"entlssues in Urban Economics. Baltimore: J ohns Hopkins University Press. Rosen examines the determinants of interne Eagles to Metro and Nonmetro In-Migration. Pullman, WA: Social & Economic Sciences Research Center, Washington State University. 86-19. June. The main objective o f this study is to determine to what extent decisions to move to the state of Washington and subsequent employment are influenced by the availability and the use of information t echnology in the state. The study also investigates the push and pull factors that contribute to a migrant's decision to move The study estimates that 2,600 so -c alled lone eagles individuals who are able to live anywhere and telecommutc to work-moved to Washington in 1 995 and that many of them did so for quality of life reasons. The most influential pull factors that lone eagles cited included the quality of the natural environment, out door recreational opportunities. a de sirable climate and a safe place t o live. Influential push factors included urban congestion, undesirable climate, and fear of crime. von Reichert, Christiane, and Gundars Rudzitis. 199 2. "Multinomial Logistical Models Explaining Income Changes of Migrants to H igh-Amenity Counties." of Regional Studies 22, 1: 25-42. This article uses a survey of migrants to, and residents of. 15 high-amenity wilderness counties to determine what factors can explain the migr.mts' willingness to accept declines in income after moving. Survey respondents were asked about their dissatisfaction! satisfaction with their previous location (push factors) and the importance of certain attributes in their destination TRANSIT COOPERADVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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county in their migration decision (pull factors). On the push side, such factors as environmental quality, pace of life, crime, scenery, and the lack of outdoor recreation in their previous locations produced higher levels of dissatisfaction than did the employment opportunities and cost of living ther e. In a simi lar manner, survey respond ents placed more importance on such pull fact ors as environmental q uality, scenery, outdoor recreation and other natural resource amenities in their new locations than they did on emplo yment opportunities and cost of living The study finds that approximately half of the surveyed received lower incomes and that quality of life and amenities were more important factors in attracting migrantS to the counties than employment opportunities. 4. SOCIOLOGY LITERATURE Popenoe, David. 1979. "Urban Sprawl: Some Neglected Sociological Consid erations." Sociology and Socilll Research 63 2: 255. Urban sprawl i s d efi ned by the author as very low-density urban development, oriented to the automobile, with detached single -family houses on rela t ively large lots. For Popenoe, urban sprawl implies a scatteration of jobs, shops. and services, often in the form of strip commercial development; a scarcity of large open or green spaces; and a lack of community focus in both the physical and social sense. Despite itS negative image however, he points out that most Americans live in environments characterized by urban spraw 1. Many Americans, including some sociologists, se e urban sprawl as Annotation' desirable when compared to crowded, noisy, violent, and corrupt cities. Ur ban sprawl gives the individual more space, increased safety, more privacy, and a piece of land to call one s own. Urban sprawl, however, has been attacked as expensive and a s ignificant user of nat ural resources. especially land and gaso line This article examines the effects on residents of living in low-density, suburban residential e nvironm e nts. Since the positive consequences of suburban living are reasonably well known this article is devoted ins tead to the negative conseque .nces. Four negative consequences have been fairly well-documented by sociologists: I Low density suburban development bas led to an intensification of resi dential segregation by race and social class. 2 The benefits of urban sprawl are distributed regressively with respect to wealth. 3. Of all the alternative forms of urban expansion urban sprawl is the one that is most destructive to the center city. 4. Although not an inherent conse quence of low-density development, urban sprawl, when linked up with America's small scale, semi autonomous local governments, has led to the proliferation of fragmented and overlapping governmental units. The negative consequences of urban sprawl appear most tangible when considering the situations of five groups: women, teenagers the poor, the elderly, and the handicapped. The author states that "it is hard to escape the conclusion that urban sprawl is an urban development form designed by and for men especially middledass men." Urban sprawl functions best when a resident has regular and direct access to an automobile, and middleclass men TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM /TCRP} H-10

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The Costs ol have more access to an automobile than the peop le in the five groups listed above. Fu rthermore, a major negative consequence of urban sprawl is deprivation of access. Even where community facilities and services are present and people can afford to use them, a large percentage of the population is disenfranchised from their use, due to in adequate transportation. A closely related negative consequence is environmental deprivation from a deficiency of local clements that provide activity, stimulation, and well being. This consequence applies particularly to teenagers. The walking environment of the l ow -density American suburb is virtually the sole environment for the teenage resident Yet in this env ironment homes are often placed so far apart that access to local friends is difficult. Moreover there is little diversity or variety of activities. The amenity that usually is offered is a shopping cent er, or perhaps a fastfood restaurant, where teenagers are often made to feel unwelcome if they just hang out. Popenoe mentions other poten tial negative consequences, including "sensory underload" and the "fall of public man." He also points out tha t the suburban trend of d i fferentiation of residential areas by stages in the life cycle-with families. single adults, and the elderly inhabiting entirely separate neighborhoods breaks up the "round of life" and may have negative consequences for young people. Annotations S. PSYCHOLOGY LITERATURE Zinam, Oleg. 1989 ''Quality of Life, Quality of the Individual, Technology and Economic Development." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 48, 1: 55-68. This article relates Maslow s (1970) "hierarchy of needs" to components of quality of life. These needs and the corresponding components are: I. Physical safety of natural habitat 2. Peace-security 3. Physiological -material well-being 4. Reputation, Love, Belongingness social harmony and justice 5. Independence--freedom, human rights, and dignity 6. Collective Self-actualization cultural heritage and consensus on values 7. Personal Self-actualization -moral perfection It is now generally accepted that there is a direct positive relationship between quality of life and quality of the person; that a higher quality of life improves the quality of the person in a self reinforcing manner. But there is also ample eviden c e of the possibility of an inverse relationship-i.e., a h igher quality of life may reduce the quality of the person (moral decay) and tha t a lower quality o f life may increase the quality of the person ("adversity builds character") TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.IO

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SOCIAL ISSUES l.THE GROWTH OF CITIES AND METROPOLITAN AREAS Barnett, Jonathan. 1995. The Fractured Metropolis: lmproing the New City, Restoring the Old City, Reshaping the Region. New York: Harper CoUins. This strictly narrative analysis of metropoUtan area trends advances the thesis that U.S. metropolitan settlements are splitting apart into "old cities" and "new cities It covers much of the same ground as Anthony Downs' s New Visions for Metropo/ita11 America but in a much less systematized, non quantitative way The author proposes redirecting a share of future growth into older cities where they have been "emptied out," and integrating new and old cities with strong public transit networks Barnett's analysis is heav ily s kewed tow ard physical design, since he is an architect and urban planner. He attacks strip commercial development in suburbs and advances many of the ideas of the "new urbanism." He favors compact development over continued sprawL He suppons strong tree preservation ordinances and other environmentally sensitive regulations. Barnett traces the historic deve lopmen t of older core areas and shows why the desire of the rich to live away from the poor, combined with transportation improvements, caused a withdrawal of resources from the center of our metropolitan areas. Annotation Anracting new investment to the bypassed areas of the older city is also the other side of the coin of policies to restrict growth at the urban fringe. One will not work without the other (118) He argues that some urban ccnu-al business districts (CBDs) have been growing, but the remaining portions of older cities have been shrinking. The current market for a new suburb in derelict parts of an old city is likely to consist of people from nearby areas who have s tarted to make a little money, plus people whose other housing choice is a small house or a mobile-home way out on the urban fringe (146) The minimum require ments (of successful inner-city revival I are to foster a community [with I affordable housing, public safety, and effective schoo l s. ( 163) The future of older cities depends ultimately on public po li cy initiatives that canno t be controlled directly. Older centers and neighborhoods need rapid transit links to the new centers in fonnerly suburban areas so that the metropolitan area can function as one economy. MetropoHtan services have to be supported by an equalized tax base; there needs to be limits to growth at the metropolitan fringe accompanied by major new investment in bypassed residential neighborhoods and derelict industrial districts. R ein tegra ting the metropolitan area is necessary for the survival of cities, suburbs, and the regional eco-system (175) The book's weakness is that Barnett does not indicate how to implement !tis recommendations or h ow to grapple with the political forces invo lved. He claims there have been major changes in the environment for TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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The Co"' ol metropolitan development, including the following: The addition of design methods to the practice of planning Community panicipation in plan nmg. The rise of the conservation ethic and the conce pt of sustainability. Environmental conservatism. He points out that we need positive planning about how to grow in the future. But, he says: [L]ocal governments are not accustomed to making affirmative decisions about which areas of the n atural landscape ought to be preserved and which areas should be built up ( 191) The basic components of any city design are the organization of public open space inc luding streets, plazas and parks or gardens-the architectural relationships among buildings, and the composition of building mass in relation to the landscape or the skyline. (193) The most difficult and central prob lem s of urban design today (are] reconciling t all build in gs with lower structures, or the need to inco rpor ate parking and highway viaducts within a physical fabric defined by streets and buildings. (196) Experience has led city designe rs to seek to reestablish the primacy of th e street in urban settings and go back to a mix of uses in central areas, rather than create the separate tower zones for office buildings that characterized many utban renewal plans." (196) His national action agenda includes the following: Annotation. Creating u rban growth boundaries around all metropol i tan areas. Adopting state planning laws in all 50 states. Creating regional revenue sharing based upon state-mandated revenue equalization formulas. Restoring natural e-eosystems in urban areas. Having local plans that encourage compact neighborhoods with a mix of housing types and dense commercial centers. Expanding public transit systems, beginning with more buses. Renovating public housing Helping some low-income house holds move out of areas of concentrated poverty. Spending more on inner-city schools, rather than industrial subsidies. The environmental movement could be a strong political c onstituen c y for the maintenance and restoration of the old city. (236) Although this book contain s an accurate analysis of basic trends, it lacks quantified analysis and political savvy about how its broad recommendations might be accomplished in real world settings. Drucker, Peter F. 1992. "People, Work, and the Future of the City." Managing the Future. New York: Dutton. 125-129. In this shon essay, Drucker explains how the growth of cities in the nineteenth century was due to advances in transponation that enabled people to move to centralized locations to work together. But now the author points out, it is cheaper and more convenient to move infonnation to where the people are. Nevertheless, big corporations will still want their top people together; and many people will still want to work in TRANSIT COOPERA TJVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H l 0

