'You can't get there on the bus' : an analysis of ethnicity, gender, race, and work in public transportation

'You can't get there on the bus' : an analysis of ethnicity, gender, race, and work in public transportation

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' You can't get there on the bus' : an analysis of ethnicity, gender, race, and work in public transportation
Ward, Beverly G.
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Tampa, Florida
University of South Florida
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vi, 206 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Transportation -- Social aspects -- United States ( lcsh )
African American women -- Economic conditions ( lcsh )
Race discrimination -- United States ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Applied Anthropology -- Doctoral -- USF ( FTS )


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Includes vita. Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of South Florida, 2000. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-144).

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University of South Florida
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University of South Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
027975988 ( ALEPH )
48092873 ( OCLC )
F51-00211 ( USFLDC DOI )
f51.211 ( USFLDC Handle )

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" YOU CAN'T GET THERE ON THE BUS : AN ANALYSIS OF ETHNICITY GENDER, RACE, AND WORK IN PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION by BEVERLY G. WARD A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida December 2000 Major Professor: Susan D. Greenbaum Ph. D


Office of Graduate Studies University of South Florida Tampa, Florida CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL Ph.D. Dissertation This is to certify that the Ph. D. Dissertation of BEVERLY G WARD with a major in Applied Anthropology has been approved for the dissertation requirement on November 9, 2000 for the Doctor of Philosophy degree. Examining Committee : Major Professor: Susan D. Greenbaum Ph. D Member : John L. Daly, Ph.D Member : Aaron A. Smith Ph.D. Member: Alvin A. Wolfe Ph.D. ---------------------Member: Kevin A. Yelvington Ph.D.


C opyright by Beverly G. Ward 2000 All rights reserved


DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my mother and father the late Amanda J Maxwell Ward and Gai l os P Ward; my children Chani A. WardCabil and Ami na R. Ward-Shahid who are my inspiration ; my sister the late E Lillian Maxwell Peterson ; the Ward fam i ly particularly Janice ; past, present and just in case future members of CAAAC ; the Cultural Barkers ; my dissertation support group Kimberly Golombisky Jini Hanjian Ph .D., Dennis Leoutsakas Jan Nichols and G han Singh ; my other family and friends-Patricia Baptiste Eric T Hill Gwen Heather and Thomas Hills Gwen Hollis Rickey L. Kendall Lynne and Peter Schauer Tampa Monthly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) Terrence A. Taylor-and all the others whose shoulders I have stood upon in order to reach this place 1


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I acknowledge the Spirit and that of the Sp iri t within each of us Also with thanks the University of South Florida faculty who served on my d issertation committee : John L. Daly Ph D.; Aaron A Smith Ph D.; Alvin W Wolfe Ph.D.; and Kevin A. Yelvington, Ph.D I extend deep appreciation to Susan D Greenbaum Ph. D., who chaired my committee helped m e make sense of it, and is a dear friend I also acknowledge my colleagues at the University of South Florida with special thanks to the Black Faculty and Staff Association and the Ins titute on Black Life and in the transportation industry who took interest in my work and provided invaluable support


TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Chapter 1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Transp o rtation Case Study : Color Blind Resear ch or They 're Not Agains t Affirmat ive Action Ju s t N o t for lt. ............................. 1 Class Ethnicity Gender Race and Im mobility ........................ 4 The Duality o f Ethnicity ...................................... 7 Gender Work and Mobi lit y .................................. 9 Methodol ogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 Hist ory of Employment in the Tran spo rtation Indu s try Focu sing o n W omen and Racial and Ethn ic M i norit ies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Se co ndary Data I ss ues or Who s Wat ching t he Watchers? ... 1 2 Study of Public Transp o rtation Users . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 The Afri ca n-American M o bility Iss u es S ymposia . . . . . . . . . 15 Key Informant and Persona l Transp ortation Case Studies . . 15 Survey o f Afri ca n Americans Oth er Minorities and Women in the T ransit Industry and Other Related Data ........................ 16 Int erview with Philip W Jeffress ........................ 16 Site Visit and Interview s at the Transi t A uthority ............ 16 Who Does Publ ic Transportation Research ? .......................... 18 Transportation Case Study: the Spookette by the D oo r . . . . . . 20 Transportation Case Study : "Losing Isaiah or Af rica n-Amer ican Saturation ......................................... 23 Transportation Case Study: I 'v e Been Doing that to Beverly for Two Years (Ha, ha .)." ......................................... 25 Tran sportation Case Study : To Hell With It .................... 26 Tran spo rtation Ca se Study : What Had Happened ...................... 27 About this Dissertati o n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Chapter 2 Histori ca l O verv iew of A ccess and Mobility Issues as Relate d to Afri can Americans and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Transportation Case Study : I Remember 1963 ........................ 32 Mobility Ethn ic and Rac i a l Minority Groups and W o men in the United States 33 African s i n America ...................................... 33 L egislative Rights o f Ethnic and Racial Minorities and Women ............. 35 T he Congress ............................................ 41


The Public Policymaking Process and Public Transportatio n Policy ......... 42 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ....................................... 43 Un ited States Publi c Transportation Employment 1970 1995 ............. 46 APT A's Statistics on Public Transit Employment .................. 46 Census and Bureau of Labor Statistics on Public Transit Employment 47 Findings From Reports EEO -1 And EEO -4 ........... ......... 48 Spin Doctors, Policy Wonks, Consultants Bandits and Researchers ........ 53 Transportation Narrative: I Remember 1963 Redux ..................... 57 Chapter 3 Transportation and Other Public Po licies ........................... 59 The Consequences of Poor Planning ................................ 59 Sarah Macleod . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Cynthia Wiggins .......................................... 60 Why Publi c Agencies Are Not More Responsive .................. 61 Transportation Work and Class ................................... 62 Welfare Assistance to States as Block Grants ......................... 66 The Geography of Disadvantage . .......................... 67 Public Policies and Women's Mobility in The Un i ted States: Gender In forms Geographic and Economic Space ....................... 68 Transportation Case Study : Give Them All Bus Pa sses" ................. 70 Characteristics of Participants in the TANF Program .................... 72 TANF Participants: Demographics Educat i on Work Experience, and Settlement Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Work First and AFDC Adult Caseload ......................... 73 Public Transit and the Challenge of Welfare-to-work ............... 75 P lace of Residen ce and Access or Spatial Mismatch ....... 75 Welfare Reform Implemented : Florida's WAGES Program in Hill sborough County ................................. 77 What Is to Be Done? ............................................ 80 Transportation Funding and Cost Allocation ..................... 80 Labor Market Concerns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Number of Hour s Worked ............................. 81 Work Time of Day ................................... 82 Occupation or I ndustry ............................... 82 Geographic or R egio nal Issues ......................... 83 Chapter 4 the Symposia on African American Mobility Issues ......... .......... 85 Transportation Work and Knowledge in an Academ ic Research Institute : The Setting .............................................. 85 Tran sportation Case Study : Thi s Job Doesn t Play to Your Ski lls" .......... 86 Research Issues from the Symposia: F our Years of Convening the Symposium ................ ................. ........... 87 Transportation Case Study: "We'll All Be G la d When It's Over" ....... 87 Public Transportation and African-American Mobility .............. 88 Intelligent Transportation Systems ( ITS ) .................. 88 Environmental Justice ................................ 89 ii


The Overrepresentation of African Americans among Persons wit h Disabilities ................. ...................... 91 Getting a Place at the Table in Order to Get a Piece of the P i e : Convening the Symposia ......... ....... .............. ... 92 Transportation Case Study : How Do You Define Success? ............... 94 Chapter 5 Findings from the APA Survey ............... . . ............... 100 Survey of the Tran sportation Industry: African Americans Ot h er M i norit i es and Women in the Transit Industry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 00 Survey Methodology ............. ......................... 101 Other Data Collected to Supplement Jeffress's Study ............. 101 Survey Respondent Telephone Interviews . ..... ...... 101 Findings from the American Plann ing Association (APA) S u rvey o n Workplace Equity Percepti o n s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 02 Transportation Case Study : This Survey is Very B i ased . . . . . 102 Findings from the Transit Employees Survey . . . . . . . . . 103 Findings from the Telephone Interviews ...................... 109 Site Visit Interviews ....... . . ........................... 110 Interview with Philip W Jeffress ........ .............. 110 Inte rview with T ransit System Representati v es ............ 111 Discussion 111 Chapter 6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 Public Policy I mplications ..... .................. . . ....... .. ... 115 Public Participation in the Design of Transportation Resear c h ...... 115 Implications for Applied Anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Areas for Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Fed eral Initiative s ................. ... .................... 119 Transportation U s er s and Their Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Understanding TANF Recipient Needs ...... ............ 1 2 0 Developing Strategies That Recognize and Are Res pon s iv e to th e Evolution of Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 0 U s ing the Les s on s Learned to Make Pub lic Transp orta tion Mor e Accessible . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Transportation Case Study : God I Miss Alabama . ............. .. .. 121 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Appendixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Appendix A : Chronology of African American Mobility Issues . . . . . . 146 Appendix 8 : Tran s it Industry Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 Appendix C : African Americans, Other Minorities and W omen i n t h e Tran s it Industry Surv e y R e spon s e s Summary . . . ................. 19 2 Appendix D: Telephone Interview s ................................ 197 Abo ut the Author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . End P a g e iii


LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Transit Industry Employment by Ethnicity Race and Sex ............... 47 Table 2 Number of Transit Systems Respond ing and Employees and Percentage of Total Employees in Transit Industry ..................................... 48 Table 3 Sample Transit Systems by Urban Area ............................ 49 Table 4. P ercent of Transit Employees by Ethnic Group ............ . . ....... 50 Table 5. Percent of Officials/Administrators and Professionals by Ethnic Group and Women .............................. . ....... 51 Table 6 Characteristics of Public Tran sit Users and TANF Parti cipants ........... 75 Table 7 1995 Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Ethnicity ............... 106 Table 8 Respondents' Perceptions of Wor kplace Discr i mination ............... 108 Table D-1. Summary Profile of Respondents .... ................... ...... 198 Table D-2 Salary Distribution of Respondents .............. . . .......... 199 iv


LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 The Intersection of Transportation Users Researchers, Pro v iders Poli c yma k ers, and Myself . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Figure 2 Trend of Transit Empl o yment .................................... 46 Figure 3 Job Categories by Ethnicity and Women ........................... 52 F igure 4 Percent of Management Positions by Ethnicity and Women ............. 53 Figure 5. Comparison of AFDC Population to U S Population by Eth nicity or Rac e .. 73 F igure 6 Residential Characteristics of Person in Poverty ..................... 7 4 Figure 7 Survey Respondents by Ethnicity and Gender .............. ....... 104 Figure 8 Respondents' Salaries Frequency Distribution ...................... 105 Figure 9 Comparison of Transit to Other I ndustries for Selected G ro ups ......... 105 Figure 1 0 Comparison of Academic Degrees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 07 Figure A 1 Historical Comparison of Blacks and General Popu l ation ............. 146 v


" YOU CAN'T GET THERE ON THE BUS : AN ANAL YSIS OF ETHNICITY, GENDER RACE, AND WORK IN PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION by BEVERLY G WARD An Abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fu l fillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida December 2000 Major Professor: Susan D. Greenbaum Ph.D vi


This dissertation explores the function of public tra nsportation in the Uni ted Stat es in providing access and mobility especially t o poor, Afri can-American women living in inner cit i es. Publi c transportati on can provide access t o jobs, education health serv ices, and other go ods and services to enhance soc ial m o bility The a uth o r examines how public transportation se r vices do o r do n o t m ee t the needs of its u se r s and the users access t o the public t r anspo rtation decisi onma k ing pro cess. A second imp ortant role o f public tran s port atio n in the Afri ca n Ameri ca n comm unit y i s t hat of e mpl oyer. A h is tor ical overview of this asp ec t i s discussed and the impli ca tions for public tr a n s p o rtati on p olicy. The author's experiences as a transportation re sea rcher and the influen ce of policy analysts on the d eve l o pment and impl e m e ntat io n of public transportation programs are discu sse d Analyses of these issu es co ntribu te to our un d e r s tanding o f how public tr anspo rta t i on se r ves the m e t ao rganizati on o f U S. soc i e ty Abstract App roved: _____________ ____ Maj or Professor : Susan D Greenbaum Ph.D Profe sso r and Cha ir Department of Anthropology Date Approved : ____ I


CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Public transportation2 oHers an important source of employment to those who are unskilled or semiskilled. The wages are relatively high and since the 194 0s mass transportation has been considered a "favorable" employer of African Americans That is desp i te declines in transit ridership employment for African Americans has had periods of considerable increases. Between 1940 and 1960 African American employment in the transit industry grew from 3 0 percent to 10 .9 percent ( Jeffr ess 1970:45) According to Heistand this phenomenon was unusual because in declin ing ind ustr ies, African Americans tend to lose employment at a more rapid rate than whites (1964 : 1 10-11 1). As more public entities began operating transit systems and with the enactment of the C iv i l R ights Act of 1964 and the Urban Mass Tran spo rtation Act of 1964 i t was anticipated that transit wou l d become ... increasingly a blackoperated industry se r ving a predominant b l ack clientele except where it brings suburban commuters back and f ort h to center city ( Je ffress 1970:101) Public transportation policy research also serves as a kind of bri dge between legi slation and imp le mentati on shap ing both access and employmen t opportunities for the poor women and ethnic minorities and others needing its services These users generally have little interaction with the decisionmaking process. Inc l usion of women and minorities within research organizations where policies are formulated has great significance. Public transportation is a major service provider and emp l oyer of African Americans. Yet the industry falls far short of being responsive to the needs of its major consumers The gains in African-American employment do not seem to have made substant ive differences in program design or service delivery for the industry s major consume r s My experiences as a transportation researcher suggest that the transportat i on decis i onmaking process is not inc lusi ve. Th e signi f icance of public transportation as a serv i ce and employer of African Americans is the focus of this dissertation. Cent r al to this d i scussion i s my employment as a transportation researcher attempting to inform the resea rch and policy regarding the issues and needs of women and minorities. I have the educational and lived experiences of a transit user and employee providing opportun i ties for inf ormed research and meaningful program implementat i on. Transportation Case Study: Color Blind Research or "Th ey're Not Again st Affirmativ e Action Jus t Not for lt. I n 1993 two Afri can American colleagues and I who were employed at t he Comprehensive Rese arch Institute (CR I ) began discussing what we cou l d and should do 1


considering the new emphasis on public involvement brought about by the lntermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA). (The reasons I have used a pseudonym for the place where I have worked will become obvious At t his point i t is important for the reader t o understand that I anticipate discomfort for and hostility from some colleagues because of statements that have been made When I told one Univer s ity administrator that I was incl uding my experiences at CRI in the dissertation, he stated, "Yo u 're asking for it." I also made i t known t o severa l people at CRI particularly those who shared their experiences with me, that I was includ ing my experiences. One person in a management position asked, Are you still threaten i ng to write your dissertation about this place ." I responded that it was not a threat. The fact that the administrator thought I was asking for it and that the manag e r thought "it" was a threa t were clear indicators to me that the discussi o n of my experience s would make some people, at a minimum uncomfortable.) We decided to approach the Director of CRI for a sum of $10,000 to $2 0 ,00 0 as start-up funds to pursue federal grants to produce a symposium on Afri can -Ame rican mobility issues The symposium would provi de a forum for the discussion of these issues and would pro vi de opportunities t o i dentify research needs Ult i mate l y we hoped to use the sympos ium as a tool to devel op a resear c h agenda and address issues broader than transportation We were very naive. Why naive? We, three African-Ame r i can researchers, thought that we had arrived We had accepted a societal view of linear progress in class and race relations That is, we thought because we had the diplomas on the wa lls, resumes and our employment at CRI we had the requ isi te educational credentia l s and experience to conduct research ISTEA we thought provided the legi s lative mandate for the symposium and subsequent research We were naive because we accepted t h is hype. We were not prepared for the disparagement we received from other colleagues in the organizat i on The central theme seemed to be that there were no mobility problems unique to African Amer icans. One person stated, there was no market fo r transportation research on African Americans. Many of our white colleagues stated that we were simply disgrunt led or trying to make issues where none existed. Instead of seeking to convene a symposium they said we should focus on doing the work we were h ired to do. Yet t he D irector encouraged all researchers to develop projects in their areas of i n te rest. When we approached him for funding, he stated that he understood why we approached him directly instead of going through our immediate supervisors He was aware, he said that i f we had presented the idea of the symposium to our immediate supervisors they probably would not have been receptive. He stated I do not think they [the supervisors) are against affirmative a c tion I just do not think that they are for it (affirmative action). The idea of the symposium early on became associated with affirmative action positioning it as a gift or a token form of acknowledgment. This association was the beginning of a process that contributed to marginalization of the issues and the sympos ium itself. Affirmative action is a code term. When it is introdu ced it creates opportunity for dialogue on quotas reparations, and so forth The dialogue moved the issues away from acce ss and mobility and the research needs that should be addressed into whether or not 2


affirmative action is needed Thi s marginalization also positioned the symposium as a "black thang, less than, and not of interest to the larger society Contrary to the opinions of some staff at CRI, there are mobility issues unique to African Americans. These issues include differences in travel patterns and travel characteristics between African Americans and the larger community. Many African Americans must travel from inner cities to suburbs for employment. Many wh it e workers travel within suburbs or from suburb-to-suburb to work Also automobile ownership among African Americans is much lower than that of whites. Fifty-nine percent of all households without vehicles were found in central cities in 1990. African Americans also are proportionately overrepresented among persons with disabilities And, historically African Americans have been left out of the transportation decisionmaking process This lack of participation has had adverse impacts on African American communities, not only as related to landuses but also physical health acce ss to jobs goods and services. While these issues are confronted by other groups in American society the impacts seem to be disproportionately visited on African Americans particularly poor black women who live in inner cities. Through the symposium and research we hoped to identify why these problems continue to exist. Our colleagues at CRI, as researchers particularly because of their employment at a public institution, also had a responsibility to be interested in these issues. This dissertation then analyses race class ethnicity gender and the institutionalization of disadvantages and the relationship of public transportation to these issues. The literature suggests that economi c and other societal changes have continued th e reproduction of class e thnic gender, and racial hierarchies Examples include changes in landuse patterns the deindustrialization of the United States economy, and the assault on affirmative action legislation Con si deration of these changes also includes the cha nneling of women and minorities into certain types of work, leading to disadvantages in their social and geographic mobility. Special attention is given to the African American experience as related to freedom of movement and the unique significance of mobility and transportation for African Americans First there is the forced migration of African s to the Caribbean, N orth Am erica, and South America and their subsequent enslavement. Se co nd, consideration should be given to restrictions on freedom of movement during slavery and the Underground Railroad Following slavery and Reconstruction Jim Crow Law s were formally anointed by the Supreme Court in a decision that upheld the legality of seg r ega ted rail cars. Finally, there is the mid-201 h Century Civil Rights Movement where tran si t and intercity buses became arenas for nonviolent prote s ts. These considerations are br oade r than the public transportation industry and general mobility but serve as examples and m e taphor s for the blocked mobility and resi s tance of people of color. I also discuss the United Stat es policymaking pro cess and its role in the reproduction of c la ss and ra cia l privilege This in c ludes a review of broad transportation policy directives over time The literature suggests an ongoing bia s favoring private automobiles over public transit, reflected in high level s of highway subsidization Suburbanization and co nsequently the impoverishment and isolation of cities ; housing di sc rimination ; and other factors also have prevented black people from taking advantage of s uburban housing and employment opportunities. The literature suggests that the s ocial 3


constructs of ethnicity, race, and gender, seNe to proscribe opportunities for many blacks in the United States This limited or lack of opportunity results in economic, geographic, political and social isolation perpetuating conditions of disadvantage Economists frequently describe transportation as a "derived need. That is, people travel to do or consume something else. In this sense public transportation's success may be associated with the way residential, economic, and social activities are arranged on the landscape-" landuse (Schulz 1992). Certain landuse patterns such as well-connected, pedestrian-friendly streets and mixing the use of activities may facilitate public transportation use and the consumption of goods and seNices (Lerner-Lam et alia 1992: 17). For those dependent upon public transportation because of income age or individual preference, their personal "success" or ability to travel and consume goods and seNices may be measured in the success of public transportation. As landuse patterns affect travel behavior and the demand for public transportation seNices the success or lack of success of this seNice becomes entwined with the "success of its users. Various modes of transportation or the use of a particular mode then may be associated with specific classes, ethnic and racial groups or genders. To understand this phenomenon better, it is necessary to consider who uses public transportation who works in the industry, how public transportation policy is produced and why. Women are major consumers of public transportation seNices not simply because of their numbers in the general population, but also because of their economic and other social limitations. Persons categorized as ethnic and rac ial minorities also are major consumers for similar reasons. I suggest that race gender, and ethnicity may contribute to different transportation outcomes. The experiences of African Americans in the United States regarding access and mobility provide some insight into this process. Housing segregation also is strongly associated with transportation issues because where one lives also may determine access to goods and services In the discussion of mobility, gender race, and ethnicity, consideration also must be given to class and, consequently, work. The nature of work and its value are negotiated by who performs the work and who pays for it. This is the "embedded nature" of work. Transportation work and use also may become embedded-the modes, who makes use of a particular mode, and the economic and social status associated with transportation work may be defined by the producers and consumers Class, Ethnicity, Gender Race, and Immobility There is a general tendency to think of class, ethnicity, gender and race as distinct descriptors of humans' social or even biological conditions. Rarely however, in social interactions do humans function solely from any one of these Karen Brodkin writes of 'Metaorganization or organization of organizations, to refer to the ways that all these race, gender and class dimensions of social organization form a mutually constituting system that is both American and capitalist, that constitutes both the nation and the political economy ... This system of 4


reciprocal definitions operates at multiple levels from political and economic organization to state policies to discursive practices and meanings that give American capitalism real stability (Brodkin 1998:53). It is these multiple dimensions and their intersections that are of interest. As discussed above, African Americans and women are major consumers of mass transportation Philip W. Jeffress in The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry, suggested that transit also was a "favorable" employer of African Americans. The same can be said for other minorities and women. Yet, the industry seems to be less and less responsive to the needs of its two major consumer groups. The literature revealed little from an anthropological perspective on the role of public transportation in American social organization; most of the available literature related to roadways or the automobile. Anthropology has much to contribute to the discourse on ethnicity and gender and the social significance of spatial configurations "Race as a flawed descriptor of human biodiversity also is addressed by anthropologists To understand how class is constituted, I begin with a brief discussion of work According to Fromm Marx found that the product of work is not the thing produced and its value to the worker but rather it is the value of the product-what the worker earns and what the worker is able to secure with these earnings-and one product is work itself. This is the "objectification [emphasis added] of labor" (Fromm 1963:95) Labor not only becomes an object, but in the process, it also becomes intangible. First it loses a direct connection with the worker in satisfying a need. That is work is not produced to be consumed by the worker but is produced in order for the worker to be able to consume something else produced by someone else Work, then could be considered a derived need. That is like transportation people \II.Qrkto do or consume something else. There is a second loss, that of the worker's connection to other workers Since the workers have no direct connection with the products they consume, they may have little opportunity to develop connections with other workers. In fact, it may be in the worker's interest not to have connections with other workers for they may become potential competitors Each has a common product-labor. In a "divide and conquer'' process workers may be pitted against each other because of class, gender, ethnicity, or race For example, if a particular job is constructed as "women's work" salaries may be lower. Instead of all workers organizing to get a fair wage for this type of work, men may seek and be hired for other work Finally the combination of the two processes leads to "alienated life." The worker is not connected through work to other workers yet products are produced and consumed through many forms of social organization. Marx argues that this social organization or spec ies life has experienced objectification because it too becomes a product. The disconnection between workers limits them from fully comprehending and resisting this paradigm Burawoy writes that workers also are limited by "hegemonic despotism ... instead of capital making concessions to labor labor makes concessions to capital in order to hold on to their jobs (1999) These concessions also may be carried out in various struggles, mental versus manual labor, gender, and race [or ethnicity] (Willis 1977:145). There are however, gender implications within labor and race, labor 5


impli ca tions within gender and race race implications within gender and labor, and so on. Again Brodkin writes I am s uggesting that a focus on the racial and gender co nstructions of the laborforce shows that the ingredients of class are at once racial and gendered; those of non-whiteness reference working-classness and gender blurred co nstructions of gender ; while co nstructions of gender are racially and class-specific (1998). While work may lose value as a product that has a d i rect connection with the worker work may satisfy other needs Work may not provide a direct link to economic capital, but it does provide an indirect link through wages that makes it possible to consume products produced by others. Work also may produce other forms of capital including forms that are nonmaterial. The se may include other forms of economic capital that are indirect, symbolic capital, cultural capital, and social capital (Yelvington 1995 ; Brubaker 1985) Symbolic capital may be defined as the ability or power' to make legitimate demands on the services of other, whether material such as help at harvest time or symbolic, such as the expression of deference ... (Brubaker 1985:256). Symbolic capital, then may be an expression of rank or "place" in a hierarchy Brubaker again, states that "Bourdieu developed the concept of cultural capital to explain difference s in educational performance and cultural practice s that r e mained unexplained by eco nomic inequalities" (1985:257). The concept of cultural capital helps u s to under s tand how to paraphrase Greenbaum in . more complex and stratified the soc ial s ystem[s], the less direct i s the relation s hip between intellectual fitness and material success. Untalented offspring of wealthy families are far more likely to succeed in life than are int e lligent children of the poor (Greenbaum 1992:9). Like s ymbolic ca pital cultural capital has no direct link to economic capital; it does not provide a tangible product. The product of each is the relation s hip of the worker to the economic s y s tem Social capita l has a product sim ilar to symbolic and cultural capital. So cia l ca pital, however seems to be the intersection of several forms of intangible capital. Thi s may include lingui s tic capital one's networks and connections, and c lass position inc luding tho se attributes embedded by e thnicity gender, and ra ce (DiMaggio 1979 : 1465 1466) Some elements such as linguistics may be more mutable th a n others, s uch as gender ethnicity, or race Other forms of economic ca pital may include perceived economic s tatus. This also i s an intersection of other forms of capital. Linguistic capital may signal certain levels of education. Material goods s uch as hou si ng transportation dress, and so on, may s ignal a certain economic status. Mobility-which refers both to ability to move between econo mic strata and ability to enter certain geographic spaces-may also be a form of economic ca pital. Each of these forms of capital helps us to unde rstand the extent to which economic capital explains soc ial status or place within the American economic system and to 6


contextualize the relationships among work class gender and race It appears that when various forms of cultural economic social and symbolic capital intersect, certain implications arise about the system and groups within the system-ethnic, racial, gender, religious and so on-and individuals (Yelvington 1995:32) That is, some workers may be unable to secure certain types of work because of the symbolic, cultural, and social capital they have to exchange Even if these workers are not prohibited from securing work, their work may be embedded with different forms of symbolic, cultural, and social capital. Capital be it economic, symbolic, cultural or social, has been defined as ". attributes, possessions or qualities of a person or a position exchangeable for goods services or esteem ... (DiMaggio 1979 : 1463) If capital can be a part of the "attributes, position, or qualities of a person or position, it is not that difficult to embed capital with attributes of gender, ethnicity, and race. And, consequently work becomes embedded This seems true for who works where, who has access to work who works in the public transportation industry, and so on, and so on. Transportation as a derived need facilitates the production of work It also may produce symbolic and social products. Deference may be given to different modes of transportation Social status may be associated with such deference. Who can afford to purchase and maintain a private automobile? Who is dependent upon public transportation? Mobility then may have a role in constituting the metaorganization of American society. If so it is necessary to explore the ethnic gender and racial dimensions of mobility and access The Duality of Ethnicity While the Otherness of race appears to be reserved for those in the United States who are melaninly-enhanced" or perceived to be so ethnicity appears to provide another form of social capital across groups. Ethnicity can be externally-imposed and like race, carry the biases of the imposer. However, there is another function of ethnicity. Fishman states Ethnicity is a bond (self-perceived [emphasis added] and/or ascribed by others ... ) to a historically continuous authentic collectivity. Thus ethnicity assists individuals in coping with the existential question of Who am I?' and What is special about me? by contextualizing these questions in terms of putative ancestral origins and characteristics. These questions are therefore illuminated in terms of 'Who are my own kind of people?' and 'What is special about us?' and come to be answered at the level of peopleness being [emphasis original] (biological continuity and therefore, physical triumph over death) peopleness doing[emphasis original] (behavioral fealty even in the course of behavioral change) and peopleness knowng [emphasis original] (i.e., ethnicity includes not only native philosophy by historiosophy and cosmology: a Weltanschauung or world view) (1983 : 128). Individuals ask "Who am I?" and identify themselves with others based on shared experiences These experiences may include a shared language ... economic 7


organization, political mobilization sense of community, and preservation of cu ltural traditions ... (Greenbaum 1992 : 7). McCready states, One of the reasons that ethnic groups have persisted within our society is that people need a sense of belonging somewhere" (1983:xix). It is in this subjective element of ethn icit y that the distinctions between race and ethnicity ca n be drawn. Yelvington found that ... German Americans and Anglo-Americans in the United States may agree that they share racial similarities but argue that they are 'e thni ca lly different. The same may hold fo r Afr ican Ameri ca ns' and 'black' Caribbean migrants in Miami (1995:25) The outgroup influences of ethnicity and associated prejudices may be traced t o the 15th century English meanings and beyond, according to Fis hman. He states that the Greek etymology ethnos is a referent to ... nationality peopleness and their attributes and tra ces the negative connotations of ethnic to an early Hebrew theory where peoplen ess" is seen as ... a mixed bag,' including both good and bad potentia li ties (Fishman 1983 : 129) Good potentialities were identified as 'am; negative as goy. The n ega t ive semantic field of goy [emphasis original] neces sa rily contributes an original negative semantic field to ethnic or ethnicity ('pagan' or heathen') in English and other languages and is still there today ... (Fishman 1983 : 1 29130) Ethnic ity, as externally-imposed may serve some of the same social functions as race. That is self-identification with a particular group may serve to i denti fy members of the group to outsiders. Once identified as "exot ic ," "heathen," or other, the members of the group can be subject to discrimination Greenbaum states Ethnic differences may appear to be inherently co nfl ictual. When individuals form into groups to achieve some common purpose whi ch is the rrodus operandi[emphasis original] and principal adaptation of the h uman species such mobilizations very frequently involve shared ethnicity. Aff iliati on w i th a group provides access to resour ces, a positive benefit. Resources however tend to be finite and limited and compet i tion between groups is difficult to avoid. On thi s basic level ethnicity conditions conflict (1992:2). Ethni c identification can give way to ethnocentrism and provide economic and political justification for the subj ugation of other ethnic groups Thi s competition may p i t what is understood as basic racial," religious regional-whatever-groups against each other in the s truggle for resources. In this co ntext ethn i c identif ica tion can become synonymous with race and ethnocentrism, synonymous with racism in the popular mind Ethnicity enables groups to define themselves Both racism and ethnocentrism may serve to define the Other. Shanklin states This construction which occurs in all societies and is an o utgrowt h of ethnocentric ideas inculcated in the socialization proce ss, has a number of common features no matter what ethnic group does the defining of us" and them. One common assumption is that the Others are d i rty "-we are clean and they are dirty Another is that they are childish or foolish or ba ckward, whereas we are cleve r adults Yet another is that they are 8


inclined to incest or cannibalism, which we, as properly socia l ized humans abhor ... These are not unusual beliefs; in fact such notions o f superiority are commonplace and found in one form or another in all societies They are ways of constructing identities-both one s own and that of the other (1994:114-115). When ethnicity is applied to the Other," concepts about va l ue social capital arise As with race and gender, ethnicity becomes embedded with the attributes of the person A person's ethnicity becomes associated with social and other forms of capital. Capital describes power relationships. Gender, Work and Mobility Gender hierarchies may be associated with mobility. The 1990 National Pers o nal Travel Survey suggests white male travel is saturated (Hill 1994 ; Rey et alia 1995). That is, among the subgroups of the population, travel by women and minorities has the capacity to grow faster than the rate of white males For women and minorities this capacity may mean that there is unmet demand for transportation. These f i ndings and others suggest that those folks at CRI who believed that there were no travel issues unique to Afr i can Americans or women were wrong. Women and minorities may be unable to travel where they want or need to go. As many travel models are based on the travel behavior of wh i te males these findings suggest a need for research to understand the trave l behav i or of women and minorities There also are indications that women s travel patterns differ from those of men (Wyly 1995 ; Johnston Anumonwo 1994) Women continue to be the pr i mary caregivers in the United States and their incomes continue to be less than men s Unmarried fema l es, living in central cities also are major consumers of mass transit services. As part of the United States social structure transportation or mobility may become a contributor to the construction and reproduction of gender differences. Firestone suggests that ... capitalism intensifies the worst attributes of patriarchalism (Fires t one 1972 : 184) Her assessment is echoed by Connell, Sexuality child development the family sex role convent i ons and kinship are parts of a whole That whole is a social structure not a biolog i cal one It is among other things, a structure of power, inequal i ty and oppression ; a structure of great scope complexity and consequence i n ou r affairs as well as those of tribal and ancient societies (1985 : 260) Capitalism as an economic system seems to construct and reproduce var i ous so c ial structures such as race class ethnicity, and gender. Each of t h ese structures a l so may be seen as forms of social capital (DiMaggio 1979:1463 ; Yelvington 1995 :31 ). Understanding that there are distinct types of capital is important to theorize about how issues of race, gender ethnicity and class are essential to capitalist economic systems specif i cally in the United States Hence when social capital i ntersects with econom i c cap i tal in the workp l ace dist i nct exchanges can be expected or almost predicted to occur based on one s gender. 9


In the United States, access to labor markets or lack of mobility also may be engendered. Suburbanization, the lack of adequate public transportation and wome n's earnings contribute to spatial segregation and the inability of women to increase their earnings. It i s an i terative process that factors into the reproduction of gender and power. My primary concern then is with th e production articulation and imp l ementation of public tran sportation policy The resear c h methods include study of public t r ansportation employment particularly of African Americans planning pol icy, and researc h Informat i on and data on the problems of ethnic or racial minority group s who are users of public transportation provide one dimension. Data on ethnic or racial minorities who are employed in the industry provide another dimension My own experiences as a minority employed as a transportation policy researcher provide yet another dimension The subjective knowledge is augmented by the research on Afri ca n Amer icans, other minorities, and women emp loyed in the industry and the experiences of co nv ening and participating in several s ymposia on African American mobility is s u es. These collec ti ve dimensions make up the dissertation. The impetus of this study came from my real iza t i on that my education subjective knowledge and research experiences often seemed at odds with the transportation policymaking process, the resulting services and resource allocations Methodology The research design is complex, drawing on numerou s sources I selected several methods, partially to move the thesis question beyond my personal experiences. As discus sed in the case study above, there was an impression held by some of my colleagues that my experiences and those of my Afri ca n-Amer ican colleagues were personal aberrations Part of my work experience has been a str ugg le ; first to validate my experiences with data lots of data from other so urces ; and, second to have my experiences acknowledged as existing within a larger framewor k The methods include a study of public transportation industry employment, replicating Jeffress's s tudy The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry, a study of public transportat ion users focusing on demographic and socioeconomic characteristics; research issues from the African-Am erican Mobility Issues Symposia ; a survey of the transportation industry; other data collected to supplement the industry study ; and key informant and perso na l case studies. History of Employment in the Transportation Industry, Focusing on Women and Racial and Ethnic Minorities The history begins with a broad review of statistics attempting to replicate the dissertat ion work of Philip Jeffress, The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry Jeffress's original s tudy was one i n a series cond u cted by the Industrial Research Unit of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsyl van ia in the lat e 1960s and early 1970 s that invest i gated why so me industries may have been more favorable to Afr ican Amer icans in hiring. The research effort was funded by the Ford Foundation to provide studies of the Racia l Pol icies of Ameri ca n Industry. The purpose including determining why some industries seemed ... more hospitable to the employment of Negroes than ... othe r s (Northrup 19 70 : i i i). The reports of individual industries also included basic industry finance public utilities 10


southern industry and retail trade Jeffress predicted that transit would become an i ndustry owned or operated by African Americans In the final chapter of The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry Dr. Jeffress gives an overview of the many i nfluences that resulted in changing policies toward African American employment in transit and ant i c i pated t hat the industry would become more influenced by government policies and eve n tually controlled by African Americans In 1994 the African-American faculty at CRI proposed to revisit Jeffress's study as "African Americans, Other Minorities, and Women in the Transit Industry as part of the University Transportation Centers funding by the U S Department of Transportation (USDOT) Research and Special Projects Administration ( RSPA). The project was approved and the study completed i n 1996 The following data were co ll ected : EE0-1 and -4 reports ; Census data on transportation employment ; and Employment data from the American Public Transit Associat i on (APTA) EE01 reports are provided by private agencies rece i ving federal funds EE0-4 reports are provided by public agencies receiving federal funds As a transportation provider from 1982 through 1984 I annually compiled such reports. When we attempted to secure the reports for 1980, 1985 and 1990 from the U S Equal Employment Opportunity Commission we were advised that they were not avai l able." It was necessary to request the reports from the 19 transit agencies used in Jeffress s st udy. This was the willing and able element that Jeffress advised he encountered i n the 1960s when d o ing his research It also was the first indicator of a need to supp l ement our data sources Prior to 1972, public transit systems were not required to f il e EEO reports In that year, Congress passed the Equal Employment Opportunity Act. This extended Title VII coverage to state local and federal agencies and gave the EEOC additional enforcement powers As part of its mandate under Title VII, the EEOC requires per i odic reports from employers, unions and labor organizations showing the makeup of their workfor c es by se x and racial and ethnic categories as defined in the U S Department o f Commerce Off ic e of Federal Statistical Policy and Standards Directive Number 15 The d a ta colle c ted from these reports are used by the EEOC to aid it in carrying out its enforcement responsibi li ties EE0-1 and EE0-4 data are compiled from employer payroll data submitted to the Commission. The Commission currently requires the filing of five types of r eports ; EE0-1 employer information report (annually) ; EE0-3 local union (biennially); EE0-4 state and local government information report (annually for organizations with 100 or more employees); EE0-5 elementary and secondary education staff information report (biennially) and EE0-6 higher edu c ation staff information report 11


The reports may be used to measure patterns of empl oyment and to i dent i fy areas of discrimination and progress There are no measures of availab i lity of employment opportunities which may be an important factor in showing empl o ye r policies or pract i ce s that may have an adverse impact on employment for any race sex or ethnic group Besides providing statistical data relating to the social and economic activities and characteristics of the population of the United States ce n sus i n f ormati o n a l so gives a summary of employed persons for various industries The Current Population Survey (CPS) a monthly household survey conducted by the Census Bureau for the Bureau of the Labor Statistics (BLS) provided a comprehensive body of information on the employment and unemployment experience of the nation's population, class i f i ed by age sex r ace and other characteristics Census information is based on i ndividual responses to questionnaires APTA is an international nonprofit trade association represe n ting more than 1 000 motor bus and rapid transit systems in the United States and Canada S i nce 1942 its Management Services Department, Statistics and Informat i on Systems Div i sion has c ompiled a Transit Fact Book. Data is obtained from member systems in the United States and is used to estimate trends for all United States systems Data also is based on the reports from the National Transit Database (Pham 1993:6-7) Gen erall y rec ipients of funds to provide mass transportation are required to make annual reports to FTA regarding operations and services APTA data comprises reports by tra n s i t systems to APTA and FTA Secondary Data Issues or "Who s Watching the Watchers?" There are however limitations to the usefulness of these data The Census and BLS data shown here may include besides urban transit systems p riv ately-owned charter and school bus information Employment in the transit i ndustry is reported as street railways and bus lines in the 1970 Census and bus service and u r ban transit i n the 1980 Census Neither category nor one that could be interpreted as t r ansit was reported i n 1990 Information from the BLS-CPS was used instead o f t he Cen sus to examine minorities and women s employment in transit for 1990 BLS industry terms inc l uded local and interurban passenger transit ; local and suburban transportation ; and intercity and rural bus transportation These data also differ in that the Ce n sus inc ludes race and ethnic c ategories for whites African Americans Hispanic Native Amer i cans and As i ans CPS data do not comprise all racial and ethnic groups as the statisti cal estimates used were too small for the Hispanic Native American and Asian populations As a result these population groups are shown as other. Although the original Federal Transit Act of 1964 requires all grant recipi ents (i.e., transit systems) to make and keep records and statistics for completion of Report EE0-1 and EE0-4, records are required to be maintained for three years on l y The most c omprehensive set of data that could be used in this analys i s wa s a v a i lable fo r 1984 1985 1989 1991, and 1993 This information serves as a sample of minority and women employment in transit. 12


When we tried to obtain data from APTA regarding the ethn i city of transit employees we were advised that they did not collect the data is thi s format and doubted if it could be found Nor was the data available from the EEOC the agency charged w i th enforcing civil rights legislation The reasons why these data ar e unava il able are very complex The EEOC however does provide som e insights : Due to limited budgets throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s t h e EEOC s complement of full-time employees fell from a high of 3 390 in 1980 to 2 544 at the end of fiscal year 1998 The decline in resources came at the same time the agency s enforcement obligations substantially expanded due to new statutory responsibilities. Charges under the ADA e nacted i n 1990 currently account for nearly one quarter of EEOC s caseload In add i t i on charge filings increased following the enactment of the C iv i l Rights Act of 1991 The increase has been particularly dramatic with regard to sexual harassment charges Overall, charge filings have jumped f r om 62 135 in fiscal year 1990 to around 80 000 in both fiscal years 1997 and 1998 (1998) Perhaps no other sector of government is more emblemati c of Patricia J Williams words Laws become described and enforced i n the spirit of our prejudi c es than the EEOC and its decimation during the 1980s and increased responsibilities i n the 1990s From the aggregate numbers of APTA and the Census it appears that transit employment is growing and that ethnic minorities and women are progressing quite rapidly The EEO reports from the sample systems supports the aggregate data suggesting that the i ndustry may very well be staffed by persons from ethnic minority groups. The EEO reports a l so sugges t however that the people who sit around the table," the staff t h at dec i des the budget s f o r transit agen c ies look a lot like the people who decide the EEOC budgets The same powerbrokers who decide when there is enough affirmative act i on Also during the 1980s and early 1990s the Reagan and Bush Administrations were responsible for the appointment of four new justices to the Supreme Court, including Chief Justice Will i am Rehnquist 300 judges on district courts and 80 judges to the courts of appeal. (Clarence Thomas was a triple beneficiary He was the ch a ir o f the EEOC from 1982 through 1990 In 1990 he was nominated by Bush to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia A year later he was nominated by Ge o rge H W Bush and appointed as an assoc i ate justice for the United States Supreme Court .) If the EEOC managed to bring a suit to court chances considerably were increased that it would be heard by a conservative judge Finally it appears that the Bush Administration attempted to overturn the Civil Rights Act by vetoing the 1990 bill characterizing i t as a quota bill. One key feature of the Civil Rights A c t that was finally passed in 1991 was that it placed the burden of proof of disparate i mpact onto employee s In essence there was a three-pronged assault on equa l emp l oyment opportunity reduced funding of the enforcement agency a conservative judiciary and dismantling of the enabling legislation. While I do not allege a conspiracy the tacit outcome has been a backlash on equal employment opportunity Without the staff to enforce the leg i slation including collecting and analyzing the EEO reports, the data may be unava i lable for o thers outside the agency to research and analyze The assault bas i cally left it up to emp l oyer s 13


to police themselves. In the case of this research we were dependent upon data that was available from the agencies Only two-thirds of the agencies had the data or responded Study of Public Transportation Users Women and minorities generally are the primary consumers of public transportation Does transportation continue to be a hospitable industry for African Americans? How do other minorities and women fare in the industry? The answers to these questions may contribute to our understanding of public transportation's ability to meet the needs of its users Public transportation could provide access to education jobs, and other life sustaining services Yet if public transportat ion decisionmakers are ignorant of or unconcerned with the needs of consumers a disconnection may occur between public transportation policies and programs and users. According to Pisarski (1996 : 66) high users of public transit are most likely to be of Asian black or Hispanic heritage ; central city dwellers, particularly female workers living alone ; households with no vehicles ; or low income persons Since persons with the above characteristics have a high propensity for transit use and these are also the predominate characteristics of those who received Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), the pre-reform welfare program, it would appear that transit should also meet the needs of adults participating in the new welfare reform program Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) As dis cussed in greater detail later federal transportation legislation mandate s public involvement in the planning, project development, and decisionmaking processes In addition to the "general public, public transportation users comprise one segment of the population that could and should be involved in these processes. Data was collected to identify the characteristics of public transportation users, specifically welfare recipients at the enactment of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 The data sources include the 1990 Census the American Public Transit Association (APTA) the National Transit Database the National Personal Travel Survey the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), and the Florida Department of Children and Families. These s ources provide information on the characteristics of welfare recipients the one group of consumers who need public transportation and how tran s it does or does not meet their needs. Thi s data is supplemented with local data on welfare recipients and transit in Hillsborough County Florida This information also helps to frame the consequences of the lack of access to the transportation planning project development and dec i s i onmaking processes Also using secondary data sources I discus s the need for public transportation by for one group who for a number of rea s ons discussed would benefit from public transportation recipients of Aid to Familie s with Dependent Children (AFDC) as of October 1996. These recipients were the first group subjected to the Temporary Assistance to Needy Familie s (TANF) Program Contrary to the myth of the welfare queen" driving her Cadillac AFDC participant s were not all African Americ a ns and very few had cars Through an examination of participant s' socioeconomic characteristics, however we will see how mobility problems disproportionately affect poor black women who live in inner cities. 14


Portions of this discus sion were developed to enable the National Urban Tra nsit Inst itu te (NUTI) to investigate the state-of-the-practice of transportat io n research in s u pport of moving welfare recipient s into the workforce. The African-American Mobility Issues Symposia From 1994 through 1997 my colleagues and I convened four sympos i a on African American mobility issues There are two sources of data included from the symposia. First there are summaries of the presentations and findings provided by presenters in three critical areas that substantiate the need for public transportation and bette r pol i cies. Second, there are the experiences of convening the symposia presented as case studies These case studies provide one perspective of how the public policy and decision making processes were carried out Other case studies of my experiences and those of key informants as policy researchers are interspersed throughout t h e disserta t i on The first set of data takes the form of transportation case stud i es most of which were collected during the months preceding and immed i ately following each of the four sym posia. Beginning in March 1994 or a few weeks before the first symposium and repeated each year through 1997 the African-American faculty at CRI were consulted by the Director regarding projects progress After the first year we became so accustomed to these 11 th_hour meetings that we began outlining the course of the meet i ngs prior to their occurrences Other data came from incidents precipitated by ot h er staff For example, African-Ameri ca n University Support Personnel Service (USPS ) and Othe r Personne l Services (OPS) staff at CRI often were characterized as not havi ng the skills to do the work for which they were hired and therefore were not give n various assignments o r training. When however we requested to have these staff members work on the symposia there was an annual outcry that this was too much of a sacrifice for the organization. These case studies d is per sed throughout the dissertation are used to illustrate the i nternal struggles to convene the symposia and the organization s values. The second data set includes discussions of the research topics used to develop the project proposals and inf orma tion presented at the symposia Each year we prepared proposals for the symposium that were submitted to CRI the US DOT Federa l Highway and Transit Administrat ions, Florida Department of Transportation and National Easter Seal Society's Project ACTION The topics included: Travel Behavior by Blacks ; Human Factors and Advanced Transportat ion Systems ; Environmental Justice ; the Overrepresentation of African Americans among Persons w i th Disabilities; and Gender Race M obi lity and Employment Access Key Informant and Personal Transportation Case Studies While the symposia provide one source of key informant a n d personal case studies I and others have had other experiences at CRI that have been se lected as part of th is 15


research As mentioned earlier I naively thought that my education and exper i ence provided the credentials for full participation in the work of the organ i zat i on This I thought was evidenced by my employment. I was naive because I thought that my full participation would be accepted That is, I have certain experiential and academ i c knowledge regarding issues of ethnicity race, and gender and how these may intersect wit h transportation policymaking My ability to participate as team member' in this process however was frequently questioned often ignored or limited My treatment became a source of persona l and professional introspection and interpretation If as the head n i gger in charge (HNIC)," as one of my African-American colleagues called me, I received little or no respect what could other Africans Americans at CRI expect? What could public transportation users expect? Is there some correlation between my experiences and African Ameri c ans in othe r organizations in the industry? Is there some correlation between our experiences and the resulting services and resource allocations? Also included are experiences shared with me by other African Americans and others in the organization. Survey of African Americans, Other Minorities and Women in the Transit Industry and Other Related Data The research design was expanded beyond Jeffress or i gina l scope because the secondary data provided little insight into self-perceptions of m i nor i ties and women who work in the public transportation industry Also the lack of availab il ity of EEO reports or the unwillingness of transit systems to participate in the study whi ch also experience by Jeffress 25 years before As co-principal investigator of the RSPA study I deve l oped and provided oversight to the administering of a 30-question survey based on the 1991 Sal ary Survey of the American Planning Association (APA) As part of its soc ial equity agenda APA added a new section to that year s survey Use of a survey similar to that of APA on a sample transportation population provided the opportunity not only to compare responses to the 1991 APA findings but also to focus on issues of ethnicity, gender and race in a particula r industry The survey was supplemented by an interview with Dr. Jeffress and a site visit to one of the 19 transit systems and an interview with two representatives of that s ystem. Interview with Philip W Jeffress Dr Jeffress was i nterviewed to assess his percept i on o f the i ndustry since the t ime of his original study Jeffress also provided anecdota l information about h i s original r esearch This included information on research design barriers to carrying out the design and how these were resolved Jeffress also was asked if he cont i nued to follow this area of research Site Visit and Interviews at the Transit Authority A site visit and two interv i ews were condu c ted in late summer 1995 at one the 19 transit authorities included in Jeffress s study and our follow -up study Two Afr i can American women agreed to participate in the interviews At the i r request the i nterviews were held jointly. One job fit the "Professional" category; the other Administrator / Official. These classifications are the same as those used by the Bureau of Labor Statistics the 16


Bureau of the Census and Dr Jeffress The bulk of the information was provided by the Administrator/Official who had been with the organization for more than 15 years. This information provided a limited field experience, further supplementing the statistical data In general, the survey, the telephone interviews the visit t o Jeffress, and the site visit builds on Jeffress 's research but provides a more thorough study. Rather than limiting the research to the macro level an attempt was made to gather as much i nformation within a limited time period regarding the day-to-day experiences of minorities and women in the transportation industry As Becker states Nothing stays the same Nothing is the same as anything else when you hear yourself or someone else say that we shouldn t study something because it's been done already, that's a good time to get to work on that very thing (1998:89). The EEO reports and other statistical data were selected to replicate Jeffress s study. During the data collection, however we learned that some reports were "no t available" from some of the transit agencies or the EEOC. We decided to s upplement the data with survey, interviews and site visit. Crane and Angrosino state Surveys are among the most characteristic of social science data-collect io n techniques ... A survey can be defined as a focused, organized means of data collection. As suc h it is a logical and necessary complement to participant observation and related techniques based on subjective immersion in a cultural setting (1992:136) Wolcott says that "s urveys are fine when the objective is to know how everybody does it: frequencies d is tributions, average or typical behavior" (1995:30). The case studies and symposia's data provide quantitative and qualitative information on transportation's role in the formation of concepts of c l ass, ethnicity, gender, and race As can be observed from the popular press recent legislation, and President Clinton s Initiative on Ra ce issues of "race" alone are "s e nsitive topics The complexity and dynamism of gender ethnicity, race, and work within Ame rican society and transportation's relation to these concepts, I believe also argue for this level of scrutiny. The use of the transportation case studies evolved over time from my experiences at CRI and my education as an anthropologist. When I began to sense what I believed to be a pattern of dissonan ce between my knowledge of gender and race and participati on in the policymaking process I wanted to understand what was going on. Consideration was given to whether I and others were just disgruntled, cynical employees who were just bellyaching." Agar states: The legitimization of one narrative over another is often not to its correspondence to "the way things really are" but to its pragmatic and comprehensive nature Is it edifying without being nar cissistic or egotistic? D oes it make sense of what we otherwise know? Is it useful in furthering 17


other and interesting interpretations? It would seem that a primary way to overcome at least in part the ideological use of language is to open ourselves to alternative viewpoints and world views and t o alternate interpretations Anthropological studies and the reading of literature for example, especially serve in this regard to broaden our knowledge of human society and sharpened are critical capacities with respect to restrictive and dogmatic narratives (1996:97) The method of interspersing the case studies throughout the t ext is borrowed from Margaret S Boone. In Capital Oirne: Black Infant fvbrtality in Arnerica Frontiers of Anthropology, Volume 4 Boone sprinkles the narrative and quantitative data with hospital ethnographies" that recount her observations and provide narratives from women and mothers in Washington D C., where she did her research My choice of informants and the use of the case studies are similar to what Agar calls narrative (emphasis o rigi nal] ethnography ... featuring the data of participant observation (emphasis original]" (1996:8-9). In the course of going about the business of conducting transportation research, I along with other women and minorities, noted and discussed beha v iors that appeared in opposition to CRI's stated goals and p r actices. In the strictest sense I was a part icipant observer. Bernard states Ethnography ... relies on a few key informants rather than on a representative sample ... we must select informants for the i r corrpetence (emphasis original] rather than just their representativeness" (1994:165). Like Bernard, I wanted to find informants who considered themselves "o utcasts in their organizations. I too cons i der myself an outsider within my organization Bernard states I have consistently found the best informants to be people who are cynical about their own culture. They may not be outcasts (in fact they are always solid insiders) but they claim to feel(emphasis original] somewhat marginal to their culture, by virtue of their intellectualizing of and disenchantment with their culture (1994:168). The research design draws on the experiences of empl oyees in t he i ndustry as transportation providers and policymakers Specifi c attention is given to African Americans and women employed in the industry and problems of these consumers of public transportation services. My experiences, as shown in Figure 1, ove rlap t hese spheres and it is from these that I draw my discussion of the transportation policymaking process service delivery, and resource allocation. Who Does Public Transportation Research? The public transportation policymaking process has its share of interests experts, and specialists, including researchers Public transportation research serves several functions. First public policy generally is vague or incomplete Pol i cy to be implemented must be interpreted to be developed into programs or services. Research may function to fill program and service gaps. Second public transportation researchers are viewed as 18


technical experts, allowing them unique opportunities for access to information, other policymakers and the public And finally, there is a historical tension regarding the role of public transportation. There is the "technical" aspect that emphasizes efficiency, transportation modeling, attractors and generators, supply and demand divorcing transportation investments from human behavior and needs. Another aspect is more redistributive or equity-oriented (Krumholz 1997:1 09). That is, using public transportation investments to address social inequities, focusing on improving alternatives to the private automobile and balancing" investments among various modes of transportation Despite training as researchers in the scientific method partisanship, other biases and politics take place in the public transportation research environment. This dissertation is a form of politics. Throughout this dissertation I have related my own experiences as an African-American woman working in such an environment particularly as related to convening the symposia on African-American mobility issues As a black woman coming from a background of abject poverty who is now credentialed," am I capable of doing research? What kind of research? Am I indeed credentialed? Am I in a decisionmaking position? Do I make decisions? What kind? I also saw myself as a "native anthropologist (Gwaltney 1998) or a positioned subject" (Rosaldo 1993:7 -8). On one level, I agree with Phillips that this is not ... about objectivity as much as it is about the power of paradigms ... the issue [is] to discover the consensus of thought between the two cultures that have enculturated me the African American community and the academic community. The academic culture has trained me in a European American world view of studying different cultural groups While my African American culture has taught me to understand the European American culture so I may pursue social justice but warned me not to become coopted by it (1994:245) Hastrup (1993; 1996) argues that "native anthropology" is a contradiction in terms. "All of us are positioned subjects as natives and scholars alike, and none of us have unmediated access to the ultimate truth about the world (1996:75). I am positioned by my education and experiences, to reflect in a scholarly manner the experiences of other minorities and women in the industry and those of transportation users. I attempt to explain the manner in which the making of public transportation policy and the implementation of these policies and programs can contribute to the reproduction of social disparities. The goals are to provide a framework for understanding the manner in which women and minority groups may continue to experience and resist discrimination These experiences are not unique to the research or the setting There is evidence from the plethora of recent tabloid articles, journals other dissertations, the popular press, research that I have conducted and anecdotal information that I have received from friends and colleagues inside and outside the transportation industry that lifts my experience beyond the personal. The uniqueness may be found in the approach. The failure to include a subjective perspective in the development of public policy and program implementation can diminish the effectiveness of such policies and programs. This dissertation is one attempt to include a subjective perspective Yet, I am not representative of public transportation users At best I can provide a partial disclosure of the politics and other forces that shape the 19


programs and services for public transportation users. I also may contribute to the discourse on these issues and an appreciation of the framework needed for additional research. The fractionated nature of public programs resulting in economic and social barriers could be resolved or at least lessened but, legislators policymakers and planners -the decisionmakers-are often separated from these consumers by class gender ethnicity and race. Transportation Case Study: the Spookette by the Door The intersection of ethnicity and gender have created unique personal challenges 1 constantly have had to redefine my place in academe as it intersects with "place in the transportation industry. The many facets of this experience finally struck me one day when a member of the symposium steering committee said to me, "You don't realize that there are very few black people who do what you do. The person who made this statement is the executive director of a private nonprofit consortium representing historically black colleges and universities In terms of status or social capital, his position carried that at least to me. But with his knowledge of academe and the transportation industry he was telling me that I also carried some of that capital. While this capital may be recognized in the African-American community or other arenas, there are times when academe and the industry give it less than scant acknowledgment. Minority and Women Policymakers Minority and Women Service Users 1 Beverly G Ward Minority and Women Service Providers Minority and Women Researchers Figure 1. The Intersection of Transportation Users Researchers Providers Policymakers and Myself 20


At the opening of The Spook 1/l.ho Sat by the Door, Sam Greenlee writes, "I am employed, with fat salary and fancy title by an otherwise white civil rights organization in Chicago. My job is to sit by the door (1970) I often describe myself in relation to CRI as a two-fer "-minority and female or the spookette "-the black, female token whose job is to sit by the door, seen but not heard If pictures or presentations are being made to the public, especially a black public I will be included Another African-American female at CRI who is not a researcher says that I am the maid. Whenever there is a mess-a project in trouble, morale problems I am called on to clean up. I think spookette best describes my relationship to the organization Greenlee s protagonist Dan Freeman is the first black Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent hence, the double entendre of spook-CIA agents and African Americans are known as spooks. While transportation research is not quite as subversive as the CIA, my employment at CRI also is multifaceted On the one hand the director states he is always looking for the best and the brightest." We learned that the qualifications for whites were much lower than that of minorities however. African Americans and other minority researchers averaged more years of education and more years of experience than their white counterparts at CRI but are paid smaller salaries A 1995 the peak year of African-American researcher employment review of CRI salaries among faculty revealed that the average years of experience and salary were 11 and $43 204 respectively ; among African-.A.merican faculty the numbers were 14 and $38 333. Another popular statement of the director's was that he always wanted to hire, "good minorities (One of my African American colleagues remarked that the director was looking for good minorities because the ones he had were no good, "They're 'uppity'.") The director never said, though what he is going to do once he got "good minorities. On a few occasions, my African-American colleagues and I were asked for names of journals or organizations where CRI would place advertisements when recruiting On the other hand however, CRI became known as the graveyard among industry professionals in the state for its policy of hiring whites who had lost jobs There seemed to be two different hiring policies. African Americans were formally recruited through a search process White males who were "available" could be hired through a less formal process of submitting an unsolicited application. An African-American woman submitted a resume in response to an advertisement and did not receive a response for more than six months She telephoned me and asked if there was a problem. 1 advised the director in a memorandum that CRI's lack of response was embarrassing. It had been the agency's policy that persons who lived instate and applied were given the courtesy of an interview Ray the person who was chairing the search committee said to me, "You didn t have to write a memo. You should have come and talked to me." 1 responded that I didn t need to talk to him, he, Ray needed to talk to the applicant. When one notable African-American Ph.D. Dr. Benjamin, became available, we submitted his resume to the director. Kyle s response was that Dr Benjamin probably wanted too much money 21


Another African American and friend Trevor, who was known by several others in the agency applied and also was not given the courtesy of an interview. The reason one of his former coworkers, Barney a white male gave was that Trevor s sa l ary would not fit with the rest of the group He stated that Trevor's salary was out of line with what others in his group were being paid and that Trevor was too young to make that much money. Barney went on to say If you 're looking for minorities I'm sure that there 're much better ones than Trevor." When African Americans applied for work at CRI, this question of fit" arose. First without an interview, how did anyone know Dr Benjamin's or Trevor's salary requirements. Second Trevor had more education and had worked at more agencies than Barney When Trevor learned that he would not be given even the courtesy of an interview he telephoned me and expresse d his dismay He said You guys told me about CRI but I didn t understand it until it happened to me." One criterion for employment at CRI for minorities seemed to be the elusive fit. Unknown salary requirements are used as a proxy for what I have come to define as being or appearing to be a "professional Negro ." This includes a special comb i nation of education and experience; a nonthreatening demeanor-the ab ility to make white fol ks fee l comfortable and a willingness to go along to get along." To "fi t at CRI and to ma i ntain your sanity however requires o ther skills Greenlee again states The nigger was the o nly natural agent in the United States the only person whose life might depend from childhood, on becoming what whites demanded yet somehow remaining what he was as an individual human being" (1970:11 0) When questions of fit" arise at CRI deeper questions than personality and salary requirements are being asked The underlying question is capability. As if one s education and experience have been given and not earned Yet why would these other organizations give degrees and jobs? Is CRI giving away jo bs ? Not to minorities Once employed at CRI the question of fitness cont i nues. When the sympos i um originally was developed comments were made that we should just do the work for which we had been hired. As researchers we had identified an area of transportation policy and service that appeared to be lacking. CRI's mission is to serve as a resource for poli cy makers transportation profess i onals the education system and the public ... It appeared to us that the symposium fit," we were doing the work for which we were hired The problem, 1 think is that i t was a black thang." When black people talk about black problems some whites and some black folks don't feel comfortable. It is fine for Daniel Patrick Moynihan to discuss black family life as a tangle of pathology, but it is not f i ne for blacks to discuss and identify research problems related to tran sporta ti on's cont r ibutions to the families economic conditions Further as long as the symposium was small it could be dismissed. When the numbers of attendees and the amount of funds grew it became even more uncomfortable Over a four year period funding for the symposium grew from a $10 000 project to more than $100 000. Roughly an overall 1:1.58 return on seed money for the symposium In 1997 a series of discussions began to change the name of the symposium from Afr ica n-American Mobility Issues to Minorities ... This quest i on had been raised at the 22


inception. Certainly there are parallels to be made between the experiences of different minority groups and opportunities for technology transfer. Putting all m i norities in competition for a small pot of resources, however, once again sets up the effort to fail. When I characterized this as a rather racist move that diluted the unique experien ce of each minor it y group, according to one my African American colleagues the CRI director said that my "ass" should be fired As the steering committee member said, there are very few people who do what I do. The conflicts arise when I assert myself as human being. Th i s is true for women and men whites, blacks, Hispanics, whomever, at some point i n their careers. What is unique in my experience has been articulated by Randall Robinson The reason is the politics [emphasis original] ... In other words we blacks don t OIM7 our politics and thus have little leverage at the end of the day to enforce our policy recommendations" (20 00 :238-239). Both academe and transportation research are dominated by white males While I am allowed to do research, the expectation was that I do research that is of interest to white males and representative of their perspectives True, just as I was hired I will be given" token projects when it is in the interest of white males and the results should represent the perspectives of white males That is being a professional Negro," a good fit. Finally I am a spookette because like Phillips I ha ve been trained in a European American world view while my African American culture has taught me to pursue social justice without being coopted. This phenomenon is part tha t of a native anthropo l ogist but I also see in it in the context of Collins's black women s both /and conceptual orientation, the act of being simultaneously a member of a group and yet standing apart from ... {1990 : 207) While I have a European American world view I also have an African American woman s world view (One of the managers at CRI describes the African American woman s world view as black woman attitude." White men can be assertive black women are aggressive or have attitude ." ) Conf l icts may arise when this view is not of interest to whites or men, but sometimes that European American training aids me in getting that view on the agenda. Transportation Case Study : "Losing Isaiah" or African-American Saturation By 1994 the number of African-American researchers at CRI had ris en to four two females and two males Isaiah was number three holding the mas ter' s degrees in civil engineering and computer science His beginning salary was less than that of white males hired during the same period with less education The rationale was the mar ke t fo r their areas of research was paying more. Isaiah was one of the orig inal co-principal investigators of the symposium He also was one of the original co-principal investigators for the African Americans Other Minorities and Women in the Transit Industry pro ject. Yet the consensus was this was not the work for which he was hired He also was the first researcher to face nonrenewal of his contract. Tyrone, the first African-American researcher characterized Isaiah s experience at CRI as shared responsibility," meaning that Isaiah had made mistakes namely questions of data accuracy and budget overrun problems with a project. While at the same time CRI had a difficult time providing resources for staff including how to manage a diverse 23


workforce. In Isaiah s defense, other researchers had similar and greater problems with projects One of Isaiah s problems in our view was that he was not seasoned." African Americans at CRI understood the duality of seasoning." For whites we interpreted seasoning to mean that their expectations of u s included a ce rtain docility For African Americans we knew it meant a careful se lection of battles To lo se the wrong battle could cost your life. I sa iah was born and grew up in the Caribbean. He did not know that his life or at least his livelihood depended on becoming what whites [at CRI] demanded. He was not seas oned to do thi s yet remain what he was as an individual human being This "seasoning," I think is one difference between the experiences of blacks in the Caribbean and blacks in the United States Blacks in the United States lack the cultural a nd social capital afforded blacks in the Caribbean. A certain degree of class educational, and ot her forms of mobility seemed to be more easily realized in the Caribbean, than in the States. Th is may be a function of th e differences in numbers the rati o of blacks to whites in the Caribbean. I also believe that CRI had reached saturation At the time there were enough "s pooks." While management may not have been aware of Isaiah' s role in the development of Afr ocen tri c proposals they were certainly aware of the darkne ss" of CRI. We the African-American employees had an inf ormal organization known as "CAAAC," a n acronym f or QRI 8_d hoc 8_frican-8_merican 8_dvisory Qommittee Membership was automatic to any employee who self-identified as African Ameri ca n We had a running joke about cong regating in each other's offices. We t ease d each other when more than two of us assembled saying "Okay, it s getting too dark in here." The teasing brought to mind the exper ience s of blacks who move to all-white neighborhoods Research sugges ts that the percentage of blacks that whites are willing to tolerate in neighborhoods is much less than that blacks are willing to tolerate. Once the number o f bla cks in a n eighbo rhood reaches about 36 percent more than one-half of the w hites feel uncomfortable and more than 40 percent would try to move out of [the] neighborho od" (Farley 1978 : 335 ; Massey and Denton 1993 : 91-96) I sa iah often spoke of his disappointment in CRI. He anticipated that work in a n acade mic think tank would include these hallway and office discus s ion s of issues. In the parlance of the island s of his home, it was simila r to liming. For me, it was a con tinuation of experiences from high school and college The first symposium o n African-American issues that 1 parti c ipated in occurred in high sc hool. I h ave enoug h credits t o claim a triple majo r in Africana studies as an undergraduate degree An Afr ocent ric education a thir st for knowledge about my heritage and a general thirst for knowledge make research to me. While I was comfortable with the number of whites it appears that they were not comfo rtable with us. Since the whites did not choose to move to other jobs some blacks had to move. I sa iah had to go. 24


Tran sportation Case Study: I 've Been Doing that to Beverly for Two Years (Ha ha.)." One of the sponsors o f the symposia was a trade organiza t io n COM TO which promotes the emp l oyment and career development of minorities in the industry. D u ring the co u rse of the second symposium Tyrone introduced Lillian, the executive director of COMTO t o K yle the CRI director Kyle asked Lill ia n about he r experiences as the director of a n o nprofit agency. In the course o f their discussion Lilli a n advised that she h ad been advanced to the pos ition and served f or so m e time without an increase i n salary. Kyle chuckled and said I've been doing that to B eve rly for two years. ( Th is statement was made a fter I had assumed mo r e a dmi n i stra t ive r esponsibilit i es When K y l e had asked me t o take on these r espons ibilit ies he stated th a t it was not an inc r ease in r esponsibilit i es but a change in dut ie s.) Tyrone sa i d that he waited u ntil Kyle wande red off an d apo l ogized to Lillian for Kyle s i nse nsit ivity. He related the sto r y to me telling me how embarrassed he was th at "that guy r eprese nt ed CRI H e also said he felt embarrassed for Lillian and me that it was a joke to "that guy" that we were not being compe n sated. He said that he felt particularly embarrassed for me i n that K yle would feel comfortab l e in discussing my personal business wit h so m eone outside the agency and i n a public arena What did I feel? I felt I was a joke. While I was compete nt enough t o be move d into a position with more responsibilities I did not deserve the compensat i on. The director advised that when I was adva n ced We didn t know what the position involved That the position was really a change in duties, but not an increase in responsibilities. Before filing a request for an equi ty study of my sa l ary or a grievance I consulte d with adminis tr a t o r s i n the Univ e r s ity. I r elated what had occurred r egarding th e c h ange in job assignme nt a nd was adv i sed that admin i s tr a tiv e responsibilities e ntitled f aculty t o a minimum increase. When I stated t hat I i n t e n ded to request a n eq u ity s tud y I was advised to reques t a n an nu al eva luation ( I had not h a d o ne for more than a year.) After the evaluation. I received a n incre ase. This occ urred as Kyle said, almost two years after I ha d advanced to a new position. A n u mber o f black faculty at the University r efer to it as The Plantation. R andall Robinson w rit es B lac k a thl etes artis t s a n d ot h e r celeb rities generally know that in many very r eal ways America remains for b lac k s a h uge plantation on whi ch t he black com munit y h as neit her the capacity to know (much l ess reward) it s a uthent ic champions nor any real abil it y t o punish its heretics ... B lac k s are n o longer slaves nor are we co n fined by law to this or t h at n eighborhood of the plantation. We h ave toward the end of the tw ent i et h ce ntury progressed t o th e s t at u s of trusty. We can move about as we please or more accu rat ely as we can afford . A compa r atively small numbe r of Afri can Americans operate with varying degrees of s u ccess i n si d e the great white ci ty o f Privilege ... blac k entrants to the city are t old that they must accep t i n toto the parameters set by the city s masters for national s t ate. a n d local policy discussion Running afo u l of t hese n on n egotia ble parameters they are told. 25


could result first in political loneliness and ultimate ly in expulsion from Pr i vilege (1999 : 261-265). Living on the plantation one does n o t practice subversion every day especially if one has children to feed Also there is the chance on the plantation to help someone else. Living on the plantation or in the city of Privilege there are choices almost daily, of which idiocy to address or which to just dismiss One dismisses some idiocies. Some are affronts to one's humanity. As a single black female I carefully select which to dismiss When faced with affronts I also carefully decide how to assert my humanity The plantation/Privilege is mined As the expression goes, You can t tear down the Big House with the master's tools ." The courts the laws the collective bargaining agreements are not written to represent us I have heard manager s say This is a right to-work state." Or, "t his [collective bargaining agreement] means nothing to me." Being "seaso ned," being a black woman all my life in America, I knowfear I know not to underestimate white folks and what they are willing to put up with The fear is not o f entrance to or of th e length of my stay in Privilege I know that I remain i n Privil ege at white folks' will. Lacking resources economic capital to determine my fate I choose how my cultural social, and linguistic capital are expended to save my life and the lives o f those who depend on me While some consider me a joke, their decisions determine the quality of my life when I retire if stress and other health and societal pressures do not take their toll before I am able to do so. It also means that the economic resources for my children are reduced. The two years that my earnings were less than they should have been mean missed opportunity costs for my children's education Instead of investing more in their future education we chose to meet current needs It also means that the quality of life of people who coul d benefit from my knowledge and education is compromised. CRI' s transit research uninformed determines policy f or mass transit and other transportation actions throughout the United States It means that my 83-year-old mother does not have weekend bus service because peer mass transportation agencies in the southeast do not have weekend service and that these decisions were based in part on recommendations from CRI research projects Transportation Case Study : "To Hell With It" The plantation analogy does not arise from a vacuum. African Americans at the University quite often view their roles as the whipping boys and girls." We always knew when a board member or a member of the steering member had chewed out Kyle about the symposium because he would pass it down the line to us. A month before convening the third symposium the co chair of the steering committee David contacted Tyrone and me regarding registration We respond e d that the numbers were better than the previous year more than 80. The co-chair asked if we were working full-tim e on the symposium We advised that we were not. Like lawyers, w e operated on billable hours. If the funding was not available to support us 1 00 percent we had to devote time to other projects. The co chair was i ncredulous ; he thought we were working full-time on the symposium He said that he thought that at that point in the project a few weeks before the symposium everyone at CRI should have been dedicated to the project. He said that he would call the director, Kyle to find out why we were not dedicated solely to the project. We all but 26


begged him not to. We tried to explain that Kyle s commitment to the symposium was political transitory But David persisted and called Kyle Minutes after Kyle finished his telephone conversation with David, Tyrone and I were summoned to Kyle's office This was one of the 11 th_hour calls that we had come to expect and could predict the outcome 11\., Tyrone and I had a problem Kyle advised that he had just finished a call with David He stated I 've got this guy thinking that we 're not doing anything. After chewing us out for several minutes, he proposed to do a CRI-wide plea for attendance at the symposium. We advised that David was most concerned that everyone at CRI was not working on the project not just attendance. There were no papers from CRI. Few CRI researchers other than those working directly with the symposium were registered We s tat ed that an organizationwide plea seemed inappropriate and sent the wrong message. Such a plea under those conditions and in that environment would have been interpreted as we were failing through ineptitude. There would be no consideration of the amount of resources or lack of support Kyle stated to Hell with it. We left h i s office Why would an organizationwide plea be inappropriate and send the wrong message? First organizational support for the symposium should have been there before the co-chair s telephone call. While it may not have been feasible to have everyone at CRI work on the sympo s ium, certainly encouragement from the director, Kyle to staff to attend present papers and make other pre s entations would have been a stamp of approval. Tyrone's immediate supervisor d i d not attend the last two years of the s ymposium. Second CRI' s research and its staff after three year s of the symposium should have been better informed Of the annual $5.5 million of research was there nothing related to African Americans? Why? African Americans ride buses. Approximately 70 percent of CRI' s research is related to transit. Whose interest did the research serve? Finally an organizationwide appeal would have given the appearance of a failure The poor little bla cks tried to put on a symposium but c o uld not get anyone to attend See. There s no market in this." That year 138 persons attended. Both co-chairs were very pleased Tyrone and I felt that the symposium was a success. Transportation Case Study : What Had Happened In June 1993 the staff of CRI attended a retreat. To my knowledge this was the first a ll staff retreat in the five-year history of the organizat ion. The need for the retreat wa s prompted by general expressions of discontent with the operat i on of the organization For more than two years an internal quality committee had provided recommendations to the management staff. One of the functions of the committee was to administer a survey that queried employees on job satisfaction The surveys revealed that a large segment of employees, from faculty to support s taff to s tudents were n o t sat i sfied with their jobs. There was a sense of bias toward the boys ," a group of young white males who began at CRI as students and were later hired as faculty The sense was that decisions of salary computer resources and project assignments were not based on merit education or experience but whether or not you golfed These respon s es and other input to the quality committee led to the retreat which was facilitated by a consultant. 27


At t he retreat the staff almost unanimo usly asserted that the organization s management structure was i neff ective The sense was that the managers were not on ly poor managers but also t h a t the management s tructure was no t appropriate for the agency. The managers were four white males deputy managers and the executive director another white male. None of the managers had ed ucati onal experience in management. T hree were civ i l engineers o ne an urban planner and one, an economist. The four deputy managers had been appointed acco rding to the director because ther e were too many people on staf f t o report to him direc tly. The s taff set forth a management s tru c tur e p l anned a r ound functiona l areas with program ma n agers as experts who would direct research in n iche areas. A deputy manager f o r administ r ation and a deputy manager for researc h were proposed to simplify regulatory and marketing ef f orts respec tively The Director after appointing several comm ittee s to i nvestigate these and other recomme ndat ions of the s t aff op ted to appoint a deputy manager for o perat io ns to assume t he two r oles. I was asked to take on the assignmen t of deputy manager fo r operations. I took the assignment with great trepidation I had been with the organization for more than two years. I called mysel f the "o bligatory second" as in second African-American researcher. There were only t hree o ther female rese arch e r s o f a tota l o f 16 A s an aspi r ing anthropologist with work experience and education in public administration. I had an eso t eric knowledge o f the demands of thi s assig nm e nt. After discuss i on with a n d guidance from my adv i sor I took the ass i g nm ent which also became m y int ernship. A n u mbe r of the transportation case s t udies in this disse rtation are drawn from the internship A s I incredulously, related some the se experiences to my advisor she s t ated tha t she had similar experiences while working in city government. She state d that by trea t ing her experience as an e t hnographic s tudy she could make sense of it." Thi s desi r e to make sense of it was critical for me. I have spoken of feelings of being an outsider, marginal while at CRI. My case studies be came affirmations Kerby s tat es : Self-na r ra t ion I have argued is what first raises are temporal existence o u t of the closets both memoria l tr aces and routine and unthemati c activity, co n s t it ut ing th e r eby a self as its implied s u bject. T his self is then, the imp l i ed s ubject of a narrated history Sta ted ano ther way. in o r der t o be we must be as [emphasis origi n al ] something o r someone and thi s so meone tha t we take ourselves to be is the cha racter de l ineated in our personal na rr at ives. T he u nity of t he self where such a unit y exists is exhibited as an ident it y in difference which is all a t empo r al cha ra cter ca n be ( 199 1 : 109) For myse lf and others particularly African Amer icans at CRI ou r educational and work expe rience s did no t seem t o e quat e w ith ou r job t reatment. While this experience met or exceeded the requirements f o r hire the job treatment constructed and reprodu ced u s as less than-marginalo r as we were often reminded the job did not play to our skills." Our knowledge and skills th en could be limited or d ismissed i n the public pol icymak ing process 28


When the construction and reproduction of individuals affect the policymaking process, the effects are beyond personal job treatment. By combining the case studies, statistical data interviews, and survey data, I provide an interpretation of how transportation policy is articulated and implemented Bernard states The combination of ethnography and survey research is hard to beat when it comes to improving the description of complex human behavior patterns and unraveling importation questions about how variables interact to produce those patterns" (1994:288) About this Dissertation Chapter 2 reviews the history of public transportation services employment, and policy and its significance in the African American community This includes a discussion of Asa Philip Randolph, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and employment segregation. Consideration also is given to federal equal employment opportunity affirmative action and other remedies for past and continued discrimination and efforts to increase participation in the transit industry. The review also includes findings from the dissertation research of Philip W Jeffress, The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry The chapter presents secondary data on transportation employment and discusses the findings regarding employment of women and racial and ethnic minorities in the transit industry. I use secondary data to show changes in the employment of women and minorities from 1970 through 1995. In compar i son to Jeffress's study women and racial and ethnic minority groups appear to have made significant gains in employment in the transit industry There is some suggestion, however of "ghettoziation" or job channeling by gender, race, or ethnicity. African Americans continue to be overrepresented in the service categories in the industry The chapter includes an overview of how public policy is formulated in the U. S. Of particular interest is the role of lobbyists and politicians in legislation and allocations technical workers who craft policies and regulations the composition of the policymaking workforce and the need for other voices and perspectives in this process This leads to some discussion of affirmative action in this sector and the importance of inclusion in the policy wonk" environment. Chapter 3 compares policies related to the need for public transportation the implications for differences in race class, gender and the institutional basis for the persisting disadvantages. This discussion focuses on the unique problems of contemporary dwellers in inner cities ; the problems confronting women who are poor and black and live in inner cities-especially given the demands of welfare reform." Emphasis is placed on the development of public transportation legislation the Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 The Transportation Act provides federal funds for mass transportation. I examine federal funding patterns comparing authorizations that support private automobile use such 29


as highway spending and mass transportation Other federal legislation such as the Federal Home Mortgage Act and suburban homeownership also may contribute to impoverishment. Housing segregation and loan discrimination leave the poor and m i norities isolated in inner cities. The Civil Rights Act provides for equal employment opportunity With its enactment and the takeover of public transit operations by public entities we expect that transit should continue to be a "favorable employer of women and minorities. Consideration also is given to the affirmative action backlash currently taking place in American society The PRWORA sets lifetime limits for the receipt of fede ral assistance to needy families The chapter looks at the transportation needs of families receiving temporary assistance Chapter 4 includes case studies and summaries of work presented i n the four African-American mobility symposia. From 1994 through 1997 my colleagues and I convened the symposia The presenters and papers from those symposia added to my knowledge base. Also there were the experiences of convening the symposium These case studies provide one perspective of how the public policy and decisionmaking process were carried out. In Chapter 5, I use primary data gathered through a survey originally developed by the American Planning Association to collect information on how women and minorities perceive themselves in relation to their jobs. This is supplemented with telephone interviews and two face-to-face interviews. This research was used to supplement the secondary data presented in Chapter 2. Chapter 6 provides conclusions and indications for future research. This includes discussions of the broader impact that transportation may have on American soc i ety Also there is a discussion on the urgency of these issues of race, gender, ethnicity and work given the political climate The remainder is references appendices and a brief biographical sketch. 30


Endnotes 1 "Do you real ize how many people have l iterally died so that you (Afr i ca nAme r ican transportation professi onals] could be here? You are standing on the s houlders of people who have d ied. You cannot si t on your ass when yo u are standing on these people's shoulders (Hastings 1996)! 2 Pub l ic transportation, public mass transportation and mass transi t a r e used inte rchangeably t hro u ghout this text. The Ame r ica n Associatio n of State Highway and T r ansporta tion Offic ial (AASHTO) defines pub l i c t r ansportation as ". a mixt ure of m odes (tr ansit, ridesharing and par atra nsit) each complementing the other and interacting to form a sys tem for passenger mobility and a cost-effective group of services ( 1985 : 1 ). J ames Slakey, Was h ington State Departmen t o f Transporta t ion, states "publi c tran s portat io n i s p ub li c s upp ort of a system of se r v i ces a n d faciliti es that provide an alterna t ive to single occupan t veh i cles and e nh ances mobil i ty env ironm ental quality, a nd appro pr iate land -use pattern s Such a sys t em may i nclude any combi n ation of services, facilities, and infrastruct ur e relative to transit, paratransit, hig h capacity tran sit, rid esha r ing inte r city b u s ferries passenger rail, b i cyc l e and pedestrian f acilities, p ubl ic tr ansporta tion, t ravel demand management commuter and air t ax i es and people movers ( 1 993) "P ublic has dual meanings There is t r ansporta tion provided to the gene ral public and ther e is transportation provided by public fun ds. 31


C HAPTER 2 HISTORI CAL OVE RVI E W OF A C CESS AN D M O B ILITY I SS UES A S RELAT E D TO AF R I CAN AM ERIC AN S A ND W O ME N T r a n spo rt a ti o n Case S t udy: I Remember 1963 In 1 963, I turned eigh t years old T wo weeks before my eighth birthday 16th Street Baptist Church in B irmingham Alabama my hometown was bombed killing four young women. My mother had stopped me in May of that year from leaving schoo l to participate in the "Freedom D emonstrations that started at Kelly I ngram Park-the park that sits in front o f 16th St r eet B ap t ist Church. Seve n weeks after my b i rthday John F. Kennedy was assassina ted. Kennedy t hough rel uctant had become an icon of justice for many in the black community T hese events were very real to me. I also began r iding the bus alone sometime during my eighth year. It was a custom somet i mes for me t o stop off at the Birmingham T ransit Aut hority carbarn" and ride the bus with my father The buses in Birmingham only recently had been integrated." Sitt ing up front could s t ill be interpreted as an act of defiance. T hese events cont i nue to hold significance in my life. Bus boycotts in Birmingham were held in co n ju nction with o t he r demo n strations p r o te sting racia l disc rimina t ion. The bombing of 16t h Street Bap t ist C h u r ch was seen by many B l acks as a ret aliatory act of terrorism in r esponse to the demonstrations Kennedy 's support of t he Civil Rights Movement was seen, by the black commun i ty as a contrib u ting factor to his assassination To ride the bus alone was to be indepe n de nt. T o s i t u p fron t was t o be equal. T here also was a special pride in gett i n g o n the bus w ith m y f a t he r who wou l d f l ash his employee s badge a t the drive r (At thi s time a l l dr iv ers were white.) The driver would let us both on without hav ing t o pay a fare I am a seco n d-generation transp o rtation employee. Other family members worked i n the s t eel mil ls t h e mines a n d fo r t he Pullman Standa r d Company. I have a cous i n who served as president of a coali t ion of bus r i de r s I have a rich heritage of transportation employment union members h ip and activism Although my relative status in the transportat i on industry is higher t h an my father s this research ha s been generated by the recogni t ion of continued dispossession of women and min o rities and the role of mass transportation i n t he perpetuation o f d i sadvantage. 32


Mobility, Ethnic and Racial Minority Groups, and Women in the United States Mass transportation or the lack there of has been associated with issue s of black employment for more than 30 years, at least in the popular mind Note this refer ence from a 1967 Business \.1\..eek article. "For Washington s [D. C ] big (63%) Negr o population, rapid transit offers the prospect of bett er access t o jobs in the suburbs where warehouses and plants have been fleeing in search of cheaper land" (Sealy 1967 : 60). As noted earlier race specifically blackness, is a characteristic associated with high public tran sportation consump tion Mobility and access, particul arly access to economic markets have been unique experiences for African Amer icans "Africans in America" Of special interest to this researc h are mobility transportation and access t o jobs particularly the history of African s who w ere brought to the American col onies In 'The Racial Imperative in Ameri ca n Law Derri ck Bell illustrates h ow ra c ial law became an impo rtant conduit for the preservation and legitimati on of the estab li shed order' (1978:8). Bell reviews what he says are . four key areas where needed legal protection was withheld-physical violence disenfranchisement economic exploitation, and segr egatio n laws" (1978:9) Using tho se areas I have compiled a ch ron ology of Africans experiences in America related to mobility The chronology shown in Appendix A focuses on the limitations to African-Am e ricans mobility thr o ugh the use of vio l ence, disenfranchisement economic exploitation and seg r ega ti o n law s and African-American r e s istance to th ese lim itations In the early de ca des Morg a n found that th e Africans orig inally brought as s ervants or who came for ot her purposes e njoyed the same rights and duties as o ther Virginians" (Morgan 1972 : 1 7 ) By the late 1600 s th e rights of the former Africans had begun to erode Al so during the 1670 s Nath a ni e l Bacon l e d his rebellion against the colonial authoritie s authorized by England s Charles II. A cornerstone of Bacon s movement was th e a ttack s he orga niz e d against N a tiv e Am erica n s in th e Virginia colony Bacon s followers included form e r ind e ntur ed servants black and white This disorder tha t the indentured servan t sys t em had created made racial s lavery to southern s lav e holder s much more a ttr ac tiv e beca u se what were black s lav es now? Well they were a permanent dependent laborforce who co uld be defined as a people se t apart They were racially se t apart. They were outsiders. They w ere s tr ange r s and in many ways throughout the world sla v ery ha s taken root especially where people are co nsidered outsiders and can be put in a permanent s tatu s o f slavery (Blight 1998) Th e fir s t pro-slav e ry legi s lation appears to h a v e been enacted in the Mas sac hu setts colony in 1641: by 1 75 0 ten other colonies had also enacted s imilar l egis lation This l egis l a tio n occurred during the period of forced migration of Africans to the Am erica n co loni es. J orda n sta t es that this -... ear ly influx of Afr icans laid a carpet o f socia l 33


conditions that rapidly es tabli she d a new basis for thinking about the Africans (Jordan 1976:45). This thinking also took o ther form s beyond l egislation. T akaki states that [a) psychological process ... evolved in relation to the deve l opme n t o f capitalist production in America. E nglis h definit io ns of India ns and blacks served as more than aids t o navigation for English men i n their ven ture into America They a l so encouraged Engli s h immigr ants to appropriate I ndia n land and Black lab o r as they sett l ed and set up produ ctio n i n the New Wor l d and enabled white co l onists to justify the actions they had committed aga i nst both people ( 1 990: 11 ). Benn e tt finds a similar development in th e crea t ion of an i deology of rac i sm t h at jus tified the su bordinati o n of blacks "; he a l so points to the breach fostered between black and white serv ants dur ing the early years o f Unit e d Sta t es colon i a li zation (Bennett 1 993 :45). Jordan's findings parallel tho se o f Takaki and Bennett In sum, what happened was that the peoples of western E u r o pe began qu i te rapidly to alter their thinking and t heir activities into a mode that we now find r ecog nizable as much our own. They began to mas ter, dominate restrain coun t and generally co ntr o l t hem selves their expa n ding e n v ironments and ot h e r peoples It i s sca r cel y any wonder that they began t o look at fundamental human matters in fundamentally differe n t ways than they had b efore (Jordan 1976 :39). This different look according to J o r dan and Takak i included c h aracterizations of Indi a n s" as savages and blacks as hypersensual c hildre n (Jo r dan 1976:45-46 ; Takak i 1990:28 -29 ) Both also agree that these distinctions rel ated to t he n a tu r e of co ntact. Ta kaki states, Unlike Indians, black s had a future in America and would not eventually be 'ex tirpat ed"' ( Takaki 1990 :29). J ordan states that the distinction between African Americans and Native Am ericans was necessary bec ause The Engl is h invad e d their beachhead o n the Atlanti c coast of N orth A mer i ca and successfully con qu ered the i r way inland. The y were i n te n t on m a king that n ew land their h ome. By contrast, in Africa, the Engl ish and ot h e r Europeans had to remain content with a trading relati ons h ip with the c oas ta l peoples, without settling there appreciably until th e latter half of the nin e t een th century ( J ordan 1976:45). Thi s p syc h o l ogica l p r ocess o r ideology of racism" was rep roduce d over and ove r i n the hi s t ory of the Unit ed States. Immigrants in the 1800s f rom the F ar E as t ," part i cula r ly the Chin ese were disparagingly co mpared with b l acks (Takaki 1 990:216 217). N o r was thi s distinction r eserved for "co l ored" persons ; Iris h immigrants to th e U ni ted States i n t h e late 1 800s also were des c ribed as "c hildi s h and "sav age (Takak i 1990 :115116 ) Consider our co n cep t s of perso ns of His pani c o r igin. I n each instance a correlation seems to exis t between the population s i ze o f t he s ub j ugated group and a partic u lar economic system. 34


Native Americans were extirpated to make room for European colonists When the i ndentured African-American population reached a critical mass its movement was controlled by slavery to facilitate the American farming-plantation system. ( Movement" is used intentionally .) The Chinese were thought to ... be used as mode l s to he l p discipl i ne and reform blacks ... as servants and factory proletariat[s]" (Takaki 1990:219) The Irish and immigrants from eastern and southern Europe although childish and feeble-minded, were the east coast factory proletarians For all practical purposes the persistence of Irish or othe r races as distinctions no longer have meaning when used in consideration groups of European descent. In Ame r ica the other'' connotations of race may be reserved for people perceived to have specific levels of melanin. Thus, over the last century or so, race in the popular mind has come to identify, to paraphrase Montagu, ... groups of human beings compr i sed of individuals each of whom possesses a certain aggregate of characters which i ndividually and collectively serve to distinguish them from the individuals i n all other groups (Montagu 1964 : 67). Race has become embedded with . attributes possess i ons or qualities of a person or a position exchangeable for goods services or esteem ... (DiMaggio 1979 : 1463) Race is a form of social capital. Leg islative Rights of Ethnic and Racial Minorities and Women Between the years of 1790 and the Civil War issues of race and gender were hotly debated in the United States It was during this period that the antislavery movement became closely associated with women s suffrage After the Civil War, the link between the two movements appears to have been severed Angela Davis states that the enactments of the 14th and 15th Amendments, which extended citizenship to former slaves and the right to vote to male former slaves, respectively were ... tactical movements designed to ensure the political hegemony of the Republ i can party in the chaot i c postwar South (1983 : 74) Davis's argument appears to be upheld by subsequent actions that took place within the States, on the Federal level industry and in the Supreme Court Within the States legislative actions took the form of Jim Crow laws In Florida for example such laws gave definition to black," in terms of race ; restricted marr i ages and cohabitation between persons of different races; and segregated pr i soners, schools and travelers based on race (Bates 1928 : 179 ; Jackson 1960 : 86-87 105-106 ; Kharif 1978 : 161) Overwhelmingly these laws limited or constrained the economic geographic, and social movement of African Americans and other ethnic groups On the federal level, Bell states the withdrawal of federal troops from the 1878 elections served as the silent but universally heard signal that electoral contests cou l d more advantageously be waged by bullet than ballot"(1978:11 ) Davis G i dd i ngs and Bell document the increases in the number of lynchings, race r i ots and other violence against blacks in the years following Reconstruction (Davis 1983 : 9-12 ; Gidd i ngs 1988 : 79 81; Bell 1978 : 113). Industry changed through the influence of technology Between 1840 and 1900 Takaki found a 139 percent increase of workers in manufacturing transportation and public 35


utilities and a 46 percent decrease in agricultural workers (Takaki 1990 : 152). However, it does not appear that blacks could take advantage of this shift Industry voluntarily and by statute, excluded blacks from the better jobs and segregated them into work that was hot hard, dirty, and dangerous" (Bell1978 : 17). The Supreme Court appears to have taken the role of cementing the relations between the States employment and blacks The Supreme Court upheld state legislation which included suffrage restrictions and various segregation laws Bell states, The Court ... repeatedly read the 14th Amendment as imposing on the federal government the obligation to ensure that the states did not interfere with constitutional rights but holding the states and not the federal government with the duty to intercede when one individual interfered with the constitutional rights of others (1978 : 1 0). Despite the rights guaranteed former slaves by the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments the United States Supreme Court in effect, rescinded these rights with its decision in Plessy v Ferguson The State of Louisiana s law mandating equal but separate" accommodations on railroad cars was tested deliberately, by a committee of African-American leaders. Homer Plessy was chosen by the committee to test the constitutionality of the law Plessy an African American bought a ticket but refused to ride in the cars designated for African Americans He was arrested and convicted but the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. Although there were other Jim Crow laws the site of this resistance-the railroad, a mode of transportation-appears to have been sought by the committee intentionally The Court held that to separate the races did not in itself suggest one race was inferior to the other. Since the [Lou i siana] law required that Blacks and whites be provided equal facilities the Court concluded there was no discrimination and therefore the law was constitutional" (National Bicentennial Competition 1988:91 ) During this period, Native Americans and, as noted earlier Asians the Irish persons of Hispanic origin and southern European immigrants also were subjected to the ideology of racism." Likewise these others were subjected to legislation which proscribed their participation within the new economic system As the Great Awakening appears to have influenced legislation or vice-versa a hundred years earlier a similar phenomenon appeared with the Eugenics Movement. The Eugenics Movement had an additional edge-science. Native Americans were not the only group that was scientifically managed. Industry also was scientifically managed. There also was scientific" evidence of racial superiority provided by intelligence testing Haller states The extreme racism associated with eugenics did more to bring eugenics to public not i ce and to cause eventual scientific repudiation of the early eugenics movement than any other single factor A mutual attraction brought on the marriage of racism with eugenics . Racists and restrictionists ... found in eugenics scientific reassurances they needed that 36


heredity shaped man s personality and that their assumptions rested on biological facts ( 1963:144) Though anthropologists such as Franz Boas, disputed the claims of racial inequality it continues to be asserted that intelligence is hereditary and can b e operationalized through intelligence test s" to determine an individual s place w i thin American society. Gould states that these are the" ... two fallacies eagerly (so it seems) embraced by those who wish to use tests for the maintenance of social ranks and di s tinctions : reification and hereditarianism (1981 : 155) Haller states . eugenics at first was closely related to the other reform movements of the Progressive Era and drew its ea r ly support from many of the same persons. It began as a scientific reform in an age of reform (1963:5) Among the other reforms that occurred during this era were labor laws housing and municipal improvement. While each of these elements provided benefits-decreases in the number of hours in the workday for women and children ; minimum standards of housing quality and good government "-the reforms may have been driven by class interests Haraway states that the Progress i ve or Reform Era was the origin of the concept of human engineering . the main problems were t h e inventory redesign, and maintenance of the human being for incorporation into production and consumption processes of industrial capitalism (1989 : 66) This concept of human engineering also included the Americanizing" of children of immigrants settlement houses the Young Men s Chri s tian Association (YMCA) the Playground Association of America and saluting the flag in public schools (Phillips 1981 : 299) On the one hand the place of African Americans was being proscribed by Jim Crow" laws and on the other that of imm i grants was be i ng proscribed by assimilation One key element is residential settlement patterns as related to the politics of housing and neighborhoods Douglas Massey states that there are long-term trends in the segregat i on of African Americans a pattern of e x treme or hypersegregation that is unique to blacks unrelated to their economic s tatus and une x plained by housing preferences (1998). Jim Crow legislation contributed to housing segregation African Americans sought relief from the preponderance of Jim Crow legislation in South by first moving from the rural areas in the South to the cities and from there to the urban centers of the North. The r e they found jobs in wartime industries ... And they came hundreds and hundreds of thousands in the biggest migration in Amer i can history The first wave (300 000) came between 1910 and 1920 followed by a s econd wave (1 300 000) between 1920 and 1930 The third and fourth waves even larger, came in the thirties (1 500 000) and the forties (2,500 000) (Bennett 1993:344) It should be noted that the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan overlaps the first and s econd waves of the migration In 1915 the Klan received a charter in Fulton County, 37