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groups. in the future, these groups will no longer n eed to be gathered in downtown office clusters. Work will be out-sourced to specialized finns that are not necessarily located downtown. We are probably at the end of the big boom in office consu:uction in major city downtowns, Drucker concludes. This essay covers no more than a fragment of the overall subject, without much depth of analysis and with very little supporting data. Fishman Robert. 1987. Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia. New York: Basic Books. T h is book discusses the role of suburbs in the historic development of modem urban life. It look s at the two phases of suburbia-the "original" suburb, and the post-industrial "te chnoburb .'' The original suburb, as defined by Fishman, was a retreat from the tumult of industry and commerce and high density residences that characterized the early industrial city into an exclusively residential community. It ftrSt appeared in the London area in the late eighteenth century, and became more prominent in the n.inctcenth and twentieth centuries, both in England and in America. The original suburbs were almos t exclusively residential areas, occupied almost entirely by the middle-<:lass elite; they excluded all industry and commerce, and all lower-income households. They were a retreat from the ills of city life into a more utopian scene linked to nature through the prevalence of single-family homes with private yards. Suburban life was family oriented and separated middle-class women from the world of work; it placed them in a world exclusively focused on the family. Annotation$ In F ishman s view, the suburb was a specialized bedroom community, the emplo yed residents of which commuted into either the central city downtown or its industrial areas; the employed residents never worked in suburbs themselves. Exclusion was at the heart of the suburbs as thus conceived. Industry commerce, diversity, jobs for women, and low-income households were all percieved as potential threats to the primacy of the family-<:entered, lot linked single-family home. Over time, however, the suburbs have gradually evolved into a completely different urban arrangement, su:uctured around what Fishman calls the "technoburb.'' I t can also be called the urban network form. What most people conceive of as the suburbanizat ion of America. Fishman considers a shift to a development pattern that radically undermines the original suburbs-and the old central city Although suburbs maintained their spec ialized roles as bedroom communities into the 1950s, the migration of so many other types of activities into suburban areas s ince then has changed the basic nature of these c ommunities. As they acquired first shopping facilities, then warehouses then industrial finns, and finally offices, they lost their exclusively residential character. They have been transformed into fully urban communities, but with no single center and with very low densities. This transformation was made possible by innovations in automobiles, roadways, and communications. Today, the metropolitan area is a non centered amorphous growth, resembling an amoeba without a nucleus. Although regional downtowns still exist, and central cities still specialize in housing the poor and some central faci lities and amenities, the vast majority of both residences and workplaces are scattered throughout the area in no particular TRANSIT COOPERADVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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pauem. They are linked by a huge network of roads and electronic communications. The center of each person's life i s his or her own home, and the universe of each consists of the territory he or she can reach within one hour's drive from home. T h ere is no singl e centxalized urban fonn because each household essentially has its ow n un. ique network. The overall fonn is an undefined massive overlapping of aU these individual networks The e x clusiviry of the old suburb has been destroyed, although poor people still seem conc entrated in older core areas. But all types of activitie s are now found at all distances from any one spot; there i s no singl e center that everyone relates to. This uncentered network has replaced the m onocentric city of old, and even the polycentric city of the 1960s and 1970s. What most people pcrcei ve of as suburbanization today involves the destruction of the fonner suburbs and their full urbanization in a totally dece ntr alized form. A key question concerning t he future of this trend is: "Is the low density of the new city destructive to all cultural diversity?" ( 200 ) Since this new netwo r k. con tains very few public spaces and no set of place s in which a large ftaction of the community habitually gathers or interactS phys ica ll y, there is no sense of community Tc.Jevision greatly aggravates this outcome because it fosters passive home-centered separation of each household from all oth ers, alt hou g h it does provide som e commonality of experience across the multitudes (which may be undennined by the multiplicatio n of channels). Fishman believes we arc still working out the cultural impli cations o f this new form: The new city will probably never be able to compete culturally with the old centers There will be for the l\ltgen lrooiOno P'ottolu lrlr!cbthofl ECONortflw ll 1 8 I AAnototion' foreseeable future a division founded on choice between those who see k out even at great cost tbe ldnd of cultural excitement that can only be found in the center, and those w h o choose the family-centered life of the outer city. (202) Fishman, however, underestimates the degree to which culrural activities can take place in the outer regions of such networks, because people with common cultural i nterests can still gather together in outlying locations in sufficient numbers to support c u ltural activities like sympho nies theater s, etc. Seen i n historical perspective, suburbia now appears as the point of tran sition between two decentralized e ras: the preindustrial rural area and the postindustrial information societ y ... Suburbia kept alive the ideal of a ba.lance between man and nature in a society that seemed dedicated to destroying it. That is its legacy. (206-207) G l aese r Edwa r d L. 1 994. "Cities, l n format ioo., and Economic Growth." CltlscDpe 1 I ( A u gust ): 9-47. This article explores recent contributions to the theory of cities concerning how infonnation flow and usage contribute to city growth or decline. Glaeser argues that simple ca pital and labor accumu lati o n models fail to exp lain ciry growth. A variable relating to human capital and one relating to abstract inteUectual capi tal should be included in any analysis to explain certain failings in simpler models. One aspect of cities that is not often discussed is that of informational externalities. These help exp l ain why people and firms locate in cities and why ci ties grow. Th ey also h a v e TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H -10

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negative impacts, they allow rioting to spread rapidly, and increases in crime to be communicated quickly. Growth theory regards increases in the s tock of human knowledge as a central aspect of economic progress over time. Because knowledge is more easily accessed by people living close together, "closeness contributes to the degree of appropfiability ." (II) Growth theory based upon capital and labor accumulation had an inconsistency: it could not explain why countries and cities did not converge on a steady state. Only an exogenous technological change variable could explain that. But increasing returns to scale from intellectual knowledge also made it possible to explain ccntinuous growth. However, increasing returns tO s cale are not compatible with an economy based upon perfect competition, hecause the fermer leads w monopolistic result s Also, marginal prices lie under average prices which means firms would be losing money Romer solved this problem by indicating that private profits did not have i ncreasing returns to scale, but social benefits produced by general increases in knowledge did. His argument made perfect compet i tion among private firms possible in theory, but also allowed growth to continue over time due to the social benefit s of accumulated knowledge. Lucas focused this i dea on returns to human (pri, ate) capital, but the truth must be that both private capital and general social knowledge gain from innovations in the long run. These ideas are related to cities because people living and working close together can more easily tap into the store of accumulated knowledge and exchange ideas with each other. The externalities of knowledge exchange are clearly &rooking Pot1ot11 8-rinck.rhoH ECONonhweJI 18 2 Annotation$ facilitated by urban proximity, as opposed to its alternatives Barro regressed growth in per capita GDP against several other variables across countries, and discovered that poor governmental qualities are negatively correlated with rapid growth. His basic findings were that education and absence of regulation were positively correlated with rapid growth. Rauch found that SMSA cities with high levels of human cap ital had both higher property costs and higher wages than other cities, holding individual traits constant. Glaeser and others arrived at the following findings: (I) initial concen tration in an industry does NOT seem to foster subsequent creativity, therefore scale economies in a local industry do not really create growth; (2) urban diversity is positively related to later growth; and (3) more competitive industries grow more quickly. In general equilibrium theory, real differences in incomes among cities should be quickly eliminated by migration of workers and capital. Any remaining differences should reflect negative amenities in the higher-income cities that must be offset by higher mcomes. A strong finding from U.S. census data is that the cities that grew quickly between 1950 and 1970 also grew quickly between 1970 and 1990. Growth in the first period was established as the best single predictor of city growth in the second pefiod. Thus, growth begets further growth in spite of congestion problems. At least, that is one interpretation of the data. Another finding is that areas with highly educated work forces at the outset of a TRANSIT COOPERACIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ JI.JO

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Jh., Coh of Sprowf...Revisittd period tend to have higher levels of education at the end. The well-educated are either born or m ove to areas where other well-educated people are already located. High-and low-unemployment rates among cities also tend to persist over time No convergence occurs. such as what might be predicted by general equilibrium theory This lack of convergence may reflect permanent maladies in the structure of those cities with high unemployment rates. Similarly, high crime rates are persistent over time among cities. Rioting is a phenomenon found mainly in cities, because of contagion and other effects. Almost every city has a potential for rioting if some s park ignites a crowd Neighborhoods play key roles in the accumulation of human capital. Both skills and behavioral habits are learned from peers and neighbors and mentors. Stability of occupancy in neighborhoods may be important, because, a ccord ing to game theory the length of relationships influences the types of behavior one is willing to carry out. If you have a long term relationship with other players (neighbors). for example, you arc more likely to take the impacts of your actions upon them into account because they can retaliate against you in the future, and you must live with them for a long t ime Thus, residents in stable neighbor hoods can more strongly reinforce good behavior than residents in unstable areas-a finding that presents an argument for subsidizing homeownersb.ip, which creates greater residential stability. Cities also foster proximity to political power, which is concentrated there This proximity roay influence people to undertake actions to change the behavior Annotation a of key authorities located in cities. Political agitation is much more likely to work in cities than in rural areas for that reason. There are also more people to get agitated per unit of effort in cities than in rural areas. One of the most critical challenges in the future is reducing i n forma tional barriers between gheuos and downtown power centers. Suburbanization provides many of the of urban agglomeration while avoiding many of its negative impacts. such as high ra t es of crime greater probab i lity of rioting and less residential stability in local neighborhoods to inhibit negative behaviors. Gordon Peter, and Harty W. Richardson. 1997b. ''The of Downt owns : Doom or Dazzl e?" Lusk Review (Fall): 63-76. Th e authors remark that the prospect of successful downtowns is often promised as a source of m etropolitan economic strength and prestige--but offer evidence that suggests this is rhetoric at best, and profit-seeking at worst. Gordon and Richardson assert that the futility of large-scale downtownfoc.uscd projects is easy to understand the push-pull factors of spatial decentralization constantly reinforce each other Improved mobility has given people more and beuer choices at lower cost, as witnessed by continually i ncreasing automobile use. Furthermore, the telecommunication s revolution has irreversibly changed our concept of distance, making the concentrated, vertical city a transient phenomenon. The authors explain how these transitions will continue to accelerate as new technology makes it possible for work, shopping. learning, TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H.JO