Georgia, and then spread to Alabama other southern states California Indiana, Oh i o Oklahoma and Oregon The second wave also coincides with the World War I. The demand for workers in northern industrial cit i es is said to account for the migration of 1 5 million African Americans When African Americans moved to the southern cities and the northern urban centers, however housing segregation went with them in the form of restrictive land covenants zoning, and violence (Ritzdorf 1997:43-44; Massey 1998 ; Massey and Denton 1993). Bennett (1993 : 345 364) states that among the effects of the migration was black emancipation in economics and politics In the early years of the Great Migration these changes occurred in the shift in occupations to manufacturing and industrial jobs and the founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Urban League Following World War I the emancipation was manifest in the Negro Renaissance, the political efforts of Marcus Garvey and A Philip Rando l ph and the NAACP legal battles Once again however transportation became the locus of dissent. The railroad industry s segregation practices were not limited to railroad pass e nger cars In The Negro in the Railroad Industry Risher (1971 :passim) documents the historical j ob channeling of African Americans to the more dangerous and dirty jobs parti c ularly in the south and the often collusion between white unions and the National Mediation Board a federal body whos e responsibilities included government mediation and fact finding An understanding of railroad mores is central to understanding the United States transportation industry The railroad industry s racial practices included union influence by management and owners often usi ng African Americans as strikebreakers which served to increase hostile attitudes in whites Company policies again allowed hiring of African Americans for low-paying, "mean and dirty work. The Rai l road Labor Act of 1925 and the creation of the National Mediation Board in 1934 served to institutionalize these practices (Rishe r 1971 ; McGinley 1949 : 253 ; Northrup 1971 b:48-1 01 ). Jeffress states that these mores were carried into the urban transit industry (Jeffress 1970 :2 2-23) Northrup states that the organization of unions in and the extension of the Ra i lroad Labor Act to the air transport industry carried the mores to that industry ( 1971 : 23 62 1 08) African Americans had a hi s tory of employment as sleeping car porters that according to the Federal Rail Administration (FRA) dates back to a request from Abraham Lincoln to George Pullman to hire former slaves (FRA 2000). When brotherhoods or unions began forming in the 1860s, however African Americans were not permitted to join although the railroad unions were recognized as early leaders in the United Sta t es labor movement. Some unions perm i tted affiliation with blacks through separate auxiliary" unions The auxiliary unions however were not permitted to participant in annual union meetings nor were they allowed direct participation in negotiation s with management and owners. In 1925, Asa Philip Randolph began to organize the Pullman sleeping car attendants, maids and porters Other key organi z ers were Rosina Carrothers Tucker and Edg a r Daniel Nixon who would later ask Martin Luther King Jr., to lead the Montgomery bus boycott 38


The purpose of the union was to improve working conditions of the sleeping carworkers including better wages reduced working hours, and to gain control of their labor from a hand-picked union formed by Pullman called the Employee Representation Plan (Brazeal 1946; Risher 1971; Chicago Historical Society 1998). The union was not recognized by Pullman until1937, 12 years later The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters was the first black union to be chartered by the American Federation of Labor (AFL).1 The establishment of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters as a union was a factor in the organization of other African-American unions and the "eventual mit i gation of union racial policies among railroad unions affiliated with the AFL (Risher and Denison 1971 :57) The Depression of the 1930s created enormous hardships for African Americans In the early years of the Depression many African Americans were fired from jobs allowing white workers to be hired in their stead or to continue employment. The New Deal and Work Programs Administration provided some relief, but employment of white males took precedence over that of minorities and women. The economic boon brought about by World War II failed initially, to increase the employment opportunities of African Americans which were still at Depression levels. "Some plants in fact welcomed all workers, except Germans Italians, and Negroes "' (Bennett 1993:365). In the 1940s A Philip Randolph created a March on Washington organization to demand jobs in the war industries and equality in the armed forces. This pressure led to then President Franklin D Roosevelt issuing Executive Order 8802 banning discrimination in war industries. Bennett states that this was the first presidential executive order on race relations since the Emancipation Proclamation and it changed the climate of the civil rights struggle (1993 : 367) Roosevelt's two immediate successors attempted to address civil rights and labor issues Truman also worked to carry out changes to improve labor practices, some successfully and others not. In 1948 Truman issued Executive Order 9981, which created the Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces. In 1951, Executive Order 10308 created the Committee on Government Contract Compliance. Eisenhower took office in 1953. Among his special interests were rehabilitation and that same year, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) was created. The Social Security Administration was absorbed by HEW At the time, Eisenhower faced issues relating to balancing the federal budget and segregation particularly in the South The Civil Rights Act of 1957 created the U S Commission on Civil Rights (CRC). The CRC singled out three principal areas for investigation-voting rights educational desegregation, and housing policy By the end of 1958, church groups had counted 530 acts of racial violence in four years including six Negroes killed, twenty-nine persons shot, forty-four beaten five stabbed thirty homes bombed, eight burned, seven churches bombed, one burned and four schools bombed." (Caputo 1994 : 117) See also Appendix A. The Civil Rights Act of 1960 was passed after considerable debate; however other than extend ing the CRC and initiating several programs to ensure voting rights it missed the mark with respect to access to public accommodations and other salient issues such as equality for women. 39


It should be noted that Congress and the Supreme Court remained effectively mute on the questions of physical violence labor relations, and r ace and ethnicity during this period According to Russell Leong Asian Americans were not permitted to become naturalized citizens until 1952 (1995 : xiv). It was not until 1954 with Brovvn v Board of Education almost sixty years after Plessy that the Supreme Court ruled that . separate educational facilities are inherently unequal ... [We] hold that the plaintiffs ... are deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the 14th Amendment (National Bicentennial Competition 1988:93) The Court s decision in Brown was limited to segregation in public schools This was despite the 1947 report of the Presidential Committee on Civil Rights appo i nted by Harry S Truman which recommended the end of racial discrimination in all areas of American life including housing employment and voting The civil rights struggle that was precipitated in the 1940s by A. Phi lip Randolph did not subs i de Continued pressure by blacks, particularly at the end of World War II when African Americans, again were barred from participating in the postwar boon culm i nated in another landmark event the Montgomery bus boycott Again transportation became the arena whereby freedom of movement and other civil rights were contested When Mrs Rosa Parks refused to g i ve up her seat to a white man on 1 December 1955 the Women's Political Council (WPC) began work the next day to organize a boycott of all Montgomery buses. The WPC, founded in 1946, ... was formed for the purpose of inspiring Negroes to live above mediocrity, to elevate their thinking to fight juvenile and adult delinquency to register and vote, and in general to improve their status as a group" (Rob i nson 1993). Although Martin Luther King Jr., received credit for the boycott the WPC was responsible for its inception the organization of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) carpools and sustaining the boycott until 21 December 1956. Other boycotts followed in other cities Also in 1961, the Freedom Rides began a bus trip through the South. The Freedom Ride Coordinating Committee (FRCC) was organized in Atlanta, Georgia The first bus was bombed and burned outside Anniston Alabama. Freedom Riders also were attacked in Anniston Birmingham, and Montgomery Alabama Twenty-seven Freedom Riders were arrested in Jackson, Mississippi. A standing bus was attacked in McComb Mississippi. Finally in 1961, the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) prohibited segregation on interstate buses and in terminal facilities. Although transportation was not mentioned in the findings of the Committee on Civil Rights, Philip W. Jeffress wrote in the Negro in the Urban Transit Industry A number of factors make the urban mass transportation industry significant . It is first of all, important because of its role as a primary source of employment in many cities throughout the country ... In addition the service of local and interurban transportation involves the broader problem of getting people to and from their jobs no matter what industry provides the employment ... Because of segregation in the housing market and the 40


suburbanization of many industrial plants transporta tion is vital if Negroes are to compete for jobs (1970 : 2 -4). This dual role of mass transportation in the African-American community is the locus of this dissertation 2 The above discussion addresses how ethnicity gender and race have been constructed and reproduced in the United States In this process leg i sla tion and the courts have been used to dispossess and disenfranchise women and minorities. The Civ i l Rights Act of 1964 was intended to end discrimination based on ethnicity, gender or race The Federal Transit Act provides for access and tTKJbility to employment opportunities. In 1970 Jeffress thought that these two pieces of legislation and other changes i n American soc iety would lead to the transit industry becoming ... increasingly a black-operated industry serving a predominant black clientele except where it br i ngs suburban c ommuters back and forth to center city" (1970 : 1 01 ) But as Patricia J. William s noted, Laws become described and enforced in the spirit of our prejudices (1991 : 67). The Congress In the agenda-setting phase the Civil Rights Act of 1964, was def i ned as a "so uthern, black problem. The public transit "problem" in its i nitial agenda-setting phase was defined as an urban black problem ." It is important to consider the ethnicity gender and race of Congress during the debate of passage of these b i lls to understand the framing of the legislation Kingdon states, There are great political stakes in problem definit ion. Some are helped and others are hurt depending on how problems get def i ned If things are go ing basically your way, for instance you want to convince others th at there are no problems out there (1984:115) The 88th Congress was seated from 9 January 1963 through 3 October 1964 During this period both the Civil Rights Act and the Urban Mass Transportat i on Act were passed into law Although the Democrats controlled Congress Senate Democrats 67 and Republicans 33; and House Democrats 258 Republicans 176 and one vacant seat the House was dominated by rural forces, including the "boll weevil Democrats. Derrick Bell states that there is a racial imperative in American law But from the nation's beginning there has been in its law, as in its behavior an accepted incongruity on the sensitive subject of racial equality Created for the express purpose of recognizing and protecting individual rights America has regularly ignored the rights of blacks whenever the oversight aided economic and political interests deemed more importan t (1978:4) Bell states further however that there is an irrat iona l perpetual dualism in American law of ... official recognition of, but periodic refusal to protect the individual rights of not minorities alone but any Americans whose views ... are threatening to policies the majority has concluded are necessary if not right" (1978:26) The Civil Rights Act and the Urban Mass Transportation Act then may be viewed as two instances when Amer ica 41


did not ignore the rights of blacks reminiscent of actions taken by Congress 100 years earlier with the passage of the 13th 14th and 15th Amendments But also like this earlier legislation, the two Acts seem subject to the "i rrational perpetual dualism." The Public Policymaking Process and Public Transportation Policy The United States' public policymaking process historically has had elements of dualism On the most basic level, that of national rights and responsibilities, a general rule can be supported "American public policy is in the hands of the states until the federal government makes explicit fiscal or regulatory provision for it" (Daniels 1989 ; Kelley 1987:3). The sovereignty of states complicates the policymaking process whereby issues make the national agenda. The process becomes not necessarily a simple majority but rather a constant flux of participants partners and policies and hidden agendas The process also may influence the length of time that things remain on the national agenda When items do reach the national agenda they move quic k ly Legislative time and the public memory are short Besides the flux of partnerships the federal government is decentralized and fragmented, making for several points of entry Nor is public policy final. Most legislation is subject to reauthorization and where it is not it can be amended or rescinded The process, particularly during the last 75 years can be described in a six-step process: agenda-setting; policy formulation; policy legitimation (and decisionmaking) ; budgeting; policy implementation ; and policy evaluation The process is dependent upon perception and definition, the aggregation of people the organization of the aggregation the representation of this organization in government, and the systemization and institutionalization of problems (Daniels 1989). There are also other dichotomies and biases : urban versus rural ; business ; elites ; and research. Kelley states that education and capital-intensive policies, e g., transportation tend to benefit organized groups in a specific, ... sequential order: business and agriculture ; professionals and labor ; public sector professionals and bureaucrats ; and consumers or targeted beneficiaries (1987 : 120) Public policymaking, specifically agenda-setting, has been described by Kingdon as a primeval soup where issues bubble up (1984:122-151). There seems to be three streams that flow through the primeval soup policy, problems, and politics With proper timing one stream two, or even three may give rise to an issue When an issue rises from the soup or streams cross, a policy window is thought to open It i s not guaranteed that when a window opens that policy will be established and even if it is it can be reauthorized amended or rescinded (Kingdon1984 : 92 94 ; 209-21 0). Specialists or spin doctors can aid by sending up trial balloons staging issues or focusing events, or changing the dimensions of problems If we add to this soup the factors of race ethn i city or gender the conglomerations of public policymaking become almost unfathomable These factors, as discu ssed earlier br ing to the process varying types of capital that may or may not influence whether an issue 42


gets to the national agenda As discussed earlier there was little federal action toward ending racial ethnic, and gender discrimination between 1871 and 1964 The focusing event for both the Civil Rights Act and the Urban Mass Transportation Act and, even Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society was John F. Kennedy's reading of Michael Harrington's The Other America : Poverty in the United States Following this reading and the publication of two reports on public transportation Kennedy delivered a message to Congress in April 1962 on the nation's public transportation needs. Kennedy was elected in 1961, promising a "New Frontier Among his areas of interest were area redevelopment (Area Redevelopment Act of 1961 ) minimum wages (Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1961 ), and exploring the concept of "structural unemployment." Structural unemployment implies two conditions: some degree of labor immob i lity along one or more dimens i ons of the laborforce and excess ive labor Throughout the 1950s American i ndustry introduced automatic controls (machines that instructed other machines) in order to increase efficiency, cut costs and displace labor. Automation became a loose synonym for structural change. Structural unemployment may be thought of as a complex type of joblessness brought about by technological change that displaces labor without providing alternative employment ; exhaustion of a natural resource or a reduction in its demand; long-term decline of an industry; erosion of the need for certain skills; and employment consequences of discrimination against particular classes of workers blacks women teenagers, the elderly, etc (Caputo 1994 : 169) Kennedy's assassination in November 1963 provided a policy window, allowing many issues, including civil rights and mass transportation to rise on the national agenda. Johnson simply acted on Kennedy's earlier proposed initiatives. Johnson stated The problem of poverty in the 1960s was not the same as in the 1930s During the Depression we had been concerned mainly with educated and trained people who had been temporarily dislocated by the sickness of the economy The poverty of the 1960s the paradoxical poverty in the midst of plenty was of another breed. The economy was booming. Jobs were plentiful but the unemployed were incapable of filling them (1971 :72) The Civil Rights Act of 1964 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 provides for equal employment opportunities In addition the legislation prohibits discrimination in programs and services offered by recipients of federal funds. The legislation was not enacted as it reads today; e g., ethnicity was not added to the Act until 1987 The current statutes also do not provide as many equal opportunities for protected classes as in the past. Again there appears to be a historical ebb and flow in the framing of the legislative problem that has ethnic gender and racial aspects. The recommendations of the Committee on C i vil Rights discussed earl ier, were not addressed by Congress until the Civ i l Rights Acts of 1964 1965 and 1968 ; the Federal Transit Act of 1964 as amended ; the Voting Rights Act of 1965 ; and the Fair Housing Act. In essence, it took almost 100 years for Congress to guarantee the rights for African 43


Americans that had been set forth in the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments by enacting additiona l legislation These Acts only addressed the issue of racial discriminat i on Aga i n it was not until 1987 that the Supreme Court expanded the interpretat ion of the Acts to include ethnicity. Beyond prohibiting racial discrimination Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 provides regulations for affirma ti ve ac tion in providing equal employment opportunities Affirmative action is defined as a "planned aggressive coherent management program to provide for equal employment opportunity" (General Acc ounting Office 1980) The enactment of Civil Right s Act, the Voting Rights and the Fair Housing Act in the 1960s may be interpreted as a failure of the 13th 14th, and 15th Amendments to protect the rights of African Americans and other minorities ; a failure of government to enforce these law s ; a failure of the 13th 14th and 15th Amendments to provide government the power to protect minorities; or all of the above. Title VII of the Civil Right s A ct in providing a management program through affirmative action for equal employment advances that busin esses must actively recruit minorities and women to take race or gender into account when making decisions about hiring, promotion contracting or school enrollment" (Jones 1995). The issues that surround affirmative action inc lude whether using such measures to address past forms of discrimination is appropriate; whether these measures remain necessary ; whether affirmative action discriminates against white males reverse discrimination"; and, at the root whether the Constitution prescribes equality without taking i nto account race or ethnicity As with ethnic and racial minority groups, gender issues have been subject to the ebb and flow of public attention. Through legislation attempts have been made to provide opportunities for equality This includes, in the United States the 19th Amendment the Civil Right s Act of 1964 and the Equal P ay Act. While the 19th Amendment gave women the right to vote, the Civil Rights and Equal Pay Acts specifically provided opportunities for economic equality for women generally by making it unlawfu l for employment discr i mination based on sex to occur. Kanter not es It was many years after women s employme nt in industry was firmly entrenched that the idea of equality between the sexes at work took root as a value. The first concerns about women's work outside the home were protective (1993 : 260). These protective concerns reached the public agenda as noted ear l ier during the late 1800 s Other surges of public interest occurred after World War I and dur ing World War II. Although issues of wage discrimination and stereotyp ing received pub lic notice during these periods, success in the political arena appeared incremental l y with the 19th Amendment and when measured in terms of preventive legislat i on did not occur until 1964 and 1963 respectively with the Civil Rights Act and the Equal Pay Act. When we discuss issues of sexism racism, and ethnocentrism bell hooks encourages us to think in terms of "White Supremacy Capitalist Patriarchy ( 1997 ) While this positions the "Ot h ers agai nst whites, hooks states that this moves racism and I add other "isms, from a central position hook s s view is useful in that it forces us to think of the interaction between various constructs of gender, race, ethnicity and power. 44


In reviewing the legislative process consideration of the public po licy a r ena provides an insight into the manner in which other forms of capital or power, inf l uence the process In the case of the Civil Rights Act, the legislation did not rise on the national agenda unti l after Kennedy's assassination 10 years after Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka Kansas. Why should there have been earlier action? First equal protection under the law e g., protection of blacks from violence equal emp l oyment opportunities for women and racial or ethnic minorities, already existed While it was in the interest of business to address racial, namely black discrimination in 1964 the same impetus was not there for women or other minorities. This bias has been reflected in the 1980s with anti-feminist sentiments and in recent legislation among the states to overturn race-based affirmative action programs. It is not coincidental that welfare reform legislation occurred dur i ng a period of record low unemployment. It is good for business to have more peop l e competing for jobs or looking for jobs when there is a labor shortage. An examination of public transportation employment may help to illuminate that while significant gains in numbers have been made by women and minorities, their effectiveness in the decision making process may be barred. This "ghettoziation of positions means that persons in these positions lack the necessary capital to negotiate the sociopolitical process of transportation planning policy project and service development. A better understanding of this process helps to explain how the management staff at the Niagra Frontier Transportation Authority (NFTA) routinely signed documents certify ing to the federal government that it provided transportation in a nondiscriminatory manner. It also helps us understand how the Pyramid Companies, the developer of the Walden Galleria Mall could tell the state of New York in its environmental impact statement that it would develop the street intersections adjacent to the mall, yet fail to do so Whi l e street level bureaucrats may have some knowledge of reality, their effectiveness may be l imited by theiraccess to the decisionmaking process. 45


350,000 300,000 250 ,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 Figure 2 Trend of Transit Employment United States Public Transportation Employment 1970 1995 Using secondary data from the American Public Transit Association (APTA), the Bureau of the Census and copies of reports submitted to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), I examine the numb e r of persons employed in th e public transportation industry from 1970 through 1995. The three data sources are used for se veral reasons. First the APTA and Census data were used by Jeffress fo r his study They provide aggregate information Se con d the EEOC data provided by transit agencies s uppl eme nts these sources by providing information a bout individua l systems APTA's Statistics on Public Transit Employment A s shown in Figure 5 and Tabl e II, from 1970 through 1995 transit emp loymen t reversed the decline that had been experienced since 1950 The total number of employees in all forms of transit service f ell from 240,000 in 1950 to 136,040 in 1970, a decline of approximateiy 76 percent. In 1975, transit employment grew to 159 800, an increase of approxima tely 16 percent over th e employment figure for 1970 Tran si t employment co ntinued its inc r ea se during the decade of the 1980s It grew from 18 7,00 0 in 1980 to 270 020 in 1985 an increase of approximately 44 percent. In 1990 tr a n s it employment was 276, 1 92; 15 percent over the 1950 rates. The most rec ent available data on transit show that in 1997, it took 339,695 employees to opera t e maintain and administer transit services About 149 000 of those are employed as vehi cle operators; 40 000 in other vehicle opera tion s; 5 1 000 in vehicle maintenan ce; 27,000 in nonvehicle maintenance; 30,000 in general administration ; and 11,0 00 in ca pit al functions. Of the total, bus ope r a tion s account for 60 percent ; commuter rail 7 percent ; demand response, 14 46


percent ; hea v y rail 15 percent ; light rail 2 percent ; trolley bus, 1 p e r c ent ; and o ther 1 per c ent. An estimated 10 000 to 20,000 other per s ons are employed by manu f a c turer s o f transit equipment, consultants, engineering firms local government s, and other t rans i t related businesses (Management Services Department 1999) The APTA data do not provide information on the gender ethnic and rac ia l composition of the transit workforce APTA has more than 40 s tanding committe es including the Diversity Council Minority Affairs and Women in Transit. Contact was made with APTA Statistics and Information Systems Division staff in 1995 to determine if data were available on the gender and ethnic level particularly for the period of 1970 through 1990 Staff advised that they did not have such data and doubted if anyone had it. If trans i t had continued to be a favorable employer for African Ame ric ans or at leas t i f African Americans were employed at the same rate as a percentage of the general populat i on during thi s period we could assume that employment for African Ameri c ans and l i kew ise other ethnic groups and women in the industry grew along with general growth in trans i t employment. Census and Bureau of Labor Statistics on Public Transit Employment A c cording to Jeffress's study the 1960 Census report e d transit employment at 288,488 The data also show that employment was appro x imately 36 percen t l o wer in 1970. Table 1 shows that total employment in transit increased by 106 percent between 1970 and 1980 Ethnic and racial minorities employment increased 11 percent as a percentage of total employment during this period Women's employment increased 3 percent a s a percentage of total employment during this same period Table 1 Transit Industry Employment by Ethnicity Rac e and Se x Year Total White % Black % Other % W o m en 1970 183, 637 150 154 82 29 ,111 1 6 4 372 2 44 003 1980 378, 762 266 1 83 70 84 264 22 28, 315 7 101, 166 1 990 468 ,000 337 ,000 72 115 ,000 25 16, 000 3 1 47 ,000 (U n i ted S tates C e ns u s B u r e au 1970 ; 1 980 ; U nit ed Sta t es Bur e a u of L abo r Sta ti s t ics 1990). % 24 27 31 The BLS-CPS data when considered separately, show that mino r i ties comprised a significant share of transit's workforce in 1990 representing 28 percent of transit workers This information shown in Table II, appears consistent w i th C e nsus data for the tw o preceding decades These data also show percentages for women Not only did women maintain a significant share of the jobs in transit but the percentages increased between 1970 and 1980 and, again between 1980 and 1990 When presented together data from the 1970 and 1980 Cens uses and the 1990 CPS illustrate an interesting trend in transit employment. A sign i ficant find ing in J e ffress s 47


Table 2 Number of Transit Systems Responding and Employees and Percentage of Total Employees in Transit Industry #of Transit # of Employees % of Employees Systems # of Employees in Transit in Transit Year in Sample in Sample Industry Industry 1 984 10 47,119 263 197 17 9 1985 1 0 4 7,683 270,020 17 7 1989 11 110 ,511 272 487 40.5 1990 11 103 018 272 839 37 8 199 1 1 2 111,731 276 145 40 5 1 993 12 112 266 302 758 37 1 ( Reports EE0-1 and EE 0 -4 i n the author's possession ; Bronson 1997b) study of the transit industry was that between 1945 and 1960 the number of African American employees increased while transit employment declined overall. Since 1970 employment in the industry has increased as has employment for minorities and women. Between 1970 and 1980 the percentage of white employees in transit declined from approximately 81 percent to 70 percent overall minority employment grew from 18 percent to 29 percent and women's employment increased from 24 percent to 26 percent. The BLS-CPS data for 1990 show that 72 percent of transit employees were white; 28 percent minorities; and women represented appro xi mately 31 percent. These data suggest that the progress made by racial and ethnic minor i ties may be declining; the number of white employees increasing ; and the number of women employed in the industry increasing This suggests that transit employment is becoming more accessible to women particularly white women. Findings From Reports EEO -1 And EEO -4 To assess employment opportunities for minorities and women beyond the aggregate level, Report EE0-4 data were requested from 19 transit systems These systems listed below in Table 2, were the same used in Jeffress s study They represent some of the largest transit systems in the United States serving therefore a considerable proport i on of people potentially affected by transit policy The APTA ranks for the systems also are shown. Data in the 1993 Section 15 Report which provides detailed summaries of financial and operating data submitted to the Federal Transit Adm i nistration (FTA) by the nation's public transit agencies showed that these systems comprised nearly one-half 45 percent, of transit employment in 1994 48


Table 3 Sample Transit System s by Urban Area APTA Rank of T ransit Urbani z ed Area Transit System Systems Atlanta, GA Metropo l itan A tlanta Rapid Transit Autho r ity ( MARTA) 11 Baltimore MD M ass Transit Administrat i on 12 Boston MA M assac hu se tts Bay Transpo rtati o n Authority 7 Chicago, I L C h icago Transi t Autho r ity (CTA) 3 Detroi t Ml City of Detroit Department of Transportation 22 Houston TX Metropolitan Trans it Authority of H arr i s County 9 Los Angeles CA Los Angeles M etropo litan Transportation 2 Miami FL Miami -Dade Transit Agency 20 Minn eapo li s MN Metropolitan Transit Commission 19 New York N Y New Jersey Transit Corporation 5 New Orl eans LA Regional Tran sit Authority 24 Metropolitan Transpo rttion Authority (inc l u des New York City Trans it and Bus) L o ng I sland Rail Road Company (LIRA) New York NY Authority ( NY C TA) 1 Phildelphia PA Southeastern Pennsylvania T r ansportatio n Authority 4 Pittsburgh, PA Port Authority of Allegheny County 17 San Francisco Bay Area Rap i d Transit District San Franci sco CA San F r ancisco Municipal Railway 8 S eattle WA Muni cipality of Metropolitan Seatt l e 14 Wash i ngton DC Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Autho r ity (WM A T A ) 6 (Bronson 1997a) APT A rank s transit systems on the number of unlinked passenge r trips. An un l i nked trip is one board i ng and one deboarding of a vehicle. For this analysis Report EE0-4 data were requested for 1980 through 1994 If thes e reports were archived over that period th e data would provide the best sam p l e to evaluate the progress of minorities' and women s employment in tra n sit. As n o ted earlier a l i mitation of the Report EE0-4 data is that agency records must only be kep t for three years The data rece ived were incomplete for the requested years. T hat collected, however was the most comprehensive available at the time and serve d as a sample of employment i n the i ndustry Table 3 provides a su mmary of the information received which included systems 49


Table 4. P ercent of Transit Employees by Ethnic Group and Women Afr i canYear White Americans Hispanics Other Women Total 1984 44 1 47 6 6 3 1 .9 15. 3 100 0 1 985 46. 0 45. 3 7 1 1 5 1 3.5 100 .0 19 89 44 1 44. 3 8 6 3.1 14 .3 100 0 1 990 43.2 45.2 8 3 3.2 14.6 100 0 1991 41.8 45.9 8 7 3.5 1 5 2 1 00 0 1993 40 .3 46.5 9 2 4 .0 16.1 100 0 (Reports EEO 1 and EEO-4 in th e author's possession ) in the following major metropolitan areas : Atlanta Baltimore Chicago Houston, Miami, Minneapolis New Jersey New York City Philadelphia San Franc isco, and Wash i ngt on. New Jersey Transit operates transit service for the entire state of New Jersey. New York City includes New York City Metropolitan Transit Authority and the Long Island Ra i lroad Inf ormation was available for 1984 1985 1989 1990, 1991 and 1993 The EEOC waived reporting requirements for state and local governments for 1992. Jeffre ss predicted that transit would become an industry owned and operated by African Americans The data for the agen cies in the sample suggest t hat s ince Jeffress s study, while African Americans do not own the industry, their sh are of transit's w o rkf o rce and that of othe r minorities and women has increased Table 4 disp l ays the ethnic ity employees in the industry by percent from the data collected fr o m the transit agencies The data suggests that racial and ethnic minorities comprised 60 percent of trans it' s workforce in 1993 the most recent year then available. Women comprised 16 percent. In view of these data we must consider the progress of m i norities and women into transit management ranks One measure is to combine of the number of employees categorized as Official/Administrators and Pr o fessionals Employees classif ied as officials/administrators and professionals provide the mos t c l ear description of transit management posit i ons ." The number of management pos i ti ons under the remaining jo b categories are unavailable and difficult to determine For example t echnicians may include professional engineers or data collectors. Thi s also may be the case for supervisors and managers in these categories 50


Table 5 Percent of Officials / Administrators and Pro fessio nals by Ethnic Group and Women African Year White Amer ica ns Hispanics Other Wom en Total 1984 68.3 23.3 5 1 3 3 17.2 1 00.0 1985 69 3 23.7 4 1 2 9 17. 9 100.0 1989 64 0 25.5 4 2 6 3 1 8 8 1 00.0 1990 61. 7 27 3 5 2 5 8 1 5.3 100 0 1991 6 1 0 27 0 5.4 6 5 1 4 9 100 0 1993 58. 8 28 3 5 8 7 1 17.6 100 0 (Re ports EEO 1 and EEO-4 in the author's possession ) Table 5 presents a breakdown, in percentages by ethnicity and women of the official / administrators and professionals in the sa mple In 1993 the most recent year for data i n th e sample of tran si t agencies, minoritie s represented approximately 41 percent o f management positions ; women, 17 percent. It is also possible t ha t the number of minorit ies in management is larger since this analysis excludes supervisors and managers for o th e r job ca teg ories. It is interesting to note that for the same year that while racial a n d ethnic minorities comprised almost 60 percent of the transit workforce their representation at this rank was nearly 20 percentage points lower. F igure 3 pro v i des a breakdown by ethnicity i n perce ntages of representation among job categories for 1993 Whites comprised 40 percent of the t otal sample but were overrepresented among Officials/Administrators 62 percent ; Prof ess io n als 53 percent ; Techni c ians 60 percent ; Prot ec tive Service 53 percent ; and Skilled Craft and Semi-S killed Operators 51 percent. Blacks are overrepresented among Adm i n ist rat i ve Supp ort 64 percent; and Se rv ice Maintenance, and Lab orer 61 percent. There was no significant overrepresentation f o r H ispanics among the categories. The numbers of person s identi f ied as Indian and Other were too small to m easure representation. W ome n are overrepresented in the Prof ess iona l and Administrati ve Supp ort catego ries. 51


70% _/ 63% 61% ----49 % 46 % -I 6 0 % 50% oBiack Hispanic -1 3 5% -----1: 29% 2 8 % 2 8% 30 % --I [ 1-1----1 -1-1 --1 -1---40 % 30% 20% o Af PI Ind ia n o Ot her -I--I -I I--1----1\ I h. hr iii iii 1 0% 0% [J)Women Figure 3 Job Categories by Ethnicity and Women The sample suggests that although whi tes comprise 40 percent of the total, they make up 62 percent of the Officials/Administrators Whites comprised only 25 percent of the Administrative Support category Bla cks, 47 percent of the sample were most frequently represented in the Adm i nistrative Support category 64 percent. Hispanics, 9 percent of the sample were most frequently represented in Protective Service 16 percent, but comprised only 4 percent of the Paraprofessional category Persons of Asian or Pacific Island descent 4 percent of the sample, were reported most frequently in the Profess i onal category, 12 percent. They comprised 1 percent each of the Protective Service and Service/Maintenance/Laborer categories. Indians and Other comprised less than 1 percent combined of the sample. Combined, ethnic minority groups comprised 60 percent of the sample They were most frequently represented in the Administrative Support category and least frequently represented as Officials/Administrators Women compr ise d 16 percent of the sample but 51 percent of the Administrative Support and 5 percent of the Skilled Craft/Semi-Skilled Operator categories As shown in Figure 4, the sample suggests that while ethnic minorities and women have made significant employment gains in the industry, a glass ceiling regarding d e cis i onmaking categories persists Whites make up 58 percent of the Officials/Administrators and Professional categories which is a greater percentage than the combined total for all ethnic minorities in these categories As discussed earlier there may be supervisors or managers within other categories For example bus operators at HARTline (Tampa, Florida) report to transit supervisors. There also is a lead sup e rvisor. Transit supervisors would be categorized as Service/Ma i ntenance/Laborer In the decis i onmaking chain bus operators report problems to their immediate supervisors transit 52


60"A> ,. % 4% I : 0%-0% Figure 4 Percent of Management Posit i ons by Ethnicity and Women supervisors In HARTline's chain of command there is a transportation director, operatio ns general manager and an executive director The transportati on director pos i tion would be categorized as Profess io nal. The operations general manage r and execut i ve d irec tor positions as Administrators / Officials. In 1995 NFTA employed nearly 600 persons in vehicle ope rations the National Transit Database category that includes bus operators. This was nearly 2.5 times the number of persons in vehicle operations employed by HARTline ( Federa l Transit Administration 1995) Of the 252 persons HARTline reported i n vehicle ope r ations 85 percent or 214 were bus operators It is reasonable to assume that the NFTA 's organizational structure for this number of employees at least, is comparable to that of HARTline. Roughly then, 506 of the persons in vehicle operations at NFTA were bus operators Reports of one hazardous busst op would have to work thr ough the transit supervisors, which based on HARTline 's structure we can estimate at 25 including maybe two or three lead supervisors It appears that for another four weeks after Cynthia W iggins's death NFTA continued to operate Route 6 in the same manner until the administrators negotiated stops on the mall property (Gladwell 1996) I n essence, NFTA staff knew that the busstop on Route 6 was hazardous before Ms Wiggins s accident. And after Ms Wiggins's accident NFTA continued to drop passengers at the hazardous busstop. While the Route 6 busses initially were not allowed on to the mall property NFTA could have rerouted the busses in order to deposit passengers on the nea r s i de o f Walden Avenue but this did not occur Employees social percepti ons of the ir effectiveness may determine whether they ... bother going back and report [problems] a second t ime Spin Doctors, Poli cy Wonks Consultants, Bandits, and Researchers The Transportation Research Board (TRB), originally the H ighway Resea rch Board is part of the National Research Council the operating agency of the National Academy of 53


Sciences and the National Academy of Engineers Internationally TRB is recognized as the premiere transportation research institution Its mission is . to promote innovation and progress in transportation by stimulating and conducting research facilitating the di s semination of information and encouraging the i mplementation of research results (Transportation Research Board 2000a) Its January 2000 annual meeting was attended more than 8 000 transportation professionals and students from around the world. In 1920 the National Research Council established the National Advisory Board on Highway Research in r esponse to ... a small group of researchers and officials from state highway agencies the United States Bureau of Public Roads and universities [who] con c e i ved [the idea] of a new organization to serve as a clearinghouse for research results and information about highway technology (Transportat ion Research Board 2000b :4). By 1925 the advisory board had evolved into the H i ghway Research Board In 1962 several state departments of highways or transportation in cooperation with FHWA established the National Cooperative Highway Research Program (NCHRP) assigning management of the program to the Board NCHRP was formed ... as a means to conduct research in acute problem areas that affect highway planning, des i gn construction operation, and maintenan c e nationwide (Jencks 2000) The state departments of highways or transportat ion fund the NCHRP through a nonprofit organization the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (AASHTO). Its current membership includes 53 United States and territories, more than a dozen foreign affiliate terr i tories and countries another dozen associate members such as United States expressway authorities, and five federal assoc i ate members The United States DOT has an ex officio non-voting seat on the board of directors (American State Highway and Transportation Officials 1998) AASHTO was formed in 1914 In addition to funding NCHRP there are eight other pool-funded programs." Finally in 197 4 in recognition of other modes of transportation the Highway Research Board became the Transportation Research Board (TRB). Ten years after the Urban Mass Transportation Act the research board changed i ts name from highway to transportation. Under ISTEA Congress established the T r ans i t Cooperat i ve Resear c h Program (TCRP) assigning management to TRB Finally dedicated funding for trans i t research. The annual budget of TRB exceeds $40 million, about 75 percent of which funds the Cooperative Resear c h Programs, studies and ongoing act i vities (Transportation Resear c h Board 2000b : 2 3 18) NCHRP highway research funding is approx i mately $24 million TCRP, public transportation research, is currently author i zed for funding at $8.25 million per year. Transportation research since its inception has reflected a roadway bias Acce s s to the research agenda has been dominated by . a small group of researchers and officials ... Although an annual meeting of more than 8 000 participants is no longer a small group considerat i on must be given to the fact that TAB s $40 million budget i s inadequate to support that number of practitioners Muc h of the actual planning pro j ect development design construction maintenance and research work for federal and state departments of transportation and many public transportation agencies is done by consultants and universities 54


The Florida Department of Transportation (FOOT) Central Offi c e for e x ample, maintains a research center that has awarded more than $31 5 million to universit ies since 1992 (Center 2000). This budget is separate from that of the 23 other fun c tional areas of the department, e.g., professional/contractual services right-of-way planning that also have resources to contract with consultants and universities Contract letting over the last five years has averaged $1 billion (Central Offi c e 2 000) This is the Central Office only. FOOT is decentralized; there are eight district off i ces that have at a minimum six functional areas Each district also has resources to contract with consultants and universities Much of FOOT's funding is used for roadway design, construction, and maintenance ; however, a considerable amount is awarded to consultants and universities in the form of grants to provide expert services including research technical assistance or other personnel services to the department. The Resea rch and Special Projects Adm i nistration (RSPA) was established in 1977 by USDOT Secretary Brock Adams as an operating administration for programs that . did not fit into the more narrowly defined missions of the existing administrations (Administration 1998b) That inc l uded the research facility in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and uni versity research ln1992, the RSPA was formerly recogn ized by statute The Office of Innovat ion, Research, and Education manages the University Transportation Centers (UTC) Program This program was initiated in 1987 establishing transportation centers in the 1 0 standard federal regions. ISTEA added four centers and six Uni versity Research Institutes (URis) The URis have specific research and development mandates (Office of Innovation 2000) TEA-21 established 33 UTCs, 1 0 as regional centers and 23 others at universities named in the legislation After FY 2002 the number will be reduced to 26 enters TEA-21 authorized up to $194 8 million for the centers for FY 1998 through 2003. RSPA is only one administration of USDOT. There are five modal administrations, aviation highway, railroad t r ansit and maritime Two safety administrations motor carrier and highway traffic Also a bureau of statistics an inspector general, the St. Lawrence Development Corporation Surface Transportation Board Transportat ion Administration Service Center and the United States Coast Guard The modal and safety admin i strations and many of the other agencies have i ndividual research budgets USDOT recognizes 14 specific areas of transportation research (Garrett A. Morgan Technology and Transportation Futures Program 1998) For example, the Federal Transit Administration (FTA) has Research and Technology Programs which is organized around seven areas For FY 2000 $48 8 million were appropriated for transit research including national research and technology rural transit assistance TCRP and the National Transit Institute. Federal Highway Administrat i on (FHWA) Federal -Aid Highways Program research and technology FY 1999 budget was $126 million Transportation research is big business. As noted above, this subsector of the industry grew out of an iron triangle of s tate highway employees federal roads employees and universities According to TRB increased motor vehi cle traffic after World War I created need for new roadway materials and design standards traffic management protocols and techniques, and new approaches for financing and adrrinistering highways [emphasis added] (Transportation Research Board 2000b :4). Although the National Academy of Sciences was established in 1863 other modes of transportation did not garner 55


this level of support. The historical road bias in American policy can be seen to extend into transportation research While individual minorities and women such as William A. Grant Garrett A. Morgan and Emily Warren Roebling made significant contributions to the industry through their research and technological innovations state highway agencies the United States Roads Bureau, and universities were not "favorable" employers Transportation research has been dominated by engineering, a profession that historically has not been employed many women or ethnic minorities. Of the 33 current UTCs, more than two-thirds are affiliated with the universities' colleges of engineering i.e., units of engineering colleges, engineering as the primary education program, etc Transportation research is big business. Although there are 33 UTCs there are 71 universities or colleges that are part of this program. Again, this number does reflect the private consultants, professors, departments, centers, institutes, colleges, and universities that contract with other administrations offices, bureaus and departments on the federal and state levels. A cursory study of the Internet webpages provided some insight into the diversity of the UTCs researchers Roughly 13 percent were women; 3 percent black; 4 percent Asian or Pacific Islanders; 1 percent Hispanic surname. The number of women is much greater if support positions are included. These figures reflect my own experience In its 11-year history CRI has only employed five African-American researchers The current total is one of 41 total research faculty, me. There is one faculty member of Asian or Pacific Island descent, one person from Egypt and three persons of Hispanic origin Women are better represented, comprising 42 percent of the research staff In a multidisciplinary environment especially where roughly 70 percent of the budget is generated by transit projects better representation among ethnic minorities and women reasonably could be expected As discussed earlier I was very naive. In 1993 when the then three African Americans conceived of the idea of the symposium, we thought that we had arrived. ISTEA we also thought provided the legislative mandate for the symposium Our lived experiences in the African American community and our academic training and work experience had prepared us to, at least, provide a forum for the discussion of mobility issues of the community. We also felt a responsibility to the community There was a sense of mission, service Like our colleagues in the transit agencies we had a strong sense of community and spirituality. John Gwaltney talked about "soji," a word he learned from Ruth Shays A soji is ... an unbaptised person in the old-time religion . [who] learned the core black way by listening to their elders And the other thing that those people had to pledge to do was to follow the truth wherever it led them (Gwaltney 1998 : 67) Or as Congressman Alcee Hast i ngs said at the third symposium, "Do you realize how many people have literally died so that you could be here? You are standing on the shoulders of people who have died. You cannot sit on your ass when you are standing on these people's shoulders" (1996) 56


Transportation Narrative: I Remember 1963 Redux The 1963 Birmingham Freedom Demonstrations also included bus boycotts For my mother, a domestic worker who depended on public transportation, the boycotts created a dilemma. Riding the bus showed a lack of solidarity. One was viewed as an Uncle Tom or old Antie," someone who felt more comfortable with segregation than supporting the civil rights struggle. Many blacks in Birmingham formed carpools or walked to work, replicat ing the strategies used by blacks in Montgomery during the 1950s Some white women sympathetic to the struggle or who "needed their maids" provided transportation to their employees This period however, was not the age of the two-car family. A l so Southern mores still frowned on women drivers, especially white women We lived a relatively short distance from the family that my mother worked for and it was not unusua l for one of the family members to pick up or drop off my mother But there were other domestic workers and "yardmen" who worked over the [Red] mountain" who did not have such arrangements. These people either carpooled, walked to work, or did not work, if they chose to participate in the boycott. My mother felt that such sacrifices were small in comparison to the homes bombed people battered by firehoses beaten with chains and all the other abuses heaped on blacks each day. The dual role of mass transportation has had real meani n g in my life. It was both a server and an employer for my family. Building on our experiences with the African American Mobility Symposium and our desire to conduct research related to these issues, my African-American colleagues at CRI and I developed a proposal through the National Urban Transit Institute at CRI as discussed in Chapter 1 to revisit Philip W. Jeffress s study, The Negro in the Urban Transit Industry The process however was not as simple as described 57


Endnote 1 The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters was absorbed into the Brotherhood of Railway and Airline Clerks in 1978 2. The tran sporta tion indu stry was intentionally chosen to test the legality of Jim Crow law s in Bessy(Center f or Civic Education 1988 :91 ) The Brotherhood of S leeping Car Porters grew o ut of b l ack men' s experiences in the rail indu s try The Montg omery's Women Political Council received 30 comp lain ts in 1953, alone, from black citizens, sett ing the stage for Rosa Parks s defiance and the sub sequent boycott (Robinson 1987 :22). Think about the illogic A capsule, or several capsu les in the case of trains trave r s ing the land scape has segrega ted space 58


CHAPTER 3 TRANSPORTATION AND OTHER PUBLIC POLICIES The Consequences of Poor Planning The consequences of our failure to address transportation decisions or social policies, in general cost lives The disconnection between legislation research to inform decisions and service delivery is not an academ i c exerc ise. The legislation, policies and programs not only affect the quality of life but poor planning resulting from a lack of understanding of the real conditions that program users face can have fatal consequences Sarah Macleod In October 1999 Sarah Macleod contacted the St. Petersburg [Florida] Times to complain about a decision by the Department of Children and Families (Krueger 2000). She had been advised that since her daughter had received a scholarship for college this income" would make the family ineligible for food stamp benefits. Ms. Macleod also was worried about her TANF benefits She was among 2,286 TANF recipients who were not required to work because of extended illness In October 1999, however, the WAGES law read that there was a 48-month time limit, period Ms. Macleod received an extension through June 2000 on her TANF benefits TANF caseworkers did not advise her however that she was eligible for another extension, up to one year if she continued to appeal her Social Security Disabil ity Income denial. It appears that the food stamp decision was in error On 29 December 1999 however Ms. Macleod telephoned 911, advising that she was going to kill herself but wanted her organs recovered for transplants She then went into an alley behind her home and took her own life It can be argued that Ms. Macleod may have been so despondent she would have taken her life any way. Caseworkers had noted her depression and referred her to a mental health worker. There is no indication that she sought help or that the caseworker followed up on the referral. In January 2000 a program administrator with the Department of Children and Families apologized to the family for the food stamp error. On Monday, 24 January 2000, the State WAGES Board of Directors approved a proposal to change the t i me limits for persons unable to work. The Florida Legislature still needs to approve the proposal. Another milestone the 48-month life time limit, occurred for some Florida WAGES families 1 October 2000 59