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The Costs o( Sprawf-..Revisifed entertainment. and socializing to be at home activities. These anti-urban trends are further reinforced by "push" factors lilce crime, panhandlers, and "dysfunctional public agencies" that are found in downtown locations. People continue to leave the se ills for better amenities and more pleasant shopping opportunities in America's suburbs. It is the authors' contention that these push -a nd-pull forces explain more than just the continuing demise of downtowns; they also explain the outward expansion of cities into suburbs and exurbs. Although the current political debate is about the contest between cities and suburbs, it is becoming less relevant. The more important question hinges on how much future development will occur in suburbs, exurbs, and rural areas. Gordon and Richardson point out that most U.S. job growth since the lat e 1980s has occurred outside of large Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs}. This silent migration, the authors conclude, has had little impact on public policy because it does not match the conventional, but hopelessly outdated, paradigm of how cities evolve. Gordon, Peter; Harry W. R;chardson; and Gang Yu. 1997 "Metropolitan and Non-Metropolitan Employment Tre. nds in the U.S.: Recent Evidence and Implications.'' Los Angeles, CA: School of Urban Planning and Development and Department of Economics, University of Southern California. This study looks at employment change in seven major industrial sectors over a twenty -sixyear time span (1969 1994). using the Bureau of Economic Analysis Regional Economic Information System (REIS) file that reports one-digit SIC employment and income data at the county level. Annolohons The authors observe a steady decentralization, often beyond the suburbs into both exurban and rural areas. They see new and mobile ftnns choosing locations according to their demand for agglomeration benefits. These are now available throughout suburban and parts of ex urban America, obviating the advantages of traditional centers and of central counties as a whole. Exurban and rural settings are increasing l y attractive to firms becaus e of breakthroughs in goods handling and in the transmission of information. The authors' work shows a negative and sometimes absolute decline in CBD employment over the period of st udy The study suggests that the locational decisions of households are influenced more by workplace accessibility than by the availability of amenities, recreational opportunities, and public safety. In addition, the locations of firms are less tied to place because of access to infonnation teclmologies, just as core diseconomies have displaced the original agglomeration economies tbat pulled people and economic activities together. The authors therefore conclude that central cities are not corning back any time soon. Nelson, Arthur C., and Thomas W. Sanchez. 1997. "Exurban and Suburban H o useholds: A Departure From Traditional Location Theory." JouriUIJ of Housing Research 8, 2. In this article, Nelson and Sanchez describe bow modem social, cultural, economic, and teclmologica! changes bave permitted households to settle farther from urban centers than in the past. They then test the proposition that exurbanites are different from suburbanites in household characteristics, occupation of household heads, accessibility to employment, and residence characteristics. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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'ffie Costs of SprowJ-Revi$.ited Nelson and Sanchez use a variety of and cluster analysis techniques, and find that exurbanites and suburbanites are more similar than previously thought. They conclude that the rise of polycentric urban areas seems to have pushed the suburban fringe further out. The results of this analysis suggest that the primary differences between exurbanites and suburbanites is that the former have a greater desire to locate from urban-related problems and dsarnemlles. especially households with middle incomes and families with small children. In contrast, smaller families or families at the early or late stages of life are more likely to choose suburban locations. In conclusion, the authors speculate that the continued outward expansion may be attributable to the inabiliry of urban and suburban governments to provide suitable public facilities and services at prices affordable to residents, and to suburban policies that constrain the supply of housing relative to demand through opposition to affordable housing or innovative housing configurations, and through otherwise exclusionary zoning practices. Rusk Da,id. 1993. Cities Without Sub urbs. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. This book is a detailed and compre hensive look at sprawl and at least one of its alternatives, written by the forme-r mayor of Albuquerque, New Mexico. Its basic thesis is that cities which have elastic boundaries-i.e., those that can annex surrounding territories-are much healthier than cities which have inelastic boundaries-i.e., those where boundaries are frozen because they are surrounded by incorporated suburban municipalities. The elastic cities can expand outward as their metropolitan Annolotion.s areas grow, enabling them to retain access to the new taxable bases created outside the original boundaries of these cities as they grew. In contrast, inelastic cities cannot reach out to new taxable resources as growth expands beyond their borders. Both elastic and inelastic cities have disproportionate shares of poor people within their original boundaries, but the former can counteract the negative effects by expanding their boundaries. Inelastic cities are stuck with rising percentages of poor residents and falling tax bases, causing them to have falling taxable resources per capita at the very time that they need more such resources to cope with the rising percenta<>es of poor residents. Rusk presents a great deal of statistical information to support his claim that elastic cities are healthier economically and socially than ones. He does not use regression analysis, but rather presents paired city comparisons and compares averages of groups of cities with different degrees of elasticity. This book is one of the most com prehensive and intelligent analyses of sprawl and other urban problems yet wntten. However, it has one serious flaw. The author believes that unified metropolitan government is the best solution for inelasticity, but there appears to be no political suppon for this arrangement whatever. Even so, Rusk's analysis is definitely one of the best studies of urban problems. Where Rusk particularly excels is in analysis of three aspects of the urban problem. First, he fearlessly confronts the racial aspects of urban problems. Second, he offers concrete recommendations for solving the problems that he describes. His recommendations include: regional governance of land-use planning; TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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regional tax-base sharing; a regional program of creating desegregated affordable housing for the poor; and promotion of region -wide economic development. Third, Rusk presents a cogent analysis of the "point of no return" for central cities. He identifies three benchmarks: a low ratio of per capita income in a city relative to that of its suburbs (70 percent or less); a high fraction of minority-groups (30 percent or more of the total population); and substantial and sustained population loss (20 percent or more). He claims that no city that has crossed all three of these thresholds has ever even begun to recover. Sclar, Elliot, and Walter Hook. 1993. "The Importance of Cities to the National Economy.'' In Henry G. Cisneros, ed., lnterw()vtn Destinies: Cities and the Nation New York: American Assembly of Columbia University. 1 -26 This is the lead anicle in a volume of essays presented at the 82nd American Assembly held in Harriman, New York in April 1993 The authors argue that central cities are the vital centers of production in the American economy. They complain that most policy analysts in recent decades have viewed cities mainly as homes for the poor. They cite the following facts in support of their view on central cities: In most metro areas, the higher paying jobs are located in the central city. Such jobs constitute 32.2 percent of all jobs nationally, bot garner 37.7 percent of nationw ide earnings (no sou rce for this data is cited). Wages of central city jobs are 20 percent higher on average than those of suburban jobs. and this gap has been widening. Many suburban residents have jobs in central cities. A survey by Arthur A.nnototion1 Goldberg of the suburban areas of the nation's 100 largest ci t ies showed that half of suburban families had at leas t one worker in the central city. The same survey showed heavy suburban dependence on central city services. Approximately 67 percent of suburban residents depend on the city for major medical care; 43 percent have family members attending or planning to attend an institution of higher learning in the city; 46 percent believe their property values would be hurt by a serious decline in their central city. The top 24 counties accounted for 39 percent of all jobs in information intensive industries but had only 27 percent of total jobs. Wages for jobs in downtown Boston were 3.55 times higher than wages for jobs in the same categories in the suburbs. and 2.37 times higher in New York City than in its sub urbs . The production advantages of central cities include: (I) minimized transportation and communications costs fo r both workers and customers; (2) easy face -toface contact among expens. which facilitates analysis; (3) superior telecommunications infrastructures which facilitates international tran sactions ; and (4) more specialized producer services. which tend to be located where the size of the market is greatest. One reason suburban locat ions continue to grow faster than central cities is that the costs of moving are not fully borne by the businesses that move. Some of the cost is borne by their employees and public taxpayers If suburbanization were so efficient, one would see more of it in international competitor nations. Instead, the growth of the suburbs in the United States indicates that U S. urban policy is more concerned with stimulating demands for consumer TRANSITCOOPEIIATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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The C<>sts of Sprowi-RoviW.d products-such as housing and autos than it is with productive efficiency Suburbanization has also been encouraged by biased public policies, such as home tax deductions and federal highway finance--a subs idy that was not reflected in public transi t aid until very recently. The nature of pricing of telephone and other services has allowed higher-cost suburban services to be priced at th e same rate as lower-cost city serv ic es. The authors argue that continued dispersal poses major costs to society, especially concerning the i nputs of private firms. The need for virtually all emp l oyees to own automobiles, for example increases wage demands. Auto dependence also increases our trade deficit because we must import so much oil. We already spend far more on travel and telecommunications than rival nations. The Japanese spend 9.4 percent of GNP on transportation, while we spend 15-22 percent. Traffic congestion imposes high costs on production. The authors claim tha t most metropolitan areas devote over half of their available land to road infrastructure. By undcnnining the tax base of central cities, society has been unable to invest properly in the education and training of the labor force, or in the infrastructure outside the downtown that is critical to productive efficiency U.S. investment in education through the high school level is the lowest among the seven most industrialized nations-4.1 percent of GNP, compared to 4.6 percent in West Germany and 4.7 percent in Japan. We need much more investment in the labor force and infrastructure in central cities to remain competitive. Rulfei's lrooking PorSOtls 8-rlndterflolf ECONotlflwe.t 187 2. URBAN DECLINE Andrews, Marcellus 1994. "On the Dynamics of Growth and Poverty in Cities." Citiscape 1, 1 (August): 53-73. This article presents a model of how povcny concentrations within cities are re l ated to city growth rates. "The central the me of this article holds that the logic of meritocracy creates class divisions in the urban labor market which may undennine the very conditions tha t make rapid economic growth possible" (53). The need fo r high-skilled workers in a modem high -t ech economy creates two classes of workers: those with the requisite skills, and other unskilled workers. But schools in many large cities are failing to provide their students with the skills needed to be in the first class. This failure creates a caste like result, since the primary determinant of the school performance of children is the educational level of their parents. The basic dynamic, Andrews points out, is as follows: Members of the "underclass'' within cities strive to attai n a higher standard of living and job s suitable for high skilled workers, but are frustrated by their inability to do so because of the poor quality of city schools. The lifestyles of the middle class have a demonstrable effect upon the underclass, encouraging them to want to consume more. The resulting frustration leads to criminal behavior and violence on the pan of the underclass. Members of t hi s class perceive that they have only two sources of income-transfer payments and c rime. The behavior of the underclass drives middle-class (upper-t i er) workers and households out of the city into the suburbs where they can escape from crime and violence. TIIANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM ITCRP) /l.IO

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The depanure of the middle class weakens the fiscal position of the city government, thereby reducing its ability to provide good quality schooling to the underclass. This c .reates a negative downward spiral a .. vicious circle." A key variable in this dynamic system is the "middle-class ratio"-that is, the percentage of the total population consisting of middle-class residents. Another key variable is the ani tude of students towards academic achievement. The author argues that membership in the underclass causes anti-academic attitudes among students Andrews also argues that th e re is a "critical failure ratio'' among city students which determines whether the m i dd le class w ill grow or decline within the city. If the actual failure rate among students (which determines whether they will become middle-class or under class members) rises above this critical rate, the middle-class ratio will decline because the behavior of the underclass then larger, will drive middle-class residents out. If the actual failure rate is below the critical level, then more students will graduate into the middle class. and the incent ives for middle class residents to leave is reduced-even t h ough greater competition in the labor market among the larger numbers of middle-class workers may cause the unemploym e nt rate to rise. The author regards this entire situation as a negative externality -an unintended consequence of technological change that has raised the skill requirements for high wage workers. But it is society that has provided unequal access to learning among its young people. Thus, "the increasing importance of knowledge capital in economic growth contributes to the problem of urban poverty." (63) Annotation:. The future of the city, and particularly its ability to change the way it grows, may ultimately depend upon the willingness of the middle class to remain in the city despite the difficulties of ca ste division and crime that are the underside of the role of knowledge capital in economic life. In tum a national government policy that encourages the exodus of middle-class citizen s from the city may make significant urban reform and struction impossible. (63) The federal government must recognize the role of knowledge capital in unwittingly exacerbating the urban crisis. In panicular any urban PQlicy that in tends to make cities into virtuous circles must recognize the folly of forcing local governments to deal with the negative aspects of knowledge capital with d iminishing economic resources. Furthe r a macroeconomic growth strategy that emphasizes human capital must carefully address the inequal.ity, poverty, violence, and crime that result from educational failure. (63) Bradbury, Katharine L., Anthony Downs, and Kenneth Small. 1982. Urban Decline and the Future of American Cities. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. A central component of this b ook is the idea that every city has certain specific social functions, and therefore changes in its ability to perform those funct ions constitutes urban decline. In contrast, a low level of ability to perform those functions-a static concept-constitutes urban distress. The authors point out that not all cities with high urban distress are declining. Some may even be growing rapidly-cities with high poverty rates and high immigration, for example. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM {TCRPI H-10

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Th Colts ol The specific index of urban decline used in this siUdy upon change over time of four variables: lbe unemployment rate, per capita income, the violent crime rate and the governm ent debt burden. The index of urban decli n e was calcula t ed by rankin g all cities for each of these and assigning points to each based on its relative position in the ranking on eac h variable. C ities in lbe lowest third (in terms of desirability) received a -I for tha t specific variable; cities in the highest third, a + 1, and cities in lbe middle third. zero. Th e seores of each city on all four variables w ere then summed The highest possible index score was +4 and the lowe s t wa s 4 A sim ilar index was compu t ed for city urban distress. This index was based on five variables each at a single point in time: the unemployment rate, the incidence of poverty, the violent crime rate. the percem of housing considered old, and the city's tax revenue relat.ive to that of its metro politan area It is notable t hat neith er city p o pulation cha nge nor ci t y employment c hange was used as part of the decline measu re. The reason is that not all popu lation decli nes are bad (if the city is overcrowded to start). Moreover, the authors used declining population as a separate measure that they related t o the index of decline. They reasoned that the u n employ ment ra t e captured some aspec t of emplo ymen t c hang e. Two other measures w ere com puted in this s tudy: city disparity, a measure of the difference betw een each cenlral city's scores for these variables and the sco r e of its suburban areas; and city divergence, a measure of lbe rate of change in city disparity over time. This book contains a relevan t discussion o f the future of larg e cities It points out that although b o t h self -reinfor c ing and Rvtgt;n trooking1 ECONorlflwaJI 1 8t Annotalions self limiting factors are involved in urban decline, lbe former seem to be much more powerful than the Iauer. Hence the conce pt of a self-reinfor ci ng downward spi ral of decline is validated by the boo k's analysis. l hlanfeld t Keith R. 1995 "The lmpor lance of the Central City to the Re gio nal and National Economy: A Revi ew of th< Argume nts and Emp irical E vidence." Citiscape 1 2 ( June): 1251 50. Thls article reviews m os t of the lit erature on t he linkage s between central cities and s uburbs. Acc o rding to the auth or, there are five basic linkages : ( I ) Outsiders perception s of the appeal o f an entire metrOpolitan area are influenced by condition s prevailing within its central city; (2) Cities contain many amenities valued throughout their regions; (3) Individual cities may provide a "sense of p lace" valued by both their reside nt s and outside rs; (4) Fiseal in central cities may even tually raise taxes on suburbanites and thereby reduce suburban economic development; and (5) Agglom eration economies create special roles for central cities in their regional economies Tbe author does not cite two other linkages that are be lieved to be impo rtant: (I) Cities provide low-cos t housing for low wage workers emp l oyed in-and necessary foractivities in subur b s w here those workers cannot afford to live; and (2) Cities provi de many job s for s uburban residents that increase suburban incomes. Tbe author claims that there is no empirical evidence either supporting or denying the fl.rst four factors he cites; therefore he dispenses with them in two pages He does not deny that these linkages exis t b u t says t h at n o o n e TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEAROI PROGRAM (rCRPJ H -10

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The Cosh: ol Sprowi-Re'lisited knows how strong or important they are because no studies have measured them. He devotes most of his article to agglomeration economies, which have been studied at length and by many people Agglomeration economies are, essentially, increasing returns to scale in processing activities. Ihlanfeldt refers to tbem as "tbe economies of large-scale production, commonly considered, (and) the cumulative advantages accruing from the growth of industry itself-the development of skill and know-how; the opportunit ies for easy communication of ideas and experience; tbe opportunity of ever-increasing differentiation of processes and of specialiUltion in human activities." (128, quoted from Nicholas Kaldor -1970) Agglomerat i on economies are divided into two types: localization economies tha t arise from the concentration of similar activities (such as a single industry ) either in one place or very near each other; and urbanization economies that arise from the location of an activity in an area that a wide diversity of activities-so production costs decline as the size of the area concerned rises. U rbanization economies genetate benefits for all types of firms located in an area; whereas localization economies generate benefits only for those firms in industries that are highly concentrated in an area. Central cities are considered to have advantages over their suburbs for both types of economies. Both types of agglomeration economies have three major causes : ( l) labor market economies; (2) scale economies in the production of intermediate inputs; and (3) communication economies. Labor market economies cause localiza tion economies because the concen tration of many similar ftrms together creates a large pool of workers skiUed in that industry, and reduces search and training costs for the firms. U rb ani zation economies also arise from large diversified labor pools. However. these labor pool economies do not favor central cities much over suburbs in large metropolitan areas. The other two causes of agglomeration economies, however, clearly favor central cities. Both types invo lve faceto face contacts, which occur most efficiently in or around downtown areas. The importance of communications economies bas also been increased by the shift from goods producing to information-producing activities. Innovation s in communications technology however, have made face-t o-face contacts less necessary for the sharing of information. The author reviews numerous empirical studies of these economies One of the more interesting shows that both suburban firms and central city finns rely beavily on central-city suppliers for certain corporate services such as investment banking, commercial banking, and legal, auditing and actuarial services. The study, authored by Stanbeck in 1991, dealt with 14 large metro areas, and also demonstrated that suburban companies tend to be smaller and more likely to be in manufacturing than central city companies. Several other studies have correlated conditions, such as levels of per capita income in cities and their suburbs. These studies all show positive linkages between cities and suburbs. Yoith (1994), for example, shows that positive city income growth is highly correlated with positive suburban income growth. The author's conclusions are: Significant linkages clearly exist. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HIO

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The maturation of the s uburb s has weakened these linkages over time. Telecommunications c hange s will NOT greatly weaken the impo nanc e of central cities. ''The hypothesis that cit ie s make an important contribution to regional and nat ional economic growth is attractive.' tho ugh n ot fully proven ( 139). Kunstler, Jame s. 19 9 3. Th e Geogra plly of Now lure: The Rise and Decline of Amtrica's Man-Made Landscape. New Y ork: S imon & Sc h uster. Kun s tler h as written a p o lemic-a true "exagger-book"-about the aesth etic and other qualities of metropolitan dev e lopment in th e United States especially during the post World War 11 The t one. o f this boo k is conveyed m the foUowmg quotations f rom the first chapter: More and mor e we appear t o be a nation of overfed clowns living i n a hostile ca rtoon environment. Eighty perc ent o f everythin g ever built in America has been buil t in the laSI fifty years, and most of it is depressing brutal. ugly, unhealthy, and sp iritually degrading. To me, it is a landscape of scary places. the geo g ra phy of nowher e, tha t ha s simply ceased to be a credible human habitat. These statement s convey the spirit in whic h Kuns t ler denounc e s everything American. Ther e seems to be nothing about American life that appeals to him. He attacks ind ivid ualism low-density developmen t business. you name it : Riverside seems a template for all the g hastly automobile s ub urbs of the A nnolotKlrn. postwar er a individual houses on big blobs o f land along curvy streets. (49) Yet, for all their artificiality and im permanen ce. the early railroad s uburb s were lovely places to live. He dec ries architectural mod ernism and the an-d ec o style. and high rise office buildings gen erally. But hi s greatest enemy is the automobile and highways Still, he adrrtits that: The suburban subdivision was unquestionably a su ccessful product. For many, it was a vast impro vement ov e r wha t they were used to . . The main problem with i t was thnt it dis pensed with all the traditional connection s and co ntinu i ties of community life, and replaced them with little m ore than cars and television ( 105 ) The d evel opm e nt of su bur bs drained activity out of cities: 'The cities. of c o u rs e, went compl e tely to hell. The new superhighways ... drained them of the ir few remaining taxp ay ing residents." (I 07) The separation of h ouse holds and activities inherent in low-density s u burbs bas also ru ined any sense of community life, according to Kunst.ler And because of the s pending of all publi c money o n highway s, all othe r aspects of public life have become i mpoverished. The motive force behind suburbia ha s been the exaltation of privacy and the elimination of the publie realm (189) Thi s book con tain s no statistics. no quantitative analyses, and no databases. I t is an endless diatribe expressing t be author's contempt for modem suburban autoo riented life He claims w e can no longer live this type of life because it has become too costly, both in economic t...-.oe tCOH.._.ll 1 9 1 TAANSIT COOPUATM RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H .JO

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and social terms. The social costs include the destruction of community and family life. In the last chapter, Kunstler puts forth policy suggestions including the following: We must rebuild our cities and towns. We shall have to give up mass automobile use. (248) We should adopt the approach of the new urbanism in designing small towns. (He specifically discusses Sea side and Peter Calthorpe's pedestrian pockets as cures for all the ills he has been blasting. Mandatory open space zoning is also praised.) Until we do these things, "the standard of Jiving in the United States is apt to decline sharply. and as it does the probability of political trouble will rise." (274) We will have to give up our fetish for extreme individualism and rediscover public life .... We will have to downs cale our gigantic enterprises and institutions-corporations, governments, banks, schools, hospitals. markets, farms-and leam to Jive locally. hence responsibly. He offers no guidance about how to achieve these ends, however. Ledebur, Larry C., and William R Bames. 1992. Metropolitan Disparities a11d Economic Growth: City Distress and the Need for a Federal Local Growth Package. Washington DC: National League of Cities. March. This is a statistical study of tbe rela tionship between income disparities in central cities and their suburbs on the one hand, and metropolitan area growth rates on the other. The basic conclusion is that: "During the period 1988-1991, metropolitan areas with greater internal disparities tended to perform less well ll:vl'g4rt 8rooking1 Ponon 8rincUrboH ECONcmhweal 192 Annotation a economically than metropolitan areas with lesser disparities" (I). Overall, central city per capita income as a percentage of suburban per capita income has declined from 105 percent in 1960 to 96 percent in 1973, to 89 percent in 1980, and to 59 percent in 1987. Much of this article aims at justifying a substantial federal aid package to cities, especially cities in distress. Data on children being raised in poverty by race, are presented In 1990, 45 percent of all black children under the age C>f four were being raised in poverty, compared to 38 percent of Hispanics and 20.6 percent of all children. These proportions were higher in central cities, and lower in suburbs. Richmond, Henry R. 1995. Regionalism: Chicago as an American Region. Chicago: Jobn D. And Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. December 6. This is the most comprehensive auack on sprawl yet launched Henry Rich mond one of the architects of the Oregon state planning system, has collected every known argument against sprawl and woven them into one long polemic-but a relatively sensible one. Among the arguments be marshals against sprawl: Sprawl concentrates poverty in inner-city areas, undermining their fiscal viability. This concentration also produces a host o f other negative conditions. Sprawl undermines the transition of the inner -city unskilled workforce to a high-tech workforce. Sprawl thereby weakens the international competitive positions of U.S. metropolitan areas. Sprawl reduces the efficiency of businesses and the productivity of agricultural land. TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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Sprawl undermines equality of opportunity within metropolitan areas, thereb y raising iMer-city unemployment with all the resu l ting pernicious eff ects. Sprawl de stroys the viability of inner-c ity schools and co nuibutes to students' failure to make the proper labor-force transition. Sprawl breeds crime that drives viable fliTilS and households out of cities. and weaken s the ability o f young people raised there to sustain themselves economically Sprawl undermin es middleclass sec urity especiall y the sec urit y of working-class households whose investments in home equities are jeo pardized by racial transition. Sprawl damage s the environment in tenns of air p ollution, and water pollution ; it ruins historic buildings and wrecks environmentally sensitiv e sites S praw l undermines the sense of co rMtunity in suburban areas, and the solidarity of our e ntir e society by separating suburban reside nts from city ones Sprawl makes urban development inefficient by generating inde cisive governments, dispute s and delays that add to costs. Richmond believes that a sig n ific ant number of public policies at all levels have generated sprawl a n d perpet uate it. He ca talogs these at length He then a politi cal analysis of why these forces are not lik ely to c hange After having set forth all these points in general, be appl.ies the argument to the Chicago region in detail. He then sets forth hi s recommendations o n how to attac k sprawl and the many instituti onal s upports underlying it. In this regard, he comes up with a more compre hensive set of than anyone else. An nototiotu As a resu l t, this document is an invaluable refwmce for bo t h arguments against sprawl and possible tactics t o remedy it. It has not been given widespread publicity. but it is a very solid l inkage of causes and remedie s. Thompson J. Phillip. 1 996. Urban Poverty and Race." In Julia Vitull o Martin Breaking A"'ay: The Futur e ofCirks. Ne w York: Twentieth C entury Fund: 13-32. This author discusses the status of poverty and its relation ship t o race i n inner -c it y areas primarily in reference to New York City. He point s out that the middle-class i s still dominant in most large American cities, but i t has become a minority-group middle clas s as whites continue to leave the city In six of the nation's eight larges t cities a majority of the populat .ion in 1990 consisted of minorit y-gro up members -<>nly Philadelphia ( 48 percent minority) and Sa n D i ego ( 42 percent ) w ere exceptions. In N e w York the numbe r of p erso n s with incomes above the median remained about the same in the 1980s, but the ethnic composition changed t o become minority-dominated as the white populatio n fell by 432,000 Thompso n reviews various theories of why pove ny pers ists in inner -city neigh borhoods The c ultural deprivation stresses tha t some families arc less intelligent than others, and a d eprived culture is panly a genetic phenom enon. A newer view is that poor families are stuck in poor com munities. where conditions are ripe for a negative subculture to de,elop around excessive teenage sex u a l promiscuity, a separate street Ian guage, and a depreciation of academic achievement. Both vie w s nANSIT COOPEU.TIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H l 0