Cynthia Wiggins On 1 December 1955 a tired seamstress on a Montgomery, Alabama, bus refused to give her seat to a white man. Her arrest and the subsequent bus boycott were key focusing events of the mid-20th century Civil Rights struggle in the Uni ted States While Cynthia Wiggins was free to sit anywhere on the Number 6 Metro bus of the Niagra Frontier Transportation Authority (NFTA), the bus did not get her to work On 14 December 1995 forty years later and 13 days after Ms. Parks refused to give up her seat, Cynthia Wiggins, a 17-year-old new mother alighted from the outbound Number 6 onto Walden Avenue in Cheektowaga a suburban city outside of Buffal o New York To get to her job in the Walden Galleria Mall she could walk th r ough the snow and slush 25 yards along Walden Avenue to the intersection. The re were no sidewalks along this stretc h of Walden A ve nue While there was a traffic si gna l at the intersection t here was no pedestrian crosswalk There was an alternative, cross seven-lane Walden Av enue. It appears that Ms. Wiggin s was walking beside a dump truck attempting to cross Wa l den Avenu e when she was struck by the truck. She was in a coma for more than two weeks, before she died in January 1996. Through the efforts of a reporter with the Buffalo !VeiNS it was learned that other public buse s were able to deliver passenger s to stops closer to the mall and safer (Collison 1996) A representati ve of the Pyramid Companies the mall owners, was reported as saying that Number 6 bus riders always had the option of tra nsferring to another bus that was allowed onto mall property. Other buses tourists buses from Canada for example also were allowed on mall property It appears that as early as 1988 NFTA had sought to get access for the Number 6 route to the mall. A NFTA emp l oyee documented i n a mem o randum that mall management had made it clea r that other public buses could enter mall property, but not the Number 6 The Number 6 Sycamore route originated in the inner city of Buffalo This area of Buffalo is predominately black. If Number 6 riders wante d a closer stop at the mall it would have been necessary to transfer to another bus. This would have meant additional costs in bu s fares and in travel time Another contributing fa ctor to Ms Wiggins death appear s to be the failure of NFTA to act on noti ces of un safe Walden Avenue bus stop conditions provided by bus drivers. In a deposition su bsequent to a lawsuit filed by Ms Wiggins s family a bus driver stated that the dangers of the bus stop had been reported to NFTA managers (Collison 1998) As stated in the court documents and as part of the Federal Transit Admin is tration grant process, NFTA routinely sig ned documents with the United Stat es Department of Transp ortation ce rtify ing that it did not discriminate in the provision of its services, particularly as o utlined in T it le VI of the C ivil Rights Act of 1964 The P yram i d C ompanies had been responsible for the road design at intersection of Duke R oad and Walden Avenue For the want of a nail ... Ms Wiggins who had wanted to work at the McDona l d's closer to home could not find employment there. She did find employment at the Arthur Treacher 's Fish and Chips at the suburban mall. She overcame the childcare barrier Sh e had tran sporta tion to within 300 yards of the mall but lack of connectivity such as a sidewalk a pedestrian overpass or simple access such as a nears i de bus stop or a bus 60


stop on the private mall property placed her in drifts of snow The truck driver s commer c ial driver's license had expired He should not have been driv ing that type o f vehi c l e t hat day Even the bus stop sign was covered from a 38-inch storm that had occu rred two days before The attorneys for Walden Galleria and NFTA stated that Cynthia Wiggins caused her own death by jaywalking across Wal den Avenue To do so however is to paraphrase Henry Lewis Taylor Jr. a professor at the University of Buffalo a quiet sanitized racism [and classism]" (Tremblay 1999). The Pyramid Companies made the decision not to develop the intersection, not Ms Wiggins. The NFTA made the decis i on to place the busstop on the far side of the street. Ms. Macleod did not know the f o od stamp regu l ations. Neither woman had access or power to make or change the decisions that led to t heir demise. It is indeed racist to limit someone s options, then blame the vict im. Four years after the enactment of the WAGES legis l ation t h e F l orida Legislature has to consider what to do about welfare recipients with chronic illnesses A public transportation provider fails to follow up on a report of an unsafe bus stop In an environmental impact study filed with the state of New York the Pyramid Companies agreed to design and pay for improvements to the intersections adjacent to the ma ll. From legislation to policy to service to roadway design to reports of inability t o work or unsafe conditions there are opportunities for programs and services to be informed by users and others knowledgeable of reality Someone makes choices about how leg i slation will be framed how the program will be implemented where the bus wil l stop and so on The c hoices are sociopolitical and depending on your race ethnicity, gender or class, your access to these choices, your power your capital may be limi ted Th i s meant for M s Macleod and Ms Wiggins that their life choices were limited Why Public Agencies Are Not More Responsive As noted above NFTA bus drivers of Route 6 believed the Wal den Avenue s t op to be dangerous and had informed their supervisors When one bus driver was asked if the situation did not improve would she continue to report the problem the driver stated, Probably not . you report things and nobody ever does anyth ing about them, so you don t bother going back and report them a second time (Collison 1998). The former executive of NFTA also acknowledged that the authority could have been more aggressive in trying to get access for the route Sometimes when we butt up against a barrier, perhaps we should broaden our effort to get access" (Collison 1998) The execut i ve director of Florida WAGES State Board related her experience of trying to wade through the TANF application process and advised attendees at a 1999 Hillsborough Coal i tion meeting that the process wa s too cumbersome (Busansky 1999) Too often persons w i th the knowledge of how programs really work or fail to work are not in positions to influence dec i s i on mak ing. The bus drivers were not. The NFTA management did not follow up with the mall owners. Ms Busansky was not aware of the burdensome application process unt i l after it was implemented. While other cases are not as severe or i mmed i ate the po i nt is that fractionated and fragmented policies plans projects and serv i ces have real l ife consequences 61


Transportation, Work, and Class There has been a bias toward or a policy of federal road-build ing that i s almost as old as the settlement and colonialization of this country by Europeans. Additiona l fiscal support and other resources have been extended for roadbuilding with various justifications For a substantial period of the history of this country the justif ica tion was the need to move farmers produce to market. (This can be traced nearly all the way back to Federalism. The big farmers landowners and agribusinesses had a vested interest in good roads.) This was followed by federal and specifically, armed forces support of stage lines and railroads Public mass transportation in United States is rather recent in origin. Tra nsportation and urban planners and geographers associate the road-building focus with the development of agriculture and major urban centers. The industrial revolution and technological improvements brought about growth in the number of cities and the size of cities in the United States Until 1900, the bulk of the United States population lived i n close proximity to places of work-the home or farm Between 1800 and 1900 the population increased by a factor of 15 but urban populations increased by a factor of 100 ( Levy 1988:7) Levy credits ra i lroad technology as a major contr i butor to urban concentration because railroads decreased the cost of transporting freight by land (1988 : 9). The railroads made feasible development of land that had previously been acce ssible only by foot or horse and wagon. Ancillary to population growth and railroad technology were industrial development manufacturing and consequently increased urbanization People still tended however to reside near-within walking distance-places of work Additional transportation technologies in the late 1800s and early 1900s such as bicycles and electric streetcars contributed to decentralizati on of c i t i es for some of the population A more general cause of decentralization was simply the ri se in rea l inco mes With increased income people were able to spend more on land more on transportation and more on housing to escape the slums and tenements. T hen, too rising real income permitted shortening of working hours which, in turn permitted some additional time to be spent on travel ... But although metropolitan area populations were clea rly decentralizing ... in the f irst three decades of the twentieth century, metropolitan areas were growing rapidly both in absolute population and as a percentage of total population ... farm employment, though steady in absolute terms, were shrinking as a percent of total population ; and employment in manufacturing trade, and services was rising. All this added up to an increasingly urbanized nation (Levy 1988 : 1 3-15). Urban areas were growing along specific lines however, related to class, ethnicity and race Due to housing segregation and income not everyone could move into the suburbs. These settlement patterns began as early as the late 1800s in older cities, however, the greatest intensity occurred after 1970 Although there have been h i storical ethnic enclaves race has been persistent in containing large numbers o f blac k s in inner cities A 1931 report to President Herbert Hoover perhaps best des cri bes the cond i tions One notable difference appears between the immigrant and Negro populations. In the 62


case of the former, there is the possibility of escape with improvement in economic status in the second generation" (Massey and Denton 1993:148). (It should be noted that this was written in 1931. The writer is referring to those immigrants who could become white, not West Indians, for example ) The inner cities have a number of the characteristics of internal colonies or administered communities" (Lopez 1998 ; Thomas 1994; Weingrod 1996). The colonies or communities are controlled by a larger community exchanging their labor for other resources As the need for or value of their labor decreases, the need for public "investment, financial assistance, or other intervention in the areas increases These areas remain dependent upon the larger community for survival. Weingrod also describes such neighborhoods as "'administered communities -a community whose social, cultural, economic, and political development is directed by outside agencies ... planning external control, and paternalism characterize this type of community" (1996:viii passim). Passenger transportation for most of the history of the United States has been a private endeavor including personal motive power-by foot or bicycle-horse, coach, train, and automobile. However, in 1916 a Bureau of Public Roads was established in the United States Department of Commerce The need for federal involvement in the provision of roads grew of out of the increasing use of automobiles and trucks. Dedicated funding for roads was made available through the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1934 Among the activities made possible by these funds were financial studies . to determine the relationship of highway finances to other financial operations within each state, to assess the ability of the states to finance the construction and operation of the highway system and to indicate how to allocate highway taxes among the users" (Weiner 1992:12). The emphasis in the bulk of these highway studies was traffic volume or capacity, particularly as related to motorized vehicles In 1985 the third edition of the Highway Capacity Manual first published in 1950, ... included entirely new sections on pedestrians and bicycles" (Weiner 1992:17). It was as if the human element in travel had just been recognized This may indeed be the case. Roadway development was necessary for the movement of goods. Mass transportation of passengers remained the purview of private companies until the late 1940s when state and local governments began creating transit authorities to replace failing private services It also was during this period that urban areas began to conduct travel surveys. The purpose of these surveys, however, according to Weiner, were to improve planning of roadways and design features (1992 : 22). Finally, in 1954, Robert Mitchell and Chester Rapkin stated as a premise of their traffic generation study, Despite the considerable amount of attention given in various countries to movement between place of residence and place of work, the subject has not been given the special emphasis suggested here; that is, to view trips between home and workplace as a "system of movement, changes in which may be related to land use change and to other changes in related systems of urban action or in the social structure (1954 : 65) 63


It perhaps is not coincidental that Mitchell and Rapkin saw travel behavior as a system of movement." They also believed inquiry into the motivations of travel and their correspondence with both behavior and the actual events which are consequences of travel would make great contributions to understanding why this behavior occurs and thus to increase the possibility of predicting behavior" {1954:54) This view of travel behavior as systems theory and the use of social science is contemporary with and brings to mind Yerkes's and E. 0 Wilson s scientific engineer i ng Although Mitchell and Rapkin recognized some of the variables that influence travel the purpose of forecasting was to improve the roadway network in relation to personal forms of travel part i cularly private automobile travel. After World War II, public transit systems, specifically buses and commuter rail companies faced an unending spiral of fare increases and seNice cuts Higher incomes, suburbanization highways and private auto-use, all contributed to this decline The Federal-Aid Highway and Highway Revenue Acts of 1956 and the Federal Home Mortgage Act encouraged even more private automobile use and suburbanization Between 1954 and 1963 194 transit companies went out of business (Jeffress 1970 ; Kulash and Silverman 1974:4) This set the agenda for some type of public response. The Federal-Aid Highway Act 1962 mandated comprehensive and coordinated planning Public or mass transit very early on became defined as a planning and urban problem rather than an alternative means of transportation that is, a competitor with private automobiles President Kennedy tried to introduce an Urban Mass Transportation Act in 1962 and in a message to Congress emphasized balancing private automobile use and mass transportation as a link to improving urban development (Weiner 1992:41 ) The United States Chamber of Commerce and the Farm Bureau Federation defined the failing of private mass transportation systems as a local (read, urban) problem This definition must be understood in the context of the times Suburbanization meant "white flight" from the cities It was difficult for blacks to move to the suburbs for various reasons Bank loans were not readily available Most neighborhoods were not integrated even if loans were available. Businesses already were beginning to follow residents to the suburbs. This also was the age of urban renewal as cities were ravaged by the interstate highway system and public housing projects. In addition states also faced a rural bias in their legislatures Mass transportation remained an issue More municipalities became involved in the provision of seNices as more private providers disappeared The Federal Transit Act (formerly Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964) was presented by President Johnson as part of his Great Society in the spirit of President Kennedy's Transportation Message and enacted by Congress (Weiner 1992 : 54). The Kerner Commission made the link between employment opportunities and transportation in 1967 "Most new employment opportunities do not occur in central cities, near all-Negro neighborhoods They are bei ng created in suburbs and outlying areas-and this trend is likely to continue indefinitely (1968 : 392). The Commission went on to recommend expansion of aid to local public transportation seNice providers and 64


subsidization of routes serving the inner cities in an effort to allay the civil disorders of the 1960s (1968:418). This recommendation went unheard In light of the funding that was available for the interstate highway system, the Federal Transit Act was only a token gesture to address public mass transportation needs In the first year of the program $375 million were authorized for capital projects Only $350 mill io n were appropriated There was no funding made available for operating expenses. (The Federal Highway Trust Fund provided $205 billion for state road projects between 1956 and 1989. Mass transit received only $50 billion in federal funds between 1964 and 1989.) In a most cavalier fashion the early program was bounced from one agency to another Planning was all but impossible during the first six years of the program because organizational stability and long-term funding was not made available unt i l 1968 and 1970 respectively. The first gesture at balancing the nation 's transportation system did not occur until 1978 when highway public transportation and highway safety were combined in one piece of legislation. In 1978 however there was now a rural prob lem to be solved. The Act established a grant program for nonurbanized areas for capital and operating assistance. The Surface Transportation Assistance Act of 1978 provided $51.4 b illion for the fiscal years 1979 through 1982 Highways were allocated $30.6 billion for highways ; $ 13.6 billion was made available for public transportation. An additional $ 7.2 billion was authorized for highway safety. The Act extended the availability of trans i t funds from two to four years Energy conservation also was part of the legi slation a new goal in the planning process and alternative transportation system management strategies to make more efficient use of existing facilities ... "(Weiner 1997 : 1997) Although transit funds accounted for more than one-fourth of the funds available for surface transportation public transportation s role greatly increased Not only was transit to solve urban problems, but rural and air quality problems, as well. The lntermodal Surfa ce Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA) was to make available $151 billion more than six years, $31. 5 billion or a little more than 20 perce n t was allocated to public transit. Aside from the emphasis placed on public participation in the transportation planning and decisionmaking processes as d iscussed i n Chapter 1 ISTEA held little promise for transit. In fact throughout the 1980s reauthor i zation of the Surface Transportation Act had been an ongoing struggle to maintain operating assistance Some provisions of ISTEA actually could have been interpreted as threats to public transit. The formula grant program for areas more than 200,000 provided that trans i t funds could be used for highway projects under certain conditions (Weiner 1997) As in 1978, and subsequent years, public transit was to solve more of Amer ica's problems with relatively fewer resources. The Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 mandated conformity between state [ambient air quality] implementation plans (SIPs) and transportation improvement programs (TIPs) An element in meeting ambient air quality standards in nonattainment areas was increased use of mass transportation. 65


The guidance for the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (TEA-21 ) the reauthorizing Act for surface transportation is s till being developed Congress however finally was successful in eliminating operating assistance to areas with populations more than 250 000. While capital funds are available to buy buses, build rail lines and purchase parts the funds will not be provided unless grant recip i ents have local operating funds The Federal Transit Administration (FTA), leading up to reauthorization, found that only about 6 percent of welfare recipients owned automobiles (1998) When the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) was enacted in 1996 there were 14 9 million welfare recipients or 4 6 million families FTA set aside $150 million per year to aid in the provision of transportation to former welfare recipients. In the first year of TEA-21 only $50 million were authorized The final appropriation totaled $75 million. These funds, however, are not new dollars. They have been set aside from formula grant dollars that would provide general transportation services Thus, the available formula grant funds have been reduced Transit authorities now compete with each other and other entities for these funds through "innovative" grant proposals. Concomitant with the development of public transportation funding has been the struggle by ordinary people to be involved in the decisio n making process. Jordan et alia stated : Citizen participation is an evolutionary outgrowth of the traditions of limited governmental discretion and formal public accountability Since America rejected the unresponsive English rule its government has gone through three evolutionary stages. From the Revolution to the 1850sthe changes revolved around universal whi te male suffrage and the long ballot. From the C ivil War to the 1920s the principal developments involved suffrage for women the reform of corrupt legislatures and local government. From the 1930s to the present the evolution has been in the areas of increased suffrage for minority groups and efforts of citizens groups to control the huge administrative bureaucracies. This last adaptation has generated the "Sunshine Laws ," citizen partic i pation and extensive reform through litigation (1976 : 6 ; Rosenbaum 1976). The promise of ISTEA was added emphasis in public transportation on citizen participation or public involvement. Jordan presents citizen participation along a continuum where more and more disenfranchised groups of citizens are brought into the process. I argue that the need for ISTEA to reemphasize public involvement some 15 years after Jordan wrote suggests that this process also is subject to what Bell called the irrational perpetual dualism in Amer i can law (1978:26) We l fare Assistance to States as Block Grants PRWORA provides the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) Program which gives cash assistance to families for a lifetime limit of five years In Flor i da the limit is four years PRWORA ended the ent i tlement status of welfare and eliminated AFDC, replacing it with TANF a state block grant program. TANF lowers food stamps allotments 66


and eliminates benefits to legal aliens In 1988, then Governor Bill Clinton of Arkansas had a major role in the eventual passage of the Family Support Act during the Reagan presidency. Clinton had actually helped negotiate compromises between the Republicans and Democrats that led to the passage of PRWORA. In 1994 Clinton proposed the Work and Responsibility Act based on four concepts: make work pay; limit assistance to two years ; strengthen child support enforcement; and provide education training and supportive services (Cammisa 1998:64-65). The Republican Contract [on] America included a plank to eliminate welfare. After two vetoes of the Republican versions of the bill, PRWORA Clinton signed a new version into law on August 22 1996. United States Department of Transportation Secretary Rodney Slater says transportation is the to in Welfare-to-Work (WtW) initiatives, realizing that many welfare recipients and the working poor have limited access to transportation. Welfare parents and others seeking employment need access not only to jobs, but other services such as daycare facil i ties, schools, training programs, and health care providers. Persons with private automobiles take for granted the ability to plan and control worktrips errands, shopping, recreation, and other trips. Lack of automobile ownership however limits access to employment goods and services Automobile ownership is associated with class in that automobiles have come to symbolize not only status in American society but also freedom Popular slogans abound such as "It's not just your car, it's your freedom and "On the road of life, there are passengers and drivers. These slogans come to have real manifestations The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 also is an important piece of legislation for several reasons First African Americans are disproportionately overrepresented among persons with disabilities. Second the f r amers of the legislation have positioned mobility for persons with disabilities as a "c ivil" right. Third the mandate is unfunded. The Geography of Disadvantage Spatial theorists examine intersections of geography socioeconomic condition and time. At these intersections space is produced and with production comes differentiation -divisions and hierarchies (Liggett and Perry 1995:4-7). The geograph ic concentration of African Americans in central cities results in geographic isolation from jobs and often, from goods and services There often are few malls doctors grocery stores, and essentials in central cities This isolation affects the socioeconomic well-being of central city residents. Failure to find a job or to have access to a job limits soc i oeconomic mobility. Limited access to goods and services affects education, health housing, the abi lity to save money and so on and so on and so on. Public transportation is important because it enables mobility travel to work and other pursuits Its existence is critical to those isolated by poverty, by segregation or by lack of mobility. In 1991, the United States Congress reauthorized federal funding for surface transportation, including mass transit with the lntermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act (ISTEA). ISTEA generally is thought to have revitalized the involvement of the public in the transportation decisionmaking process Specifically stated in A Guide to 1\ttJtropo/itan Transportation Planning under JSTEA-How the Pieces Rt TogetherUnited States OOT: 67


... ISTEA places significant emphasis on broadening participation in transportation planning to include key stakeholders who have not traditionally been involved including the business community members of the public, community groups, and other governmental agencies This challenges transportation professionals and elected officials because meaningful engagement of diverse interests can be difficult. However broader participation should ensure that decisions will be more responsive to local needs (Transportation 1994:4) To facilitate public participation a major element of transportation planning in metropolitan areas was "a proactive and inclusive public involvement process ." The approach provided a systematic method for ... setting up and implementing a public involvement program for a spec i fic plan program, or project" (Transportation 1994 :11 ) Public involvement under ISTEA was anticipated to be more inclusive in theory than at any other time in United States history This legislation presented several opportunities for African Americans Economically an estimated four million jobs were to be created over the six-year period of 1991 through 1997 (Again public transit has traditionally served an enhanced function as an employer of and a transportation service to African Americans.) The most significant opportunity offered by ISTEA for African Americans was the potential for greater inclusion particularly in the transportation decisionmaking process Public Policies and Women's Mobility in The United States : Gender Informs Geographic and Economic Space Gender disparities have spatial outcomes Women outnumber men in urban areas from 115 : 100, overall, to 157 : 100 for those over age 65 (Birch 1985) Although employment opportunities increasingly are moving to suburban and exurban areas many of the services that the poor rely upon still are located in the central business districts cities. The concentration of women and female-headed families i n the city is both cause and consequence of the city s fiscal woes. Women live in cities because it is easier and cheaper for them to do so, but because fewer women are employed, and those that are receive lower pay then men, they do not make the same contribution to the tax base that an equivalent population of men would. Concomitantly they are more dependent on public resources such as transportation and housing (Freeman 1981:1 0). Lopata (1980 : 161-162) found in Chicago that women s movement was restricted by the presence of young children in the home and the design and availability of public transportation Concerns about adequate childcare may restrict a woman from taking a job outside the home Access to goods and services, when traveling with small children may be limited by the design of public transportation facilities She states further Resources for social life and even for development of children's skills and abilities are often so located that the chauffeuring restricts the time available 68


to a woman ... Transportation inadequacies or difficulties are especially evident in the lives of older women, and more for older widows (1980:169). Differing travel needs of women were recognized in 1978 by the United States Department of Transportation's conference entitled Women 's Travel Issues: Research Needs and Priorities. "1 Differences in transportation patterns included the journey to work trip, use of public transit and types of trips (Rosenbloom 1978:passim). Wyly states, "Marxist theories interpret the separation of residences and workplaces as one outcome of capitalism's need to fragment working-class solidarity (Wyly 1995 : 11) With the inven tion and mass production of the automobile building of public roads and other factors the trend of suburbanization has increased. Along with this trend has been an increase in the separation of women from paid work. Until 1970 most employment opportunities were in metropolitan areas within the city centers. It has only been within the last 30 years that massive numbers of employers have relocated to the suburbs. Again Wyly states Power relations in the system of production (the workplace) divide workers into groups with varying levels of access to material resources, and also result in contrasting norms and values-which are then expressed in the realm of consumption (the residence) ... In thi s way working-class neighborhoods tend to produce individuals with working-class values-thereby reproducing class allegiance with neighborhood and community identity In short, homogenous residential areas help to ease the s mooth reproduction of c las s relations necessary for the survival of urban capitalism ... While it may be reasonable to trace the social geography of the city to a process of class differentiation such logic immediately raises the question of how class is defined and how gender relates to soc ial c lass . In short women may occ upy cont radict ory class locations not only socially, but also spatially (1995 :2 5 -26). Wyly found that in the Minneapolis-St Paul area women's employment patterns were affected by a combination of occupational segregation and the siting requirements of industries (1995:96). H e also found that women's earnings varied by place of work, and that men s travel time overall, exceeded that of women. Wyly's study focuses on white women living in middle class suburbs. John s ton-Anumo nwo s t ates, One of the most co nsi s tent findings in the lit e rature on commuting is that women have shorter commutes than men ; although this finding is valid for the population in general most s tud ies obscure differences among women. In particular racial differences among women are obscured (Johnston-Anumonwo 1994:25) She found that ... mJre Black V>.Orkers than l!'vh;te still use public trans{XJrtatiort' [emphasis original] for their work trip In her sample of women in Buffalo, New York, ... low-income Black women those with school aged-children or those with suburban jobs . still endured longer commutes than white counterparts" (Johnston-Anumonwo 1994:27-31) Both s tudies suggest that spatial segregation co ntribute s to accessibility or mobility constraints that contribute to women s inability to parti c ipate fully in the wage economy For low-income women and minorities, housing 69


discrimination and the cost of transportation may prohibit relo cation to suburbs even if housing is cheaper. Another factor to consider in women's travel is the number of trips. According to Pisarski women's daily trips have increased faster than men s ; i n 1990 women made an average of 3.13 trips to men's 3 04 per day (Pisarski 1992 : 12). Although Pisarski s findings were similar to Wyly's in that men's trip le n gths were greater than women's, the fac t that women seem to make more trips than men may place further time constraints on women s access and mobility The difference between women's trips and men 's is about 3 percent however, the true number of trips may be masked by the te ndency to trip chain." Tha t i s women link trips to work with shopping, dependent care, and so forth One trip may include several stops. Women's needs and desires for tripmaking may be closely associated with available transportation For those women, particularly African Americans and other women of color, who continue to live in inner city neighborhoods public transportation may provide the only means of access to goods services, and employment opportunit i es. Again, according t o the F ederal Trans it Adm inistration, only 6 percent of welfare recipients own automobiles. Female headed-households comprise 88 percent of all United States households receiv ing publi c assistance. The intersection of race, ethnicity and income seem to intensif y the issues related to women s travel. Just as there is no single women's travel iss ue there is no single ethnic or racial travel issue. Transportation Case Study : "Give Them All Bus Passes" PRWORA was signed into law on August 22 1996 ending welfare as we [knew] it. About six months after the enactment I attended a nati ona l meeting of public transportation and human services providers. While the number of attendees was about 30 people they were agency representatives appointed by the governors of t he i r respective states program or regional federal administrators, or program d irectors relatively high level decisionmakers. One representative, Rich, gave an overview of then existing federal transportation resources to support welfare reform and resources proposed under the then proposed Transportation Equity Act for the 21s t Century (TEA-21 ). Following R ich s presentation a few participants expressed concern that while t he federal efforts were to be commended, they would not be sufficient to meet the needs in many areas. Rich asked one person where was she from Jackson Mississippi, she replied. "Well," said Rich "Jackson has a transit sys tem you can just give them bus passes. " Rich you've ne ver been to Mississippi she retorted. Rich and many other legislators policymakers, and even service providers may mean well, but their knowledge of programs and services does not include an understand ing of the conditions. It is one thing to say that federal funds are available for welfare reform and other transportation initiatives but t hese funds do very little if the 70


infrastructure such as buses 24-hour bus service and daycare i s not available Even in areas where there is relatively good bus service research s uggests that publ i c transportation is not a feasible option for many rural and inner-city residents. Legislators policymakers and transportation providers often are not users of public t ransportation services The real conditions that users face are often far removed from the decis ion mak ing arena The connection between work and access to employment opportunities was overlooked in the welfare reform legislative process In reauthorizing transportation spending in 1998 under TEA-21 Congress found that while two-thirds of all new jobs are in the suburbs three-quarters of welfare recipients lived in rural areas or central cities In metropolitan areas w i th excellent public transit systems less than half of the jobs were accessible by transit. The median price of a new car was equivalent to 25 weeks of salary for the average worker in 1991. (Fo r a low-income worker the price would be considerably more ) Approximately 9 mill i on households or 10 million Americans of driving age most of whom are lowi ncome workers did not own cars Ninety-four percent of welfare recipients did not own cars Nea r ly 40 percent of workers with annual incomes below $10 000 do not commute by car Many of the two million Americans who will have the i r TANF funds t erminated by the year 2002 w ill be unable to get to jobs they could otherwise hold but increased transit options could improve the likelihood of those workers getting and k eeping j obs Many residents of cities and rural areas need to take advantage of mass transit to gain access to suburban employment opportunities (Public Law 105-178). TEA -21 authorized $800 million over a five-year period 1998 2003 for WtW transportation This however may be a classic case of ''too little too late ." First the transportation funding came two program years after the enactment of the welfare legis l ation Th i s meant that the first group of TANF participants already had reached a critical24-month time-limit. (In Florida 77 percent of the 197 000 famil i es receiv ing benef i ts in October 1996 were estimated to be subject to program t ime limits (Economic Self Suffic i ency Program Office n d .). ) Second t hese were not new funds Rather the funds were s et aside from formula gra n t dollars that would have provided gene ral public transportat i on services thus reducing the already inadequate formula grant funds The disconnection between federal policy and reality continues w i th examples of the lack of coordination between federal programs. The Federal Transit Administration (FTA) found most state welfare plans subm i tted to the federal government barely mentioned transportation" (1997). The states failed to address cr i tical areas such as transportation resources to be made available ; assessments of existing transportat ion services ; partnerships or taskforces developed to leverage resources; limits on the number or value of vehicles owned TANF households ; or initiatives developed in recogn i tion of conditions that might limit mobility Draw ing on secondary data sources i n this chapter I discuss the need for publ i c transportation by examin ing who received Aid to Famil i es with Dependent Children (AFDC) as of October 1996 These AFDC recipients were the first gro u p subjected to the TANF Program Contrary to the myth of the welfare queen driv ing her Cadillac AFDC part i cipants were not all African Americans and very few had cars. Through an e x amination 71


of participants socioeconomic characteristics however we will see how mobility problems disproportionately affect poor black women who live in inner cities These characteristics include income educational attainment disability and place of residence. I also examine availability of public transportation Finally I discuss barriers and other problems with the public transportation and welfare reform leg i slation that proh i b i t the TANF families from getting to work Peter Edelman former As sista nt Secretary for P l anning and E va luat i on at the Department of Health and Human Serv ices stated The bill closes its eyes to all the facts and complexities of the real world and essentially says to recipients, 'Find a job "'( 1997) Edelman resigned his post as assistant secretary in protest over the welfare reform bill. He described the bill as The W orst Thing Bill Cli nton Has Done in an article in The Atlantic. The barriers and other problems also inc lude lack of data and research on the transportation needs lack of coordination of federal programs and lack of access to the decisionmaking process for program participants and their advocates Portions of this chapter were developed to enable the National Urban Trans i t Institute (NUTI) to investigate the state-of-the-practice of transp orta tion research in support of moving welfare recipients into the workforce. The results of that project were to be used to focus more intensive research on transit and its relation to welfare reform and to suggest future research needs related WtW initiatives Characterist i cs of Partic i pants in the TANF Program According to Pisarski (1996:66) high users of public transit are most likely to be of Asian black or Hispanic heritage ; central city dwellers part i cularly fema l e workers living alone ; households with no vehicles; or low income persons Simila r characteristics also have been noted by the American Publ ic Transit Assoc iation (Linsalata 1992) S ince persons with the above characteristics have a high propensity for trans i t use and similar characteristics have been found among those who received AFDC it would appear that transit s hould also meet the needs of TANF adults. First I examine the 1996 AFDC adu l t caseload comparing and contrasting demographic residential locations and other socioeconomic characteristics related to transportation needs and work f ir st. TANF Participants: Demographics, Education Work Experience and Settlement Patterns According to the Department of Health and Human Serv i ces (DHHS ) at the end of fiscal year 1996 (30 September 1996), the average monthly number of AFDC families was 4.6 million or 12 .6 million recipients of which nearly four million persons were adu l ts (Administration for Children and Families 1997). The families averaged 1.9 recipient children The average age of the children was 7 6 years, however 44 percent were under age six and one-fifth were under age three Seventy percent of fam i lies had only one adult recipient. Men represented only 13 percent of recipients Of the adult female rec i pients the average age was 30 years ; 14 percent were 40 years of age or older The profile of a TANF adult required to find work was a 30-year-old single woman with two young children 72


40 90 35 80 tn 70 .. 30 c: 0 60 c j .9-25 en Population 0 50 cv "'tJ 0:: 20 40 .g u.. z 15 c: <{ 30 iii f.-10 :::!. 20 0 0 ;:, 5 10 0 0 White Black Other Hispanic Figure 5. Comparison of AFDC Population to U S. Popu lation by Et hnici ty or Race (Census Bureau 1998 ; Census 1 999 ; Administration for Chi ldren and Families ) Figure 5 shows the average ethnic or racial characteristics of the AFDC caseload in 1996 Members of ethnic groups were represented at a h i gher rate than the general population 2 While members of ethnic or racial minority groups comprised one-third of the United States population 60 percent of AFDC families were of min ority races or ethnic groups A cco rding the 1996 United States Census Burea u estimates nearly 37 million people or 14 percent of the population lived below the poverty level. Only 11 2 percent of whites were estimated to live below the poverty level; however the estimate for female heads of households with children was 32.6 percent; blacks 28.4 percent; persons of Asian or Pacific Island descent, 14.5 percent; and persons of Hispani c orig i n 29.4 percent.3 Due to such factors as housing segregation patterns and i ncome ethnic and ra cial adult TANF participants generally reside in inner cities or rural areas where there are fewer employment op portunities (Massey and Dent on 1993 ; Hug hes 1992 : 19-24) A loss of interconnectivity between res i dence and place of employment and services was first described by geographers in the 1950s as spatial mismatch (See Figure 6.) W h i le 13 2 percent of persons in poverty lived in metropolitan areas 19 6 percent lived inside central cities where jobs are scarce and 15.9 percent lived outside metropolitan areas, also inaccessible by public transit to major job sites. Work First" and A FDC Adu l t Caseload The PRWORA emphasizes "work first. Note this is the first piece of welfare legislation that has required mothers of preschool-aged children to comply with work requirements. Among the 1996 national TANF adult caseload 69 percent of recipients had recent employment. Thirty percent of recipients had no work experience. When consideration is given to the amount of education atta i ned by welfare rec i pients the prospects for self-sufficiency are quite a challenge. Ac co rding t o Cohen (1998), 73


30 000 25 25, 000 20 0 0 -20 000 -t -1 5 0 Ill .... 0 !!!.. 0 15, 000 0 ..... 10] 10 000 iii .... s 5 ::s 5 000 0 0 Inside metr o Inside centr a l 0 uts ide 0 u t s ide area cit y central city metro area Figure 6. Residential Characteristics of Person in Poverty (Census Bureau 1 999 ) -+-P er c e n t A study of a nationally representative samp l e of single wel f are mothers found that 64 percent lacked high school diplomas (Spalter-Roth 1995). Almost two thirds of welfare recipients test scores on the Armed Forces Qualifying Test (AFQT) fall in the bottom quartile ; 31 percent fall in the bottom decile. Researchers have estimated that between 25 and 40 percent of welfare recipients have learning disabilities (Nightingale 1991 :passim) Studies show that people with more education and t raining h ave h i gher earnings and a greater likelihood of being employed (Holze r 1996 ; B l oomer 1997). Moreover studies suggest that in many areas there are not enough low-skilled jobs for the welfare recipients who are qualified only for such work (Kieppner 1997 : passim ; Cochrane 1997) Even when jobs require minimal skills employers may be unwilling to hire some peop l e who fai l to meet certain minimum standards (Holzer 1996 ; Newman 1995) Several studies have suggested that a substantial percent of welfare rec i pients may be persons with disabilities (Loprest 1996 ; Meyers 1996 ; Young 1997). While PRWORA and state statutes delineate those persons exempt from TANF work activity requirements including recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or Social Se c urity Disability Insurance (SSDI) Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 prohibits discriminating against an individual with a disability by recipients of federal finan c ial ass i stan c e the ability of these persons to work and the willingness of employers to hire these persons must be considered The Americans with Disabilities Act ( ADA ) als o pro vides for certain acc ommodations to access services and protections from imprope r treatment. A l though SSI or SSDI recipients are exempt from TANF work act ivity requ i rements the U S Department of L abor (DOL) has estab l i shed a Welfare to Work D i sability Initiat i v e DOL encourages state planners and welfare agencies ... to build i nto the i r state plans links with disability community organizations to provide information and assistance. 7 4


Given the current economic boon it would appear that employment opportunities are available for those required by TANF to become employed Indeed, there is some fear of worker shortages. The statistics and studies cited above suggest that many of those required to work first" are not prepared to work or are have limited opportunities due to education experience or disability. But assum i ng that there are available jobs for welfare partic i pants it is important to consider where the jobs are located and whether there is available transportation Public Transit and the Challenge of Welfare-to-work Overall there appeared to be considerable overlap between the characteristics of AFDC participants and general transit ridership As seen in Table 6, women, particularly women of ethnic or racial minority groups living in central cit i es are overrepresented in the AFDC program and as trans i t users While this may suggest that AFDC participants already were users of public transit the changes in travel behavior brought on by TANF certainly will bring new challenges to transit prov i ders "The challenge for transit is to improve access to employment education training and childcare (Federal Transit Administration 1998) Further public transportation accounts for about only 5 percent of all worktrips The intersection of some of the characteristics of TANF participants discussed earlier may make transit even less feasible for this group Table 6. Characteristics of Public Transit Users and TANF Participants Characteristic Percent Transit Users P ercent AFDC Parti c ipants I F e m ale 56' 8 7 B lack 31 3 7 Hi spanic 18 21 Oth e r 6 6 Whi t e 45 36 Cen t ral City Residence 30 20 Zer o V e h icle Househ o ld 1 5 .35. 93 ( U nsala t a, 1997 #26 ; Ad m i n istrat ion f o r Chi ldren and Fami l i es 1 997 ; H u, 1 999) Place of Residence and Access or "Spatial Mismatch" The theory of spatial mismatch, discussed for nearly half a century (Kain 1968) purports that the suburbanization of employment and residential segregat i on have led to difficulties for inner city [and rural] res i dents rea c hing suburban employment opportunities According to the Community Transportation Association of America (1999) roughly one fourth of welfare recip i ents live in rural areas Census data estimates 20 percent of public assistance recipients live in central cities Spatial mismatch is thought to have created a 75


reverse in traditional commute patterns. That is the central business districts of cities are no longer the primary destinations of employees .4 Pisarski found that the number of workers in central cities is increasing faster than the number of jobs and the converse is true in the suburbs (Pisarski 1996 : 78). As more and more suburban residential areas become employment c enters, inner-city and rural residents then must commute to suburban employment locations. Given the USDOT estimate that 94 percent of AFDC participants did not own automobiles, access to employment opportunit i es was anticipated to come from public transit. Several studies have indicated that this was not a viable option. First Commun i ty Transportat ion Association of America (CTAA) estimates that 38 percent of rural resi dents have no public transit (1994) In many rural areas that are served by public transit the level of service is low, for zero-vehicle rural households, about 38 trips per year per household While public transit may be more available in urban areas, barriers to its use still e x ist. Some of the most notable studies have been conducted by the Center on Urban Poverty and Social Change (CUPSC) at Case Western Reserve University Beginning in 1995, CUPSC examined the publ i c transit routes in Cuyahoga Coun t y (Ohio) from neighborhoods with large concentrations of public assistance recip i ents to prospective job sites The researchers found an 80-minute commute allowed less than 44 percent of public assistance recipients to reach the job sites (Leete and Bania 1995; Leete et alia 1998) A study of TANF recipients access to transit service work opportunities and connectivity between service and opportunities i n Bo s ton conducted by the Volpe National Transportation Systems Center also found gaps (Lacombe 1998) While 98 percent of program participants lived within one-quarter mile of trans i t services only about 32 percent of potential employers were within one-quarter mile of transit ; 43 percent within one-half mile; and 58 percent within one mile (Lacombe 1998:7). Temporal gaps similar to those in Cleveland also were found Only 14 percent of potential employers were accessible with a 60-minute transit commute ; 31 percent with a 90-minute commute ; and 48 percent were w i thin two hours d i stance (Lacombe 1998 : 8-9) The remainder were inaccessible by public transportation Joseph Coughlin and Michael Rich conducted a similar analysis of Cobb County Georgia Using a geographic information system (GIS) entry level jobs advertised in a local newspaper were plotted, along with recipients' residences, support services, e g., daycare training centers, and available transportation in metropolitan Atlanta. Only 43 perc ent of entry-level job opportunities were accessible via the Metropolitan Atlanta Regional Transit Authority (MARTA), most involving a oneto two-hour commute (Rich 1997). And while Sanchez (1999) found that TANF recipients in Portland (Oregon) had levels of transit and employment accessibility similar to those of employed transit commuters, other factors suggest that ... mobility needs are comple x and may not be satisfied by convent i onal increases in public tran si t service." Sanchez states that It is generally assumed that public transit can effectively link unemployed, carless persons with appropriate job locations Out of these assumpt i ons 76


it is a common belief that if adequate transit were available, the likelihood of being employed would increase Thus far the available evidence is anecdotal, while general patterns of transit access and labor participation remain relatively unexplored (1999) Welfare Reform Implemented : Florida 's WAGES Program in Hillsborough County In keeping with the federal legislation, Florida enacted Chapter 414 Florida Statutes : Work and Gain Economic Self-sufficiency (WAGES) Act in 1996. The WAGES Act primarily set limits on the amount of time families may recei ve temporary assistance as proscribed in the federa l act and set 1 October 1998-an elapsed time of only two years-as the deadline for compliance. A State Board of Directors oversees operations and ass ists in implementing the WAGES Program. Initially the Board of Directors included : the Commis s ioner of Education or designee; the Secretary of Chi ldren and Family Services ; the Secretary of Labor and Employment Security; the Secretary of Community Affairs; the President of the Workforce Development Board; and nine members appointed by the Governor Transportation representation was not included in the initial legislation. The State Program was managed by an executive director. T he Board of D irecto rs created and chartered local WAGES coalitions to plan and coordinate the delivery of services at the local level. There were 24 local WAGES coalition s serving the 67 Florida counties. The Department of Children and Family Services and the Department of Labor and Employment Security were responsible for providing work act i v i t ies, tra i n ing, and other services, as appropriate, through contracts Other services incl ude the development of transportation resources as described in 20 : (1) TRANSPORTATION Transportation expenses may be prov i ded to any participant when the assistance is needed to comply with work activity requirements or employment requirements including transportation to and from a child care provider. Payment may be made in cash or tokens in advance or through reimbursement paid against receipts or i nvo i ces. Support services funds may also be used to develop transportation resources to expand tran s portation options available to part i cipants. These services may include cooperative arrangements with local transit authorities or school districts and small enterprise development. Each WAGES coalition has latitude to issue requests for proposals (RFPs) for transportation assistance or to contract directly with a public transportat i on service provider. The Florida Legislature substantially amended Chapter 414 i n 1998. Changes that directly relate to transportation included the appointment of a transportat io n representative to the State Board and strengthened the language regarding transportation in .20. (1) TRANSPORTATION.--Transportation expenses may be prov i ded to any participant when the assistance is needed to comply with work activity requirements or employment requirements including transportation to and from a child care provider. Payment may be made in cash or tokens in 77


advance or through reimbursement paid against receipts or invoices. Transportation services may include but are not l i mited to cooperat i ve arrangements with the following: public transit provide r s ; commun i ty transportation coordinators designated under Chapter 427 ; school distr i cts ; churches and community centers; donated motor vehicle programs van pools and ridesharing programs; small enterprise developmen t s and entrepreneurial programs that encourage WAGES partic i pa n ts to become transportation providers; public and private transportation partnerships; and other innovative strategies to expand transportation optio n s avai l able to program participants (a) Local WAGES coalitions are authorized to provide payment for vehicle operational and repair expenses including repair expend i tures necessary to make a vehicle functional ; vehicle regi stra tion fees; dr i ver s license fees; and liability insurance for the vehicle for a period of up to six months Request for vehicle repairs must be accompanied by an estimate of the cost prepared by a repair facility registered under 904 (b) Transportation disadvantaged funds as defined in c h apter 427 do not include WAGES support services funds or funds appropriated to assist persons eligible under the Job Training Partnership Act. It i s the i ntent of the Legislature that local WAGES coalitions and regional workforce development boards consult with local community transportation coordinators designated under Chapter 427 regarding the availability and cost of transportation services through the coordinated transportat i on system prior to contracting for comparable transportation serv i ces outside the coordinated system Like the feds the Florida Legislature had to amend its welfare reform legislation to address the transportation needs of program participants. As late as September 1999 Florida s planning guidance to the 24 WAGES local coalitions still did not contai n a transportation element (Ward et alia 1999 :36) A 1998 study f u nded by the Florida Board of Regents found that only nine of the 24 coalitions had transportat ion represe n tation serving on the local boards or had established transportation committees All had, however, developed a transportation services component. Five of the coalit i ons st ill had not secured transportation services by March 1998 (Ward and Mathias 2000 :12}. During that fiscal year, the coalitions allocated more than $4 8 million for transportation support services (Ward et alia 1998). The $4.8 million overrepresents the WAGES coalitions transportat i on allocations Five of the coalitions indicated that the amount given was combined w i th other support services. In another 1998 project funded by the Florida Board of Regents the University of South Florida, investigated the residential locations of WAGES clients location of employed WAGES clients, number and ages of WAGES Children, location of daycare facilities a n d identified the transportation resources and gaps in Hillsborough County Florida. The Hillsborough County WAGES Coalition is a stand-alone coalit i on contiguous with the 78


boundaries of the service area for the jobs and educa tion regional board established under the Enterpri se Florida Jobs and Education Partnership Using a GIS r esea rchers plotted the geographic residential locations of the WAGES clients subject to time limit s (Catala 1999). There were 4 900 WAGES clients in Hillsborough County at the time of the study subject to time limits Overlaying the transit routes of the local public transportation provider Hillsborough Area Regional Transit Authority (HARTline), the researchers drew one-quarter mile buffers around the routes. (A one-quarter mile buffer is a standard practice among transportation analysts and others as the distance an average person can and is willing to walk to access a good or service.) Sixty-two percent or 3,031 o f the clients lived within one-quarter mile of a HARTline bus route. The remaining 1 ,869 lived beyond the buffer. While the one-quarter mile is the standard practice for analyzing accessibility to routes, the researchers acknowledged that conside ration should be given to weather conditions, condition of busstops, and the co ndition of the person walking, s uch as a woman with a small child. The se factors would substantially decrease the distance a person would or could walk to a busstop Out of 4 ,900 WAGES clients, 412 of these were employed. A greater percentage of these clients lived near a bus route. Nearly 75 percent or 306 of the employed WAGES clients lived within one-quarter mile of a HARTline bus route. The remainder lived beyond this limit. Although a greater percentage of employed WAGES participants lived within one quarter mile of a bus route, the researchers had no information regarding why only 8 percent of the clients were employed. Roughly 11 percent of the clients receiving benefits in October 1996 and left the program, had returned by September 1998 Of the 7 332 program participants in September 1998 26 percent had received benefits in October 1996 (Economic Self-Sufficiency Program Office n.d ) The statistics sugges t that there were substantial barriers preventing the participants from getting and keeping a job Most of the 412 employed clients worked inside the county. Using the same buffer procedure as described above, 70 percent or 285 of the clients' worksites were within one-quarter mile of HARTline bus routes. The remaining 127 worksites were beyond the limit. Given the national profile of AFDC participants the researchers also co nducted a simple analysis of available daycare facilities. Hillsborough County had 1 392 licensed daycare facilities Slightly more than one -half 727 of the facilitie s were within one-quarter mile of HARTline routes. The remaining 665 facilities were beyond one-quarter mile of HARTline routes. Overall about 75 percent of the employed WAGES clients could get to about 70 percent of the worksites and 50 percent of the licensed daycare facilities in Hillsborough County. This was under opt imal conditions. The researchers did n o t have the res our ces in the project to consider questions of temporal mismatches. That is, how much time would it take after reaching the busstop to board the bus? Did the bus provide direct access to the daycare fa c ility? After reaching the daycare facility how long would the participant have to wait for the next bus t o get t o work? D i d the bus provide direct access to the worksite? 79