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The Costs of Spn;twi-Revisited stress deviancy and immorality of behavior among many poor people, with the newer theory attributing the behavior to the spatial isolation of the poor and especially of the poor blacks from white culture. Christopher Jencks claims that centuries of racial subordination and prejudice have created an unwillingness among blacks to do certain types of work or to work in white cultural environments. Black alienation from certain types of jobs is rarely discussed in analyses of poverty. The racial discrimination theory says that black poverty in particular is caused primarily by continued racial discrimination and the resulting spatial segregation. Massey and Denton, advocates of this view, argue that housing discrimination isolates poor blacks in poverty-concentrated neighborhoods with other poor blacks as their only neighbors. But discrimination itself is not new: so how can it explain rising crime rates or family instability which are recent developments? Massey and Denton claim that white prejudice and discrimination cause spatial isolation, which in tum results in cultural deprivation. The structural transfomration theory claims that black unemployment results from a change in labor markets and industry that has shifted more jobs to the higher-skill category and moved industrial jobs out of big cities where racial minorities live. William Julius Wilson is a leading proponent of this view. But unemployment does not explain many of the other pathologies of inner city poverty areas. Wilson also claims the departure of middle-class blacks from poverty areas has removed good role models, and the resulting negative culture is the result of economic deprivation and lack of Annotobons jobs. But i s it not clear whether cultural traits of blacks, rather than discrimination by whites. causes whites not to hire black workers The-social breakdown theory claims that poverty itself does not cause a cultural shift to negative values. Many poor neighborhoods do not exhibit such traits-especially poor areas occupied by immigrants. There are a variety of cultures in poor neighborhoods, and only in those where family networks break down does the culture of poverty arise. What remedies to alleviate poverty might be used? Cultural deprivation theorists stress the personal respo n sibility of the poor themselves, and claim they need to change their behavior. Their remedies involve orphanages for children of misbehaving mothers; forcing all poor people to work-including mothers; forcing fathers to pay for support for chi ldren; and making all government benefits temporary. (It appears that these arguments were embodied in the recent welfare "refonn" bill ) A major problem with this approach is that it assumes job opportunities exist for the poor with wages high enough to support decent living standards. This is not the case; public jobs programs would be nccessaty if all poor people were forced to work. Also, making all mothers work would reduce supervision over children and might worsen tbe children's behavior. Cultural deprivat ion theorists do not study or seem to care about the internal dynamics of poor communities, and pay too little attention to what might result if their remedies are tried. Racial discrimination theorists want strong anti-discrimination measures, and a big effort to spatial l y integrate society racially. This would require immense movements of people, a scheme that is 7RANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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politically opposed by the vast majority of Americans. inc l uding Co n gress. S!nlc turalist the orists want l abor marl
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poverty, but they may improve the quality of life in inner -city areas. 3. URBAN RENEWAL Callhorpe, Peter. G. 1993. The Next American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream. Princeton: Princeton University Press. This book, written by an atchitect and urban planner, looks at the spirit of American communities and the "new urbanism" approach to altering that spirit. He primarily discusses changes in urban design, and presents relatively little quantified analysis As the author says, "Social integration, economic efficiency, political equity, and environmental sustainability are the imperatives which order my thinking about the form of community" (II). He those themes to the elCcessive privatization and indivi dualism he believes have been embodied in the suburban development process in the post-1945 period. The scale of our environment is now set in proponion to large institulions and bureaucracies rather than community and neighborhood (II). The suburb was the ... physical expression of the privatization of life and specialization of place which marks our time (9). The alternative to spraw l is simple and timely: neighborhoods of housing, parks, and schools placed within walking distance of shops, civic serv i ces, jobs. and transit-a modem version of the traditional town (16) As is the case for most planners, Calchorpe dislikes tbe automobile and the scaling of the urban landscape to accommodate it. He wants to change the Annolation scale to allow walking to suburban transit and linkages among outlying areas and the downtown area by transit. Caltorpe wants to make both housing units and lots smaller, link neighborhoods by walking paths, and encourage accessory housing. He strongly supports regional growth management, channeling growth inward to in-fill sites and limiting outward elCtension. At the core of this alternative philosophically and practically is I he pedestrian .... P edestrians are the lost measure of a community, they set the sca le for both center and edg e of our neighborhoods .... Two complementary strategies are needed. A Iough regional plan which limits sprawl and channels development back to he city or around subu rban lransit s tations ; and a macching greenbelt strategy to pre serve open space at the edge of the region We cannot revitalize inner cities without changing the patterns of growth at the periphery of metropolitan regions; it is a simple matter of the finile distribution of resources (20) This calls for regional policies and gove rnance which can both e du cate and guide the complex interaction of economics, ecology, j urisdi ction, and social equity .... Adding transit oriented new towns and new growth areas can reinforce the city's role as the region s cultural and economic c enter ( 32) Three constituenciesenvironmentalists, enlightened developers, and inner city advocates can find common purpose in regional planning goals. They can form a powerful coalilion (36). Identifying rational infill and revitalization discricls, New Growth TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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U.. of Areas and potential New Town sites should be the work of an agency which spans the numerous cities and counties within a metropolitan area. Lacking such entities, counties, air quality boards, and regional transportation agencies often take on the tasks without legal power to fully implement the results. Regional governments are needed if growth is to be managed and directed in a sustainable manner (51). Suburbs are built upon a fundamentally wrong spirit and orientation: The rise of the modern suburb is in pan a manife.station of a deep cultural and political shift away from public life .... Socially, the house fortress represents a self-fulfilling prophecy. The more isolated people become and the less they share with others unlik.e themselves, the more they do have to fear ... The private domain, whether in a car, a home, or a subdivision, sets the direction of the modem suburb ... In fact, one of the primary obstacles to innovations in community planning remains the impulse toward a more gated and private world (37). Calthorpe's design strategy is based upon three major principles: First . the regional structure of growth should be guided by the expansion of transit and a more compact urban form; second, ... our ubiquitous single use zoning should be replaced with standards for mixedusc, walkable neighborhoods; and third, .. our urban design policies should create an architecture oriented toward the public domain and human dimension rather than the private domain and auto scale (41). He advances the concept of the TOD, or Transit Oriented Development-a basic Rlllgers Brooking Ponon Br!nckethoH ECONOtth.,., 197 Annolot\on$ building block in his regional development scheme. It features pedestrian pockets" within one-quarter of a mile of transit stops-an easy walking distance. These pockets contain mixed-use development including commercial centers and public servic es Farther out from the stations are secondary areas containing primarily housing. He believes automobile usage in such communities would be much lower than it is now, because more people would walk to activities. There would be both urban TODs and neighborhood TODs (for lower-density areas). Average residential densities of 10 units per acre would be maintained to support bus service, with higher densities to support rail transit. In other areas, he recommends net densities of 18 u n its per acre. Calthorpe would also like a 40-60 percent split between transit and auto usage, even though that split still implies a majority of travel by autos. His large r regional scheme shows transit stops one mile apart. Each TOD around such a stop contains 288.5 acres-a circle of 2,500 feet in radius. A Jcey element in the planning process is what fraction of the land should be used for housing At 40 percent, housing would consume 115.4 acres; at 65 percent, it would consume 187. 5 acres. Next, he as ks what average density of housing would prevail? Calthorpe suggests a range from I 0 to 25 units per acre, but in another section, he indicates that neighborhood TODs should have minimum densitie s of7 units per acre (5,600 persons per square mil e) and a minimum average of 10 units per acre (8 ,000 persons per square mile-just a bit higher than the city of Los Angeles). In urban TODs, the minimum density should be 12 units per acre, with an average of 15 units, and with maximums set by local plans. At 15 units per net acre, the gross density TRANSIT COOPERAnvE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HIO

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would be 15,600 persons per square mile if the residential land coverage was 65 percent. Gross density would be 12,000 persons per square mile if residential coverage was 50 percent the coverage used to calculate other statistics in this paragraph. According to Calthorpe, secondary areas should have a minimum average density of 6 units per net acre, or 4,800 persons per square mile with SO percent residential land coverage. This, he says, should be the minimum pennissible density anywhere in the developed region Much of the book forth design guidelines for parks, commercial areas transit stops. and a set of specific projects developed by Calthorpe e m bodying his ideas. Clark, Charles S. 1995. "Revitalizing the Cities: Is Regional Planning the Answer?" CQ Reuarcher, S, 38 (October 13): 897-920. This articl e is an analysis of whether regional planning and other arrangementS are necessary ingredientS in any effective strategy to halt the decline of so many large cities. It is a broad overview of the issues involved condensed into a few pages. The ana l ysis begins with a description of how out-migration t o the suburbs is still occurring in large cities, partly in response to the much higher crime rates in the cities Clark presents a potpourri of quotations on all sides of the issue, rather than a clear or straightforward analysis leading in a single direction As a result, the article presents few conclusive results. Studies showing linkages between suburban and city prosperity are cited. Proponents of regionalism, including David Rusk and Anthony Downs are quoted; and cities Rurgeu &rookingt Pota
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The Cods of rcrwi-Revisited was a protective enclave requiring insulation from commerce work, and traffic, and held that the functional and literal center of a neighborhood should be an elementary school." The suburbanization movement also "liberated significant numbers of people from crowded, unhealthy living conditions ." But it created the following problems: (I) It raised the cost of homeownership and acceptable housing too high for many households; (2) It forced people to spend more and more time commutin g (this point is debatable] ; (3) It undermined the mobility of people who cannot afford cars or canno t drive them; ( 4) It created air pollution; (5) It absorbed attractive into urban uses, and (6) Most imponant of aU but most problematic-it undermined civic life. The main principles of the new urban ism, as he describes them are as follows: The center of each neighborhood should be defined by a public space and activated by locally oriented civic and commercial facilities. Each neighborhood should accom modate a range of household types and land uses. Cars should be kept in perspective. Architecture should respond to the surrounding fabric of buildings and spaces and to local traditions. New urbanists draw upon several past tradit ions including the City Beautiful and Town Planning movements. Calthorpe has written that in theory 2 .000 homes, a million square feet of commercial space, parks, schools and day care could fit within a quaner-mile wal.k of a station, or about 120 acres. The strategy of the new urbanists is to change local zoning regulations to force the adoption of their principles, or at least to permit them to be followed. Annotation' In fact, it has been difficult to implement TOD schemes, since most areas do not have rail transit systems. Some critics claim that the new urbanists emphasize visual style over planning substance. They claim that the large-scale proposals seem to continue sprawl, rather than change it. Moreover, the critics argue that the impact of the new urbanists approach will be minimal unless some type of regional governance is more widely adopted. Finally, the new have largely ignored the growing divisions of wealth and power among households. As Katz notes: "New Urbanism is a welcome step forward, but it is only a step." The remainder of the book i s a series of illuslrated case stud ies that detail the new urbanism approach to designing residential and nonresidential ne ighborhoods Ravitch, D iane. 1996. ''The Problem of the Schools: A Proposal for Renewal.'' In Ju lia V i tull o-Martin, Breaking Away: The Future of Cities. New York: Twentieth Century Fund 77-87. The author criticizes New York's schools because !.hey are run by a top heavy bureaucracy that makes all decisions centrally and leaves almost no authority for decision making within individual schools themselves. The results are terrible-{)n)y about 50 percent of all studen t s who enter high school graduat e, even after 5 years of classes. According to Ravitch, we now demand that our schools educate all young people, something that was never d one in the past. We must educate them, she says in order to prepare them for life in a high-tech world To do this, we must abandon centralized control and change to a system in which "each school must be managed by a group of adults who have direct personal, and professional responsibility-and TRANSif COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ HlO