Studies in other areas with larger transit systems than Hillsborough County as cited above, suggest that temporal considerations are just as critical as geographic. What Is to Be Done? PRWORA mandates that TANF recipients "work first. The profile of the recipients at time of enactment suggests that those subject to employment mandates of the Act faced significant challenges in meeting this requirement. Lack of transportation seemed to be chief among the challenges. For many rural recipients there may be no transportation-no private automobile and no public transportation. Where public transportation is available in rural areas temporal gaps may pose barriers. The service may be available days or hours during the week not compatible with commuting needs. Studies from three major metropolitan areas found that geographic and temporal gaps existed in areas with public transit systems ranked among the top 25 in the nation (In fiscal year 1997, Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority (MBTA) Boston, ranked five in number of unlinked passenger trips MARTA ranked ninth and Greater Cleveland Regional Transit Authority (GRTA) 2200 (Bronson 1997)) Studies from Florida, specifically Hillsborough County, have had findings consistent with other areas. Four years have passed since the enactment of PRWORA Many TANF participants have passed the critical 48-consecutive month period of program participation. Although PRWORA addresses transportation as an allowable support service for participants, few states have transportation elements as part of their statewide plans. Former Federal Transit Administration (FTA) Administrator Gordon Linton stated that the failure of the legislation and state plans to address transportation needs of TANF participants was "poor planning (1999) In addition to the considerations discussed above, there are other programmatic and policy issues that need to be addressed Transportation Funding and Cost Allocation The first question regarding meeting unmet transportation needs of TANF households is "Is there enough funding available?" Under TEA-21) Job Access and Commute Grants, FTA awarded 167 grants, averaging $424,120, for fiscal year 1999. TANF program funds may be used for a broad range of transportation services, if the expenditures promote job preparation and work Eligible expenditures include transportation reimbursement; contracting for transportation services ; purchase of transportation services; vehicle loans and leases; vehicle donation and repair ; start up or operating costs of new or expanded services; entrepreneurial transportation capitalization expenses of TANF-eligible individuals ; and transportation planning. DOL administers the Welfare to Work (WtW) Formula and Competitive Grant Program. Only 25 percent of funds are available for competitive grants to communities This funding is authorized from the same source as TANF funds and can be used for the same activities, if specifically targeted to "[moving] individuals into and (keeping individuals in lasting unsubsidized employment" (Federal Transit Administration 1998). 80


It is difficult to ass ess the true amount of funds expended through TANF and WtW Transportat i on services are viewed as a support service that allows TANF-eligible individuals to meet program mandates In another legislative barrier DHHS and DOL historically have associated expenditures with program-eligible individuals versus program services provided While the agencies have issued guidance on how the three funding sources can be co-m i ngled it i s difficult to separate transportation expenditures due to differences in cost allocation practices. Since 1996, however DOL has awarded 16 competitive grants totaling $65 million for transportation and other services. One concern however is that while job access continues to be a problem, states have not made use of the available funds for TANF. Between 1997 and 1998, $3 billion set aside for welfare reform went unspent (DeParle 1999 ; Wolf 1999). Some states, however have begun to draw down these funds using them in programs to assist the working poor, e .g., childcare, transportation, etc. Although we know, on the aggregate level that transportation is a barr ier to employment, particularly for TANF recip i ents in central cities and rural areas and that participants already may be major users of public transportation where it exists more information specifically the origin and destination information for individual users, is needed to plan job access effectively. This data may be analyzed to understand what services are available what services need to be improved and what services are still needed On the program level, barriers also e x ist. Transportation planners need to know the number of persons who want to travel from a given point to another TANF case managers not wanting to violate clients confidentiality do not provide the information needed to plan transportation Other factors that may compl i cate transportation planning include the number of TANF participants subject to work participation. This national number is relatively small. PRWORA standards for FY 1998 were 30 percent for all families and 75 percent for two parent families During FY 1998, approximately 700,000 adults participated i n work activities (Administration for Children and Families 1999 : 35). Second in areas where transit is available TANF participants may only change their destinations or the number of trips A more detailed discussion of the impacts of changes is given below. DHHS also estimates that recidivism rates may range from 8 percent for leavers who return to welfare after one quarter to as great as 23 percent for leavers after one year (Administration for Chi ldren and Families 1999 : 192) This program churning may further complicate transportation plann ing. Labor Market Concerns The most critical factors in changes in destination relate to the labor market. These include number of work hours time of day, and occupation or industry Each factor alone or combined with characteristics discussed earlier may further exacerbate barriers to public transportation Number of Hours Worked Several studies have found that while more than half of employed welfare leavers worked 30 hours or more the average number of hours was less than 40 (Brauner 1999; 81


General Accounting Office 1999 ; Loprest 1999) The number of hours worked may create difficulties for recipients relying on public transportation as travel times are likely to occur during off-peak hours when services are less frequent. If the worktrip comprises a chain stop e g., a childcare facility travel time is further e x acerbated Work Time of Day While work time of day is somewhat related to the number of hours of work this concern specifically relates to the beginning and ending of work shifts The above referenced studies also indicate that employment among welfare leavers is highly concentrated in specific industri e s and oc c upations that have shift hours extending beyond the traditional 8 : 00 a m until 5 : 00 p m As with hours worked when work shifts extend beyond traditional commute times transit services may be less frequent or nonexistent. Childcare as related to public transportation also is of concern The availability of 24 hour daycare centers or the location of these types of centers may e x acerbate transportation problems. Occupation or Industry Again, the studies of welfare leavers found that about two-thirds are employed in service sales or clerical or administrative occupations About three-quarters of leavers are employed in the service or trade industries The occupation and industry concerns for public transportation are related to geography As discussed earlier welfare recipients generally do not reside near potential places of employment. There are ancillary factors that do not have a direct impact on public transit but may be expected to affect travel behavior of the target group First, the average earnings of welfare leavers are between $5 .50 and 7.00 per hour (National Governors' Association 1998) This may contribute to frequent changes in travel needs as leavers look for better wages or return to TANF Second many jobs in the service industry may be seasonal particularly those associated with the tourist industry. This may contribute to frequent changes in employment or return to TANF And finally changes in the e c onomy The United States is experiencing a major economic boon Welfare leavers are beneficiaries of this growth ; however as the economy slows down they may be among the first to be laid off" due to their lack of seniority e x perience or skills As welfare rolls decrease it appears that many people are leav ing welfare for employment. The types of employment that many are finding, however do not suggest that leavers will be able to assume personal responsibility." Numerous studies have indicated that education has a positive effect on earnings. To date, there has been little emphasis on education and training beyond on-the job training and education mandates for teenage TANF participants States, however, are allowed some flexibility in education and training programs. Access to education and training facilities may become more of a factor for leavers in the future 82


Geographic or Regional Issues In addition to the s patial mismatch issue s discussed above, there are several geographic and regional issues related to the availability of public transit. As discussed earlier nearly 40 percent of rural residents live in areas without any public transportation services. The preponderance of "edge cities"" ... combining residential, bus i ness social and cultural areas that are removed from older central cities and overlaid on earlier patterns of suburbanization ... presents problems in urban areas where public tra nspo rtation may be more readily available Whether through spatial mismatch or being le ft behind there are areas or neighborhoods in the United States where poverty is concentrated Van Kempen (1997:435) states place has meaning for social life and on attainment and place of residence can be a factor in the poverty problem Many pe rsons in poverty areas lack not only access to goods and services, but also information on job opportunities and requirements. Here transportation and information have considerable ove rlap in regard to social and economic mobility Many of the geographical or regional issues cannot be addressed in t he near term As former FTA Administrator Gordon Linton stated Reverse commute programs are wrong They are not immoral. At best, they are short-term, stop gap measures But you are asking people to travel to places to work where they cannot live (Linton 1993 ) A generation ago a 1967 Business Week article read F or Washington s [D.C ] big (63%) Negro popula tion, rapid transit offers the prospect of better access to jobs in the suburbs, where warehouses and plants have been fleeing in search of cheaper land (Sealy 1967:60) Today 's spatial patterns of poverty pockets edge cities exurbs and fortified enclaves" have been developing for more than 30 years and are part of the economic and o ther social characteristics of the United States Place may carry economic social and cultural capital. Public transportation may contribute to the enhancement of capital or fort ify the enclaves. 83


Endnote 1 A second conference was not convened until October 1996 Early findings from this dissertation resea rch were presented at that conference. The research agenda has grown considerably 2. The terms ethnic and racial minority are used to be cons istent with federal terminology. Federal terms are based on those of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), Statistical Policy Direct ive No 15 Four races, white, black American Indian (a lso includes Eskimo and Aleut) Asian or Pacific Islander The Census Bureau uses ethnicity to denote Hispanic origin Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race The directive which promulgated for all Federa l agencie s the racial and ethnic ca tegories now in use was not issued until 1977 It is currently being considered for revi sion. 3 The U S Bureau o f the Census s (1999) definition of poverty inc l udes money income before taxes but doe s not include capi tal gains and noncash benefits, e g publi c housing, Medi ca id, or food s tamps Persons living in military barracks institutional groups quarters and unrelated individual s under 15 years old are not included in the poverty universe Persons receiving AFDC or TANF payments would be included in the poverty u niverse if their total family income is l ess than the threshold for the fami ly size and composition The poverty univer se also may include i nd ivi dual s who do not receive AFDC or T ANF payments, but whose money income is less than the thre shol d for the family size and composition. The U S Census Bureau data is introduced and u se d as it provides a more comprehensive range of variables, e g money income region, ethnicity, and residence than is available on AFDC or TANF recipients. 4 Closely associated to mismatch is the l eft behind" hypothe sis. "The central argument is that mass suburbanization of first the affluent and l ater the middl e c lasses drained the centra l c ities from their more well-t odo and better-educated population leaving the i nner city to those who are n ot able to move (Van Kempen 1997 : 435) 84


CHAPTER 4 THE SYMPOSIA ON AFRICAN AMERICAN MOBILITY ISSUES Transportation Work and Knowledge in an Academic Research Institute: The Setting The Comprehensive Resea rch Institute (CRI) is i n t he southeastern region of the United States It was established by an act o f the State s legi slature in the late 1980s to conduct public transportation policy research for the State and to seek funding to conduct such research on a national level. The organization operates within a college of a s tate university Since its inception CRI has experienced phenomena l growth. I n less than 10 years it grew from one employee to more than 75-approximately one-half fa c ulty one-third students and the remainder, support staff. Its annua l budget for fiscal year 1995 was estimated at $5.5 million placing it overall among the top five of its category of research institutes in the United States By FY 1995 it also had been designated by federal statute as a national urban transit institute (NUTI) among univers i ty transp o rtation centers While CAl's enabling legislation mandates research it also has a teaching commitment to the college The staff also teach in other colleges of the univers i ty and has established lia iso ns with other colleges and departments through its r esearch projects and other interests The organization prides itself on practical "real -wor ld" exper i ence and boasts of a staff that has such experience and the capabilities to condu ct innovative research. CRI describe s itself as a multidisciplinary mul timodal research organization Staff members work in multidisciplinary teams G ive n the federal state and local mandates concerning affirmative action and equal employment opportunity, CAl's pub l ic policy legi slative mandate and its stated style, notable ethnic gender and race differences in the division of labor or compensation should not be found within CRI. By 1990 women and minorities represented almost 45 and 19 percent of the United States civilian labor force, respectively according to U S Department of Labor statistics (1994). With the growth in public sector employment particularly women 's employment CAl s staff could be expected to reflect significant representation of minorit i es and women when compared with the general population and that of mass transportation riders (During his testimony at the 1994 Congressional B l ack Caucus Transportation Braintrust, Gordon Linton Federal Transit Administrator, stated that African Americans comprise approximately 11 percent of the population and represent 33 percent of transit riders Hispanics represent 8 percent of the population and approximately 16 percent of public transportation riders Whites make up 70 percent of the population and 44 percent of users of public transportation ) Roughly, 40 percent of CAl's funding for FY 1995 was 85


derived from transit contracts. Considering all of the above women and minority resear chers would be expected to provide personal insights to CRI's research. But just as women and minorities generally tend to be underrepresented in managerial or other decisionmaking positions in American society this is the reality at CRI. This underrepresentation or lack of power serves to keep women s and minorities issues off the research agenda. When my colleag ues and I were told that there was no market for African-American transportation research, the message was that it was of no interest. Why ? If for example, research showed correlations between housing segregation and la ck of employment opportunities perhaps there would be less of an argumen t that African Amer icans and o the r minorities are just lazy and don t wa n t to work ." And maybe as a society we could address these conditions-housing seg reg ation unemployment-instead of the rhetoric The following chapter discusses how sociopolitica l environment of transportation policy research and access to the decisionmaking process inform that arena Transportation Case Study : "This Job Doesn't Play to Your Skills Several forces intersected at CRI. To paraphrase Kunstler the politics of place [and the politics of space] coincide with the politics of race ( 1993 : 193). The CRI D i rector had bragging rights among his colleagues in the college. He modestly stated, at one time that although there were three Af rica n-American faculty at CRI, the Institute could do a much better job. We were hypnotized by this rhetoric and proceeded on our mission The first year of the symposium we received a CRI in-house grant of $10 000 and a $15 000 grant from the state. While this amount may seem hefty, it should be taken in consideration of CRI s state-f unding the source o f the in-house grant of $1. 5 m i llion The goal was not simply to convene a symposium, but also to use this forum as a mechanism to identify mobility issues affecting the African-American community and to move these issues onto the research agenda. We were not that naive though As discussed earlier, just as the director had advised that our immediate supervisors would not have been receptive to the idea of the symposium we also knew that no one immediately was going to fund us to do research that would suggest public transportation might be a structural constraint. Lack ing the funds to do the research we were us ing the tried-and-true community tactics of using the resources available people. A fter all, the Federa l Highway Administrator and the Federal Transit Administrat or were African Americans. To convene a national symposium $25 000 was a negligib l e amount to fund three researchers Failure to fund the symposium while not political sui c ide certainly would not cast potential grantors in a favorable light. So a token gesture could be made Here we 're supportive We re just not that supportive. There also were deeper issues What if the symposium had been adequately funded? What if even 50 percent of our time had been funded to work on the symposium all year ? What if we didn't have to beg? There were other forces also at work. Tyrone the first African-American researcher hired at CRI predating me "the obligatory second by six months was told "This job doesn t play to your skills T his statement was made after he had been w i th CRI for more than two 86


years. I was suddenly bumped up to the position of deputy for operations. Our th ird colleague was told that he should do the work for which he was hired. Here were all these competing forces-little funding, increased responsibilities questioned of capabilities and the symposium. We called it being set up to fail. If the symposium was a success, then public transportation could be examined as a contributor to continued Afri can-American disenfranchisement. If the symposium was a success once again Afr i can Amer i cans would have taken meager resources and accomplished big things The superhumans." If the symposium was a success it could lead to opportunities for research that addressed the social issues related to public transportation The sympos ium was not supposed to succeed. Research Issues from the Symposia : Four Years of Convening the Symposium The symposium grew out of our excitement over the promise of ISTEA spec i fically the opportunity for greater public participation We viewed the sympos ium as a tool in providing access to the transportation decision making process We learned that discuss i on of mobility issues of African Americans was not regarded as legit i mate by the majority of our colleagues at CRI. Internal considerations include the amount of l ocal funding all o cated ; the lack of support from other staff ; and the struggle to focus on Afr i can Amer i can mobil i ty needs versus "minority needs Transportation Case Study: "We'll All Be Glad When It's Over" In discussions with the director of CRI about the prob l ems with ethnicity, gender and race, he always asked for examples or specifics. At a debriefing o n the second African-Ameri can Mobility Symposium a colleague and I tr ied t o e x pla i n why we perce i ved that there was a lack of internal support for the symposium We rem i nded him of the two to three-year battle that had occurred, internally to convene the symposium-that it had never been looked upon favorably. He took great offense. My colleague pointed out that it had been up to he r superv i sor to congratu l ate the organ i zers on the success o f gaining the support of both t h e fede r al h i ghway and transit administrators to part i cipate i n the symposium (The attendance of two administrators for any transportation funct ion was a first and only for CRI.) The di r ector stated that it was h i s approach to try to spread the "kudo-giving among the senior management staff We reminded him that his only comment following the kudos had been, Yes and we 'll all be glad when it [the symposium] is over. He paused and looked crestfallen He stated, I trashed your sympos i um ." It was in that moment that he understood his power its i nfluence, and its implications While it may not have been his intention to trash the symposium his failure to provide a supportive comment in fact by providing a comme n t that could be construed as negative, sent a disparaging message to the staff His stateme n t was destructive. Also in his statement he failed to see the continuing problem He sa i d I trashed_your 87

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symposium." Not the symposium. And by no means, oursymposium. The symposium was still Other," not part of the organization's greater agenda. Public Transportation and African-American Mobility While African Americans make up the largest share of public transit riders -31 percent-they are usually absent from the decisionmaking process on issues, policies and programs that affect their travel behavior and needs. On 24 March 1994 the African-American Mobility Symposium (AAMS) was convened in Tampa. The symposium established the first forum in recent times to discuss the special transportation problems and needs of African Americans. The purpose of the symposium was to create a mechanism for the exchange of information and ideas related to mobility needs of the Afr ican -Amer ican community. A second symposium was convened in 1995 A third in 1996 and a fourth in 1997 The symposia did attract state local and federal transportation professionals community representatives, elected officials students, and academicians from the U nited States and the Caribbean The first year there were more than 60 participants. In 1997 the number of participants was more than 260. The presenters were representative of the participants Special activities were developed for students incl uding posters sessions. Each year, a steering committee comprising representatives of funding agencies, transportation providers and academicians provided oversight on topics, assisted in identifying speakers and participants, and provided other assistance. One steering committee member stated that a similar effort had been attempted in the early 1980s but did not continue. The symposia did meet the objective of providing a forum for the discussion of mobility issues related to African Americans It also brought together researchers planners providers and community leaders to discuss t hese issues in a comprehens ive manner. Over the years several presenters at the symposia provided i nformation on the ways in which transportation resources have been used adversely affected the African-Ameri can community These data provided evidence on the manner in which transportation policies and programs may serve to delineate and reproduce gender ethnic and racial hierarchies A few of the more salient issues from the symposia are discussed below Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS) Intelligent transportation systems (ITS) refer to applications of state-of-the-art and emerging technologies to multi modal transportation problems ITS technologies are thought to enable transportation planners and developers innovat i ve and cos t-effective solutio n s and to provide more efficient use of infrastructure and energy resources Additional benef i ts are to include improvements in safety, productivity accessibility and mobility These applications may take the form of electronic, information or telecommunication technologies that are used as part of the transportation roadway vehicles or anc illary infrastructure such as signage, global positioning systems (GPS) to locate vehicles, or smartca rds" for electronic fare collection. ITS remained a topic at each sympo sium because of its heavy 88

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reliance on technology. The dedication of funding for high-tech investments versus buses has been a contentious point for some transit advocates, particularly those repre sent ing low-income and minority communities. A total of eight papers or presentations were given over the four-year period If ITS is beneficial however the characteristics of users must be understood and incorporated into its design and deployment. Afr ican Ame ric ans, i n ge neral, and African-American elderly, in particular may be at risk of becoming marginalized as users of ITS unless the technologies are made accessible to them. Guerr i er and Jolibois suggest that the baseline of development of ITS technologies should focus on the elderly because changes related to the aging process will significantly influence use of the technologies (1995:39). They also state ... the African-American elderly are likely to be most affected since he or she has a greater probability of suffering from functional l i m it at io ns than his or her white counterparts (1995:39)." Many transit systems have developed websites that provide route maps and other pertinent data for travelers If low-income persons do not have telephones however even telephone calltakers may be too high-tech. As transportation solutions become more closely associate with communication, as with ITS, the digital divide becomes another mobility barrier. Taylor states It is doubtful that the African-American population will benefit from ITS because of iso lation vehicle ownership disparity and a lack of technical knowledge (2000:1 03). In addition to physical limitations socioeconomic status and access to ITS technologies are crucial concerns. In 1996 the poverty rate for blacks was 28.4 percent (Lamison-White 1997:vi). According to census data the lower an i ndividual's income the less access and use of computers, including access to computers i n schools. In general i t seems that if the goal of ITS technologies is improving the management of transportat ion the poor and the elderly particularly the ethnic and racial minor i ty poor and e l derly may not have acce s s to these technologies The impact of these technologies on these groups may have broad societal implications Environmental Justice The first symposium was held shortly after the release of the executive order on environmental justice, issued 11 February 1994 as Executive Order 12898 Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations Environmental justice as it applies to equity in the distribution o f transportation resources really was the crux of the symposia. The other topics may be considered a subset of issues or problems as related to African Americans and equal access A t otal of 11 papers or presentations were provided on environmental justice dur ing the four years. The Executive Order has as its main purpose the reinforcement of existing environmental and civil rights legislation to ensure that these populations are not subject to disproportionately high and adverse environmental effects EPA 's Office of Environmental Justice offers the following definition of "environmental justice ": The fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race co lor national origin or income with respect to the development, 89

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implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws regulations and policies. Fair treatment means that no group of people, including racial ethnic or socioeconomic group should bear a disproportionate share of the negative environmental consequences resulting from industrial, municipal and commercial operations or the execution of federal, state, local and tribal programs and policies (Office of Enforcement and Compliance Assurance 2000). There is a school of thought that "environmental justice is a discipline that focuses on the recognition and mitigation of such discrepancies [i.e., disparate impacts of transportation planning and development] Forkenbrock and Schweitzer state, however that "environmental justice represents a public policy goal of ensuring that adverse human health or environmental effects of government activities do not fall disproportionately upon minority or low-income populations" (Forkenbrock 1997 : 1 ) The Executive Order builds upon the directives outlined in the Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the National Environmental Policy Act of 1989, and the Clean Air Act as amended, all of which are strongly linked to TEA-21. The USDOT goal to become a model agency for protecting and enhancing the environment and quality of life of its inhabitants parallels the strategy set forth in the Executive Order. USDOT issued a departmental order on environmental justice in 1997. FHWA issued a related administrative order in 1998. Beyond environmental justice all the human and environment assessment issues are based on legislation and regulations that direct evaluation in the transportation planning and project development process. These directives relate to economic, social and environmental effects. The topics fall into several areas: community cohesion; environmental impact assessment; environmental justice; landuse planning; and socioeconomic impacts. Ethnic or racial minority and low-income population groups appear to experience differences in disease and death rates ; however the data explaining the environmental contributions to these differences are limited. Information normally is not collected on environmental health effects by race and income. Nor is it collected on health risks posed by multiple industrial facilities or transportation facilities. For diseases known to have environmental causes, data are not typically disaggregated by race and socioeconomic group. The literature suggests that racial minority and low-income populations experience higher than average e x posures to selected air pollutants and hazardous waste fac i lities This exposure does not always lead to serious health problems but is cause for health concerns. Finally, consideration of these issues relates to the distribution of and access to resources-power differentials. Manheim states An essential characteristic of transportation is the differential incidence of its impacts Some groups will gain from any transportation change ; others may 90

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lose. Therefore transportation choices are essentially sociopolitical choices : the interests of different groups must be balanced {1979:19). The sociopolitical choices of past transportation actions, particularly as related to the interstate highway system historically have disproportionately affected low-income or minority ethnic communities As early as 1970, Helen Leav itt documented the disrupt i on of black communities by superh i ghway plans (Leavitt 1970) In fivided Lewis also documents several African American communities displaced by the interstates (Lew i s 1997:186-89 197, 199) More recently grassroots organizations have begun to cha ll enge transportation investments in roads versus pedestrian and bicycle facilities as African Americans and other people of color walk bicycle and use transit more than their white counterparts, but are more likely to be victims of automobile-pedestrian or -bicycle crashes than average (Corless 2000 : 8) Grassroots organizations also have been successful i n cha ll eng i ng expenditures for light rail versus rubber tire transit in Atlanta and Los Ange l es (Bullard 2000:4; Garcia 2000 : 1 0} As one of the leading researchers on transportation and environmental justice states, Transportation is not just law It is politics and community. It is morality" (Oede l 2000:10). The Overrepresentation of African Americans among Persons with Disabilities The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990, extended the legislat i on of Titles II and VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehab i litati o n Act of 1973 As related to transportation ADA provides disabled persons fu ll accessibil i ty with protection from discrimination in both private and public services ADA however is an unfunded mandated That is public transportation providers were required to develop plans and provide facilities for accommodation of persons with disab i l i ties w i th no new funding. The legislation has the potential to have tremendous influence on the industry USDOT established three categories of ADA passenger eligibility : passengers who have limited physical mobility due to a disability and find it difficult to board ride or deboard fixed route vehicles without assistance; passengers who because of lack of transportation at a particular time or place of travel cannot independently use a fixed route service ; and passengers who because of physical mobility and environmenta l barriers cannot access a bus or rail stop (Burton 1996:19}. The 1990 Census estimated that there were roughly 16.4 million persons between the ages of 16 and 64 with a work disability, mobility limi t at i on or a self-care lim i tation There is some suggestion that persons from racial or ethn i c minority gr o ups may be overrepresented among persons with disabilities According to Sharon Ransome Smith, National Easter Seal Foundation, Project ACTION, 6 2 million (or 1-in-5) African Americans are disabled. That is 20 percent of persons who are disabled are Afr i can American while African Americans are 12 percent of the general population Many disab l ed persons are able to work however the nature of their d i sabilities are such that they cannot t r ansport themselves This suggests the transportation needs of rac i al and ethnic minor i ties may be further exacerbated by the presence of a disabling condition 91

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While only five presentations directly related to persons with disabi lit ies, other topical areas did address the mobility problems faced by persons with disabilities. The relationship between a disabling condition and the need for public transportation is not obvious to the public and on some occasions, was not obvious to symposium attendees Persons with disabilities also are invisible in U S society Af rican Americans liv ing in inner cities may face triple or quadruple jeopardy if they also are disabled women. As discussed in Chapter 4 this may be true for a significant number of persons i n the TANF program. Getting a Place at the Table in Order to Get a Piece of the Pie : Convening the Symposia Ag ain as discussed in Chapter 2, getting an issue onto the public policy agenda does always lead to a policy solution. Ronald Walters states, Th e politics of black people are contro lled by the Democratic party and organized labor because these entities foot the bill. In fact there is a formula : blacks supply the votes as a reliable part of the Democratic party coalition fueled by the funding by Democrats and labor often determining victory for Dem ocratic candidates Then, when blacks demand that their agenda be fulfilled there is an impasse because they do not own their political resources and as such cannot really demand. The end result amounts to a sophisticated form of begging (2000:238). The lack of political and othe r resources result in begging for a place at the political table. I n the case of the symposia we were able to use the $10 000 token as seed money to some advantage because of the political mood of the Clinton Administration. The first year of the symposium, the Federal highway administrator the FHWA associate administrator for policy and the Federal transit administrator were A frican Americans By 1997 the last year a symposium was co nvened, the highway administrator had advanced to the secretariat of the U S D epa rtment of Transportation. Although the budget for the symposium i n creased, we also measured our success i n social capital. Using the $10 000 as seed money we prepared other proposals for matching funds in order to produce the first symposium. We also solicited participation from industry professionals state and federal representatives, and others to serve on a steering committee to assist in attracting additional funds, help identify issues participants and speakers The steering committee also added credibility In keeping with the themes of inclusion and public participation the issues and the forum were broadened beyond those of the three researchers The s teering committee selected from among their ranks two representatives to serve as co-chairpersons A steering committee was solicited and served each year. The first year of the symposium, th e budget was $25 000, and registration fees. By the fourth year, the budget was $130,000. Again for each dollar that CRI invested in the symposium the average return was $1.58. Of the 75 to 80 staff members at CRI, little support in the form of attendance, papers or presentations came from the staff In fact there was resistance to the attendance of t he 92

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African American support staff Throughout the year the African-American support staff were told the same th i ng as the African American researche r s Th is job doesn't play to your skills." Yet when we wanted the support staff 's assistance once a year for the two-day symposium there was a great gnashing of teeth-the agency could not survive if all the support staff left Like the i r counterparts at transit agenc i es African Americans are overrepresented among the support staff at CRI, comprising about 50 percent of these classifications. In the early years of the symposium, we were adv i sed that African American support staff participation in the symposium was inappropriate because it did not relate to their jobs. While there was resistance to African-American support staff participation the lack of encouragement of researchers to participate in the symposium also can be interpreted as resistance to the symposium If CRI 's researchers had no papers to present they should have attended in order to inform their research especially given the percentage of research related to mass transit. When we asked the director about encouraging participation by researchers, he stated it would not be appropriate for too many researchers to attend It would give the appearance of squandering public dollars. Yet that same year CRI funded attendance at a SUCCESS Seminar Peter Lowe International, a nonprofit educational organization, provides one-day seminars in various cities to about 250,000 attendees per year. The seminar consists of about 10 prominent speakers who share their secrets of success to an average audience of 10,000 to 15, 000 business professionals" (Lowe 2000). Tickets cost about $50.00 each. Seminar speakers for that 1994 venue included former President George H W Bush and his wife Barbara ; General H Norman Schwarzkopf the deputy commander of the 1983 invasion of Grenada and the allied commander of the 1991 Persian Gulf War ; Zig Zig l ar the career development guru recognized by Congress for ... his dedication to America and the free enterprise system; Peter Lowe ; Paul Harvey controversial radio news commentator; Dr. Ted Broer nutritional doctor and author; and Mary Lou Retton Olympic gymnast and more recently a poster person for the Southern Baptist Convention Not only were public funds used for this partisan seminar CRI faculty were required to attend. Encouraging staff to attend presentations by the federal administrators was not appropriate however Further insult was added when we were asked to invite one or both administrat ors of the Federal Highway Administration and Federal Transit Administrat i on to v i s i t the offices of CRI. Our white colleagues did not understand why we were offended by this request. The administrators were providing funding for the symposia As a simple gesture of courtesy, CRI staff reasonably could be expected to attend their presentations Instead the administrators were expected to trek 15 to 20 miles out to CRI. It seemed as if the administrators owed something to CRI. When we asked why the administrators would be interested in visiting CRI the response was 'to see what we're doing ." The place to see what CRI was doing, in our view was at the symposia. This mentality was reflected at the local level. As a matter of political protocol, we always informed the mayor's office of the administrators participation i n the symposia The first year of Tampa (Florida) Mayor Dick Greco s most recent adm i nistration he sent the city's liaison to the African-Amer i can community The second year he ini tially advised that 93

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he could not attend Th e opening day of the symposium Mayo r Greco arrived, with the liaison to the African-American community during the transit administrator s presentat ion. He did not go into the meeting room, but waited for several minutes in the foyer A message was sent to the dias that the mayor had arrived When the administrator finished his presentation the moderator announced that the mayor of Tampa had arr ived and asked if he wanted to make remarks Greco had left The mayor of Gainesville an African American who also was in attendance commented to the admin is trator and the aud ie nce I want you to note that I am here. I would have waited. One year CAl s newsletter ran a photograph of the transit administrator but identified him as the highiNay adm i nistrator. Allegedly there is an i nternal review process of all publications At least my African-American colleagues and I have been careful to follow the review procedures Maybe the new s letter was reviewed and the two administrators just lo oked alike? Maybe no one cared that such a mistake was made. The African American researchers wrote a letter of apology to the transit administrator The symposia occurred and there was great representation of African American s at higher levels of government particularly transportation. Ther e is, however continued resistance to addressing the relationship between lack of spatial mobility and lack socioeconomic mobility for Afri can Ameri cans. This is another area where policies important to the Afr ica n-American community continue to reflect the polit i cal moods of whites (Herring 1994 ) Rabin writes Despite the growth in academic attention to the characteristics and condition of the underclass and the widespread media attention to drugs and violence in the ghetto the issues of ghetto isolation and Black poverty are strikingly absent from the public agenda ... So sweeping has been t he pol i tical shift to the righ t i n the Congress that support for any legislation i ntended to remedy or even to mitigate the effect of racial i nsolation seems at present inconceivable. As a consequence, the quality of l i fe of those consigned to ghetto poverty is now determined not by the nation 's professed standards of equity and decency but by the expedient and inequitable outcomes of an increasi ngly unconstrained private market ( Rabin 1997 : 1 06) By focusing on the tangle of pathology" of drugs and violence that face Af rican Americans in inner cities the public policy agenda blames the vict i m Little consideration is given to the historical, material and continuing conditions that reproduce the pathology The symposia were token gestures The appointments of record numbers of Afr ican Amer icans to the Clinton administrations were token gestures Why? Because the issues that affect masses of African Americans have yet to be addressed Transportation Case Study : How Do You Define Success? The first symposium was convened in March 1994 Afr icanAmeri can faculty member s at CR 1 acted as the principal investigators More than 60 part i c i pants attended 94

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and the symposium received a good rating Participants strongly recommended that the symposium be repeated in 1995 and expanded to a two-day format. In April 1995 a second two-day symposium was convened The 1995 symposium was significant in that it featured keynote addresses by Gordon Linton Adm i nistrator of the Federal Transit Admin istration and Rodney Slater then Administrator of the Federa l Highway Administration, and a presentation by Florida State Senator James Hargrett The more than 80 panelists and attendees at the 1995 symposium gave the event a good rating, again and pledged their support of future meetings. The 1996 symposium, held 14 through 16 April built on the experiences and issues provided from the earlier sympos i a and continued the discou r se on the special transportation needs of the African-American commun ity It provided a forum for continuing the exchange of ideas information and for discuss ion of transportation planning, programming, and policy issues as they relate to the Afr icanAme rican population. That year s symposium included additional information and technology t ransfer activities that extended beyond convening the symposium, including the establishment of an Internet presence and video production of the inspirational keynote address of the Honorable A lc ee Hastings, U S House of Representatives 23rd D i strict. Based on the ratings and recommendations received in 1996 a fo urth symposium was convened again, in Tampa The fourth sy mposium was attended by more than 230 participants from the United States and the Caribbean We particularly were pleased with the level of student participation, notably from Florida Agric ultural and Mechanical University Florida International University South Carolina State University and t he University of South Flor ida. As in previous years the project was a collaborative effort. Sponsors included the University of South Florida (USF), the American Public Transit A ssocia tion (APTA); Amtrak National Railroad Passenger Corporation; the Conference on Minority Transportation Officials (COMTO); the Federal Highway Administrat i on (FHWA); Federal Trans i t Administrat ion (FTA); Flor ida Agricultural & Mechanical Univ ers i ty ; the Flor i da Transit Asso ciation; General Motors, Inc. ; Hillsborough Regional T ransit Authority (HART li ne) ; Institute on Black Life at the University of S outh Flor ida; National Transportation Consort i um of Minority Colleges and Universities ; National Transportation Consortium of States; Project ACTION ; Sverdrup Civil, Inc.; and the Women s Transportation Sem i nar (WTS) A steering committee, representing transportation and public officials, as in previous years, assisted the project team in developing topics, symposium format and potent ial speakers. Given its growing partic i pation and increased fund ing, the symposium became a focal point for various agendas. The question of why was it just Af rican Ame ricans and not minorities resurfaced. While I do not see conspiracies in every action, I am not as naive as I was at the beginning of the symposia. The fourth year of the symposium was an e l ection year for the state of Florida Not only was there strong support for Republicans among transportation interests a number of black leaders were supportive The rationale being the line is shorter on that side ." That is, blacks may seem t o move to posit i ons of prominence quicker on the Republican side. The line may be shorter for individual bla cks, 95

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but certainly not for black issues Also, while the positions may be prominent they may lack power. One is simply a flak -catcher with no resources to effect positive change. Ward Connerly, the African-American California regent who championed Proposition 209 in California, targeted Florida as next his stop. When asked in 1994, what would he do for blacks, Jeb Bush the major Republican contender responded "Nothin g ." Second, by 1997, the symposium had gained white recognition Letters i n the conference program from the U. S. President the Governor of Florida and the Pre s ident of the University of South Florida welcomed attendees When Julian Bond canceled as the keynote speaker, we were able to get Mark Alan Hughes Ph D ., former P rinceton faculty member and senior fellow at the Brookings Institution' s Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy Representative Earl Hilliard then Vice Chairperson of the Congress ionaJ B lack Caucus and Chairperson of the Transportation Braintrust issued a CongressionaJ Resolution recognizing the symposium. Strategically the fourth symposium was a major success, which made it a major problem The ability to move the issues through the sympos ium onto the national agenda, at least symbolically may have been threaten i ng Remember the original goal of the symposium was to garner to support to conduct research on mobility issues affecting African Americans. At the end of the sympos i um when debriefing with the steerlng committee, the question of a name change was discussed The steeri ng coJTVTJittee agreed to change the name to Mobility Issues of Afri can -Ameri cans and Othel!" P eoplle of Cot'lor.. The term "African Americans was to be retained to pro v ide a l ink to the pl!"evious The committee stated that the terms minorit i es and ethnic"" wer e rathelf pefjorative.. A growing body of research particularly in the area of e nvi ron mental j ustice tlt1att transportation actions had disproportionately high and adv erse i mpacts on and other communities of color. Perverse logic struck, again The di rector stated CAl's lOO .. specifically an African-American and a H i span i c board members d fkdl a_glfee w this tllle . Thus, began a year' s long debate over the name of the sy111p05ium. We were t!1h1att while CAl's board of directors wanted the name to change, it was ttJtuatt t!lh1e content would remain the same. If that was the case t hen the li1lamle? Tine CAll director told us that he was sure that the stee ri ng comrrittee wouk1 agree to a dtlferrermtt name if the African-American facutty wo uld agree to a 11tte committee comprised 15 professionals from throughout ttne were representatives of different offices in USOOT. Three of the oo the committee provided funding in addition to CAL In FebnluJaJfY 1l!re CJRII wrote and telephoned the FHWA representative requestti ing to 11111\e.et iilfll ooi(tltn llrelr and other FHWA offic i als She responded Your explicit and imp li c it statements caused l!'ll1e armctl .. tllhlermne .. made it necessary for me to firmJy state i n Wlfiitin_g 1tiOl rm the role and respons i bilit i es o f FHWA ... the ii!ilimll ami1l for [the symposia] were devel oped o n your ---lbo/ Mrii:!:3mAmerican researchers ... thei r goal was to establ lfm tkO> 3lll\rtl discuss criticaJ issues related to

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Accordingly while AAMS was concerned with the plight of African Ameri cans, it also addressed the needs of Hispanics, A sians, and others through its broad call for paper ... and the selection of presentations and topics ... These issues focused primarily on the needs of the low-income communities, which by their very nature would include Africa n Americans, Hispanics Asians and others ... since no prior approval is required by FHWA it is my position that you are free to proceed as you deem appropriate with your proposed preparations for future symposi[a] It appears that in telephone conversations and letters the CRI director had attempted to have the federal highway representative, Jean change the name of the symposium Jean s letter to Kyle indicated that the symposium had never exc l uded others ; that while the focus was on African-American mobility issues i t had been i nclusive in i ts content, outreach, and attendance. If Kyle wanted to develop a different symposium she advised that he was free to do so We never saw the CRI director s letter and were not aware of the letter or the phone call until he gave us copies of the FHWA representative 's letter My copy had a note from him Now what? Since I had not been privy to his letter or phone call I had no advice for him He alleged that her comments in the letter were different from what she sa i d i n the telephone call. I think the letter clearly stated that CRI was free to deve l op future sympos ia and if they were of interest FHWA would" ... welcome the opportunity to work with [CRI] on areas of interest ... The director s letter and telephone call appeared, to me, to be the tail wagging the dog. All things being equal, how could a research organization dictate to a funding source what the funding source would and would not fund? This type of behav ior did not occur on other projects We also were advised that while the name would change the African-American faculty should continue to be the principal investigators One of the reasons that we had been given for the proposed name change was that some participants appeared to be uncomfortable with the name African American. The content was not to change nor were the investigators to change If participants were uncomfortable would a simple name change make them feel more at ease? We advised that we did not th i nk that partic i pants would be comfortable if the same investigators were to develop some future symposium First, 1 advised that I had reservations about attempting to rep r esent African American issues As a researcher in an academic institute I have an elite pos i tion I am not a major consumer of mass transportation Also the steering com mittee had no representatives from the general public To take on other ethnic groups I felt it would be appropriate to engage others as principal i nvestigators. Secon d we did n o t have comparable research to develop topics for a multicultural symposium readily ava i lable, all the more reason to engage other researchers. Finally, I felt that it wou l d be offensive for me to attempt to speak for all minorities As Jean said there are many ethn i c minority groups, the experiences of persons of color-raceare quite different from those who ca n whiten up. 97

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The issue of the name has not been resolved The last sympos ium was convened in 1997 Since that time numerous persons have said to me, What s in a name? Go ahead have the symposium under any name At least the issues will stay on the agenda. I have not agreed. I usually respond that compromises of th is nature led to those boat rides a few centuries ago. Names have meaning The stripping of Africans of their names relig ions, families and other cultural ties was a systematic process to isola te and depr i ve my ancestors of community and a sense of self I live with the legacy of that process each day. To ask me, an African American to convene a symposium where it is anticipated that the topics will be about African-American transportation problems but not to call it an African-American symposium is to ask me to take an active role in the reproduction of that process What about making part ici pants more "co mfortable?" One of the goals was to provide providers and policymakers with a better understanding of m obi lity issues. As the FHWA representative stated, the development of the topics the presentations and papers and marketing were never exclusionary. To say that the symposium's name should be changed from African-American to "minority" is to suggest that African-Amer ican" was used as some type of moniker that barred participation by the larger community. Th is projects onto the symposium a type of militancy that never was professed i n the proposal the marketing materials nor the symposium itself However by pos i tioning the symposium as a militant vehicle, the forum could be dismantled and its purpose remain unserved. That was and is the real issue. A multimillion dollar multiyear proposal was developed and placed before the steering committee in late 1997 The proposal was to convene a symposium however its major thrust was a clearinghouse technical assistance information exchange, and research. Instead of meeting for two-to-three days each year and have everyone go home feeling good we were poised to develop and implement a research agenda to address the mobility iss ues We were no longer satisfied with the symbolic capital of the symposium. We were going after research dollars more than crumbs from the table We were trying to develop a Black TRB. It is about power. Lack ing economic capital, however we were stymied. We can talk about the pathologies only. We will be told how if at all, we can talk about the causal factors Isaiah was the first to go Max i ne the second and only other African Amer ican female researcher, left a couple of years later. Tyrone is gone The next obligatory second African American Donald is gone. I am trotted out when a diverse face is needed (The shortage of people of color at CRI is becoming obvious. The staff person from Egypt, who light-skinned, recently was told that she needed to be in a photograph because there were "too many whites.") Lacking resources and control of the discuss i on I have not pursued convening another symposium. In The Spook \1\..ho Sat by the Door, Greenlee 's protagonist is named Dan Freeman. (Freeman, is the first black CIA agent hence a double spook-a CIA agent and an African American.) There is significance in Greenlee's choice of names for the protagonist. The significance of the last name family name "Freeman" is fairly obvious. The hero is a free man The first name Dan may not be so obvious Dan is a common diminutive of Dan iel. The biblical story of Daniel in the lion s den is often repeated story in Sunday Schoo l and sermons in the African-Amer ican community. Like Daniel i n the lion s den I and ot her 98

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African Americans frequently think of life in America as living in the lion's den. S ome times most poignantly, in the halls of academe. The city of Privilege the Plantation is a lion s den for many African Americans Our purpose in this cou ntry was intended to increase the comfort of whites B l ack labor helped create America 's wealth In creating this wea l th black labor also created leisure Certain jobs were n i gger work." These hierarchies and spheres continue to be constructed and reproduced There are spheres of employment res i dence, and recreation that are constructed and reproduced as "pink collar''-women's work ; white collar"-professional, men's work; blue collar "-manual labor, manufacturing, or men' s work; and the service sector which is disproportitionately the sector relegated to people of color. Cynthia Wiggins s lab o r was needed at the suburban mall but there was no cons i deration o f her comfort in getting to work. The comfort or lack of comfort among African Americans other ethnic minorities, and women in the tra nsit industry should not be discussed. I will be afforded resources to convene a symposium if it makes peop l e comfortable. Otherwise I sit by the door. Not agreeing to convene another symposium by a different name and insisting on the inclusion of other experts knowledgeable about the issues of other races or ethnicities has kept me human. As in two studies of minority public administrators I agree that we should play a strong advocacy role for underrepresented communities (Herbert 1974 ; Murray 1994 : 415). This sense of advocacy was reflected in the Afri ca n Amer ica n s and others in the transit industry project discussed in Chapter 5. Advocacy, however creates dilemmas According to the Murray study Most minority administrators selected compromise strategies to resolve the pressures from the dilemmas (1994:416). I shared this study with the CRI director attempting to inform him of my experiences and that of others i n similar conditions. The sharing was not prescient. Depend ing on your humanity, spirituality sense of commitment or whatever an impasse is met where you can no longer compromise. In V\.hy Us Can-t \1\-ait, Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote While Negroes were being appointed to some sign i ficant jobs and social hospitality was being extended at the White House to Negro leaders the dreams of the masses remained in tatters The Negr o felt t hat he recognized the same old bone that had been tossed to h i m i n the past-only now it was being handed to him on a platter with courtesy (1964 : 20) The symposium was s uch a bone Because the Clinton Administ r ation had appointed several African Americans to some significant jobs th i s bone was extended over time on a silver platter. But it was still a bone When we attempted to trade that bone for something else it began to look attractive and others wanted it. The brouhaha to change the name of the symposium was a way of telling us we were not at the table. We were still getting bones And, "the dreams of the masses were still in tatte rs." 99

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CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS FROM THE APA SURVEY Survey of the Transportation Industry : African Americans, Other Minorities and Women in the Transit Industry The research design was expanded beyond Jeffress original scope due to a lack of availability of EEO reports or the unwillingnes s of transit systems to part ic ipate in the study Also, the secondary data provided little insight into self-perceptions of minorities and women who work in the public transportation industry In conjunction with the revisit to the Jeffr ess study and as co-principal investigator of the RSPA study I developed and provided oversight to the administering of a 30-question survey based on the 1991 Salary Survey of the American Planning Association (APA) As part of its social equity agenda APA added a new section to that year 's survey The new section comprised 14 questions that APA used to examine ... some of the perceptions of res pondents about se x ual and racial discrimination (Morris 1992 : 23). The survey supplements the data collected to replicate Jeffress's study by providing sample data on the social perceptions of women and ethnic and racial minorities employed in the transportation industry Many transportation professionals are members of APA Use of a survey similar to that of APA on a sample transportation population provided the opportunity not only to compare responses to the 1991 APA findings, but also to focus on issues of ethnicity gender, and race in a particular indu stry APA found ... the seriousness of both gender and race discrimination-as measured by an absolute effect on average salaries -is not very high, typically $1, 000 or less per year when all other factors are held constant. Yet based on survey responses some planners perceive discrimination to be more pervasive and perhaps more serious than these analyses suggest (Morris 1992 : 23) APA also used the survey responses to develop several salary predictor models These models were used by CRI for at least two years to determine sa l ary ranges for new hires and promotions The resistance we e x perienced with the survey is akin to that related to me by an APA staff member She stated that when APA administered the survey, she received letters from some members accusing her of white male-bashing ." The survey was valid for use by CRI when determining sa l aries. When asking perceptions of the industry including CRI however, the instrument became less valid The implication here was the survey was valid to determine salary ranges, but less valid in regard to perceptions of gender, race, and ethnicity. 100

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In this and other chapters I examine who is employed in the transit industry This investigation demonstrates that while there are people like the bus driver e i ther through lived experience or other practical knowledge can inform the decision making pro cess, their access may be limited. Survey Methodology A random sample of 500 was drawn from the membership rosters of the National Forum for Black Public Administrators (NFBPA) the Conference of Minority Transportation Officials (COMTO). the Women s Transportation Seminar (WTS), and APTA 's Minority Affairs Committee (MAC) Since NFBPA members are from all areas of the public sector, only those members easily identified as transportation personnel from their titles or places of employment were included in the sample The first mailing was made in August 1995 ; a second mailing took place in September 1995 A copy of the survey instrument is contained in Appendix B A summary of responses and selected commen ts are presented in Appendix C The survey provides a level o f inquiry beyond the replic ation of Jeffress s study. It specifically asks respondents about their perceptions of the industry, affirmative action and their place within the industry. This level of inquiry gets closer to the ethnographic record than the Census, Bureau of Labor Statistics and APTA data. It moves us from what people say they do or where they appear on an organizational chart to what they feel. Other Data Collected to Supplement Jeffress s Study The above sources for the RSPA project were supp l emented by: 17 telephone interviews of survey respondents ; an interview with Philip Jeffress ; and a site visit and interviews with two African American women at one of the transit authorities in the sa mple Survey Respondent Telephone Interviews The final survey question asked if respondents were interested in partic i pating in a telephone interview One hundred twenty-seven or 43 percent of the survey r espondents agreed to participate in a 20to 30-minute telephone interv iew. Due to time and other resource constraints, it was not feasible to interview the 119 volunteers. The numbe r of participants was reduced to 12, with five alternates. During the process of co ntact ing respondents and scheduling int e rviews we found all 17 were able to part i cipate. The guidebook que s tions and summaries of respon ses are presented in Appendi x D The purpose of the interviews was to supplement the survey. Thi s data provided more in-depth i nformation regarding respondents' experiences Although respondents may have reported that they held administrative or management positions did t hey feel that they really had decisionmaking power? Were they in i nforming the de c i sion making processes as related to the needs of public tra nsporta t i on users? 101

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Findings from the American Planning Association (APA) Survey on Workplace Equity Perceptions As discussed in earlier I developed and provided overs i ght to the administering of a 30-question survey based on the 1991 Salary Survey of the American Pla nning A ssocia tion ( APA). As part of its social equity agenda APA added a new sect i on to that year s survey comprising 14 questions that APA used to examine ... some of the perceptions of respondents about sexual and racial discrimination (Morris 1992 :23) The survey supplements the data collected to replicate Jeffress s study by providing sample data on the social perceptions o f women and ethnic and rac ial minor i t ies employed in the transportat i on industry Many transportation professiona l s are members of APA. Use of a survey similar to that of APA on a sample transportat i on population prov i ded the opportunity not only to compare to the 1991 APA f indi ngs but also to focus on issues of ethnicity gender and race in a particular industry The questionnaire used for this resear c h shown in Appendi x B asked similar questions ; howe ver, the questions regarding disability were changed from ... any impairment handicap or disability?" to ... other. (Please specify.)." There were two reasons for thi s alteration F i rst APA s response rate t o the questions was too low to be useful (Morris 1992 : 24). Second while discriminat ion in transit employment due to disability is an important researc h i ssue part icul arly in light of the Ameri ca n s with Disa bilities Act, the issue seemed to be beyond the scope of th i s research Transportation Case Study : "This Survey is Very Biased" We two (the number had dwindled) African American co-invest i gators e x perienced considerable internal resi s tan ce when trying to supplement the Jeffress data with social perceptions of women and minorities employed in the transportation indus try The proposed survey instrument was similar to that administered by APA to its 20,000-plus membership in 1991. Yet it took us over a month to convince management that the survey would be useful. When according to internal guidelines, a draft o f the survey was reviewed the reaction from one reviewer was ... seems to me to be a very [emphasis orig i nal] biased survey geared toward eliciting only negative responses ... I'd rew ord more p os itively and ask questions open-ended. Why aren t you asking que stions on the other end of the spectrum like 'Do you think you have received rrore [emphasis original] mentoring than your non minority peers? You should look for some gcxxi [emphasis or i ginal] stuff too! During this same period we were seeking permission to use APA s instrument. In a telephone call with the senior research associate respo nsible for APA s 1991 study I noticed that she seemed a little hesitant to talk She asked D o you know the size of our membership?" Yes ," I said I m a member. 102

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"We mailed the survey to our entire membership I have drawers of letters that I received stating that the survey is white 'male bashing .' I will be very interested in hear ing about your results," she said When I advised the Publications Manager of this discussion with APA she said "Oh, you don t want any of that to happen do you?" The manager of the RSPA projects called a meeting w i th the CRI Director and us stating that it was not appropriate to ask questions about salary disparities availability of training opportunities and discrimination because these types of allegations were hard to prove. At one point the Administrator asked us to fax a copy of the survey to the Federal Transit Administrator to see if he would approve it. When we questioned this level of scrutiny the Administrator stated that this was the first survey conducted as part of the RSPA funding. I reminded the Deputy that at least two other surveys had been condu c ted the same year I was a reviewer of one. The CRI Director finally agreed to let us conduct the survey without further delay Contrary to the experiences of APA and the fears of the CRI management I received a number of telephone calls from people in the sample who wanted to k now more about the research requesting copies of the completed study. Not only was the survey well-received the study was published by the National Technical Information Service i n 1996. I made a presentation on the study focusing on women in the transit industry at the Second Nat i ona l Conference on Women's Travel Issues, also in 1996 And in February 1998, I made a presentation on the study focusing on the survey results at U S Department of Transportation for the Research and Special Programs Administration, Univers i ty Lecture Series Again the survey was mailed to women and racial minorities i n the industry as identified from membership directories of professional organizations. F i ve people four males, one female all white, reviewed the survey Only one of the reviewers had no reservations about the survey Five hundred surveys were mailed; 297 were returned for a response rate of 59 percent. No letters regarding white or any other type of bashing were received Findings from the Transit Employees' Survey In general, the survey responses paralleled those of APA ; most r espondents did not believe that ... they have experienced unfair treatment in the workplace due to their ethnicity gender or race except as it relates to salary and salary i ncreases and promotions (Morris 1992 : 24) However over three-fourths of the respondents fe l t they had been denied career guidance or mentoring ; more than 50 percent fel t isolated from the information flow ; 40 percent felt they had experienced i nequitab l e opportunities for significant projects; and almost 30 percent felt they were in dead-end or support positi ons. Response frequencies and comments regarding the perceptions of minorities and women in transit follows. Frequencies include gender ethn i c i ty, age agency status years of experience income education and certification or license Information i s presented on 103

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100% 80% 60% 2% 3% 0 % 3 % 40% 1 %0.% t:lut:l 1 % 0 % 1 % 20% Figure 7 Survey Respondents by E thnicity and Gender programs in which respondents participated designed to enhance div ersity in public service, including mentoring and affirmative action programs. Respondents perceptions on minority progress in transit during the last ten years are assessed and compared with other industries. Salaries are compared between minor i ties and whit es and between the sexes Data is provided on respondents perceptions about sexua l rac i al, and ethnic discrimination Fina lly, respondents provided information abou t their percept i ons o f affirmative action. Approximately 54 percent of respondents were women ; 83 percent of all respondents said they were members of a minority group. The largest group of the respondents was Bla ck of non-Hispanic Origin; compr i sing approx i mate l y 72 percent of t h e respondents. The average age reported by the respondents was 45 years. R espondents averaged almost 14 years' experience in the industry and had held the l isted pos i tion nearl y five years. Th e average income was $62,700.00 As shown in Figur e 7, the majority of respondents were females, 162; 86 percent of all females were black. Blacks comprised 72 percent of all respondents. Whites comprised 18 percent of respondents Ninety-four percent of all whit es we r e females The h igh percentage of African Americans may be a funct i on of the organizat i ons used to solic i t participants. For example, the membership of the Confe r en c e o f M i nority Transportation Officials is predominately African American. Nearly all respondents 95 percent worked i n public age n c i es M ore than 80 percent of the respondents described their j ob category as Adm i n i strat o r / Off i c i a l o r Professional. This suggests that respondents are in management posi t ions and, at least titularly part of their organizations' decisionmaking ranks. A rev i ew of job c ategories by ethnicity and gender, however prov i des more insight into their actual responsibilit i es. Fifty104

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20 % 15 % 10% 5 % Figure 8 Respondents Salaries Frequency Distribu t i on Mno rities O Whites eight percent of white resp ondents said they were Administrators / Off i cials compared to 52 percent of all minorities and 53 percent of women of colo r No whites i n th e survey described their job category as T ec hni c ian, Pr otect ive Service, or P araP rofessional. How ever, 3 percent of women of co l or described their categor i es as Paraprofessional ; 6 percent, Administrative Support; and 4 percent other. Thi s information combined with a revi ew of the actual job titles suggested that as much as 35 percent of the posit i ons were nonpipeline, e.g., that the positions were not related to ope r ations where rout i ng h i ring, scheduling decisions are made, but rather human resources marketing finance, and so on On average respondents stated they had nearly 14 years' experience in the indus t ry, with almost five years in the current position. Women a v eraged one year less experience in both the industry and current position. Whites averaged almost one year more experience in the industry than the average. A t-t est of the means revealed no significant difference between women's or whites' experience. Th e average salary of respondents was $62,500. The frequency distrib ut i on by percentage of salaries is shown in Figure 8. When compar i ng respondents salari e s by gender, the median salary for females was $57,600; males $60 000. Women s salaries averaged $61 ,200; men, $64,000. The difference between the means was not significant. The APA study found that men averaged $624 more th an women annually (Morris 1992:32) The median salaries by et hni c i ty or race were wh i tes, $66 000 ; minorit i es $58 000. Th e average salary for minorities was $61, 1 00; whites, $68,400 At-test f or equality of the means found this differen ce was signi ficant at the p < .01 l evel suggesting tha t other factors being equal, ethnicity or race may be a m ore significant predicator of salary than gender Thi s result was consistent with find ing s from the APA stu dy, I f you are whi te you w ill earn $1 ,000 more in annual salary all other things being equa l (Morris 1992:32). It should be noted that there were few white males in the sample and that the l argest group was b l ack fema l es. While there was no signif i cant difference between t h e gender means in this 105

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0 Warren/Color EJMnorities Whites Figure 9 Comparison of Transit to Other Industries for Selected Groups sample, the difference between the means when ethnicity is added suggests that the combination of ethnicity and gender may have an adverse cumu l ative effect. That is, as a two-or three-fer, one is paid less. This is consistent with Census B ureau findings. The Census Bureau has documented a female-to-male earnings ratio gap since 1983. In 1 995, the year of the survey, the female-to-male earnings ratio was 0.71 (DeNavas and Cleveland 1996:vii). While significant gains were made between 1995 and 1996 more recent evidence suggests that the gap is widening. Men's earnings grew between 1996 and 1999 by 6.9 percent compared to 4.6 percent for women. The highest ratio during this period 0.74, in 1996, was followed by a drop in 1998 to 0.73. The ratio for 1999 was 0.72 (DeNavas and Cleveland 2000:xiii). Second when median annua l earnings are disaggregated by ethnicity DeNavas and Cleveland found the differences in Table 7. Table 7. 1995 Median Annual Earnings by Gender and E thnicity Ethnlclty Men Women Bla ck $24 428 $22.911 Hi sp anic $20,379 $17,178 White $32,172 $20,665 (DeVanas and Cleveland 1996 : 38) Respondents were asked to indicate the highest degree earned. On average, 42 percent said a master's degree; 34 percent, a bachelor's degree. Four percent said they had a Ph. D Approximately one -fourth of respondents had a professional degree such as J. D. There was no significant gender difference regarding educat i on except that only 12 percent of women had professional degrees As shown in F igure 9 36 percent of minorities had bachelors' degrees; 39 percent, masters ; 4 percent doctorates ; and 7 percent 106

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60% 40% 20% Wh i tes Figure 1 OComparison of Academic Degrees professional. Twenty-five percent of whites reported their highest degree as the bachelor 's; 55 percent, master's; 2 percent, doctorate; and 8 percent, professional. There was no significant difference however, between the average number of years of education when whites were compared to minorities All things being equal such as education, experience, there should not be a significant difference i n salaries betwee n the two groups. Only one-fourth of all respondents had certificates or licenses, such as Am erica n Institute of Certified Planners, Professional Engineer, or Other the largest category. Only about 25 percent said they had participated in any program such as A Better Chance the American Publi c Transit Foundation Hall of Fame Scholarship Upward Bound the Urban League or U.S. DOT Summer Transportati on Internship. Certification may serve as added credentials and, in the APA salary model increased salaries. Select program part ici pat ion also may serve the same function. While more than one-half of the respondents stated they t ho u ght the percentage of minorities and women in senior or management positions had i ncreased i n the previous 1 0 years, nearly one-third stated they thought it had stayed the same. About 60 percent of whites and women of color had this perception. Again, more than one-ha l f of the resp o ndents stated th ey thought the percentage of min o rities and women in senior or management pos itio ns in their agencies had increased in the previous 1 0 years. Less than one-half of all minorities and women of color however had this perception; but 80 percent of whites thought there had been an increa se. Suggesting that the people who would fill these positions saw no increase, but those who might be affected perceived an increase. Almost one-third of the respondents thought the percentage stayed the same. In comparison to all other industr ies, less than half of the respo ndents thought that the percentage of minorities and women in the transit indus try had increased. As shown in Figure 1 O there was little difference between the selected groups. These responses suggest that while most respondents felt that the trans i t i ndust ry and their agencies h ad increased the percentage of minorities and women in senior or manageme nt position s i n the previous 1 0 years, they did not fee l as strongly that transit had done as well as other 107

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Tab l e 8 Respondents' Perceptions of Workp l ace Discrimination primarily due to my ... %of All Ethnlcity/ Opinion Respondents Gender Race Caree r gu i dan c e o r mentor ing n o t r eceive d 76. 8 % 1 7. 1 % 2 6.3% Not fully inc l uded in the f low of informat io n 52.9 % 1 8.5% 3 6 9 % Access to training or professional development inequitable 2 8 3% 2 1 .3% 47. 5 % Inequitab l e o pp ortuni ties for i nvo lveme nt i n si g n ifica n t 4 0.4% 2 4.2% 55. 0% pro j ects Unfa i rly den i ed sa l ary increases or pr omotio ns 45 8 % 34 6 % 64 7 % Salary d i sparit i es exist 7 9 5 % 4 1.5% 53 8 % Placed in dead-end or support position 29.6% 25.0 % 61.4 % industries. Whites, in particular felt that their agencies had increased the percentage of minorities and women More than two-thirds of all respondents stated that their agencies did not prov ide a career guidance or mentoring program. Nearly 90 percent of respondents stated however t hat their agencies prov i ded mecha n is ms to facilita t e communications, such as regularly scheduled staff meetings, suggestion boxes, intra-agency newsletters, and so on. More than two thirds of respondents stated that their agencies had a tra i ning or professional development program Mo r e than two thirds of the respondents stated that the i r agencies did not have w r itten career path or promotion guidelines. When the above responses are combined with Table 8, some insights are provided into r espondents' social perceptions. I n each ins t ance, respondents stated that race or ethnicity seemed to influence treatment more than gender. Th i s again, may be a function of the ethnicity of the sample; however there were more women respondents than men When 70 percent of r espondents stated that their agencies did not have career gu i dance or mentor i ng programs, we may expect that a like number would state that career guidance or mentoring had not been received from a supervisor or sen i or-level person in the agency. T his expec t a t ion he l d true, more than t h ree quarters of a ll respondents sta t ed they d i d not r eceived car ee r g uida n ce or mentoring. T wenty-six percent of these respondents felt this primarily was due to their race or ethnicity. T he perception of not being fully i nc l uded in the information flow i s not as easily exp l ained, nearly 90 percent of respondents stated there were communications mecha n isms ava il able. More than 50 perce n t of r espondents however, did not feel fully i ncluded. One exp l anation is tha t t h e mechanisms discussed are formally organ s of the agencies. R espondents may be referring to the info r mal networks, the type of i nformat i on that one might receive from a mentor or other networks, e.g., the "o l boy" network. 108

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While more than 70 percent of respondents stated their agencies had a training or professional development program, more than one-fourth of respondents stated that they did not have equitable access to opportunities for training or professional development. Nearly one-half of these respondents stated it was due to race or ethnicity. More than 40 percent of respondents stated they did not think they had equitable opportunities to be involved in significant projects in their agencies More than one half of these respondents felt it was primarily due to their race or ethnicity Sixty-seven percent of respondents stated that their agencies did not have written career paths or promotional guidelines. Not surprisingly nearly 80 percent of all respondents stated that salary disparities existed within their agencies. Without written career paths or promotional guidelines employees do not know how to plan a career with the agency. Without promotional guidelines the tasks for promotio n are unc l ear. Salary increases promotions, and the like appear capricious or arbitrary. This also hel ps to explain why nearly 30 percent of respondents felt they were placed in dead-end or support positions Ninety-two percent of respondents stated that affirmative action polic i es were important in advancing the interests of minorities and women i n the industry. Only 54 percent of respondents, however, stated that they thought they were hired or promoted in part due to affirmative action policies or plans in their agenc ies. While these responses may appear contradictory I suggest that respondents fee l that the policies are needed in the agencies or need to be enforced In the latter instance fewer respondents fee l that policies or plans have been used in their individual experiences. Overall while public transportation may be a "favorable employer compared to other industries, the survey supports Morris's findings, suggesting that few minorities and women in the industry believe that they have been treated unfairly ... except as related to salary and salary increases and promotions (1992:24). Findings from the Telephone Interviews Forty-three percent of respondents stated they would be interested in participating in a telephone interview The telephone interview guidebook and interview summaries are included in Appendix C Most respondents stated that they agreed to participate in the telephone i nterviews because they felt that the research was important and wanted to assist in the effort. Nearly half of the interviewees stated that their jobs were stressful referencing most often racia l tensions. Coping strategies included time management self-motivation a n d spirituality Almost all respondents were providing support to their communities as volunteers and i n religious organizations. Also most interviewees relied on outside supports, such as professional organizations or informal networks in their organizations Interviewees were almost equally split on their views of the future for women and minorit i es in the industry In order to succeed, interviewees stressed the importance of i ndividual preparedness through 109

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education networking career development and technical competence About one-third o f those interviewed also stressed the need for political activism or leg is lative intervention to continue the goals of affirmative action. Site Visit Interviews The research design for this study included an interview with Jeffress. One of the transit systems that was inc l uded in the Jeffress s study and this r e s ea rch, the New Orleans Regional Transit Authority, is in the same city where Dr. Jeffress worked. The trans i t system had not responded to written requests for the EEO data but r epresentatives did agree to the interview and later provided the EEO data The EEO data was provided later Interview with Philip W Jeffress The purpose of the interview with Dr Jeffress was to gather additional informat i on on his experiences for comparison. Jeffress stated that one factor in his se l ect i on criterion for the transit systems had been based on who was willing to participate in the study and had available data. (While data availability may have been a factor in the early years following the enactment of the Civil Rights Act and the Urban Mass Transportation Ac t we had not expected it to be a factor 25 years later ) From an economic perspective, Dr. Jeffress stated that the more transit must respond to nonmarket-directed decisions, such as the American with Disabi l ities Act the Older Americans Act, and so on, the more transit must be supported by nonmarket funds (Almost since its inception public transportation has had non market goals. ) Accord ing t o Dr Jeffress transit is not a clear public good It may only be a quas i -public need ing private strengthening From the skept i c's poi nt of view such an arrangement may n o t be good for transit. The skeptic may feel that there is no longer a n oppo rtunity for affirmative action and the role that transit can play in meeting these object iv es. The s k eptic he said is not likely to live on society s fringes. When we discussed transit s role in terms of accessibility to j obs within the industry Dr. Jeffress stated he was not surprised by evidence of the ex i stence glass ceiling ." He stated that the phenomenon may be a question of political backlash-minorities and women may have been expected to stay in their places within the i ndustry. A l though Jeffress stated that he had not kept up with current transit legislat i on we did discuss the 1970 t o 1990 demographics especially as they related to continued urban sp r awl, transit funding, and the emphasis on increased public participation Dr. Jeffress contrasted the current political atmosphere with that of the 1960s and 1970s. He stated that the effect of earlier period was that people felt comfortable in opposit i on. In the current climate affirmat i ve action may be perceived as a barrier or individuals may feel that t h ere are other sol ut i ons He added that there is also a done all we can do" or some anti-affi rmat i v e act i on sentiment coupled with the desire to try other solutions for balance. 110

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Interview with Transit System Representatives Two African-American women self-selected to participate in the interview One job fit the Professional category; the other Administrator/ Official." The two requested to be interviewed together. The bulk of the information was provided the Administrator / Official who had been with the organization for more than 15 years T h e Professi onal was on loan from a department in city government. Several women have acted as interim executive director or assistant general managers at RTA. These have been the highest positions hel d by women The informants stated that there was a glass ceiling at th e agency and that women and male m i norities were just breaking through ." Outside of the core city the s uburbs and rural areas are predominantly white and transit is viewed as a black" service This was one of the last transit systems to be taken over by a public entity. The system goes bac k and forth between the titles of assistant vice president and assistant general manager an administrative position tha t has always been held by a woman. Women in operations included the superintendent of quality assurance and tw o superintendents in satellite garages. The Administrator/O fficial was responsi ble for s i x departments, finance, administration procurement grants accounting transit and management information systems The system was facing a financial deficit and in the midst of conducting a search f or an executive director at the time of the interviews S ome staff they sta ted were overworked and tired, especially among the calltakers who were predominately women Consultants had been brought in to restructure the service including more eff i cient routing and scheduling. What was needed was for more local funding While the system recei ve s $0.01 sales tax hotels were exempt. In addition to financial problems the executive d irector search had been brought about by a recent housecleaning." The previous administration she said was known as the "evil empir e." Although the Administrator/Officials of that administrat i on were male minorities, she stated that women were expected to "s tay in t heir places. The two participants said that racism was still a problem. The system was previously white-owned then sold to the city. The privately owned system had been able to obtain subsidies from other resources The city also pro vi ded direct assistance to t he private operator The women stated that there were quest ions of whether some white employees were loyal to the system There was an attitude of jus t drawing a paycheck which seemed to be especially keen at the operating level. Discussion According to APTA employment in the public transit i ndustry reached a l ow in 1975 of 138,000 and grew to nearly 340 000 in 1997. Since APTA does not collect data on the ethnicity and gender of transit employees data from the United States Census Bureau were 111

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used to attempt to gauge women's and minorities' employment from 1970 to 1990. These data suggest that between 1970 and 1980 the percentage of white employees decreased in the industry while that of women and minorities increased. Between 1980 and 1990 however, employment for whites and women increased while that of minorities decreased The EEO sample data suggest that African Amer icans were the majority ethn ic group On average, blacks compr ised 46 percent of the total sample; whites 43 percent ; women 15 Combined all minority ethnic groups averaged 57 percent of the sample When the management ranks were examined however whites averaged 64 percent of these positions; blacks, 26 percent ; and women 17 percent. Combined all minority ethnic groups averaged only 36 percent. Further examination of job categories found blacks concentrated in the Administrative Support and Service/Maintenance/Laborer categories. Women were overrepresented in the Professional and Administrative Support categories Whites also were overrepresented in the Technician, Protective Service and Sk illed C raft/ Semi-Skilled Operator categories. When considered in conjunction with the APTA and Census data, the EEO data support the suggestion that the number of women and ethnic minorit i es in the industry is growing. The EEO data, however also suggest that while minorities may dominate the service ranks they are underrepresented in management. The survey responses in regard to salaries and social perceptions paralleled those of the APA study. Although there appeared to be no significant difference among respondents in education and years of experience ethnicity appeared to be a predictor of salary. Whites in this sample, appeared to be paid more than minorities. It should be noted that more than 90 percent of white respondents were female Respondents social perceptions of their agencies in many instances were negative, particularly as related to career guidance or mentoring the flow of information and salary disparit ies. Interestingly respondents felt most strongly that salary disparities existed due to race or ethnic i ty and the sample data suggest that their perceptions were correct. While Jeffress s information helped to contextualize our experiences in r eplicating his study it was interesting to note that he had not done any related work in the ensuing 25 years. In light of California s Proposition 209 and the One Florida Initiative opposit i on may no longer be a place of comfort. That is, as suggested by my colleague at CRI, instead of soliciting negative information, I needed to ask about some good stuff. The colonized are being told that enough time has been allotted for them to get themse lv es together and now it is time to move on. Do not ask the colonized if things are i ndeed better ask them how good Mr. Charlie has been In Chapter 1 I discussed the beginning of the symposium on African-American mobility issues and its role of providing a forum for the discussion of these issues The revisit to Jeffress s study provided not only aggregate data on minorit i es' and women s employment but also their social perceptions of their agenc ies and thei r jo bs If these questions are not asked if we only look at the raw numbers from a distance things look very good. But when we ask about the existence of career gu idance or mentoring programs 112

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and career paths and promotional guidelines and find that these general business practices do not exist in public agencies the perceptions begin to have ba ses. Transportation policy researchers should a sk these questions The sympos i um was to serve as a forum to share this information develop recommendations to address these and other issues, and extend the message that transportation read access is an important element in this society. Again in Chapter 1 we were advised to do the work for which we were hired For some reason the symposium was not considered wor k for which we were hired despite the Director s assertion that he wanted all researchers to develop projects in areas of their interest. A friend in academia once told me that he had been advised during his graduate studies not to become a "race man that it would be the death of h i s career. He did not heed the advice. I did not heed th e advice regarding the symposium. To quote Hillel the Elder If I am not for myself who is for me; and being for my own self what am I? If not now when? 113

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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS This dissertation is a partial perspective Samuel R. Delany said, Racism is a system. As s uch it i s fueled as much by chance as by hostil e intentions and equally by the best intentions as well. It is whatever systematically acclimates people of all colors, to become comfortable with the isolation segregation of the races, on a visual social or economic level which in turn supports and is s upported by socioeconomic discrimination (2000). Public transportation is an element of the American system, a system that co nstruct s and reproduces socioeconomic hierarchies discrimination Public transportation as an element of the American system cannot be isolated from the political economy of the system. Since i t is part of this system, it is both embedded with the concepts of and contributes to construction and reproduction of these differences. In 1998 I attended a research conference resulting from th e Presi dent's Initiativ e on Race. While several august presenters spoke on spatia l mismatch none made the connect ion between access and mobility There also was no voi ce of public tran s portation user s I recognize that there is no voice of the users in this dissertation What I hope to hav e provid ed here is a framework of the larger issues that will serve t o inform more traditional ethnography and other efforts A s Jean stated as one symposium, transportation profe ssionals tend to s peak in term s of the timing cycle of a spec ific traffic signa l when all Granny need s is enough time to cross the street. To get Granny enough time to cross the s treet we need to understand the force s that compete with consideration of Granny's needs. Thi s chapter summarizes the re search findings and discusses their implications includin g the needs for future research. Public tran s portation is a major se rvice provider for women and minoritie s and a significant empl oyer of African Americans. How can the industry better meet the need s of it s major consumers? It seems that if one role of public tran s portation is to serve tho se who are unable to drive due to physical or economic conditions or choose not to drive then transportation policies and services should be res p o n sive t o these co n s umer s' needs How can the transportation decisionmaking proc ess be more inclusive ? On a larger scale, how can publi c tran s portation meet these needs under American cap it alism? The broader impact that public transportation may have on segment s the United States population is particularly stressed. The urgency of the is s ue s related to race gender ethnicity, and work given the political climate and the population projections of the United State s is highlighted 114

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The conclusions are related to the questions of who gets to frame the questions conduct the research, decide who is hired and who is served The struggles of getting a place at the table" often go unheard. After getting a place, some may refuse it or leave the table out of frustration or inability to effect change Resistance does occur, but discrimination and disparities continue. This chapter pulls together the subjective and other research findings outlining future research, policy, and service needs for a public transportation system that serves people in an effective and efficient manner. Public Policy Implications An underlying premise of the provision of public goods is that the public through ta x es or fees, collectively pays for certain goods or services such as the military because the cost to an individual, a city, a state or a corporation is prohibitive. Following this premise, public transportation has been a public good since 1964, meaning that transportation has been subsidized by the public to offset the costs to individuals cities states and corporations While considering the movement of mass transportation from private good to public consideration also should be given to the paucity of resources that have been allocated to the service in comparison to other modes. The overrepresentation of women and ethnic minorities particularly African Americans, among public transportation users suggests that their dependency on this resource limits their opportunities for economic and social well-being Their reliance on mass transportation proscribes access to jobs, education healthcare goods, and other services Limited access to jobs and education limits economic opportunities. Limited access to healthcare, goods and services limits physical and psychological well-being Geographic isolation in a society that relies heavily on private transportation has multiple impacts. These may include the reproduction of gender and ethnic differences Public Participation in the Design of Transportation Research Since 1991, greater emphasis on public participation in the transportation decisionmaking process has been mandated This mandate has been reiterated through the issuance of President Clinton s E x ecutive Order 12898 Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations, and the USDOT and Federal Highway-related Orders. At the same time communities are challenging fare policies the expenditure of mass transit funds to construct light rail lines instead of providing more transit buses and the e x penditure of transportation funds for roads rather than alternatives to private automobile travel. The challenges have taken the form of bus riders unions administrative actions and law suits. There are more than 12 active or completed projects through the Transportation Research Board (TAB) Transit Cooperative Research Program that are related to improving transit ridership welfare reform and livable communities. In 1999 the Transportation Research Board National Cooperative Highway Research Program contracted with the University of Iowa to conduct research on the "Evaluation of Methods Tools, and Techniques to Assess the Social and Economic Effects of Transportation Projects." The project overview recognizes that legislation since 1964 specifically Title VI 115

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of the Civil Rights Act and the National Environm ental Policy Act of 1 969 requ i r es this type of analysis, however, it ha s been difficult to carry out the analysis due to a lack of available methods, to o ls, and technique s" (Transportation Research Board 2000c). Also underway is Research for the American Association of State Highway Transportation Officials ( AASHTO) Standing Comm i ttee on P l anning" which includes a 'Task 11 Technical Methods to Support Analysis of Environmenta l Just i ce Issues. T he objective is to provide an inventory of technical approaches that can be used to address environmental justice issues in systems-level, corridor, and subarea planning resulting in a compendium methods identifying approaches for planning (Transpo rtati on Research Board 2000d). The Transportation Research Board solicited proposals in Fall 2000 for a project on th e Development of Technical Method s for Envir onmental-Jus tice An alyses." This research project is to improve the technical capabilities of planning organizations states and their planning partners so that they can provide reliabl e information t o answer question s on the environmental-justice asp ects of transportat io n improvements and po lic ies (Transportation Research Board 2000d). Three o ther NCHRP projects or tasks are active or completed related to publi c involvement. While the need for research exists I have two major concerns w i t h the manner in which the research is being conduc ted F irst, the research on social and economic techniques and analyses of transportation decisionmaking are being led by h igh way interests. While transp o rtati on highway projects historically have had disproport iona tely high and adverse impacts on low-income and ethnic minor i ty communities comparable research efforts are not found in transit or other transportation modes research efforts. In fact the Federal Tra nsit Administration has yet to develop an admin i strative orde r that addresses environmental justice. Second the research des ign br i ngs the same p layers to the table-consultants, universities, and highway and transit officials. As E i nstein sa i d, 'The problems we have created cannot be solved by the same thinking that c r ea ted them. All coope rative r esea r ch program projects are overseen by panels Panel members are drawn from universities transit agencies and human service agencies, if the project is related to human service transportation. And since TAB i s t he p i nnacle of the industry pane l i s ts are n o minated by t he ir peers. While I an African-American woman have served on t wo T ransit Cooperative Research Pr ogram panels and proposed on at le ast five highway and trans it project s there are few women and minorit ies who serve on th e h ighway research panels. Why? As discussed earlier th ere are few ethnic minorities and women in transportation research There are few in the univers i tie s in state tran sporta t i on departments or working in consultancies. On the transit panels while representation may be greater it i s seen as a prestigiou s position. When I was asked to make nominations in my agency I was adv i sed to select "senior people ." Since there were only f our African-Am er ica n faculty members at most "sen ior people predominately were white males Barney was one person at CRI whom I nominated, at the director's request to serve on a panel. When he returned f rom the panel 's first meeting he said, I see how you got on a pane l." When I asked what he meant by his sta tement he said Well Alice (the TAB staff person assigned to the panel) and you ... The TAB staff person was an African-American woman. Was he proje c ting 116

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how white people historically have conducted busine ss? He did not or could not accept that my credentials had allowed me to precede him to serve on a panel. 1 had to ha ve another "in" and that "in" was race. He did not explain his "in." Barney, with these attitudes and conceptions is making decisions about transit research. Minority transit professionals outside of academia, sometimes find it difficult to serve on research panels In an effort to increase the participation of minorities t he TAB Tran sit Cooperative Research Program has contracted with the Conference of Minority Transportation Officials (COMTO) to recruit participants through the Trans i t Research Innovation Program (TRIP). The program's purpose is to develop a cadre of talented i ndustry professionals which serve as Ambassadors ,' . to enhance the understanding acceptance and utilization of TCRP -spo n sore d research products The essential role a TRIP Ambassador is that of liaison between TCRP its member organizations, the research commu nity and transit properties. Ambassadors are selected each year from a pool of applicants by panel composes of representatives from FTA COMTO APTA TAB Community Transportat ion Association of America (CTAA) and the National Transit Institute (NTI) (COMTO 1998). Transit users do not serve on the research panels. Nor are transit users TRIP Ambassadors even though the TCRP funding and TRIP cover travel expenses for panel ists and Ambassadors. The point is transit users have little or no access to the research design or study, other than as subjects. And, their participation as subjects is limited. Traditionally, the cooperative research programs study the agencies. Surveys i nterv iews, site visits and other research methods study how the agencies build roads provide transit services, the tools used management and organizational i ssues even bus operators' (drivers') and mechanics' needs. Rarely are users asked what they need This limited access to the research arena and the focus of the research have consequences that influence public transportation policy as related to all modes. There is a continued emphasis on the business or corporate needs of transportat io n research with little or slowly emerging interest in the social aspects of transportation This dearth of research results in transportation roadway projects that are efficient for the movement of vehicles, but do not have traffic light cycles that allow pedestrians to cross the street. It means that transit services may be available in urban areas but the routes get less than half of welfare recipients to jobs with a 90-minute commute. It means that as persons in this society age their quality of lif e diminishes because they have few transportation options other than private automob i les If an older person is n o longer able to drive they too become immobile. This historic and continuing bias i n research, policy, program design and provision of service generally has overlooked human travel behavior and human travel needs. It is in this manner that transportation research policies and programs contribute to the reproduction of ethnic gender and class differences. Better investments in pub lic transportation could provide viable alternatives to private automobiles increasing job 117

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opportunities. access to goods a1111d ali1Tlrll access-to employmen t. servioes. ttJtne ((!19J:ifSiwmrmratliim]J continues to be defined in a the service. If publ i c ttrv libraries for exampl e poor chi lldreTil s r n e auiillil!!J fB3J i n :th.3; interest of policymakers to !PJOO>i m i l !fi nanl"s; I mp' l icabons ror Applied AllltJhropmi!(Jgy As discussed earlier. aTirJJhno,prriil:ogS!s atmll9.ID:Ofal i tTi1 little on publ ic transportatioo JJJSers. arrntl spatial mismatch i n r e lation to am!!! 1Y@f. Much greater considera:tinm roj tiJrams;pmml.q]m $ wm.' n tilD.Jl1.ti.ml tt!D 31f United States soci ety t:s neeolen!. !A rnenewe!IJ i i m tttil.B tWatimal ff:o l tc Y Act and Tit le V I oi the C r vil I R i ghts Ad as rne.rate:ill ttrD 11fl :&6? federal leve l and i n stat e transp:Gmtatio m !;; being threatened by affirmaiire ao:iJn fnef@.Ht.om@@ftP the One Flori d a lnitiatiYB. W:ffiile liJ!Tese tt.'rl,\1.0 il
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on African Americans as related to union influence company policy a n d employee attitudes (Jeffress 1970 : 22-23 ; McGinley 1949 : 253; Northrup 1971 b:48-1 01 ) In the area of policy research these vestiges can be seen in the lack of partic i pati o n i n research by social scientists The research questions historically have been framed as engineering or plann ing problems rather than human act i v i ties The extent t o whi c h p u bli c transporta tion pol ic y becomes more informed both by users, particularly women and ethnic minor i ties and other academic disciplines is the mea s ure by which publ i c transportati o n sy s tems wi ll bec ome more suited to meet people s needs. Humans decide to make trips in order to meet the i r needs The transportation network is a social network When cons i dering this netwo r k and public policy implications we also must consider the communications network Many trips are being made via the World Wide Web or the Internet by t h ose wh o h ave access There are many analogies to be drawn between personal computers and pr i vate automob i les And as with private automobiles the r e are significant differences between whites and African Americans as related to personal computer use and Internet access In some instances, whites are twice as likely as African-Americans to have a c ce s s to a computer and the Internet (National Telecommunications and Informat i on Administration 1999; Novak 1998) Despite the affirmative action backlashes there are opp o rtunit i es however to advance more inclusive public transportation policies Federal Initiatives Two federal initiatives Livable Communities through the Federal Trans i t Administration and Sustainable Development through the Federal H i ghway Development seek to improve mobility and the quality of transportation services Both emphas i ze full participation of commun i ty res ident s i n the decisionmaking process As these in i tiat i ves are promulgated opportunities may arise and shou l d be sought to engage publ i c transportation users women and ethnic minorities and so c ial scientists i n the f or mat i on of po li cies and services The renewed emphasi s on Title VI of the Civil Rights Act and cons i deration of the Environmental Justice Orders has generated the research projects described earl i er in this chapter In addition there are several federal and state initiatives related to social impact assessment that are geared to providing tools training and other resources for work ing with commun i ties These include community [so c ial] impact assessment an area I have focused on for the last three years; context-sensitive [roadway] des ign; a n d The Older Dr i ver Highway Design Handbook While these are policy init i at i ves research i s needed to support these initiatives and to evaluate their effectiveness Transportation Users and Their Needs Although PRWORA was enacted in 1996 the first and perhaps most cr i tical milestone for many TANF recip i ents was not reached until tw o yea rs l ater t h e end of the 24-consecutive month time per i od Little more than one year has passed s i nce that time hence much of the early research has been lim i ted to state-level analy s es o r small samples In addition, the lack of transportation guidance in state TANF plans may have contr i buted to delays in coordination between TANF providers and transportat ion providers There are few findings available on national transportation issues related to TANF Future efforts should focus on better under s tanding of TANF recipient transportati o n needs ; develop ing strategies that recognize and are responsive to the evolution of these transportation needs ; 119

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and using the lessons learned from serving this subgroup of the population to make public transportation more accessible in general. As one group of anthropologists put it Knowledge about transportation resources is differently held and so is knowledge about transportation needs (Hardin et alia 2000:43) Understanding TANF Recipient Needs As discussed under Characteristics of TANF Recipients," the group is perhaps more racially or ethnically heterogeneous than the general public In addition to there being little general research on TANF recipients and transportation there is very little general research that segments travel behavior by gender or ethnicity Fewer still exist that combine some of the other socioeconomic conditions. Surveys travel diaries and other instruments are needed to collect data on the travel behavior of TANF recipients Researchers should be encouraged to include TANF participants in research design and analysis. Multiple approaches and methods also are encouraged Some of the early data suggest that the need for better understanding among providers of services to TANF participants That is, agency barriers may contribute to transportation difficulties Few transportat ion planners and even fewer TANF case managers rely on public transportation Developing Strategies That Recognize and Are Responsive to the Evolution of Needs It is anticipated that as the TANF program matures there w ill be a continuum of participants from new entrants to leavers who have e xce eded the lifetime limit. Participants place in the program will be another factor to consider in providing transportat ion services. Program place may generate changes in funding eligibility education, and employment and consequently, transportation needs Transportation providers will need to develop tool s to capture changes in service demand and to put in plac e services that are fle x ible to be responsive Some of the practices that have evolved from commuter assistance programs are being heavily adopted by transportation providers. One drawback, however is that the co mmute trip only accounts for about 20 percent of all travel. Understanding the needs of TANF recipients may improve our understanding of these other trips and how they enab l e this group to get to work Developing transportation connections to other support services for potent ial employees and other household members may be necessary Again these needs may change over time Using the Lessons Learned to Make Public Transportation More Accessible Hank D i ttmar asked in 1996 (1996: 667) ... how can research and policy analysis help to better define ... issues so that legislation and spending can be targeted to dealing with the real problems of the socalled 'soccer moms and welfare mothers, along with everybody for whom a category has not yet been invented? The answer has not been found yet. As suggested earlier however better understanding of the various segments 120

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of the population will help us better understand and meet their needs. Many of the social issues faced by TANF recipients are experienced by other subgroups of the population however, the research does not exist that could inform transportation planning. Building on the approaches to and findings of research on the transportation needs of TANF recipients similar studies should be conducted that compare and contrast this group to other subgroups of the population. There is an overall need to investigate fully the relationship between land use and transportation. And, finally, the research process must be iterative. The findings should inform the legislative and policy processes and these in turn the services. The research focus on transportation systems and organizations has left a considerable void Little is known or understood regarding the social and cultural impacts of transportation actions Transportation actions and decisions have sociocultural effects and can be seen in residential and other location patterns. Other unanswered research questions with policy implications include vehicle ownership-there is some suggestion that African Americans with larger incomes still have a greater propensity for t r ansit use than the general population As mentioned earlier, longevity and age bring about different transportation needs. These needs vary across gender and ethnicity Different household compositions also include different transportation needs Many faith-based organizations can and do provide transportation for their communities There also is a need for technology transfer across disciplines As the United States society ages and browns that is population projections suggest that a greater percentage of the United States society will be age 65 and older by the year 201 0-the baby boomers-than any time in the past, and the percentage of persons of color w ill substantially increase, these research questions become increasingly urgent. While California and Florida may attempt to deny access with regress i ve state legislation the crisis only draws nearer Transportation Case Study: "God I Miss Alabama My experiences at CRI are not uni que to CRI or the University. There is something different about Florida. Perhaps the 1986, $4 million tourism slogan "Florida-The Rules Are Different Here" was more than a slogan (Hiaasen 1999:128) I moved to Florida in 1991 as a single parent with a three-year-old and an eight-year-old Less than 18 months later a black man, Christopher Wilson, visiting the city we now called home, was set on fire. As Tavis Smiley said "It is never a good time to be black in America but some times are worse than others (lecture 16 November 1998). Things only got worse In 1997 blacks became the second largest minority in the State surpassed by persons of Hispanic origin. Among states in the southeast-Alabama Georgia Florida Kentucky Mississippi, North Carolina South Carolina and Tennessee-where most African Americans still live Florida has a lower percentage of African Americans. Political clout for African Americans differs from other states in the southeast. Also the three-year-average median household income for all Floridians was lower than five of the southeastern states ranking above only Tennessee and Mississippi (DeNavas and Cleveland 2000 : xvii). Blacks economic clout in Florida can be expected to be less than other states and within the state Florida's economy based on tourism also offers fewer 121

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opportunities for professional employment. Combined these factors and others contribute what may be a more restrictive environment than the larger society. Economic political, and professional opportun i ties are forms of capital. In other southeastern states greater numbers and better jobs afford African Americans greater opportunities for social mobility. While I continue to question the extent to which African Americans can truly compete within U S. society until race class and gender differences are addressed there are some places in America that are worse than others This dissertation is nontraditional in the sense that it does not follow a public transportation user or transit employee and relate his or her experience I have attempted to provide a very broad framework within which to conduct future research The historic of investments in the movement of goods and more dependency of U S society on the private automobile has obfuscated the relationship between geographic mobility and social mobility. I have attempted to clarify that relationship and its contribution to the reproduction of social difference and hierarchy. 122

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Forkenbrock David J and Lisa A Schweitzer 1997 Environmental Justice and Transportation Investment Policy. Iowa City: University of Iowa Public Policy Center. Forstall Richard L. and James D Fitzsimmons 1993 Metropolitan Growth and Expansion in the 1980s. Population Division Working Paper No. 6 . U. S Bureau of the Census. Electronic document. http : //www census gov/population/www/documentation/twps0006/twps0006 html Foster, Charles H W 1995 The Environmental Sense of Place : Percepts for the Environmental Practitioner. Cambridge MA: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. Freeman Jo 1981 Women and Urban Policy. In Women and the American City. C.R.S e alia ed. Chicago : University of Chicago Press Fromm Erich 1963 Marx s Concept of Man New York: F. Ungar Publishing Company Garc i a Robert and Michael Replogle 2000 Transportation Equity and Environmental Ju s tice. Progress: Surface Transportation Policy Project X(1 ) : 1 0-11. Garreau Joel 1998 Edge City : Life on the New Frontier. New York : Doubleday. Garrett A. Morgan Te c hnology and Transportation Futures Program 1998 Garrett A. Morgan Colleges Universities, and Life-Long Learning : Transportation Research U. S Department of Transportation Electronic document. http:/ led ucation dot. gov /university /gamrsch htm General Accounting Office 1980 Achieving Representation of Minorities and Women in the Federal Work Force Washington DC: Government Printing Office 1999 Welfare Reform : Information on Former Recipients Status. Washington DC : U. S. Government Printing Office Giddings Paula 1988 When And Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America. New York : William Morrow and Company, Inc. Gladwell Malcolm 1996 Symbol of Suburban Separtism ; Until Teen s Death Mall Had Refused Bus Stop for Inner-City Shoppers The Washington Post. Pp A01. Washington DC. http://web lexis nexis com/universe/document. 129

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Gould Stephen Jay 1981 The Mismeasure of Man. New York: Norton. Garrett A. Morgan Technology and Transportation Futures Program 1998 Garrett A. Morgan Colleges, Universities and Life-Long Learning: Transportation Research: U S. Department of Transportation. Electronic document. http:/ /education dot.gov/university/gamrsch. htm. Greenbaum Susan 1992 Race Ethnicity, and Culture Pp. 28 Tampa : USF Center for Teaching Enhancement. Greenlee Sam 1970 The Spook Who Sat by the Door New York: Bantam Books, Inc. Guerrier, Jose H., Ph. D., and Sylvan C Jolibois, Jr., Ph. D. 1995 A Broad Human Factors Approach to Intelligent Transportation System (ITS) Technologies and Implications. Exploring New Frontiers : African-American Mobility Symposium Tampa, 1995 pp. 37-42 Center for Urban Transportation Research. Gunn, Erik 1999 Highway to Opportunity: Milwaukee Firms and Groups Are Helping Low Income Workers Buy Cars The New Democrat 11 (5): 10-12 Gwaltney John L. 1998 Commentary: Some Thoughts on Native Anthropology. Transforming Anthropology 7(2):67-69 Haller Mark H 1963 Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press. Haraway Donna 1989 Primate Visions : Gender, Race and Nature in the World of Modern Science New York: Routledge 1991 Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature New York: Routledge. Hardin Jennifer Alvin Wolfe and Ruth Ott 2000 Tangled Webs of Work Childcare, and Transportation. Practicing Anthropology 22(1) : 40-43. Hastings, Alcee 1996 Keynote Address Beyond the Hor i zon: Third Symposium on African American Mobility Issues: Center for Urban Transportation Research Audiovisual cassette. 130