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accountability -for the success of their students." (81) It may be that the best direction for reforming the schools is to seek a diversity of providers that are publicly monitored. rather than a bureaucratic system controlled by the mandate s of a single government agency. What would a system look like in which a government did the steering and let many others do the rowing (82)? She advocates three major principles for radical refonn: Autonomy-Each school should control its own budget and hire (and fire) its own teachers and other personnel. Each should be tol d bow much money it has (based upon enrollments, p lus allow ances for disadvantaged students) and allowed to all ocate that money as i t sees fit-knowing that it would be rigorously audited by public officials. Choice-Teachers should be able to freely decid e where t hey will work, and students and parents should be able to decide where they want to send their ch ildre n to school. The centralized authorities should set standards for performance, periodically assess perfonnances of Annotations every school, and constantly infonn parents and the public of the results. Central author i ties would also oversee large capital improvements. negotiate union cont racts (without inhibiting schools from hiring whomever they wish). approve the creation of new schools, and audit perfonnance and finances. Schools that want to manage their own affairs should be allowed to conduct elections among staff and parents to become chartered schools, and immediately be given aut onomy. This would p e rmit success f u l schools to become s elfgoverning right away. A second element of the strategy would include contmcting out the management of several or many schools to specific organizations. A basic idea is to encourage as many new schools to be fanned as possible. A third element in the strategy is to provide means-t ested scholarships to poor students who could choose to use them in whatever schools they wanted. These would essentially be vouchers paid to the students or their parents not to the institutions themselves-thereby finessing the religious school issue. This procedure has been successfully adopted in some o t her programs around the country. TRANSIT COOPfi!ATIVf RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H .JO

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The Cosh: of l 5 This purpose o f this chap ter is to present the bibliography of sprawl. Of the ap proximately 500 citations that fol.low, almost all ( 4 75) deal directly with sprawl whether or not it is specifical l y identified by that term. A number and letter appear after each citation and are found i n the key below The numbers serve to sort the literat ure i nt o the five impact categorie s plus the sixth category termed "rel ated mate r ial s ." The letters son the literature by tbe type of method used in the ana l ysis. The summation of numbers and letters for the entire bibliography serves as the basis for statem e nts made concern ing both the litera ture and method concentrations in Chapter 3. KEY NUMifR lfTTlt (SU8ST ANTIVf CONCERN) /TYPE OF ANALYSIS! 1 Publ k orod P rivote Copilo t A ond Oo rolino Col l l AI'IO tit 2 TroroJI)Otto1iOft Tro .... e l B S.eondory /Svrv y Co,lt Anolyai1 Dolo OC' Other 3 lon d Notvrol Hobitot c c ... s .. dy .. Preaervolion Mulii.;le Loc:o'lion1 4 Quolily of li fe D CoptiO An ... s Sod ol ln'llea E 6 Related Moteriol f Pro edfve Anol 1h Ref o r e n ct Bibliography REFERENCE BIBLIOGRAPHY A b erger, Will, and Luther Propst. 1992 Successful Communities: Managing Growth to Protect Distinctive Local Resources. Washington, DC: Conse r vation Foundation. (3C ) Abrams, C ha rles. 1971 The LAnguage of Cities. New York : Vik ing Pre ss (6A) Adams, Thomas, Edward M. Bassett, and Robert Whiuen. 19Z9. Neighborhood and Community Planning : Regional Survey Vol VII. Committee on Regional Plan of New York and Its Environs. (3B) Ade l aja, A 0 ; D. Kerr; and K. Rose T ank. 1989. "Economic and Equ i ty Implications of Land Use Zoning in Suburban Agriculture Journal of Agricul t ural E t hics 2 : 97-112 (3G) A l-Mosa ind M A.; K. J Dueker; and J G. S tra thman 1993. "L i ght R ai l Transit Stations and Property Values: A Hedonic Pri ce Approach. Transportation Research Record 1400: 90-4. ( 2G) Altshuler Alan A 1977. "Review of The Costs of Sprawl." Journal of the American Planning Association 4 3, 2 : 207-9. ( 1 B ) G Anal Ua . 20 I TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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Altshul e r, Alan A., and Jose A. Gomez Ibanez. 1993. Regulation for Revenue: Til$ Political Economy of Land Use Exactions Washingto n DC: Brookings Inst itution. I I A I A merican Farmland Trus t (AFT). 1986. Density-Related Public Costs. Washington, DC: AFT. [ 1 D J American Farmland T rust. 1992a. Doe s Farmland Protection Pay? The Cost of Community Servlces in Three ;\1assachu setts Towns. Washington, DC: AFT. [ I C ] American Farmland Trust. 992b. The Cost of Community Services in Three Pioneer Connecticut Valley Towns: Asawam, Deeifield and Gill. W a shington DC: AFT. [ 1C] American Farmland Trust. 1994. Farming on the Edge: A New Look at the Importance and Vulnerabili t y of Agriculture Near American Cities Wahington, DC: AFT. [38 ] American Farm land Trust. 1997. Farming on the Edge II. DeKalb, IL: N orthern Illinois University. [3111 American P l anning Association (APA) 1997. Growing Smart Legislative Guidebook (Phase IInterim Edition). Chicago, JL: APA. [ 4AJ Anderson, William P ; Pavlos S. Kanaroglou; and Eric J. Miller. 1996. "Urban F orm. E n ergy and the Environment: A Review of Issues, Evidence and Pol i cy Urban Studies 33, 1: 7-35 [48] Andrews, James H. 1996. "Going by the Numbers." Pla n ning (September): 1 4 -18. [IDJ Andr ews, Marcellus 1994. "On the Dy namics of Growth and Poverty in Cities." Citiscape I, I (Aug ust): 53-73. [ SBI Apogee Research, Inc. 1994. The Costs of T ransportation: Final Rep o rt. Conservation Law Foundation. March. [ 201 Ref erence 6ib l iogrophy Archer, R. W. 1 9 73. "Land Speculation and S c attered Development : Failures in the Urban Fringe Market U r ban Studies 1 0 3 : 367-72. [ 3GJ Archimor e A 1 993. "Pulling the Community Back into Community Retail." Urban lAnd 52, 8 : 33-8. [SA) Arendt Randall. !994a. D e signing Open Space Subdivisions: A Practical Stepby Step Approach N atural La nds Trust, Inc. [3A ] Arendt, Randall 1994b. Rural by Design Washington, DC: American Planning Association. ( 3 Cj Arendt, Randall 1996. Conservation Design for Subdivisions: A Pract i cal Guide to Creating Open Spa ce Nerworks Washington DC: Island Press. [3 A I Arendt, Randall. 1997. Growing Greener Washington, OC: Island Press. [3 A ] Armstrong, R. J., J r. 1994. Impacts of Commuter Rail Service as Reflected in Single-Family Residential Prope rty Values Paper presented at the 73rd Annu a l Meeting of the Transportation Resear c h Board, Washington, DC. [2G] Arrington, G. B., Jr. 1995. Beyond tire Field of Dreams: Light Rail and Growth Management in Portland. Portland, OR: Tri-Met. [ 2C] Audirac, lvonne : A H. Shermyen: and M. T Smith. 1990. "Ideal Urban Form and Vis ions of the Good Life: Florida's Growth Management Dilemma." Journal of the American Planning Association 56 (Aut umn) : 470-482. [4C] Audirac, lvonne, and Maria Zifou. 1989. Urban De v elopment Issues: What is Contro ve r sial in Urban Sprawl? An Annotated Bibliography of Often-Overlooked Sources Council of Planning Librarians CPL Bibliography 247. [6 A I Avin, Uri P 1 993 A Review of the Cost of Providing Gov ernment Services to Alternative Residential Patterns. Columbia, MD: LDR I n ternation a l. ( 1 Bl TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM {rCRP) /1.10

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The Costs of Babcoc k Richard F. 1966. The Zoning Game. Madison, WI: Un iversity of Wisconsin Press. [6A) Bahl. Roy M. 1968. "A Land Speculation Model: The Role of the Property Tax as a C onstraint to Urban Spr awl." Journal of Regional Science 8, 2: 199-208. [ I G) B a ldassare. Mark. I 986. Trouble in Paradise : The Suburban Transformation of America. New York : Columbia University Press. [58) Bal t imore County 1978. Growth Management Program Technical Memorandum No. 11, Envir onmental Assessm e nt. Towson, Baltimore County, MO. (3A) Bank of America. Cal i fornia Resources Agency, Greenbelt Alliance, Low Income Housing Fund I 995 Beyond Sp rawl: New Patterns of Growth to Fit the New California. San Franc isco : Bank of America et al. [1 B) Barnett, Jonathan. 1995. The Fracwred Metropolis: Impro v ing the New City, Restoring the Old City, Reshaping the Region New York: HarpetCoJiins. (SBI Baumann D . and B. Dziegielewski. 1990. "Urban Water Demand Forecasting and Analysis of Conservation." London : Planning and Management Consultan t s Lt d [I G) Beat l ey, Timothy, and Dav i d Brower 1993 "Sus tainability Comes to Main Street." Joumal of the American Planning Association 59, 5. [4A) Beaumont Constance 1993. Vermont Washing t on, DC: National Trust for Historic Preservation (4A) Beaumont, Cons t ance. 1994. How Superstore Sprawl Can Harm Communities And What Citizens Can Do About ft. Washington DC: National Trust for Hi s toric Pre se rvation. (4A) Beaumont, Constance 1996a. Historic Preservation. Washington, DC: National Trust for Historic Preservation. [4A) Rof.reooo Bi'bliogrophy Beaumont, Constance. I 996b Smart States. Better Communities. Washington. DC: National T rust for Historic Preservation ( 4A) Bernick M., and Robert Cevero. 1994 Transit-based Residential Development in the United States: A Review of Recent Experiences Wor king Paper 611. In stitute of Urban and Regional Development. University of California at Berkeley March. ( 2B) Berry, David. and Thomas Plaut. 1978 "Effects of Urbanizat io n on Agricultural Activities." Growth and Change 9, 3: 2 8. (3C) Blac k J Thomas. 1 996 "Th e Economics of Sprawl." Urban Land 55. 3: 6 52. (1A) Blair, John P.; S t aley, Samuel R.; and Zhang Zhongcai. I 996. "The Centra l City E l as tic Hypo the sis: A Critical Appraisa l of Rusk's Theory of Urban Development." Joumal of the American Pltmning Association 63, 2 (Summer): 345. (SG) Blomquist, Glenn C.; Marl< C. Berger; and J ohn P Hoehn. I 988 "New Estimates of Quality of Life in Urban Areas Ameri can Economic Review 78, 1 : 89-107. (4G) Bohi, Douglas R., and Joel Darmstadter. I 994 "Twenty Years after the Energy Crisis: What Lessons Were L earned?" Resource.5 116: 1620. (4A) Bookout, L. I 992 "Neotraditional Town Planning: The Tes t of the Marketplace." Urban Land 5!, 6: 12-17. (3C ) Bookout, L., and J Wentling I 988 "Density by Design." Urban Land 47: 10-15. [3C ) Bourne, Larry S 199 2 "Self-Fulfilling Prophecies? Decentralization, Inner City Decline, and the Quality of Urban Life.'' Journal of the American Planning Association 58: 509 513. (SB) Bradbury, Katharine L.; Anthony Downs; and Kenneth Small. 1982. Urban Decline and the Future of American Cities. Wash ington, DC: Brookings Institut ion. (51) 1RANStT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM ITCRP) 11-10

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The Costs of Sprowf-Revisited Bradford Susan 1996. "The New Hometowns; Planned Unit Develop ments Builder 19, 7: 96. [5A) Brindle, Ray. 1994. "Lies, Damned Lies and Automobile Dependence."' Austral asian Tra nsport Research Forum 19 (28) Brueckner, J. K. 1990. "Growth Controls and Land Values in an Open City Land Economics 66: 237-248. [10) Buchanan Shepard C., and Bruce A. Weber. 1982. "Growth and Residentia l Property Taxes : A Model for Estimating Direct and Indirect Population Impa c t s." Land Econ omics 58, 3 (Aug ust): 325. [10) Burchell, Robert W. 1990. "Fiscal Impact Analysis : State of the Art and State of the Practice," in Susan G Robinson. ed Financing Growth: \Vho Benefits? Who Pa )'s? and How Much? Government Finance Officers Association [lA) Burchell, Robert W. 1992a Impact Assessment of the New Jerse y lnrerim State Development and Redevelopment Plan, Report II : Re sea rch Findings. Tr enton : New Jersey Office of State Planning. [I F) Burchell, Robert W. 1 992b Impact Assessment of the New Jersey Int e rim Srate Development and Redevelopment Plan, Report lll: Supplemental A/PLAN Assessment. Trenton: New Jersey Office of State Planning. [ I F) Burchell. Robert W 1997a. Fiscal Impacts of Alternative Land Development Patterns in Michigan: The Costs of Current Development Versus Comp"ct Growth. Southeast Michigan Regional Council of Governments. [I F ) Burchell, Robert W. 1997b. South Carolina Infrastructure Study: Projection of Statewide Infrastructure Costs /995-2015 New Brunswick NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers Unversity. )1 F] Burchell, Robert W .. and David Listokin. 1978 The Fiscal Impact Handbook: Estimating Lacal Costs and Revenues of Land Development. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers University. [I D) Reference Bibliography Burchell, Robert W., and David L istokin 1982. Energy and Land Use. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers University. [4A) Burchell. Robert W and David Listokio. 1990. Fiscal Studies Repon to the Governor's Commission on Growth in th e Chesapeake Bay Region Annapolis, MD: 2020 Commission. [I B) Burchell, Robert W., and David Listokin. 1991. Fiscallmpacr Analysis: A Manual and Software for Builders and Developers. Washington, DC: National Association of Home Builders. [1D) Burchell, Robert W., and David Listokin. 1994a. Fiscal Impact Procedures and the Fiscal Impact Hierarchy. Paper prepared for the Association for Budgeting and Financial Management, Annual Conference on Publi c Budgeting and Finance, Washington, DC. October [lA) Burchell, Robert W., and David Listokin. 1994b. The Economic Effects of Trend versus Vision Growth irr the Lexington Metropolitan Area. Report prepared for Bluegrass Tomorrow, Lexington, KY. November. [If) Burchell Roben W .. and David Li stokin 1995a. Land, Infrastructure Housing Costs, and Fiscal impacts Associated with Growth: The Literature on the Impacts of Traditional versus Managed Growth. Paper prepared for "Alternatives to Sprawl., Conference Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. March. [18) Burchell, Roben W., and David Li stokin. 1995b. The Economic Impa cts of Trend Vision Developmem in the Lexington (Kentucky) Metropolitan Area. Report prepared for Blue Grss Tomorrow January. [I F) Burchell, Robert W. and David Listokin 1996. Determinants of Municipal and School District Costs. Report prepared for Sterling Forest Corporation, Tuxedo, New York [10) Burchell, Robert W., David Listokin, and William R. Dolphin. 1993. The Development Impact Handbook. Washington DC: Urban Land Institute [I G) TRANSIT COOPERAnVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/ H-10

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lhe U>sts ol Sprowl-lltvisifed Solomon, Arthur P., ed. 1981. The Prospective Ciry. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [SA) Souza, Paul. 1995. New Capital Costs of Sprawl, Mart in Cou nty, Florida. Gainesville, FL: Un iversity of Florida. [ I C) Spain, Daphne. 1988. "An Examination of Residential Preferences in the Suburban Era." Sociological Focus 21, I: 1-8. [48) Sperling, Daniel. 1995. Frllure Drive: Electric Vehicles and Sustairwble Transportation. Washington, DC: I sland Press. [20) Steiner, Bill. 1992. "The Future of Downtowns: Issues to Consider As We Approach 2001." Small Town (November December). [SA) Steiner, R. L. 1994. Residemial Density and Travel Patterns: A Review of the Literature anti Methodological Approach Paper presented at 73rd Annual Meeting, TransPQr1ation Research Board. Washington, DC. [2A) Sterling Forest Corporation (SFC) 1995 Draft Generic Environmental Impact Statement for the Sterling Forest Commtlnity: Ovetview. Volume l of 6. Tuxedo. NY: SFC. (3A) Sternlieb, George. 1966. The Tenement LAndlord. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers Un i vers ity. (5C) Stcmlieb. George. 1975. Housing Development and Municipal Cosu. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers University. [18) Stemlieb, George, and W. Patrick B eaton. 1972. Th e Zcne of mergence : A Case Study of Plainfield, New Jersey New Brunswick. NJ: Transaction Books. (5C) Stemlieb, George, and Roben W. Burchell. 1977. Residential Abandonment : The Tenement Landl.ord Revisited. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Researc h, Rutgers University. [5C) Reference Bibliography Stemlieb, George, and James W. Hughes. eds. 1975. Post-Industrial America: ,\letropolitan Decline and Interregional Job Shifts. New Brunswic .k. NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research. Rutgers Univ ersi ty. (58) Stokols, D., and R. W. Novaco, eds. 1981. Transponafion and Well-B eing New York: Plenum Press. (48) Stokols, 0.: R. W. Novaco: J. Campbell ; and J. Stokols. 1978. Traffic Congestion, Type A Behavior. and Stress. Joumal of Applied Psychology 63: 467480. (48) Stone, Kenneth E 1993. 'f11e Impact of Wai Mart Stores on Other Businesses and Strategies for Coexisting. Ames, lA: Iowa State University. [SC) Strategic Goe and Social Medicine 26: 165-172. (4C) Taylor Ruth. 1992. "The Ec. onomics of Open Space As If People and Wildlife Matter." Mountain Country. Fall. [3A) Taylor, Ruth, and S. Gottfredson. 1986. "Environmental Design, Crime, and Prevention: An Examination of CommuM nity Dynamics." In A. Reiss and M. Tor ny, eds., Communities and Crime. Chicago. IL: Un iv ersity of Chicago Pres s. [ 4C] Thompson, J. Phillip. 1996. "Urban Poverty and Race In Julia Vitullo Manin, ed .. Breaki11g Away: Tile Future of Cities. New York: Twentieth Century Fund: 13-32. [58) Tiebout, Charles M 1956. "A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures." Journal of Political Economy 64, 1:416-424. (lA) TIIANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) HlO

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Tischler & Associates. Inc. 1989. "A nalyzing the Fiscal Impact of Development." MIS Report 20, 7 Washington, DC: International City Management Association. [lA) Tischler & Associates. Inc. 1990. Service Level, Cost and R evenue Assumptions: Evalua tion of Development Concepts Howard County, Maryland. Bethesda, MD: Tischle r & Associates ( I C ) T'J.SCbler & Associates, Inc. 1994. Marginal Cost Analysis of Growth Altenwtives King Counry IVruhington Bethesda, MD: Tischler & Associate s [ 1 C:) Tischler. Paul S. 1992. "DuPage County & Economic Development: Good o r Bad?" Journal of th e Amtrican Planni ng Association. July. [1 A ) Transit Cooperative Research Program. 1995. "An E valuation of the Relationship between Transit and Urban Form Research Result s Digest 7 ( June ). {2A) Turque, B ill. and Frank Washington. 1991. "Ar e Cities Obsolete?" Newsweek (Septem ber 9): 42-45 [SA) Ulrich, R.S.; R.F Simon s; B.D. Losito; E. Fior ito; M.A Miles; and M Zelson 1991. "Stress R ecove r y During Exposure to Natural and Urban Environmems." Journal of Environmental Psychology 11: 201-230. [4C) U.S. Depanment of Commerce Bureau of tbc Census. 1980. 1990. U .S. Census of Population and Hou sing Washington. DC. [6A) U.S. Depanment of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. 1982, 1987, 1 992. U.S. Ce nsus of Governments. Washington, DC. [6A) U.S. Depanm ent of Housing and Urban Development. 1972. Total Energy and Pneumatic IVaste Coll
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VNI Rainbow Appraisal Service. 1992. Analysis of the Impact of Ught Rail Transit on Rtal Estat e Va/u.s. San Diego. CA: MIDB. [ 2G) Voith, Richard 1992 Cities and Suburban Growth: Substitutes or Complem e nts?" F ederal Reserv e Bank of Phil adelphia Bus iness Review: (Sept embe r O ctober) 2 1-33 I S I Voith, Richard 1993. "Changing Capi talization of CBD -Orientcd Transpona tion Sys tems : Eviden ce from Philadelphia, 197 01988 Jouma/ of Urban Economics 33: 361-76. (2C] Voith, Richard. 1996 Central City Decline: Reg ional o r Neighborh ood Solutio ns?" Fed era l Reserve Bank of Pili/adelphia Bu siness Review ( M arch April): 31 6. [SI] von Reichen, Christiane, and Gundars Rudzitis. 1992 Mult ino mial Logis tical M ode ls Explainin g Income Changes of Migrants to Hi gh Amenity Countie s. R eview of Regional Studies 22. 1 : 25-4 2 ( 4G ] Voorhees, M. T. 1992. The Trut Costs of the Automobile to Soci ety. City of Boulder, CO. January. [20] Wachs Manin. 1 989. "United Sta tes Transit Subsidy Polic y: In Need of R eform." Science: 244. [ U ] Webber. Melvin M 1976 "The BART Experience-What Have We Lea rned?" Publi c Interest 4 5. [ 2C] Webber. Melvin M 1993. TM Marriage of Autos and T ransit: /low to Mak.t Transit P op ular Again Presente d to th e Founh Int e rnational Resenrc h Conferen ce, Center for Transponation Studies. University of Minnesota. [2A] Wendell Cox Cons ultancy. 1996 Population and Land Area for Urbanized Areas with Mor e Than I Million P opu lation in /990. www .publicpurpo se.c om/inf-u s ua htm tnl Wheaton. William L. and Monon J. Schussheim 1955 The Cost of Municipal Service.s in Ruidenti
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Zinam, Oleg 1989. Quality of Life, Quality of the Individ ual Technolo gy and Economic Development." ,..muican Journal of E conomics and Sociology 48, I: SS-68. (41] Zont M ; D. E Hans en; and S. I. Schwartz.. 1986. "Mitig atin g the Price Effects of Growth Con trol : A Case Stu d y of Davis, California." Land Economics 62 (Feb ruary ): 47 -57 ( l E] TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H 10