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Hastrup, Kirsten 1992 Out of anthropology: the anthropologist as an object of dramatic representation Cultural Anthropology 7(3), pp 327-345. 1993 The native voice and the anthropological vision. Social Anthropology 1 (2), pp. 173-186 Hawkins, Nancy 1997 Title V Welfare to Work Funding, State Formula Grants, Planning, and Competitive Programs (New $3 Billion) : National Transportation Consortium of States Hays Samuel P. 1964 The Politics of Municipal Reform Pacific Northwest Quarterly. Pp 157-169. Herbert Adam 197 4a A Symposium: Minorities in Public Administration. Public Administration Review 34(6) : 519-563 197 4b The Minority Administrator: Problems Prospects, and Challenges. Public Administration Review 34(6) : 556 563 Herring Cedric 1994 Who Represents the People? African Amerians and Public Policy During the Reagan-Bush Years In African Americans and the New Policy Consensus: Retreat of the Liberal State? M.L.a.N. Jackson ed. New York: Greenwood. Hiaasen Carl 1999 Kick Ass: Selected Columns of Carl Hiaasen Diane Stevenson ed. Gainesville University Press of Florida. Hiestand Dale L. 1964 Economic Growth and Employment Opportunities for Minorities New York: Columbia University Press. Hill Eric T. 1994 Assessing Travel Behavior by Blacks in the United States: A New Perspective Tampa FL : National Urban Transit Institute Center for Urban Transportation Research, University of South Florida Holzer Harry J 1996 What Employers Want: Job Prospects for Less-Educated Workers Russell Sage Foundation. Electronic document. http : //www epn.org/sage/rs-pubs.html. hooks, bell 1997 Cultural Criticism & Transformation. Northampton MA : Media Education Foundation Audiovisual cassette tape 131

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Appendix A : Chronology of African-American Mobility Issues 3 0 0 '0 0 0 +-+---1 r--+-+--+--+--+--+-+--r---+--+-+--+--+--+--f---l--+--+ 2 5% 2 5 0 ,00 0 20% 2 0 0, 000 rn -15% 0 0 150,000 o_ ...... 10% 100,000 5 0 0 0 0 5% 0 1 -B l ack c::::J U.S .--+--% Figure A-1. H i storical Comparison of Bla cks and Gene ral Population 1483 Portugal begins trade with the kingdom of Kongo including the e x change of goods for local dependents. "1 1530-1850 The African American Holocaust M i dd l e [Atlantic] Passage Period involv ing the Brazilians Brit is h Dutch Portuguese Spanish Cubans, and the U. S. (Segal1995 : 12-14 27). 1562 First Engl ish slave-trading e x pedition by John Hawkins the sale of Africans to Spaniards i n the West Indies 1618 Twenty Negars arrive in Virginia (Foner 1970 : 50). 1640 Virginia Gen e ral Court sentences three servants after recapture from escape to Maryland Two a Dutc h man and a Scot ordered to serve their masters an additional year and the colony three more. The third," ... being a negro named John Punch shall serve his said master or his a s signs for the time of his natural life here or else where (Jordan 1976:67). 146

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Appendi x A (Continued ) 1641 1750 Colon i es give s tatutory recogn i tion to slavery Eventually individual colonies gather statutes into Slave Codes 1775 First abolitionists society in United States founded in Philadelphia 1777 1804Siavery abolished in the North Vermont 1777 ; Pennsylvania (gradual emancipation) 1780 ; Massachusetts and New Hampshire 1783 ; Connecticut and Rhode Island 1784; New York (gradual emancipation) 1799 ; and New Jer sey, 1804 1787 Continental Congress excluded slavery from the Northwest Territory U S Constitution approved at the Philadelph i a convention three clauses protect slavery 1790s The Great Awakening the establishment of republican theory where the people . would develop good manners and good morals and become sober industrious frugal, and virtuous. Takaki states that by 1790 republican nationality was linked to race with the Naturalization Law (Takaki 1990 : 9). 1793 Congress enacted first fugitive slave law making i t a criminal offense to harbor a fugitive slave or prevent his arrest. 1804 Northern Black Laws restricting the r i ghts and movements of free African Amer i cans in the North passed led by Ohio Illinois Indi ana and Oregon barred Afr i can American settlers 1807 Congress banned the slave trade," prohibiting "the importation of slaves into the United States or the territories thereof after January 1, 1808 The holocaust continues until late 1840s 1816 American Colonization Society organized in the House of Representatives campaigned to return African Americans to Africa 1820 Missouri Compromise enacted prohibiting slavery to the north of the southern boundary of M i ssouri. 1830 First national meeting (convention) of African Americans h eld at Bethel AME Church Philadelphia 147

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Appendix A (Continued) 1830-1865 Peak period of the Underground Railroad (UGRR) Begun in the colonial period, an estimated 100 000 African Americans escaped slavery during the antebellum period (Bennett 1993 : 153-154 ; Service 1998). 1839 Seminoles and African Americans shipped from Tampa Bay Florida to the West. Blacks, led by Senhbeh Pieh (Joseph Cinquez) took over the slave ship Arristad. Captured later that year of Long Island (NY) 1841 Senhbeh Pieh and other Blacks freed by the U. S Supreme Court Later that year, 35 survivors were returned to Africa. Blacks on the slave ship Creole en route to New Orleans (LA) from Hampton (VA) revolt and sail to the Bahamas where they were granted asylum and freedom 1843 African Americans participated for the first time in a national political convention in Buffalo. 1848 First school integration suit filed in Boston by Benjamin Roberts for daughter Sarah barred from white school. Free Soil party organized in Buffalo (NY) convention attended by African American abolitionists 1849 Harriet Tubman escaped from slavery in Maryland She returned to the South 19 times freeing more than 300 slaves. 1850 Massachusetts Supreme Court rejected the argument in the Boston school integration suit, established the "separate but equal" precedent. Fugitive Slave Act passed by Congress one component of the Compromise of 1850, permitting slaveowners to pursue runaways into the North and make claims for repossession" in Northern courts. 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act repealed Missouri Compromise, opened Northern territory to settlement by slaveholders. 1857 Dred Scott decision U.S. Supreme Court ruled no African American could be a U. S. citizen and that African American people had no rights in America that white people were bound to respect. 148

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Appendix A (Continued) 1859 Arkansas legislature required free blacks to choose between exile and enslavement" (Bennett 1993 : 465). The Oothilde, last ship transporting African Americans for e nslavement, landed at Mobile Bay, Alabama 1861 U S Major General Benjamin F. Butler declared Afr ican Amer ican slaves "c ontraband of war. *John C Fremont freed African American slaves of M issou r i rebels Proclamation revoked by Lincoln 1861-1865 U S Civil War. 186 2 Lincoln recommended to Congress gradual and compensated emancipat i on. Slavery abolished in Washington DC, by Congress U S General David Hunter freed slaves in Florida Georgia and South Carolina. Lincoln rev oked proclamation. Draft Emancipation Pro clamation submitted to Congress by Lincoln. First group of African Americans to confer with a U S president on public po l icy meet with Lincoln. He urged African Americans to emigrate to Africa or Central America. 1863 Lincoln issued Emanc ipation Proclamation freeing African American slaves in confederate states, except 13 parishes in Louisiana 48 counties in West Virginia seven counties in Virginia and Border states. 1864 Congress equalized pay arms equipment and medial services of African American troops. 1865 U S General William T. Sherman issued Field Order No. 15 provided exclusive sett lement by African American families i n islands from Charleston south fields along the river for 30 miles back from the sea and county bordering St. John's River of Florida. Order i ncluded plot not larger than 40 ac res. U. S. General Rufus Saxton South Carolina Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Aband oned Lands (Freedmen's Bureau) Director settled 40,000 Africa n Americans in the area 149

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Appendi x A (Continued) Thirteenth Amendment passed by Congre ss, abolished slavery in Amer ica ratified in December Freedmen 's Bureau established and Freedmen 's Savings and Trust bank chartered by Congress Suffrage recommended by Lincoln for African Amer ican veterans and African Americans who were 've ry intelligent"' ( Bennett 1993 :476). Afri ca n Americans hold mass meetings demanding equa l r i ghts and ballots in Mississippi North Carolina Tennessee and Virginia Andrew Johnson moved to reverse policy of distribut ing abandoned land t o freedmen U.S. Army commander in South Carolina ordered Freedmen 's Bureau to stop seizing abandoned land (Bennett 1993 : 476). 1865-1866 The provisional governments of the South enact Afr ica n Amer ica n Codes that restrict the rights of African Americans under vagrancy and apprenticeship laws Some forbid African Americans to enter any occupations except farming and menial service, requiring special license to do o ther work 1866 Civil Rights Bill passed conferred African American citizenship and gave 'the same right in every State and territory ... as is enjoyed by white citizens ." Fourteenth Amendment: No State shall make or enforce any law that shall abridge the privileges or immunit i es of citizens of the United States nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law nor deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protect ion of the laws. Ratified in 1868 1866 White Democrats attacked a convention of African American and white Republicans in New Orleans (LA). Other assassinations attacks, lynches, and massacres occurred in other states. 1867 Suffrage to African Americans in Washington (DC) passed Congress passed first of a succession of Reconstruct io n Acts Charleston (SC) City Railway Company guaranteed the right of all persons to ride in streetcars after African American demonstrators hold "ri de-ins" on streetcars. Sreetcar ride-ins also take place in Mobi le (AL) New Orleans (LA) Richmond (VA) and other cities. 150

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Appendix A (Continued) Registering of African American and white voters began in the South. African American voters hold majority in Alabama, Florida, Louisiana Mississippi and South Carolina First Reconstruction constitutional convention convened in Montgomery (AL). Ku Klux Klan held first national meeting in Nashville (TN) Knights of White Camelia founded in Louisiana Riot Mobile (AL} Two killed 1868 Republican conservatives and the military take control over Reconstruction in Florida drafted new constitution that concentrated political power in the governor s office "and limited impact of African American vote (Bennett:482}. First and last American legislature with a African American majority met in South Carolina Robert Somers s aid the legislature was a proletariat parliament the likes of which could not be produced under the widest suffrage in any part of the world save in some of these Southern states ." Governor Henry C. Warmoth and Louisiana legislature call for federal military aid Governor said more than 150 political assassinations occurred in June and July. Arkansas militia mobilized and martial law declared in 1 0 counties by Governor Powell Clayton in response to Ku Klux Klan crisis Fifteenth Amendment: The right s of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State due to race, color, or previous condition of servitude passed Ratified 1870 Race riot New Orleans (LA) Whites kill several African Americans in St. Bernard Parish (LA) 1870 First Enforcement Act passed by Congress provided penalties for public officials and private citizen s who deprived citizens of suffrage and civil rights ; authorized use of federal troops to protect African Americans 1871 Second Enforcement Act passed by Congress, provided . federal officers and courts control of registration and voting in congressional elections (Bennett 1993:491 }. 151

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Appendix A (Continued) Forty -seco nd Congress (1871-1873) convened with five African American men : Joseph H Rainey Robert Carlos DeLarge and Robert Brown Elliot Sout h Carolina ; Benjamin S Turner Alabama ; Josiah T. Walls Florida. Third Enforcement Act characterized Ku Klux Klan atrocities as ... rebellion[s] against the [U. S ] and empowered the president to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and declare martial law i n rebellious areas. Ku Klux Klan trials began in federal courts in M iss iss ip pi, North Caro lina, and South Carolina Grant suspended th e writ of habeas corpus and decla red martial law in nine South Carolina counties affected by the Klan. 1872 Afr i can Americans won 97 of 158 seats in the South Carol ina Genera l Assemb l y and four of the five congressional districts. 1873 U S Supreme Court Slaughterhouse decision began di lu ti ng the Fourtee n th Amendment, stated the Amendment protected federal civil rights not "civil rights heretofore belonging exclusively to the states. Afri ca n Americans won 5 of 115 seats in Mississippi house a n d 9 of 37 seats in the senate. Forty-third Congress (1873-75) convened with seven African American men. 1874 Wh i te League founded in Opelousas (LA) White Democrats seized Louisiana State House in coup d etat. 16 African Americans lynched in Tennessee Coushatta (LA) Massacre More than 60 African Americans and whites killed 1875 Grant sent federal troops to V icks burg Missi ssi ppi, after 75 Republi cans killed in massacre in December 1974 The Civil R i ghts Bill of: All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages facilities and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water theaters and other places of publi c amusement ; subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law and applicab l e al ik e to citizens of every race and color regardless of any previous condition of serv i tude 152

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Appendix A (Continued) Democrats suppressed African American vote using fraud and violence, carrying the Mississippi election "The Mississippi Plan"-riots, political assassinations, massacres and social and economic intimidation-was used to overthrow governments in South Carolina and Louisiana. Forty-fourth Congress (1875-77) convened with historic high of eight African American men Several African Americans killed by terrorists in Vicksburg (MS) Republicans attacked by white Democrats in Yazoo City (MS). One white and three African Americans killed ; 1876 Five African American Republicans killed by white terrorists in Hamburg (SC) 1877 Federal troops withdrawn from public building s in Columbia (SC ) and New Orleans (LA) 1878 Two hundred six African American emigrants left Charleston for Liberia on the ship Azor Exodus of 1879 ": African Americans fled political and economic exploitation and violence in the South. The exodus continued for many years 1881 United Order of True Reformer founded. 1881-1892 Jim Crow Laws Tennessee started movement with railroad car. Flor i da followed codify several laws in 1887. Mississippi, 1888; Texas 1889 ; Louisiana 1890; and Alabama Arkansas Kentucky and Georgia 1891. 1880s-1920s The Progressive Era including the Reform and Eugenics Movements Hailer: The extreme racism associated with eugenics did more to bring eugenics to public notice and to cause eventual scientific repudiation of the early eugenics movement than any other single factor A mutual attract ion brought on the marriage of racism with eugenics ... Racists and restrictionists ... found in eugenics scientific reassurances they needed that heredity shaped man's personality and that their assumptions rested on biological facts (Hailer 1963 : 144) 1882 49 African Americans reported lynched 153

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Appendix A (Continued) 1883 U S. Supreme Court declared 1875 Civil Rights Act unconstitutional. 53 African Americans reported lynched. Race riot, Danville (VA), four African Americans killed 1884 Colonization of Africa organized at international convention in Berlin. 51 African Americans reported lynched. 1885 74 African Americans reported lynched 1886 74 African Americans reported lynched 1887 70 African Amer i cans reported lynched 1888 Mississippi first state to adopt a low providing for the separation of races in railway stations 69 African Americans reported lynched. 1889 Asa Philip Randolph born, Crescent City (FL) 94 African Americans reported lynched. 1890 85 African Americans reported lynched 1891 Georgia first state to adopt law separating races in streetcars. 113 African Americans reported lynched Wage strikes Cottonpickers in Texas; 1892 Afr i can American dock workers in St. Louis (MO) ; 1896 African American dock workers in Galveston (TX); 1911, white firefighters on the C i ncinnati New Orleans and Texas Pacific Railroad struck to protest the hiring of African American firefighters 1892 Amalgamated Associat ion of Street Railway Employees of America (now Amalgamated Transit Uni on), first national street railway labor union founded Indianapolis (IN) 161 African Americans reported lynched. 1893 118 African Americans reported lynched 154

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Appendix A (Continued) 1895 Emigration of 200 African Americans from South Carol i na to Liberia South Carolina Constitutional Convention adopted understand ing clause eliminated African American votes 113 African Americans reported lyn c hed Whites attacked New Orleans laborers six African Amer i cans ki lled. 1896 P/essy v. Ferguson U S Supreme Court decision uphe l d sepa r ate but equal doctrine," began age of federal Jim Crow 1897 Louisiana adopted constitution with grandfather clause," eliminated African American voters 123 Afr i can Amer i cans reported lynched. 1898 National Afro-American Council (NAAC) founded in Rochester (NY), proposed a program of assertion and protest. Race riot, W i lmington (NC) eight African Americans k ill ed 101 African Americans reported lynched 1899 African Americans observed day of fasting protesting l ync h ings and racia l massacres on call from NAAC. African-American and white workers rioted over jobs in Pana (IL) six persons killed 85 African Americans reported lynched. 1900 "Lift Ev'ry Voice and Sing composed by James Weldon Johnson and J Rosamond Johnson Race riot New Orleans two white police officers killed 106 African Americans reported lynched 1901 Alabama adopted c onstitution with grandfather clause," eli minating Africa n Amer ican voters 155

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Appendix A (Continued) 105 African Americans reported lynched 1903 U. S. Supreme Court upheld African American disenfranchisement clauses in Alabama constitution beginning era of federal Jim Crow 84 African Americans reported lynched. 1904 76 African Americans reported lynched 1905 Niagara (met near Niagara Falls) movement organized by African American intellectuals and activities demanded abolition of all distinctions based on race (Bennett 1993 : 514) 57 African Americans reported lynched. 1906 Brownsville (TX) raided by African American soldiers, retaliating racial insults One wh i te man killed two wounded. Race riot, Atlanta (GA) 10 African Americans and two whites killed Martial law declared After a Philadelphia (PA) theater presentation of Thomas D i xon's The Oansman 3 000 African Americans demonstrated and rioted in protest. 62 African Americans reported lynched 1908 Race riot Springfield (IL), troops called out. 89 African Americans reported lynched. 1909 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) founded. Organizational meeting call issued on 1001 h anniversary of Lincoln's birth White firefighters on Georgia Railroad struck protesting employment of African Americans 69 African Americans reported lynched 1910 Baltimore (MD) passed first city ordinance requiring white and African American residential areas Similar laws passed Dallas (TX), Greensboro (NC), Louisville (KY), Norfolk, Richmond and Roanoke (VA), Oklahoma City (OK) and St. Louis (MO) 156

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Appendix A (Continued) 67 African Americans reported lynched 1911 NAACP incorporated in New York. National Urban League formed from merger of the Committee for Improving the Industr i al Conditions of Negroes in New York the Committee on Urban Conditions, and the National League for the Protection of Colored Women. 60 African Americans reported lynched. 1912 61 African Americans reported lynched. 1913 Woodrow Wilson and Cabinet discuss African American and white relations in government departments. Afterwards administration began segregation in departments. By the end of 1911, separate work areas, lavatories, and lunchrooms in many government departments in the Capital. 51 African Americans reported lynched. 1915 Guinn v. United States U S. Court ruled grandfather clauses" in Oklahoma and Maryland constitutions violated the Fifteenth Amendment. Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History (originally Association for the Study of Negro Life and History) organized in Chicago (IL) center for dissemination of information on African American history Ku Klux Klan received charter from Fulton County (GA). Modern Klan spread to Alabama other southern states, California Indiana Ohio Oklahoma and Oregon 56 African Americans reported lynched. 191 Os-1940s Great Migration began Approximately two million African Americans moved from the South to northern industrial centers. Department of Labor (DOL) said, in 1923, one-half million African Americans had left the South in preceding year. And they came, hundreds and hundreds of thousands, in the biggest migration in American history The first wave (300,000) came between 1910 and 1920 followed by a second wave (1 ,300,000) between 1920 and 1930. The third and fourth waves, even larger, came in the thirties (1 500 000) and the forties (2 500 000) (Bennett 1993 : 344). 157

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Appendix A (Continued) 1916 50 African Americans reported lynched 1917 10 000 African Americans marched down Fifth Avenue (New York City) silently protesting lynchings and racial indignities Buchanan v. l.t'Vclrley decision U S Supreme Court stuck down Louisv i lle (KY) ordinance that required African Americans and whites to live in separate residential areas Jazz migration began ; Joe Oliver moved to Chicago from New Orl eans. Other musicians left the south. 27-30 May, East St. Louis (IL) race riot ; one African American killed. 1-3 July East St. L ou is (IL) race riot ; estimates of 40 to 200 killed Marital law declared. Houston (TX) race riot between soldiers of Twenty-fourth Infantry Regiment and white citizens. Two African Americans and 11 whites killed martial law declared Later 13 African American soldiers hanged for alleged participation. 36 African Americans reported lynched 1918 American Street Railway Association (predecessor of the Amer ic an Public Transit Association (APTA) called for public takeover of mass transit. Chester (PA) race riot three African Americans and two whites killed. Philadelphia (PA) race riot three whites and one Africa n Amer ica n killed Five soldiers hanged for alleged participation in 1917 Houston rio t. Series of racial "incidents" following Armistice signing 60 African Americans reported lynched 1919 Pan-African Congress met i n Paris. Red Summer more than 26 riots Charleston (SC) race riot two African Americans killed. Longview and Gregg counties (TX) marital law dec lared. 158

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Appendix A (Continued) Chicago riot, 15 whites and 23 African Americans killed and more than 500 hundred injured. Troops mobilized. Elaine (AR) race riot five whites and 25 to 50 African Americans killed. Washington (DC) race riot begun by raids on African Amer i can residential areas by white soldiers six persons killed and more than 100 wounded 76 African Americans reported lynched 1920 Nineteenth Amendment: rights of citizens "to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." National convention of Universal Improvement Association opened in Harlem (NY) 53 African Americans reported lynched 1921 Rosewood (FL) massacre. Tulas (OK) race riot 21 whites and 60 African Americans killed 59 African Americans reported lynched. 1921 The Negro (Harlem) Renaissance. 1922 51 African Americans reported lynched 1923 Oklahoma state of virtual rebellion and insurrection due to KKK atrocities Governor declared martial law. 29 African Americans reported lynched 1925 Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters organized at mass meeting in Harlem. 1926 Carter G Woodson organized first African American History week celebration in the second week of February commemorating Lincoln s birthday and generally accepted birthday of Frederick Douglass 1927 Nixon v. Herndon U S Supreme Court decision struck down Texas law barring African Americans from voting in "white primary 159

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Appendix A (Continued) 1928 Oscar DePriest elected to Seventy-first Congress from Illinois First Congressional District (Chicago) ; first African-American representative from the North and the first African-American in Congress since George H. White in 1901. 1929 Martin Luther King Jr. born "Don't Buy Where You Can t Work campaign began in Chicago Campaign spread to Cleveland Los Angeles New York, and other cities and lasted through the Depression. 1929-1937 Great Depression 26 percent of African American males unemployed. 1931 First Scottsboro (AL) trial. Nine African American youths accused of raping two white women on a freight train 1933-1934 NAACP began coordinated attack on segregation and discrimination suing the University of North Carolina on behalf of Thomas Hocutt. NAACP and the American Fund for Public Service planned coordinated legal campaign against segregation for discrimination 1936 NAACP filed suit to equalize the salaries of African American and white teachers Gibbs v Board of Education, Montgomery County (MD) 1939 NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund incorporated as a separate organization 1935 National Council of Negro Women founded in New York City Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935 enacted required power companies to divest transit operations eliminating private transit financing 1936 National Negro Congress organized in Chicago. A. Philip Randolph of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters elected president. Bus manufacturers began assuming control of or influence street railways marking replacement of streetcars with buses 1937 Pullman Company recognized the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porter s. 1938 Mssouri ex ref Gaines U S Supreme Court ruled that a state must provide equal educational faci lities for African Americans The plaintiff Lloyd Gaines "disappeared after the decision and has never been located 160

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Appendix A (Continued) 1940 African American leaders, in a meeting with Roosevelt at the White House protested discrimination in the armed forces and war industries Later in the same year, White House released policy statement government ... is not to intermingle colored and white enlisted personnel in the same regimental organizations. The policy statement was followed by a meeting of the Committee on the Participation of Negroes in the National Defense Program and Roosevelt. 1941 National Urban League urged equal participation for African Americans in national defense program Dr. Robert Weaver named director of Office of Production Management section, responsible for integrating of African Americans into national defense program. New York City bus companies agreed to hire African American drivers and mechanics, ending four-week boycott. A. Philip Randolph called for March on Washington to protest discrimination in the national defense program. Roosevelt conferred with Randolph and other African American leaders urging to call off march. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 forbade racial and religious discrimination in war industries, government training programs and government industries. Randolph called off the march. F i rst U .S. Army flying school for African Americans founded at Tuskegee (AL) African American soldier and white military police officer killed on bus in North Carolina in a fight between African American and whi te soldiers marking repeat of racial conflict between African American soldiers and whites as in early part of the century 1942 "Durham (SC) Manifesto "calling for fundamental changes in race relations" issued by 60 Southern African American leaders. Congress of Race Equality (CORE) organized in Chicago by African Americans and white advocates of direct nonviolent action. CORE members staged sit-in in Stoner's Restaurant (Chicago). Sojourner Truth Homes (Detroit Ml) race riot. 1943 Mobile (AL) shipyard riot after the upgrading of 12 Afr i can-American workers. 'Beaumont (TX) riot two killed. 161

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Appendix A (Continued) Detroit race riot 34 killed Federal troops ordered to Detroit. Harlem race riot. 1944 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1944 significantly increased funds authorized for federal -aid highway programs in anticipation of the transit i on to a postwar economy and to prepare for the expected growth in traffic (Weiner 1992 :21 ) Srrith v. Allvvright U. S. Supreme Court decision "white primaries excluding African Americans unconst i tutional. 1945 One thousand white students in Gary (IN) walked out in protest of integration Sim i lar p r otests are carried out in Chicago and other Northern and Western c i ties. Jesse James Payne lynched in Madison County (FL). 1946 Irene /\!organ v. Corrrronvvealth of Virginia U. S. Supreme Court banned segregation in interstate bus travel. Truman s Executive Order No. 9808 created Committee on Civil Rights Columbia (TN) race riot two killed and 10 wounded. Athens (AL) race riot. NAACP said 1946 was one of the grimmest years in the history of the [NAACP]. Reports of blowtorch killing and eye-gouging of Negro veterans freshly retu n ed from a war to end torture and racial extermination were documented The NAACP said Negroes in America have been disillusioned over the wave of lynchings brutality and official recession from all of the flamboyant promises of post war democracy and decency (Bennett 1993:543) 1947 Twenty-three African American and white Freedom Riders sent by CORE and the Fellowship of Reconciliation to the South to test compliance with court decisions NAACP presented petition on rac i sm An Appeal to the World ," to United Nations at Lake Success 162

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Appendix A (Continued) 1948 Sipuel v Oklahoma State Board of Regents U S. Supreme Court decision stated a state must provide African Americans "an opportunity to commence the study of law at a state institution at the same time as [other] citizens Truman urged Congress in a spec ial message to adopt a civil rights program that included a fair employment practices commission and antilynching and antipoll tax measures. A Philip Randolph advised Senate Armed Services Committee that ... unless segregation and discrimination were banned in draft programs he would urge African American youths to resist induction by civil disobed i ence Glenn H Taylor, U S Senator (I D) and Progressive Party vice-presidentia l candidate arrested in Birmingham (AL) for trying to enter a meeting through door marked Colored. Shelley v. Kraemer U. S Supreme Court decision ruled that federal and state courts could not enforce restrictive covenants that bared persons from owning or occupying property because of race Alabama and Mississippi democrats quit the Democratic convention after convention adopted a strong" civil rights plank Truman issued Executive Order 9981, directing equality of treatment and opportunity' in the armed forces California Supreme Court voided statute banning interracial marriages. 1949 WERD first African American-owned radio station opened in Atlanta CORE called for sit-in campaign to end segregation in downtown St. Louis National Emergency Civil Rights Conference in Washington (DC) attended by more than 4,000 delegates. Svveatt v Painter, rvt:Laurin v. Oklahoma State Regents, and Henderson v United States U.S. Supreme Court decisions undermined the legal foundations of segregation 1951 New York City Council passed bill prohibit ing racial discrimination in city assissted housing developments 163

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Appendix A (Continued) Washington (DC) Municipal Court of Appeals ruled racial segregation illegal in local restaurants NAACP escalated attack on segregation and discrimination at elementary and high school level stating segregation was discrimination in cases before South Carolina and Kansas South Carolina court held segregation was not d i scrimination. Kansas Court found separate facilities were equal but segregation had an adverse effect on African American children Truman named committee to monitor compliance with antidiscrimination provisions in U S. Government contracts and subcontracts Crowd of 3,500 tried to keep black family from moving into all-white city, Cicero (IL). Governor Adlai Stevenson called out National Guard. Florida NAACP official, Harry T. Moore, killed and his spouse seriously injured by bombing of their home in Mims (FL) 1952 Tuskegee Institute reported this as the first year in 71 years of tabulation that there was no lynching of Blacks in the U. S 1953 U. S Supreme Court banned segregation in Washington (DC) restaurants Baton Rouge (LA) bus boycott. Eisenhower established Government Contract Compliance Committee to supervise antidiscrimination regulations in government contracts. Trumbull Park Housing Project (Chicago IL) riots, lasting more than three years and requiring more than 1, 000 police officers to keep order because Black families move to project. 1954 Bro'Ml v Board of Education U S. Supreme Court decision ruled segregation in public schools unconstitutional. Housing Act of 1954, Section 701, authorized federal planning assistance to states cities and other municipalities to encourage an orderly process of urban planning to address the problems associated with urban growth (Weiner : 32) First White Citizens Council organized in Indianola (MS). 1954-1963 194 U .S. transit companies went out of business. 164

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Appendix A (Continued) 1955 Air Quality Control Act directed the Surgeon General to conduct research to abate air pollution U. S. Supreme Court ordered school integration "w ith all deliberate speed." U. S. Supreme Court decision in Baltimore case banned segregation in public recreational facilities Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) banned segregation on buses and in waiting rooms involved in interstate travel. Rosa Parks arrested after refusing to give her seat to a white man on a Montgomery (AL) bus. Montgomery bus boycott began Martin Luther King, Jr., elected president of boycott organization. Emmett Till (14) kidnapped and lynched Money (MS) 1956 Manifesto issued by 100 Southern senators and representatives denouncing Supreme Court decision on segregation in public schools. U. S. Supreme Court refused to review lower court decision on banning segregation in intrastate bus travel. Tallahassee bus boycott began Later that year Federal Judge Dozier Devane granted injunction restraining city officials from interfering with integration of buses saying "eve ry segregation act of every state or city is as dead as a doornail. Federal court ruled that racial segregation on Montgomery (AL) buses violated the Constitution Blacks in Birmingham (AL) began mass defiance of Jim Crow bus laws Martin Luther King, Jr.' s home bombed in Montgomery (AL). Autherine J Lucy admitted to University of Alabama Suspended after a riot and later expelled Nat "King Cole attacked on stage in Birmingham (AL) by white supremacists. Enrollment of students prevented at Manfield (TX) High School by white mob 165

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Appendix A (Continued) Black students entered Clay (KY) elementary school with National Guard protection Students were later barred. Fred L. Shuttlesworth s home destroyed by bomb in Birmingham (AL) Tennessee National Guard sent to Clinton (TN) to stop mobs demonstrating against school integration. 1957 Southern Christian Leadership Conference founded in New Orleans (LA) with Martin Luther King Jr. as president. Biggest civil rights demonstration to date Prayer Pilgrimage, held in Washington (DC) Tuskegee boycott began. "Blacks boycotted city stores in protest against act of state legislature that deprived them of municipal votes by placing their homes outside city limits (Bennett 1993:556). Civil Rights Act f 1957 passed by Congress the first federal civil rights legislation since 1875, establishing a civil rights commission a civil rights division in the Justice Department, and Justice authority to seek injunctions against voting rights infractions Eisenhower ordered federal troops to Little Rock (AR) to prevent interference with school integration at Central High School. Hattie Cotton Elementary School (Nashville, TN) destroyed by dynamite. Enrollment 1 Black and 388 whites F. L. Shuttlesworth attacked when attempting to enroll his daughters in "white Birmingham (AL) school. 1958 Summit Meeting of National Negro Leaders called for escalated campaign against discrimination and desegregation Members of NAACP Youth Council began sit-ins at Oklahoma City (OK) lunch counters Youth March for Integrated Schools in Washington(DC) held with more than 10,000 students and other participants. 1959 Board of Supervisors Prince Edward County (VA) abandoned school system to avoid segregation. 166

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Appendi x A (Continued) Plan building of interracial housing development blocked by citizens of Deerfield (IL). Mack Parker lynched Poplar (MS). 1960 Eisenhower signed Civil Rights Act of 1960. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organized at Shaw University (Raleigh, NC). Elijah Muhammad Nation of Islam put forward the call for the creation of a B lack state in America Students at North Carolin a A & T College started sit-in in G reensboro (NC) five and-dime store. Within 10 days, sit-ins and other demonst ra tions were held i n 15 Southern cities in five states. In late March the Associated Press reported that more than 1 ,000 blacks had been arrested in sit-ins. Alabama State College (Montgomery, AL) students; students in Nashville (TN); students in Tallahassee (FL); Black and white students kneel-in in Atlanta chu rc hes First voting rights case under the Civil Rights Act: consent judgement in M emphis (TN) federal court ended restrictions barring Bla ck voters in Fayette County (TN). Kennedy elected 351 h U S president. Chattanooga (TN) ra ce riot at sit-in. z. Ale xander Looby 's home bombed. Looby was counsel for 153 students arrested in Nashville (TN) sit-ins. Jacksonville (FL) race riot after 10 days of sit-ins, 50 reported injured. 1961 Jail-in movement started in Rock Hill (SC). SNCC urged so uthwide "Jail, No Bail campaign. Freedom Rides began bus trip through the South. Freedom R ide Coordinating Committee (FRCC) organized in Atlanta (GA). First bus bombed and burned outside Annist o n (AL). Fr ee dom Riders also attacked in A nniston Birmingham,and M ontgomery (AL). Twenty-seven Freed om Riders arrested in Jackson (MS). Attacked at bus stating in McComb (MS) 167

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Appendix A (Continued) Interstate Commerce Comm i ssion (ICC) prohibited segregat i on o n inters t ate buses and in terminal facilities. The Housing and Urban Development Act of 1961 provided transit demonstration funding and mass transportation project loans Southern Regional Council (SRC) reported that sit-ins had affected 20 states and more than 1 00 cities in Southern and Borer States between February 1960 and September 1961. At least 7 000 Blacks and whites had part ic ipated ; an estimated 3 600 had been arrested ; and at least 141 students and 58 faculty members had been expelled by colleges SRC estimated that one or more establishments in 108 Southern and Border state cities had been desegra t ed as a result of the sit-ins (Bennett 1993:564) Baton Rouge (LA) police used tear gas and leashed dogs to stop mass demonstration of 1 500 Blacks. 1962 Kennedy delivered Transportation Message to Congress Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1962 mandated urban transportat i on planning as a condition for receiving federal funds in urbanized areas. It is declared to be i n the national interest to encourage and promote the deve l opmen t of transportat i on systems embracing various modes of transport in a manner tha t wi ll serve the states and local communities efficiently and effectively' (U S Department of Transportation 1980) Bus boycott began Macon (GA). Kennedy issued Executive Order 12250 bar r ed racia l d i scrimination in federally financed housing. Southern University (Baton Rouge LA) closed because of demons t rat i ons protesting expulsion of sit-in participants Students at University of Chicago staged demonstrations against d i scr i mination in off campus housing CORE charged that the un ivers ity operated segrega t ed apartment houses Chicago (IL), protests picketing, and demonstrations staged against de facto segregation, double shifts and mobile classrooms at elementary schools Englewood (NJ) seven whites and four Blacks arrested afte r all-night sit-in at city hall. 168

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Appendix A (Continued) Sit-ins and other passive resistance activities began in Cairo (IL) protesting segregating public facilities Albany (GA) movement began by August 1 almost 1 000 demonstrators had been arrested including Martin Luth er King Jr. Shady Grove Baptist Church Leesburg (GA) burned. Sasser (GA) two churches burned Two youths wounded by shotgun blasts fired at a home in Rul eville (MS) Church burned near Dawson (GA) Church burned in Macon (GA). James Meredith escorted to University of Mississippi campus by federal marshals. Students, others from Oxford (MS) and other Sout h ern communities riot. Two person killed and more than 100 wounded. 1963 Voter registration campaign began in Greenwood (MS) with Emancipation Centennial protests. Air Force Captain Edward J Dwight Jr. named to aerospace research pilots, first black astronaut candidate Birmingham (AL) antisegregation c ampaign began More than 2 000 partic i pants arrested before the end of the campaign (3 April 10 May). Harlem (NY) construction site demonstrations protesting d i scrimination in building trades uni ons. Demonstrations and marches held in metropolitan areas protesting housing schoo l and job discrimination 3 000 Black students boycotted Boston public schoo l s protesting de facto seg reg at ion. Open confrontations between demonstrators and white segregationists in Cambridge (MD). Martial l aw imposed by National Guard March on Washington, largest civil rights demonstration to date more than 250,000 people participated. 16 9

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Appendi x A (Continued) Freedom Day prote s t of de facto segregation 225 000 s tudents boycotted schools in Chicago (IL) Birmingham (AL) riot after bombing motel and home of i ntegration leader. 161 h Street Baptist Birmingham (AL) church bombed Four young women killed Medgar W Evers, NAACP (MS) field secretary assassinated at his Jackson (MS) home Kennedy assassinated in Dallas (TX) 1964 Federal Transit Act (originally Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964) enacted established the Federal Transit Administration (FTA) within the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to provide capital grants to transit systems Twenty-fourth Amendment to U.S. Constitution enacted eliminating poll tax requirements in federal elections. Cloture imposed by U S Senate for the first time on a civil rights measure C ivil Rights Act signed by Johnson 2 July. Malcolm X founded Organization fo r Afro-American Unity Johnson signed Economic Opportunity Act. Credentials Committee of Democratic party seated all-white M i ssissippi delegation and two members of the integrated (MS) Freedom Democratic party as delegates at-large. Martin Luther King Jr awarded Nobel Peace Prize New York City public school boycotts : 464 000 Black and Puerto Rican students 3 February; and 16 March more than 267 000. 172,000 boycotted Chicago public schools World s Fair demonstration 294 arrested. Rochester (NY) race riot. Riot spread to Bedford-Stuyvesant (Brooklyn NY) Jersey C ity (NJ) race riot. 170

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Appendix A (Continued) Bodies of three civil rights workers discovered near Philadelphia (MS) The three had been missing since 21 June. Patterson (NJ) race riot. Elizabeth (NJ) race riot. Dixmoor suburb (Chicago, IL) race riot. Philadelphia (PA) race riot. 1965 Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965 created the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to better coordinate urban programs at the federal level." The Act also authorized grants for comprehensive planning. Voter registration drive began in Selma (AL) Malcolm X assassinated in New York City. Constance Baker Motley elected Manhattan Bough president highest elective office held by a woman in a major American city. Patricia R. Harris first Black woman ambassador, Luxembourg Vivian Malone first Black student, graduated from the University of Alabama Johnson signed Voting Rights Bill authorizing the suspension of literacy tests and sending federal examiners to the South. Second attempt to complete Selma-to-Montgomery march ended with rally of more than 50 000 at Montgomery (AL) Marchers were protected by federalized Alabama National Guardsmen and U. S Army troops Jimmie Lee Jackson died of injuries said to be inflicted while in police custody in Marion (AL) Alabama state troopers and sheriff's deputies used tear gas and billy clubs to disperse Selma-to-Montgomery civil rights marchers. Three white Unitarian ministers attacked in public in Selma (AL) One, James J Reeb later died in Birmingham (AL) hospital. 171

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Appendix A (Continued) Viola Liuzzo killed on U. S. Highway80 after second Selma-to-Montgomery march Watts insurrection lasted six days National Guard mobilized. Thirty-four people killed, 1 ,032 injured, 4,000 arrested, $35 million estimated property damage Jonathan M. Daniel killed and Rich ard F. Mor risroe seriously wounded, both white demonstrators in Lowndes County (AL) by shotgun f i re from white special deputy s heriff in Hayneville (AL) Chicago (IL) We s t Side race riot, National Guard pla ced on stand-by alert 1966 The Urban Mass Transportation A ct of 1966 expanded capital for transit funding and allowed funding for research, planning and training and created United States Department of Transportation (USDOT). Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966 Section 204 asserted federal interest in improving the coordination of public facility co n s truction projects in the wake of numerous federal grant programs for urban renew a l highways transit and other co n s tru ctio n project s Martin Luther King Jr began Chicago campaign Julian Bond e lected to lower house of (GA) l eg i s lature but denied seat because of hi s opposition to Vietnam War. Bond seated after legal decisions and national pressure in 1967 Martin Luther King Jr. denounced Vietnam W ar. Stokely Carmichael named chair of SNCC. Carmichael launched Black Power Mov e m e nt. National Welfare Rights Organization found e d Washington Conference on Civil Rights attended by more than 2 400 persons Huey N e wton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party in Oakland (CA). Racial viol e nce reported in more than 43 ci tie s 11 p ersons killed more than 400 injur ed, and 3 000 arrested 172

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Appendix A (Continued) James Meredith wounded near Hernando (MS) by white sniper during 220-mile Memphis-to-Jackson voter registration March. Chicago race riot. National Guard mobilized. Cleveland (OH) riot in Hough district. Gov. James A. Rhodes declared state emergency and dispatched National Guard Martin Luther King Jr. stoned during Chicago march. Lansing (MI) race riot. Waukegan (IL) race riot. Benton Harbor (MI) race riot. National Guard mobilized Dayton (OH) race riot. National Guard mobilized. Atlanta (GA) race riot. San Francisco riot. National Guard mobilized 1967 H Rap Brown replaced Carmichael as chair of SNCC Major Robert H. Lawrence Jr. named first black astronaut and killed later the same year during training flight. More than 1, 000 persons attended the first Bla c k Powe r Conference in Newark (NJ). Roxbury (Boston, MA)race riot. Tampa (FL) race riot. National guard mobilized Cincinnati (OH) race riot. National guard mobilized 300 persons arrested Buffalo (NY) race riot. Newark rebellion. 23 persons killed National guard mobilized 173

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Appendix A (Continued) The racial uprising spread to 10 of the city s 23 square miles More than 1 ,500persons were injured and 1, 300 were arrested. Police reported 300 fires. The Newark rebellion the worst outbreak of racial violence since Watts spread to other New Jersey communities, including New Brunswick Englewood, Paterson, Elizabeth, Palmyra, Passaic and Plainfield (Bennett :581 ). Cairo (IL) race riot. National guard mobilized Durham (NC) race riot. National guard mobilized Memphis (TN) race riot. National guard mobilized Detroit riot. 43 persons killed; more than 2,000 persons injured ; 5 000 arrested Federal troops called out to halt the largest racial rebellion in aU. S city in the 201 h century. Riots spread to other Michigan cities. Cambridge (MD) race riot. National guard mobilized. Milwaukee (WI) race riot. Four person killed. National gua r d mobilized A report of the Senate permanent Investigating Comm i ttee s aid there were 75 major riots in1967 compared with 21 major riots in 1966 The committee reported that 83 persons were killed in 1967 riots c ompared w i th 11 in 1966 and 36 in 1965 (Bennett 1993:582). 1968 Federal-Aid Highway of 1968 established the Traff i c Operations Program to Improve Capacity and Safety (TOPICS) The program was desi gned to redu c e traffic congestion and improve the flow of traffic in urban areas FTA moved to USDOT. On 19 June, 50 000 demonstrators participated in Solidarity Day March of P oor People's Campaign. Joining demonstrators at Resurrection C i ty. On 24 June Resurrection City closed more than 100 residents arrested. National Guard mobilized Three s tudents protesting segregation at a bowling alley killed by poli c e offi c ers during demonstrations on the campu s of South Carol i na State i n Orangeb urg (SC) Tear gas used by state trooper s to stop demonstrations at Alcorn A & M Colleg e 174

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Appendix A (Continued) The Kerner Commission (National Advisory Commiss ion on Civil Disorders ) reported that white racism was the fundamental cause of the riots in American cities. The commission sai d America was 'm oving toward two societies, one Black one white-separate and unequal."' Howard University students, demanding campus ref orm and Blac k -orie nt curriculum, seized administration building. Student rebellion at Cheney State College (PA). State tr oopers mobilized Memphis (TN) race riot interrupted march led by Martin Lut her King Jr. National Guard mobilized B o wie State College building seized by s tudents Martin Luther King Jr. assassinated in Memphis (TN). As sassin ation began national crisis r io t ing ensured in more than 1 00 cities. 46 persons killed in Washington Chicago ,and other cities. 20,000 fede ral troops and 34 000 National Guardsmen mobilized Memorial marches and ra llies held throughout the country. M ore than 300 Tuskegee ( AL) University students held 12 of the school trustees for 12 h ours, demanding ca mpus reforms. Boston (MA) University Black students occupied admin is tra tion buildi ng demanding Afro-American history courses and more Bla c k students. Trinity (CT) College administration building occupied by students protesting campus b ias. Bla c k and white students at Columbia (NY) Univers ity end ed opera t io n s for t he academic year by seizing five buildings Ohio State Un iversi ty administration build ing taken over by students. Northwestern (MI) University finan ce building taken over by Black students, demanding B l ac k-orie nted curriculum and ca mpus reforms Cleveland (OH) race riot. 11 persons killed Nationa l Guard mobilized. Gary (IN) race riot. 175

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Appendix A (Continued) Miami (FL) race riot during national convention in Miami Beach Nat ional Guard mobilized San Francisco State (CA) University classes suspended after demonstrations by Black Student Union and Third World Liberation Front. The National Advisory (Kerner) Commission on Civil Disorders report linked employment opportunities and transportation Most new employment opportunities do not occur in central cities, near all-Negro neighborhoods. They are being created in suburbs and outlying areas--and this trend is likely to continue indefinitely (1968:392) The Commission went on to recommend expansion of aid to local public transportation service providers and subs idization of routes serving the inner cit i es in an effort to allay the civil disorders of the 1960s. 1969 National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) of 1969 "enunciated ... a broad nat ional policy to prevent or eliminate damage to the environment (Weiner 1992 : 82). The national policy was to encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment." Civil rights activists support striking hospital workers in Charleston (SC). Student Afro-American Society took over Columbia College (SC) admission office demanding a special admissions board and staff Student Union Building at Cornell University (Ithaca NY) taken over by 100 Black students carrying rifles and shotguns protesting university racism ." Demonstrators at North Carolina A & T College (Greensboro SC) fired on by police and National Guard. One student was killed and five police officers injured. Hartford (CT) race riot. Cairo (IL) racial disturbances "; state troopers called out. Baton Rouge racial "disturbances." National Guard mobilized. U S. Justice Department reported rioting down in urban areas by 50 percent from 1968 Fort Lauderdale (FL) racial "disturbances." National Guard mobilized 176

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Appendix A (Continued) Hartford (CT) racial disorders ." 500 hundred arrested scores injured Chicago (IL) West Side, police and Blacks exchanged sniper fire One person killed, nine police officers injured. Springfield (MA) race riot. U S Supreme Court ruled school systems must end segregation at once and "operate now and hereafter only unitary schools. Alexanderv. Court abandoned "all deliberate speed principle. Jacksonville (FL) race riot. Fred Hampton and Mark Clark two Black Panther leaders murdered in the i r beds by Chicago police 1970 Clean Air Act Amendments of 1970 created the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), developed mechanisms for setting ambient air qual ity standards and established transportation control measures, including more mass transit. Environmental Quality Improvement Act of 1970 a companion to NEPA required the preparation of environmental impact statements (EISs) and solicitat i on of comments from all concerned agencies. Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1970 established the urban highway system designed to serve major centers of activity and to serve local goals and objectives. "Routes on the system were to be selected by local officials and state departments cooperatively This provision significantly i ncreased the influence of local jurisdictions in urban highway decisions" (Weiner 1992:98) The Urban Mass Transportation Assistance Act of 1970 authorized a $3 1 billion program of capital grants The first long-term commitment of federal funds for mass transportation The Act also established fede r al pol i cy on addressing the needs of aging persons and persons with disabilities. Voting Rights Act extended to 1975 Defense Department limited electronic surveillance after disclosure of civil disturbance information collection plan that directed gathering information on civil rights groups. 177

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Appendix A (Continued) Stephen Gill NAACP Chair told convention that the Nixon administration was antiNegro and was pressing a calculated policy inimical to "the needs and aspirations of the large majority" of citizens University of Michigan students struck demanding increased black enrollment. Strike ended after almost two weeks when administration agreed to meet demands. Augusta (GA) riot. Six Blacks killed Offic i al report that five were shot by police. Jackson State University (MS) t wo students killed by police in racial "disturbance. Ohio State University "disturbance." National guard mobilized. Black and white students demanded end to ROTC programs and increased admission of black students Miami (FL) race riot. Asbury Park (NJ) riot, more than 100 persons injured Hartford (CT) six-day riot, one person killed San Rafael (Marin County CA) Courthouse shootout. Four persons killed including presiding judge Activist Angela Davis charged with helping to provide weapons. Philadelphia (PA) racial confrontation between police and Black Panther Party members. One police officer killed and six wounded. New Orleans housing project shootout between activists and police officers. One Black killed and two whites injured Henderson (NC) riots National Guard mobilized Daytona Beach (FL) race riots Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) founded 178

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Appendix A (Continued) 1971 Nixon s State of Union message boycotted by 12 Black Congressional representatives because of his "consistent refusal" to respond to the petitions of Black Americans. Nixon later met with members of the CBC and appointed a White House panel to study a list of recommendation s put forward by the group. Nixon later rejected the 60 demands of the CBC saying his administration would support "jobs income and tangible benefits the pledges that this society has made to the disadvantaged in the past decade ." The CBC said the administration lacked a sense of understanding urgency and commitment in dealing with the critical problems facing Black Americans ." Suit filed by the Justice Department against Black Jack suburb (St. Louis MO) charging community with illegally using municipal procedures to block an integrated housing development. People United to Serve Humanity (PUSH) founded in Chicago (IL) by Reverend Jesse Jackson. U S Supreme Court ruled that busing was a constitutionally acceptable method of integrating public schools (Bennett 1993:593) Wilmington (NC) riot ; two persons killed. National guard mobilized. Brownsville (New York City) riot. Chattanooga (TN) riot; one person killed and 400 arrested Nat i onal Guard mobilized Jo Etha Collier killed in Drew (MS) by bullet fired from passing car. Jacksonville (FL) racial "disturbance." Columbus (GA) racial "disturbance ." Mayor declared a state of emergency. Republic of New Africa (RNA) Jackson MS, headquarters raided White police officers killed ; 11 RNA members arrested Soledad (San Quentin CA) murders. George Jackson shot in the back. Attica (NY) State Correctional Facility uprising. 10 guards killed. Investigation showed that 9 of the 1 0 killed by the storming party of 1 500 tro ops and officers Memphis (TN) racial disturbances. Two killed 179

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Appendix A (Continued) Rahway (NJ) State Prison uprising. Klansmen arrested for bombing 10 school buses in Pontiac (MI) 1972 National Education Association (NEA) reported that Blacks had lost 30,000 teach ing jobs since 1954 in 17 Southern and Border states due to discrimination and desegregation. NAACP report stated that unemployment of urban Blacks in 1971 was worse than at any time since the great depression of the thirties ." It also reported that more school desegregation occurred in 1971 than in any other year since the 1954 decision The convention adopted an emergency resolution charging that Ni x on was leading the mob in its assault upon the 141 h Amendment's Equal Protection clause ." Census report said Black employment averaged 9 9 percent compared with 5 4 for whites. 31.8 percent of all Black families were headed by a woman, versus 28 percent in 1970 U S. health officials admitted that Blacks had been used as guinea pigs in 40year syphilis exper i ment. U S. Supreme Court ruled that the death penalty was cruel and unusual punishment, violating the Eighth Amendment. At that time 81 percent of the 600 persons awaiting execution were Blacks or members of other minority groups Baton Rouge (LA) racial disturbance. Two Black youths and two deputy sheriffs killed Washington (DC) prison uprising. Kitty HaVlA<, a i rcraft carrier, race riot off the coast of North Vietnam 46 Black and white sailors injured Southern University demonstrations; two students killed by officers. National Guard mob i lized 1973 The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 increased the federally-funded portion of transit capital projects from 66 2/3% to 80 % and authorized the use of Federal Aid Urban Systems highway funds and Interstate Highway Transfer s for qualifying transit projects 180

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Appendix A (Continued) Rahway (NJ) State Prison uprising. Klansmen arrested for bombing 10 school buses in Pon tiac (MI). 1972 National Education Association (NEA) reported that Blacks had lost 30 000 teaching jobs since 1954 in 17 Southern and Border states due to d isc rimination and desegregation. NAACP report stated that unemployment of urban Blacks in 1971 was worse than at any time since the great depression of the thirties ." It also reported that more school desegregation occurred in 1971 than in any other year since the 1954 decision. The convention adopted an emergency resolution charging that Nixon was "leading the mob in its assault upon the 14th Ame ndment's Equal Protection clause ." Census report said Black employment averaged 9 9 percent compared with 5.4 for whites 31.8 percent of all Black families were headed by a woman versus 28 percent in 1970. U. S health officials admitted that Black s had been used as guinea pigs in 40year syphilis experiment. U S Supreme Court ruled that the death penalty was c ruel and unusua l punishment violating the Eighth Amendment. At that time 81 percent of the 600 persons awaiting execution were Black s or members of other minority groups Baton Rouge (LA) racial disturbance ." Two Black youths and two deputy sheriffs killed. Washington (DC) prison upris ing. fVtty HaiM<, aircraft carrier, race riot off the coast of North Vietnam 46 B l ack and white sailors injured. Southern University demonstrations ; two s tudents killed by officers. National Guard mobilized 1973 The Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 increased the federally-funded portion of transit capital projects from 66 2/3 % to 80 % and authorized the use of Federal-Aid Urban Systems highway funds and Inte r state H i ghway Transfer s fo r qualifying transit projects 181

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Appendix A (Continued) Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act requires portion of transit service to be accessible by the disabled 197 4 The National Mass Transportation Assistance Act of 197 4 increased authorizations for discretionary capital funding and created a formula grant program to allocate funding directly to urbanized areas that could be used for either operations or capital projects Joint Center for Political Studies reported that 2,991 Blacks held elective officers in 45 states and DC The report stated that Michigan had the largest number of Black officials, 194; Mississippi, 191. Boston school busing "crisis." National Guard mobilized 1976 FBI documents revealed that the government mounted an intensive campaign against civil rights organizations in the sixties. The operation called OINTELPRO was des i gned "to expose disrupt misdirect, discredit or otherwise neutralize the activities of Black nationalists, hate-type groups, their leadership spokespersons membership and supporters and to counter their propensity for violence and civil disorder s SNCC and SCLC were cited as having "radical and v io lence prone leaders, members and followers." Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1976 extended the use of funds from trade-ins of nonessential interstate routes, allowing the use of funds from these route s on other interstate routes in a state 1977 Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977 required state and local governments to develop revisions to state implementation plans (SIP s) for all nonattainment areas. Revisions had to provide for attainment or demonstrate that the standards could not be met with stationary and transportation control measures. 1978 The Federal Public Transportation Act of 1978 Title Ill of the Surface Transportation Assistance Act of 1978 divided the formula grant program into categorical programs that included capital grants for bus purchases and additional operating grants for fixed guideway systems and nonurbanized areas. National Energy Act of 1978 required states to undertake conservation measure s including promotion of carpools and vanpo o ls. Allan P. Bakke admitted to University of California after reverse-discrimination ruling by U S. Supreme Court Jonestown (Guyana) mass murder and suicide. 182

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Appendix A (Continued) 1979 Death of A. Philip Randolph {90). Lttberv Kaiser Alurrinum and Cherrical Corporation, U S Supreme Court ruled that employers and unions can establish voluntary affirmative action programs, including quotas, to aid in minority employment. Klansmen fired on an anti-Klan rally in Greensboro (NC); f ive persons killed Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B rith record a sharp rise in KKK activity. Klan membership in 22 states increased from 8 000 to 10 000 between March 1978 and November 1979 ; sympathizers grew from 30 000 to 100 000. 1980 ldabell (OK) racial violence Two persons killed. KKK incidents and subsequent injuries reported in California Georgia Indiana North Carolina and Tennessee Racial incidents in Wrightsville (GA) Chattanooga (TN), Oceanside (CA) Kokomo (IN), Wichita (KA), and Johnson County (NC) Three Blacks slain in Buffalo (NY) by U S Army Pvt Joseph C Christopher. Christopher indicted for murder in 1981. Miami (FL) riot ; 16 persons killed and 300 or more injured. Later that summer 40 more injured in another disturbance Ronald Reagan elected president ; widespread oppos i tion from civil rights groups and Blacks 1981 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1981 set early completion and preservation of the Interstate system as the highest priority highway program U. S. Department of Labor (DOL) reported that Black unemployment was at 14 percent. Twenty-eight Black youths mysteriously abducted and slain in Atlanta (GA) Wayne Williams later convicted for two of the murders. National Boycott of Coca-Cola Bottling Company called by PUSH ended Coca Cola agreed to spend $34 million in the Black community 183

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Appendix A (Con tinued) Solidarity Day march in Washington (DC) attended by 300 000 demonstrators from labor and civil rights organizations protesting social policies of the Reagan administration. Jos ep h Paul Franklin sentenced to life imprisonment for killing two Black joggers in Salt Lake City (UT). 1982 The Federal Public Tran sportation Act of 1982 Title Ill of the Surface Tran sportation Assistance Act of 1982 provided t hat 1 cent of a 5 cents per gallon increase in th e H ighway Trust Fund tax on motor fuels would be placed into a Mass Transit Account for capital projects increased the portion of all funding allocated through the formula grant program and altered the formula grant program allocation formula to include transit service data as well as population data. DOL reported Black unemployment rate fell to 16 8 percent from 17 .3. Miami (FL) race riot precipitated by Miami police shooting. 1983 DOL reported B lack unemployment rate at record h i gh of 20.8 percent. Lt.C ol. Guion S Bluford Jr. Challenger space shuttle crew member first American Black to fly into outer space. Reagan signed into law bill designating the third Monday of January as a federal holiday honoring Martin Luther King Jr. 1984 The Tax Reform Act of 1984 allowed employees to receive a de minim i s up to $15 per month tax-free fringe benefit in the form of an employer-provided t r ans i t subsidy or pass. American Blacks began protests against apartheid and the policies of the Reagan administration By December nearly 40 prominent Blacks had been arrested for picketing South African embassies in Washington (DC) and other cities 1985 Bernhard H Goetz accused of shooting four youths on New York subway Goetz was indicted initially on charge of illegal possession weapon MOVE (Philadelphia, PA) headquarters bombed by police and firefighter s Eleven people five of whom were children killed. Sixty-one homes destroyed. 184

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Appendix A (Continued) 1986 DOL reported that Black unemployment rate dropped to 14.4 percent from 14 9. U S. Supreme Court upheld affirmative action as a past d i scrimination. The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) reported that Blacks accounted for 25 percent of the acquired immune deficiency sy ndrome (AIDS) victims in the U. S The National A cadem y of Sciences reported that approximately 25,000 Americans had died of AIDS Michael Griffith killed while fleeing white mob in Howard Beach (New York City) neighborhood 1987 The National Urban League State of Black America stated Black Americans enter 1987 besieged by the resurgence of raw racism persistent economic depression and the continued erosion of past gains. The Federal Mass Transportat ion Act of 1987 Title Ill of the Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation As sis tance Act of 1987 provided that a portion of the Highway Trust Fund Mass Transit Account would be allocated by formula for capita l purposes. Martin Luther King birthday ce lebrant s attacked in all-white Forsyth County (GA). A few days lat er, 20 000 Black and white marchers stage a protest. Thurgo od Marshall denounced plans for national celebration of the bicentennial of the U S Constitution reminding American s that the original document exc luded Bla cks native American s and women Dr Mae C. Jemi son named the first Black woman astronaut. 1988 DOL reported that Black unemployment was 12 2 per ce nt, co mpared with th e national rate of 5.7 and that of Hispanics 7.2. Census Bureau report e d that the 1987 median income among black families was $18 098 ; whites, $32,274 The poverty rate for blacks was 33 1 percent; whites 1 0 .5. The poverty rate for Black children was 45.8 percent ; white ch ildren 1 0.5. Reagan sig ned fair housing bill further expanding protection against housing discrimination. Bush and Republican National Committee use launch racist campaign, u sing photographs of convict Willi e H orton. 185

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Appendix A (Continued) Rev Jesse Jackson and a group of Black leaders called for the abandonment of the term "Black and the use of African American." Four white students disciplined by Dartmouth College (Hanover, NH) administration after harassing a Black professor. CBC sent a letter of protest to Japanese Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita in response to anti-Black remarks and anti-Black practices in Japan First Black fraternity (Phi Bea Sigma) house at the University of Miss i ssippi destroyed by fire Arson strongly suspected. Commemorative march in Washington (DC) mark i ng the 1963 march More than 60, 000 participated. 1989 Census Bureau reported 1988 Black poverty rate was 31. 6 percent ; white 10. 1 ; Hispanic 26 8 U.S. Supreme Court banned Richmond (VA) 30 percent set-aside program for minority-owned construction firms Justice Thurgood Marshall writing in dissent stated that the decision was a full-scale retreat from t h e court s l ong-standing solicitude to race-conscious remedial efforts directed toward del iverance of the century-old promise of equality of economic opportunity. DOL reported Black unemployment at 11. 9 percent ; wh i te 4.3. U. S Supreme Court ruled that white workers claiming reverse discrimination could seek redress under the same civil rights legislation originally passed to protect Blacks. A separate ruling made on the same day, dismissed a challenged to a discriminatory seniority system The court also l imited an 1866 civil rights dec i s i on that forbid claims of racial harassment i n the wor k place. National Urban League President John E Jacob stated that these decisions were "threats to the vital interests of American Blacks (Bennett:629). Overtown (Miami FL) riot. Precipitated by the shooting and killing by police of a Black motorcyclist. Virginia Beach (VA) disturbance between police and Black students National Guard mobilized Yusuf K. Hawkins (16) killed in Benson hurst (Brooklyn NY) by white youths 186

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Appendix A (Continued) 1990 The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990 raised to 1.5 cents per gallon the portion of the Highway Trust Fund tax on motor fuels to be placed in the Mass Transit Account. The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) requires transit systems to provide service accessible to persons with disabilities The Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 recast transportation planning to provide for improved air quality, mandating conformity between federally-approved or financ i ally-assisted projects and SIPs No activity could cause or contribute to new or increase the severity of existing violations of air quality standards. A fourth wave of church burnings begins. The National Coalition of Burned Church Pastors for Community Empowerment (NCBCP) reported that between 1990 and 1999, 829 churches burned in the U.S. The majority were African American, 376 and others had multiethnic congregations (Peters 1999) 1991 The Federal Transit Act Amendments of 1991, Title Ill of the lntermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA) extended transit assistance through FY 1997 increased the amounts authorized and converted the rail modernization portion of Section 5309 major capital funds to a formula basis 1992 Federico Pena first Hispanic to be appointed secretary of USDOT Rodney L. Slater First African-American to be appointed administrator of Federal Highway Administration. Gordon L. Linton second African-American administrator of Federal Transit Administration. The Energy Policy Act of 1992 increased the tax-free amount of the transit commuter fringe benefit to $60 per month with an inflation provision removed the cliff provision that had made the entire benefit taxable if the monthly limit was exceeded and extended the benefit to vanpools. 1993 The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993 raised to 2 cents per gallon the portion of the Highway Trust Fund tax on motor fuels to be placed in the Mass Transit Account effective October 1 1995. 1994 The Federal Transit Act was codified as Title 49 Chapter 53-Mass Transportation of the United States Code 187

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Appendix A (Continued) Executive Order 12898 Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations ," focused attent i on on the environmental and human health conditions in minor ity and low-income communities to ensure that all federal programs and activities do not use criteria, methods, or practices that discriminate on the basis of race color or national origin The first symposium on African-American Mobility Issues convened in Tampa (FL). Attended by more than 60 part icipa nts from the U S and the Car i bbean. 1995 Cynthia Wiggins, a 17-year-old black women exited a public bus 300 yards from the Cheektowaga (NY) Galleria mall and while attempting to cross a seven-lane highway was struck by a 1 0-ton dump truck. Public transportation vehicles were restricted from the mall. The city did, however, allow charter buses from as far away as Canada to use the Galleria parking lot (Barnes 1996 : 33) Ms Wiggins died on 2 January 1996 The Niagara Frontier Transit Authority had attempted for more than eight years to persuade the mall owners to allow the buses to use the parking lot. The owners initially blamed the Authority for not making the bus stop closer to the mall; however according to a former lessor of the mall a representative of the mall assured him in lease negotiations you 'll never see an inner-city bus on the mall premises" (Barnes 1996 :33). The second symposium on African-American Mobility Issues convened in Tampa (FL). Attended by more than 80 participants from the U.S. and the Caribbean. 1996 The third symposium on African-American Mobility I ssues convened in Tampa (FL). Attended by more than 130 participants from the U. S. and the Caribbean Personal Responsibility and Work Reconc i liation Act signed by President B ill Clinton. Act sets lifetime limit on the receipt of benef i ts. DHHS Assistant Secretary Edelman resigns post in protest. Voters in California enact Proposition 209 which prohibits discrimination or preferential treatment by state and other public entities. 1997 Rodney L. Slater first African-American to be appointed secretary of US DOT. The Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 raised to 2 86 cents per gallon the portion of the Highway Trust Fund tax on motor fuels to be placed in the Mass Trans i t A ccou nt effective October 1, 1997 188

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Appendix A (Continued) lnt ermodal Surf ace Transportation Effi c ien cy Act of 1991 (ISTEA) was extended through March 31, 1998. The f ourth symposium on African-American Mobili t y I ssues convened i n Tampa (FL) Attended by more th an 250 part i cipants from the U. S. and the Caribbean. 19 98 Th e F ederal T ransit Act of 1998 Title Ill of the Transportation E quity Act for t he 2 1 st Century ( TEA 2 1 ) extended the transit program through F Y 2003. H ate Crimes P revention Bill enac ted ... set[s] penal ties for persons who ... willfully cause bodily injury to any person ... because of the actual or perceived: ( 1 ) race color, religion or national origin of any pers on; a n d (2} relig ion gender sexual o rien tation, or disability of any person ... James B yrd, Jr., chained to a pickup t ruck and dragged to death by three white male supremac i sts in Jasper (TX). 1 999 Governer J eb" Bush announces One F lorida I nitiative, three executive orders regarding co ntr acting, educa t ion, and hiring The orders prohibit the Governor and Executive Agencies from using racial or gender set-asides, preferences, or quotas in con tr acting hiring and educa t ion. 2000 Administrative hearing judge upholds NAACP challenge to One F lorida in i tiative as related to college admissions. The judge ruled that universities are allowed to consider diffe r ent criteria for admissions to certain programs to meet equal access goals but race-based c riter i a cannot be used 18 9

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Endnotes 1 The bulk of the material for th is c hron ology h as been gleaned from Landmarks and Miles tones (Bennett: 443-644). Transportation legislation and milestones derived from stat i s tics and o th er materia ls from the American Public Transit Association O ther transportation i nformatio n was extrac t ed from the 1992 and 1997 edi t ions of Urban Transporlation Planning in the Unfted States: An Historical Overview by Edward Weiner 190

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Appendix B: Transit Industry Surve y Pl ease fill out the following survey as accurately as you can Unless ind i cated otherwise check on l y one box each question Your response is important to our analysis. All responses will be kept strictly confidential Please complete and return no later than August 31, 1995. We ant ici pate that we will publ is h the project report in fall 1995. A stamped, self-addressed envelope is enclosed for your convenience If you have any quest ions regarding this survey please contact Efra in Areizaga (813) 97 4-3120 Thank you for your cooperation 1 Please indicate your gender 0 Female 0 Male 2 Please indicate your race or ethnicity 0 Black of Non H ispanic Origin 0 Black of H ispanic Origin 0 Hispani c 0 White of Non-Hispanic Origin 0 Asian or Pacific Islander 0 American Indican or Alaskan Native 0 Other race/ethnicity (Please specify.) 3 Please give your age in years only 4 Please i ndicate your agency's legal status 0 Public 0 Private 5. Please indicate your current j ob category. 0 Admi nistrator/Official 0 Profess i onal 0 Techn ician 0 Protect ive Services 0 Para-Professional 0 Adminis trative Support 0 Other ( P leas e specify ) 6 Please indi cate the total number of years of experience you have in the transiUtransportation industry 7 P l ease list your current job title 8 Please indicate the number of years you have held your current position. 9. Please indicate your gross annua l salary Round to the nearest $100 10 Please ind icat e the h i ghest degree you have earned. 0 0 High school diploma or equivalent Bachelor' s 0 Mast er's 0 Doctorate 0 Professional ( J D., P.E. etc ) ( Please specify) 11. Please indicate any certificate or license you have earned 0 Not applicab le 0 AICP 0 P E 0 Other (Please specify.) 12 If you have participated i n any of the following program please check all that app l y 0 A Better Chance 0 APTF Trans it Hall of Fame Scholarship 0 Upwa rd Bound 0 Urban League 0 US DOT Summer Transportation Internship 0 Other ( Please specify.) 13 Do you th i nk that the percentage of minorities and women i n senior or management positions in the transit i ndustry has ... 0 i ncreased in the last 10 years? 0 decreased in the las t 10 years ? 0 stayed about the same? 14 Do you thin k that the percentage of m i norities and women in senior or management positions in your agency has ... 0 increased in the last 10 years? 0 decreased i n the last 10 years? 0 stayed about the same? 15. In comparison t o a ll other in dustries do you think that the percentage of m i norities and women in the transit indus try is .... 0 increased i n the l ast 10 years ? 0 decreased in the last 10 years? 191 0 stayed about the same?

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Append ix B (Con tinued) 16. Does you r agency provide a career guidance or mentoring program? DYes DNo 1 7. Do you receive career guidance or mentoring from a supervisor or senior-level person in your agency? DYes DNo If no do you think this is primarily due to . (Check a ll that apply.) a b c your gender? DYes your race or ethnicity? D Yes other. ( P l ease specify ) DNo DNo 18 Does your agency provide mechan i sms to facilitate communications (e.g., regularly scheduled staff meetings suggestion boxes intra-agency neYISietters and soon.)? DYes DNo 19 Do you think that you are fully in cluded in th e flow of i n formation in your agency? DYes DNo If no do you think this is primarily due t o ... (C heck all that apply.) a your gender? DYes D N o b your race or ethnicity? DYes D N o c other. (Please specify ) 20 Does your agency have a training or professional development prog ram? DYes DNo 21. Do you think that you have equitable access to opportunities for tra ining or professional development i n your agency? DYes DNo I f no, do you think this is primarily due to ... (Check all that apply. ) a. your gender? D Yes b. your race or ethnicity? D Yes c. other (Please specify ) DNo D N o 22. Do you think that you have equitab l e opportunities t o be involved in significant projects in you r agency? DYes DNo If no, do you think this i s primarily due t o ... (Check all that apply ) a your gende r? D Yes D N o b you r race or ethnicity? D Yes D N o c. ot her. (Please specify .) 23 Does you r agency have wri tten career path or promotion guidelines? DYes DNo sal ary increase(s) or p romotion(s) in your agency? DYes D N o If yes do you think t his is primari l y due to ... (Chec k a ll that apply.) a your gende r? DYes b your race or ethnicity? D Yes c. other (Please specify ) DNo DNo 25. Do you think that there a r e salary disparities within your agency? DYes DNo If yes, do you think this is p rim a rily due to ... (Check all that app l y.) a your gender? DYes DNo b you r race or ethn icity? D Yes D No c other ( Please specify. ) 26 D o you think that you have been placed in a dead-end or support pos i tion that is not commensurate w i th your tra i ning or experience ? DYes DNo If yes do you thi n k this i s primari l y due to ... (Chec k all that apply. ) a your gender? DYes b your race o r ethnicity? D Yes c other. ( P lease specify.) DNo DNo 27 Do you think that affirmative action polices are i mportant in advancing the in terests of m inorities and women in transportation? DYes D N o 28. Do you think that you were h i red or promoted i n part, due to affirmative action policies or plans in your agency. D Yes D N o 29. Are you interes ted in participating in a 2(}. to 3G-minute telephone intervi ew? DYes D No If yes, please provide : Name : Daytime Teleph one: ( 30. Comments (p lease attach additional pages, if necessary): P lease use the stamped self -addressed envelope p rovi ded with the survey or mail to: CUTR, Col l ege of Engineering Univers i ty of South F lorida, 4 202 E. Fowler Avenue ENB 118, Tampa, FL3362G-5350 THANK YOU!!! 2 4 Do you think that you have been unfairly denied a 192

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App endix C : Afr i can Am erica ns Oth e r Mino rities, and W ome n i n the T ra ns i t Industry Surv e y R esponses Summary 1 Please indicat e )'QUr gende r 54.5"/o F emal e 45 5% Mal e 2. Please indicate )'QUr race or ethnicily 7 1.7% B lack o f Non-Hispani c Origin 1.0 % Black of Hisp anic Oigin 4 4 % His panic 17.f1'/o White of Non-Hispani c Origin 2.0 % Asian or Pacific Islander 0 0 % American Indican or Alaskan Native 2.0 % O ther r ace/e thnicity ( Please specify.) 1 .0% Missing 3. Please give your age in years only. Avera ge 44.9 years 4. Please indicat e )'QU r agency 's legal status 95.3% Public 4.0% Private 5. Please indica t e )'QUr curre nt jo b cat egory. 5 2.5"/o Admin istr
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Appendi x C (Continued) 1 7. Do you receive c areer guidance ()( rnent oring f r om a supervisor o r seni()(-level p erson in your agency ? 22 .2% Yes 76.8% No 1-0 %Missing If no, do you think this i s primarily due to ... ( C heck a ll that app ly.) a. your gender? b. your race o r e thnic ity c. othe r. (Please specify.) 17.1% Yes 26.3",{, Yes 46 1 % 19. 2 % N o 20.2 % N o 1 8 Does your agency provide mechanisms t o faci6iate C()(nmuni cations (e.g., regularly schedu l e d staff meet ings, suggestion boxes, i ntra-agency newsle ners, and so on.)? 87.9% Yes 10.1% No 20%Missing 19. Do you think that yo u are fu Dy indudro in the flow of information in your agency? 4 6.5% Yes 529% No 0.7 %Missing If no, do you th i nk th i s is primarily due t o ... (Ch ec k all that apply.) a. your gender? b. your r ace o r e thni c ity c. o th er. (Please specify.) 18. 5% Yes 36.9% Yes 49.7",{, 10.4 % N o 10 1 % N o 20. Does your agency have a training ()( professi o nal devek:>pm e nt program? 70 4 % Yes 28.3% No 1.3 %Missing 21. Do yo u th ink that you have equitable access to oppor tunities f or training or p r ofessional devebpment in your agency? 71.4 % Yes 26.9% No 1. 7%Missing If n o, do you think thi s i s primarily due t o ... (Ch ec k all tha t apply.) a. your gender? b. your race or ethni c i ty c o t h e r. (Please specify.) 2 1 .3% Yes 4 7.5% Yes 33.8% 8 1 % No 6.7% No 22. Do you th i nktha t you have equitableopportunitiest o be in110lved in significan t projects in your agency? 57.9% Yes 40. 4 % No 1 .7 %Missing If no. do you think thi s is pr i m arily due to ... (Check a ll th a t a ppl y ) d your gender? 2 4 2 % Yes 7.4% No b. your race o r ethnicity 55.0 % Yes 5 1 % No c other. (Please specify ) 43.3% 23. Does your agency have wri n en career path or p romotion guide&nes? 30.0% Yes 67.JO.k No 2.7% Missing 24. Do you think that you have been unfai rl y den iro a salar} increase(s) or p r o motion(s) i n your agency? 45 .8% Yes 50.8% No 3. 4 % Missing If yes, d o you think this i s primarily due to ... (Check all tha t apply. ) a. yo ur gender? b. your race or eth nicity c. othe r (Pimse specify.) 34.6 % Yes 6 4 .7% Yes 34.6 % 4.0 % N o 4.0 % No 25. Do you think that th e r e are salary disparities within you r agency! 79.5% Yes 17.8% N o 2 .7%Missing If yes, do you think this is p rimari l y due to ... (Check al l that app ly.) a. your gender? b. you r race or e thnicity c. other. (Pimse specify.) 41.5 % Y e s 53.8 % Y e s 35.2 % 8.8% No 11.4 % No 26. Doyou think that you have been pla ced inadead-endorsupport position tha t is not C()(nrnensurate with yo u r trainin g ()( experience? 29.6 % Yes 68 0% No 2.4%Missing If yes, do you think thi s is pri m arily due to ... (Chec k all that apply.) a. your gender? b. your race or ethnicity c other (Please specify.) 25.0 % Yes 6 1 .4 % Yes 36.4% 3. 4 % No 3.0 % No 27. Do you think that affi rmative action pokes are important in advancing the i nterests of m inorities and women in transporta tion? 9 1 .6% Yes 7.1% No 1 .3 % Missing 28. Do yuu think t hat you e r e h ired ()( promotro, in part. due t o atTormative a c ti on pol icies or plans i n yo ur agency. 54. 2% Yes 43 4 % N o 2. 4 % Missing 29. A r e you int erested in participating in a 20to 30-min ute t e l ephone intervie w ? 4 3.0% Yes 53.5% No 3. 4 % Missing 194

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Appendix C (Continue d ) For those responses giv e n as other th a n g e nder race or ethnicity the fo llo w ing explanations were proved 17. Do you receive career guidance or mentoring from a supervisor or senior-level person in your agency? If no do you think this is primarily due to ... Merger s and reorganization within the age ncy The agency is dri ven by politics ins tead of so und business decisions. Th e agency is aware that the survey participant has received some type of o ut s i de mentoring. T he best ava ilab le resources are superiors which prese nt a conf l ict of i n t erest. Marital s tatus. Fear fa c tor Th e s ur vey participa n t i s in a sen i or leve l po s ition (several answers ) There is no f o rmal program available (several answers) Lac k of interest or concern f o r others There is an assumption that opportunities do not exist. Not an agency priority L ac k of ability to provid e and lack o f sy mpathy Career guidance i s the responsi bility o f eac h individual. Poor management. Th e r e i s no one (qualified) a v a il able to assume th e role of a mentor. Lack of crea tiv ity. Lack o f tim e or desire. 19. Do you think you are fully included in the flow of information in you r agency? If no, do you think this is primarily due to ... Se ni o r managers do not wish t o sha r e i nf orma tion R a nk. Low e r s t a tu s i s ignor ed. Informal information remain s within r es tri c ted c ir c l es based on soc ial relationships. Multipl e r eo rgani za tions. L eve l within t he age n cy. (several ans wers) P erso nality co nfl ic ts. Poor l eaders hip (management sty l e) Militarist/bureaucratic system Offi c e politics P e r sonal prejudi ces Inf or m at ion flows inco n sisten t ly and is a t m os t tim es s h ade d (quest i o n ab le). 195

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Appendix C (Continued) Rigid e nvironment. New to the organization. Nature o f the o rganization U. Do you think you have equitable opportunities to be involved in significant projects in your agency? If no, do you think this is primarily due to .... Proje cts e nhance ones pr ofile and therefore generally reserved by rank Age Old fashion thinking/hierarchial environment. Lack of infor mation. The agency advances Hispanics Poor management. Personality confl i cts Position within the organization. Politics Not an engineer. Age Lack of managerial experience or seniority. Good old boy 's network. 24 Do you think you have been unfairly denied a salary increase(s) or promotion(s) in your agency? If yes do you think this is primarily due to ... Con sidered an outsider within the agency. Unwillingness to compromise self. Do not possess an effective voice in decision making. Politics Marital status. P ers onality conflict. Personal prejudices Unjustly overlooked. Outspokenness. Opportunities are not available 25 Do you think that there are salary disparities within your agency? If yes do you think the disparities are primarily due to ... Seniority within the agency Salary at previous employer. Agen cy affiliation. Mergers 196

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Appendix C (Continued) Power of person for whom you work Lack of commitment to the review process Union vs non-union Out dated job descriptions Favoritism Agency hires political appointees Marital status/children Politics Undervalue OPS positions Budget Incentive pay is biased toward non-minorities Fear factor No apparent correlation between salary and job duties. People who work the most are paid the least. Marital status Old boys network 26. Do you think that you have been placed in a dead-end or support position that is not commensurate with your training or experience? If yes, do you think this is primarily due to ... Promotions are the result of cliques and power streams Those in charge (non-minorities) don't care Personal style and methods of communicating Politics/bureaucratic system Personality conflicts. Poor management Lack of opportunity Generally minorities are placed in Affirmative Action/EEO departments without an avenue for advancement. Affirmative action policies can be both harmful and helpful. 197

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APPENDIX D : Telephone Interviews This appendix provides summaries of the telephone interviews with r es pondent s to the African Americans Other Minorities and W omen in Transit survey. Survey respondents were asked the following questions. 1 Why did you volunteer for this interview? 2 Do you think your experiences have had an impact on your effectiveness in the transit industry? If yes, how? 3 Have you developed a way to cope with the problems or reconcile the competing agendas If so, what is it? 4 Are you providing any supports and if so, what kind for junior staff, community etc? 5 What do you see as the future of minorities and women within the transportation/transit industry? 6 Based on your experience, what is an important objective in striving for upward mobility within an organization? 7 Is there anything else you would like to add that relates to the study? Table D 1 presents a s ummary profile of respondents in the telephon e int erview. T able C-2 shows salary distribution of respondents. 1 98

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App e ndi x D (Continued) Tabl e D-1. Summary Profile of Respondents YEARS JOB EDUCATION/ GENDER RACE AGE EXPERIENCE CATEGORY C ERTIFICATION Respondent 1 Female Black 40 19 p Bache l or's Respondent 2 Female Black 32 8 A Bache l or's Respondent3 M ale Bla ck 42 17 p Master 's/Hono rary Doctorate Respondent 4 Male Black 32 7 A Bachelor s RespondentS Female White 40 8 A Master 's Respondent 6 Female Black 29 6 p Master's Respondent 7 Female Black 41 7 p Master's Respondent 8 Female White 41 10 p Master' s/PE Respo ndent 9 Female Black 45 1 0 A Master 's/ABD Responde nt 1 0 Female Black 47 1 2 A Master 's R esponde nt 11 Female Black 42 8 A Bachelor' s Respondent 12 Male Black 58 33 p Bachelor' s Respondent 1 3 Female H ispanic 33 3 A Bachelor's Respondent14 Female Black 36 5 p J D Respondent15 Male Black 33 12 p v Female Black 35 6 p Bachelor's R esponde nt 17 Male Black 49 20 A Bachelor' s a A = Administrator/Official; P = Professional 199

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Appendix D (Continued) Table D-2 Salary Distribution of Respondents Range I $30,000-$39, 999 2 $40 ,000-$44 ,999 6 $45,000 $4 9, 999 3 $ 50,000 $5 9 999 1 $60 000 $ 69, 999 3 70 000 + 2 Respondent1 It was important to take time and contribute to a worthwhile cause. The beginning of my career was an extremely stressful period. Expectations (of self and i ndustry) have c hanged. Throughout my twenty years in the industry I have never received a h i gh salary Upward mobility is limited within the industry. National economic situat i on of the industry is overwhelming therefore stability is shaky. I predict an overall reduct i on i n females and minorities in executive positions within the next three to five years Education is the key. Learn through training and experience Minorities and women should focus on mentoring and networking, self-improvement and becom i ng po li t i cally involved I am involved in church/community youth mentoring programs and minor i ty associations such as COMTO Overall, I am pleased with position and agency. Respondent 2 The survey subject is extremely important in today s polit i ca l and so ci a l c l i mate Personally, it is difficult for women to advance to senior level positions such as genera l manager or assistant general manager Education enhances the opportunities but opportunities remain l i mited and unprotected. Federal budget cuts will significantly impact the future of minorities Personal flexibility and education will cont i nue to p lay a major role. Industry epitomizes the good ol' boy concept. I have rece i ved informa l mentoring from fellow minorities and serve as a mentor within the community The beginning of my career was very stressful. This caused serious health problems assoc i ated with hypertension which led to an absence from work This abse nc e was viewed as a learning and maturing process I have learned the best way to cope i s by being prepared and by not being overly sensitive to situations as they may arise 200

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Appendix D (Continued) Respond en t 3 I 'v e learned through past r esea r ch that more responses increase t he credibi li t y o f the research The idea of last hired first fired is overwhelming w i th i n the ind ustry pertaining to minorities and women. Therefore, it is important t o remain flexib l e and technologically-competitive and enhance transferrable skills. It is also important for minorities to increase writing and communication skills network and become involved in transportation-related orga niz ations, not necessarily lim ited to minority-based organizations I have experienced health problems at times For example I commuted 160 miles daily for the past 13 years I am the only person within the organ i zation who performs spec ific ope rat ion duties theref ore I control time management and productivity I participate in community outreach programs and provide te chnica l assistance within the organization, but I'm not politically active in order to avoid being labeled a troublemaker. Respondent 4 I viewed participation in th e survey as my duty as a minority and public official. realize that everyone is not treated the same even in today s society Throughout my career I 've only had one expe rience with a manager (non-minor i ty) t ha t was negative. began my career at a young age and managed others twice my age. The job i s stressful but doe s not seriously affec t my health I m involved in mentor ing programs within fraterna l organizations and community groups I also provide support w i th i n the organization to minorities or entry level per son nel. I give guidance as possible and believe it is important for minorities and women to work together (network and mentor), remain honest, and keep pushing forward Respondent 5 I m interested in expanding and furthering opportunities. The industry d isp lays an adequate representation of all types of people at different levels. Although there are several o pportun i ties for advancement bas ed on educational bac kgro und and experience transportation is still not viewed as a viable pro fession I am extreme ly pleased with my position in the industry and have not exper i enced any problems health related or otherwise except the need for more t ime in a day. It is extremely stressful and a demanding pos i tion I participate in formal mentoring program s in the c ommu n i ty and info rmal mentoring with supervisor and junior staff. I'm the lowest paid of the directors in the agency, but believe this is based on the num ber of employees managed and the salary leve l at previous positions not gender. The agen cy makes e v ery effort to live by affirmative action guidelines. 201

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Appendix D (Continued) Respondent 6 I'm tired of being the only minority at organizational meetings and willing to help in any way if this study will result in a change I m educationally more prepa r ed and more qualified than my co workers In the industry there is a huge demand, but top managers are comfortable hiring non-minorities It is a difficult field with powerful opportunities, especially for minority women who have even less of an opportunity. I ve experienced stress from co workers/peers due to negative attitudes and resentment. I maintain a professional attitude at all times. It is important for minorities and women to have positive attitudes self-confidence, and continue education and skill enhancement. Women espec i ally must become more aggressive and more vocal about experiences and recommendations for improvements I am a mentor within the community and tutor within the church Respondent 7 I have a great commitment to advancing minorities especially African-American males who are severely underrepresented in higher level positions in the agency and in this region of the country (northeast) There is a combination of the lack of opportunity or access to jobs and the inability to network (no sense of cooperation among minorities) Minorities particularly African Americans, must first overcome being African Americans before the job can be done The biggest obstacle for minorities may be other minorities that question each others' abilities which leads to self-doubt. I'm professionally trained in time and stress management. I rely on physical fitness self determination and spirituality to cope with stress. I m involved in religious programs geared towards at-risk youth COMTO community summer youth programs informal mentoring at various levels within the organization and teach at a community college Minorities must also deal with the media s portrayal of them in a negative light often diluting the importance/significance of minority associations It is important for minorities and women to pave the way" for others to follow by participating in minority organizations and mentoring However this involvement may be viewed as a threat to non-minorities. Also, it is important for minorities to become politically active and informed (understand the players within an organization) focus on education, volunteer and never get too comfortable in any position or organization 202

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Appendix 0 (Continued) RespondentS It is important to understand the dynamics for women in the transiUtransportation industry. In general women are denied leadership roles in projects because of gender. For women, it is a constant battle because they are not taken seriously and assumed incompetent. I am an active volunteer I believe there will be a gradual percentage increase of women in leade r ship roles in the future Important ideas to remember : determination set goals self-confidence don t settle and don t accept condescending attitudes of tokenism Respondent 9 I'm interested in academic surveys The transportation industry allows a person to meet a wide va r iety of people from various cultural backgrounds It is important to have a sense of humor in daily stressful situations. I develop and conduct a training course on stress and time management within the organization. It is important to combine knowledge and skills with networking for success within any industry. I have experienced a problem in attaining minority women as mentors within the industry. it is i mportant for minorities and women to focus on skills and self-development with the ultimate goal of becoming an entrepreneur. Although this society is based on segregation and prejudices the growth potential and opportunities for advancement of minorities and women will increase in the future. There are executive management positions available today, but the r e is also a need for legislation and politicians to encourage minority employment. Respondent 1 0 Research is valuable to minorities and women I was denied ( passed over for'') a promotion by another minority (male), but was more qualified (educational background and experience) than the person selected I am the lowest paid director in my agency and believe this is directly related to race and gender ; the disparity ranges from $10 000 to $100 000. Within my agency, minority males rece i ve comparable salaries I'm involved in informal mentoring within the agency community and church groups The industry is not conscious of the needs of minorities and women therefore it must be constantly reminded It is important to remember the world is not fair. Set realistic expectations and rely on religious beliefs. Political representation in minority communities is also important. Training outside of the organization is crucial for women. It is important to seek othe r opportunities and encourage staff to apply for other positions within the organization and seek training opportunities 203

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Appendix D (Continued) Respondent 11 Research is important if it analyzes the function o(the indus try and the divers i ty of the workforce. I have been fortunate enough to have had great mentors and pos i tive experiences throughout my eight-year career. In the beginning I experienced a period of s tress related to a managerial position It is important to remain competitive, update skills (computer technology) and attain advanced degrees if possible. Salary disparities are evident within my agency due to poor management. In general the industry employs a great deal of minorities However it is unequal at lower levels, i.e bus operators. With the possibility of a republican presidency minorities will have much more difficulty to prove them selves without affirmative action guidelines. Respondent 12 I retired after 33 years in the transit industry. It is important for minorities and women to strive for excellence in all areas education, and certification (skills) Several opportunities for minorities will be available in the future I received and provided informal mentoring and believe it is extremely important for minorities. Society uses obstacles to prevent minoritie s from achieving goals, therefore we must focus on our abi lity and reso urces. I was denied sa l ary in c rea ses for two years due to race. This was directly related to performance evaluation, which had been excellent prior to an incident with management. A poor evaluation caused a reduction in salary increases for the remainder of my career. Respondent 13 I felt input would be helpful to the success of the research. Overall I've had positive experiences throughout three years in the industry. Small occurrences have been used as tools to strengthen my determination. My position deals directly with the public (customer information) and is affected by outside forces, which requires constan t planning and acting. N ow I 've fine-tuned my tim e manag ement skills I did not r eceive guidance due to reorganization within the agency I'm seeking alternate resources (informal) within the agency. There are sal ary disparities within the agency and industry. In general, the opportunities are not available for women and minorities. Future is promising if women come together and network. Education i s main component for advancement. 204

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Appendix D (Continued) Respondent 14 I believe there are no opportunities for advancement. It is an extremely stressful position workload is equivalent to that of four people I manage my time accordingly. overcame evil attitude problems that were associated with chronic ten sion. I never received career guidance within the agency I seek resources outside my department and agency I m involved in a peer leadership program and informa l network ing among co-workers. The opportunities for women and minorities are limited within the field of construct i on law. There will be little gains for minorities and women in the future due to the backlash of anti-affirmative action sentiment. I m not optimistic without affirmative action. I believe that it is not important to become politically active, but it is important to possess the ability to understand corporate culture. Nepotism occurs within the industry. Upward mobility relies upon mentors personal excellence career development networking and sticking together I enjoy my work. Th is region of country (northeast) may play a role in history of discrim in ation with i n the industry. Respondent 15 I m currently involved in a discrimination suit with department and agency Salary disparitie s are prevalent in the agency. I received career guidance from family members but none within agency The pending litigation has not had an impact on my effectiveness because of my strong family background. I have a negative opinion of the human resource department and the overall manner in which the agency is hand l ing the situation There is a blatant disregard for minorities within the agency I'm self motivated and use my family members as role models. M i norit i es and women must first and continually focus on education in order to compete. The future for minorit ies a s a whole is positive, however the future for African Americans is decl i ning. Respondent16 I received information about the survey from a co-worker and wanted to cont ribute. An extremely stressful position caused a month s leave of absence on the adv i sement of my doctor. Now I rely on spirituality and self-motivation to deal with daily situations Minorities and women have been the target of a process of eliminat i on. I ve f iled discrimination charges against the agency and am now alienated by peers. I have received informal mentoring outside the agency and involved in community youth programs. Opportunities do not exist at the top levels for Afr i can-Americans. 205

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Appendix D (Continued) Respondent 17 Research is important. Ideas flow easier v ia conversat i on rather than paper Currently I m involved in an EEO claim with the agency There are d i spar i ties in compensation for minorities and women at the executive level due to a Jack of management discretion I supervise people who earn more. A true professiona l would not allow conflicts to interfere with effectiveness or performance The position is challenging and enormous but I must use personal motivation and maturity to compete In the past six years, the agency has started four rail projects This is intensive work and always difficult to manage time The career offers great growth potential within the state and nationally. I manage a staff of 500, therefore I must manage time w i sely I m involved in teaching and mentoring within the agency and community During the past three years I ve been involved with a mentoring program for high school students I received on the job training and am currently enrolled in MBA extension program with an area university that is offered through the agency It is important for m i norit i es and women to keep abreast of ever-changing computer technology and focus on educat i on as an ongoing process. If minorities and women are in a posit ion to enhance the careers of other minorities and women, they must to ensure equal representation Th i s does not occur because of a fear of backlash, i.e. hired so l ely because friend, race or gender. Minorities and women are capable but unfortunately not given the chances to prove themselves Minorities and women who are technically and educationally prepared are consistently overlooked for positions This is partly due to the overwhelming presence of good of' boy network at various l evels (managers m i d managers executives) within the industry Minorities must continue the struggle and take responsibility for their own future by being prepared and seiz ing opportunit i es 206

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR Beverly G Ward received the Master's Degree in Pub lic Administration f ro m the University of Alabama at Birmingham, with concentrations in Organizationa l Management and Urban Planning and Design, and the Bachelor's Degree in Psych ology and Film / D rama from Vassar College. Her research interests include life-cycle trave l behavior impact and risk assessment and risk management. She is a member of the America n Ant hropological Association American Society for Public Administration Commu nity Impact Assessmen t Design Team C o nference of Minority Transportation Off icials and the S oc iety for App l ied Anthropology She also has served on the Transportation Researc h Board Transit Cooperative Research Program (TCRP) Synthesis Panel J-7 She is the proud parent of Ghani A Ward-Cabil and Amina R. Ward-Shahid, two remarkable people and a member of the Religious Society of Friends of the Truth (Quakers)


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