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Authtu Altshuler Alan A. Altshuler, Alan A . and Jose A. Gomez-Ibanez. American Fannland Trust American Farmland Tru s t Andrews, James H Andrews, M=ellus Apogee Research. I nc Randall Arendt Randall et al. Barnett, Jonathan Beaumont. Constance Bradbury, Ka!hetine L.. et al Buchanan, Shepard C., and Bruce A. Weber Burchell, Robert W etal. Appendix Appendix LIST OF ANNOTATED STUDIES BY AUTHOR Xu! f1lu. !i11L 19n 128 "Review of 7'1,. Oms of Spra ... r 1993 129 R egulation for Revenue: The Po li r ical Econ omy of lAnd Ust Exacti()lls 1986 130 PubUc Costs 19923 130 Does Protection Pay? The Cost of Communi t y Sel"'ices in Three Massachusetts Towtu 1996 171 Going by the Numberll" 1994 187 "On the Dynamics of Growth and Povcny in Cities .. 1994 156 Costs ofTraruporrarion: Final 1 996 162 Conserwulon Design for SubdivisiQns: A ProctiCIJI Guidi r o Creating Open Space Networks 1994b 161 Rural by Design 1995 178 The Fractured Metropolis: Improving tht N t w C it y Restorin g tht Old City, Reshaping the Regi o n 1996b 162 Smart Statts. B t ll e r Comnumilies 1982 188 Urban Dcliltt and thl Future of Ame rican Ci t ies 1982 132 orow!h and Resi dential Property Taxes: A M odel for Estimating Dire<:< and Indirect Population lmpac!S 1992a 120 Impa ct Asstssmtnr IJ/ tht New Jersey Interim State Devt!lopm tnt and Pkm. Rtpofl II: Rescarc.h Findings lkootingl Porto1ulrinc:brhoK ECONorlhw.d 227 TRANSIT COOPfRATrVf RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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llte Cosrs of App!ndix Authbc Burchell. Robert W., et al. 1997a 121 Fiscal Impacts of Alte rnotive Land Developmem Pattern s in Michigan: The Costs of Current Development Versus Compact Growth Burchell, Robert W et al. 1997b 120 South Carolina Infrastructure Study: Projections of lnfrastrucrure Costs /995 -2015 Burchell. Robert W., and 1995a 166 1.And. /rifrastmcture, Housing Cosrs and Fiscal David Impacts Associated with GrQ' The Literature on the Impacts of Traditional versus Managed Growth Burchell, Robert W and 1995b 121 The Economi c Impacts of Trend Vision David Listokin Growth in the Lexington Metropolitan Area Burchell. Robert W., and 1995 121 Impact Assessment of DELEP CCMP versus Harvey Moskowitz SlATUS QUO on Twelve Municipalit ies in the DELEP Region Calthorpe, Peter 1993 196 The Next American Metropolis: Ecology Community, and the Dream Cambridge Systema tics 1994 151 The Effects of Land Use and Travtl Demand Slrategit f on Commuting Behavior Cer\'ero R obert 1989 151 America's Suburban Activity Cente r s: The lAnd Use-Transponmion Link Ccrvero. Robert 1991b 142 "Land Use and Trave l at Suburban Activity Centers" Cervero. Robert 1996 !5 1 "Jobs Housing Balance Revisited" Ccrvero. Roben. et al. 1997 154 Job Acce-ssibi lity as a Performance Indicator: An Analysis of Trends and Their Social Policy Implications in t he San Fra n cis c o Bay Arc:a" Cervero, Robert. and 1995 152 "Commut ing in Transit Versus Automobile R. GQrham Neighborhoods" Cervero Roben, and 1996 142 "Travel Demand and the 3Ds: Density. Diversit}', and K. Kockelman Design Cervero, Robert. and 1996 155 Subcenterin g and Commuting: Evide nce from the K angLi Wu San Fr a nc i sco Bay Area 1980.1990" C l ark Charles S 1995 198 .. Rev i talizing the Cities: Is Regional Planning the Answer?" Dahl, Thomas E. 1990 163 Wetlands Losses in the United States : J780ss Davis Judy 1993 148 "'The Commuting ofExurban Residents" Delucchi. M A. 1996 157 The Social Cost of Momr. Vehicle Use in the U .S., /990 1991: Summary of Theory, Dara. Methods, and Results Doughany. Laurence. e t at. 1975 132 Mrmicipal Servt'ce Pricing lmpat:ts on Fif;cal Position Rllfgera Brooking Porsona 8rine.e rho H ECONorthwetl 228 TRANSJT COOPERA!IVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCIIP) II-I 0

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The Costs of Appendix Author fiJu. I..i.t.l..c Downing. Pau1 1977 132 Local Sen ices Pncing and Their Effects or1 Urban Spatial Structure Downs. Anthony 1992 141 Stuck in Traffic: Coping witil Peak Hour Traffic Congestion Drucker. Peter F. 1992 179 "Peop le, Work . and the Futur e of the City Duffy, N. E. 1994 173 "The Determinants of State Manufacturing Gro wth R.are.s: A Two-.Digit-Level Analys is" Duncan. J ames E et at. 1989 121 The Searc h for Ejficient Urban Grow1h Panerns Dunphy. R. T.. and 1994 143 Transpi)Nation, Congestion and Density: K. M. fish e r New Insights DuPage County Development 1989 133 Impacts of Development on DuPage Counr y Ocpanmcnt 1991 Property Taxes Ozurik. Andrew 1993 1 44 "Transponotion Costs of Urban Sprawl: A Review of the Literature" ECONon.hwest 1994 122 Evaluation of No Growth and Slow G r owth PoUcies for tile Portkmd Region Ewing. Rei d 1995a 163 Best Dev elopmem Practices : Doing the Right Thing and Making Money althe Same Time Ewing, Reid, et al. 1994 152 Getting Aroun d a Traditional Ci t y a Suburban PUD, and Everything In-Between" Ew ing, Reid a11d 1997 158 "(s Los Angeles-Style Sprawl Desir-able?" and "Are Gordon Peter. et al. 1 997 Compact Cit ies a Desirable Pla nning Goal?" Fishman, Robert 1987 180 B o urgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia Fodor. Eben V. 1995 122 The Real Cost of Growth ill Oregon F r ank. James. E. 1989 123 The Costs of Altenl
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Appendix. Author luL f1lu 'l.iJ.U Gordon Peter . and 1997b 183 .. The Destiny of Downtowns: Doom or Dazzle?" H. W. Richardson Gottl;cb, Paul D. 1995 174 .. Residential Amenities F irm Location and Economic Development"' Greenwood Michael J., et al 1991 174 "Migration, Regional Equilibrium. and the Esrimation of Compe n sating Differentials" Hall, Bob, and Mary Lee Kerr 1991 169 1991-1992 Green Index: A State-By-Swe Guide to the Nation's Enllironmental Health Handy, S. 1992 153 "RegionaJ Versus Local Accessibili ty: Neo Traditiona l Development and Its Implications for Non-Work Travel" Handy, S. 1995 153 Understanding the Link Between Urban Fonn and Travel Behavior Hanson M. E. 1992 159 "Autom o bile Subsidies and Land Use: Estimates and Policy Responses' J 1990 1 46 Explaining Urban Density and Tronsitlmpacts on Auto Use Hol!lciaw, J 1994 146 Using Residenti'al Parterns a11d Transit to Decrease Auto Dependence arrd Costs lhlanfeldt Keith R. 1995 189 "The Importance of the Central City to the Reg i onal and Nationa l Economy : A Review of the Arguments and Empirical Evidence" Lawrence. and 1987 134 lnterjurisdictional E ffects of Growlh Con1rols on Kenneth Rosen Housing Prices Katz, Peter 1994 198 The Ntw Urbanism: Towards an Architecture of Communis)' Kitamura, R., et al. 1994 153 A Micro-Anal y sis of Land Use and Travel in Five Neighbor hoods in the San Francisco Ba y Area Kunstler James 1993 191 The Geograph y ofNowhuc: The Rise and Decline of America's Man-Made Landscape Ladd. Helen F .. and 1991 137 'Causes and Consequences of lhe Changing William Wheaton Urban Fom1" Land is, John D 1995 168 "Impro v ing Land Use Futures: Applying the California Urban Future s Model" Land is, John D., and 1988 1 69 "A Planner's Guide to the-Places Rased Almanac" David S Sawicki Ledebur Larry C and 1992 192 Mtlropolitan Disparities and Economic Growth: William R. Barnes Ciry Distress and the Need for a Federal Loc al Growth Package Levinson D. M., and 1994 139 "The Rational Locator : Why Travel T imes Have A. Kumar Remained Stable R u!gen arooli ng PotJocu8tii\Ck erhoH 230 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP/11.10

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Author Licman Todd 1995 Logan. John, and 1981 M. Schneider MacKenzie. J. J .. et al 1992 McKee. David L., and 1972 G. Smith Metro 1994 Michigan Society of Planning 1995 Officials Mills Dav id E. 1981 Moe, Richard, and 1997 Caner Wilke Myers Dowell 1987 Ne lson, Arthur C 1992b Nelson Arthur C and 1997 T. W Sanchez Newm.:.n, Pete.r W.G., and 1989a Jeffrey R. Kenworthy Ohls, James C., and 1975 David Pines HXJO Friends of Oregon 1996 Oregon Progress Board I 994 Pmons Brinekemo ff Quade I 996a and Douglas Parsons llrinc k erhoff Quade 1996b and Douglas Parsons Brinc kerhoff Quade 1996c and Douglas Parsons BrinckemoffQu ade 1997 and Douglas Parsons George 1992 Peiser, Richard B. 1984 Appondlx 159 Tmnsportation Cost Analysis: Techniques . Estimates and Implications 1 34 "Suburban Municipal Expenditures: The Effects of Business Activily, Functional Responsibility, and Regional Context'' 160 The Going Rat e: \Vhat It Really Costs to Drive 137 "Environmental Diseconomies in Suburban Expansion .. 141 Region 2040: Recommended Alternative Decision Kit 164 Patterns on tile !Qnd: Our Choices. Our Future 138 "Growth, Speculation and Sprawl in a Monocentric C ity" 164 Changing Plaas: Communities in the Age of Sprawl 172 "I n t ernal Monit orin g of Quality of Life for Economic Dev el opment" 165 "Preserving Prime Farmland in the Face of Urbanization: Lessons from Oregon 184 "&urban and S u burban Households: A Departure From Tradi t ional Location Theory" 147 Cities and Automobile An lnte rnatl ona l Sourcebook 138 "Discontinuous Urban Development and Economic Efficiency 150 Mal
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Author l:uL Pieser, Richard B 1989 Pisarski Alan E. 1992 Popenoe. David 1 979 Preeoun, Geoffrey, and 1 996 Anne Faircloth Props!, Lu1her, and 1 993 Mary Schmid Pushkarev B., and 1977 J. M. Zupan Ravitch, Diane 1996 Rca1 Estate Research 1974 Corporalion (RERC) Richardson. Harry W .. and 1989 Peter Gordon Richmond, Henry R 1995 Roback, Jennifer 1982 Rosen. Sherwin 1979 Rosselli M. A .. and B S 1993 Eversole Rusk, David 1993 Salant, Priscilla, et al. 1996 Savageau, David, and 1993 Richard Boyer Schwartz.. Seymour 1., ct al. 1981 Schwanz, Se-ymour J.. ct a1. 1989 Sclar, ElliOt, and Walter Hook 1 993 Souza. Paul 1995 Thompson, J. Phillip 1996 Tischler & 1994 f1lu 139 140 176 170 135 148 199 1 24 1 40 192 174 175 141 185 175 170 136 136 186 125 193 1 26 t1ill "Density and Urba n Sprawl" New Perspectives in Commuting "Urban Sprawl: Some Neg1ecled Sociological Considerations" Best Cities: Where the Living is Easy' The Fiscal and Economic Impacts of Local Collservation and Communi t y Deve/opmenr Measures: A Rtview cj Publi c Transporuui()n and lAnd Use P()/icy "The Problem of !he Schools : A Proposal for Renewal" The Cos t s of Spra wl: Environmental and Economic Costs of Alternative Residential Development Patterns at the Urban Fringe "Counting Nonwork Trips: The Missing Link in Tran.sponal ion. Land Use. and Urban Policy" Regionalism: Chica80 as atl American Region "Wages. Ren1s, and !he Qua lily of Life" "Wage-Based Indexes of Uroan Qualily of L ife" Journey t o Work Trends in tht United States and Its Major Metropolitan Areas 1960 1990 Cities Without Suburbs Estimating the Contribution of Lone Eagles to Metro and Ntmmetm In-Migration Places R attd Almanac ''Suburban Growth Controls and the Price of New Housing" .. Research Design Jssues and Pitfalls in Growth Control Studies" "'The lmportanee of C ities to the National Economy" New Capital Cost s of Sprawl Martin County F lorida "Urban Pove-rty and Race" Marginal Co:it Analysis of Growth AlternativesKing County Washington IRANSfT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) H-10

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T h e Cosh of S prowf-R evisited Aut[Ju c r.uu I.i1U von Reichert, Christiane. and 1 992 175 "Mudnomial Logistica l Models Explaining Gundars Rudz.iti s Income Change. s of M igrnnts to Hig h-Amenity Countic::s .. Voorhees, M T 1992 1 6 1 Th e Costs of the Autom o bile t o Society \Vindsor. Duane 1979 126 A Critique of The Costs of Sprawl" York. Marie l. 1 989 127 Encouraging Compact Dev elo pment in Florida Z inam. Oleg 1 9 89 177 Q uality of l.ife Qua l ity of the I n div i dual. Technology and Economic Development"' Rutgrt B r o o l:ing t Portons 8ri n d:erhoK ECONorthwst 233 TRANSIT COOPERATIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM (TCRP) Hl 0

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